simonin. wakatobi, indonesia. rural resilience 2013

ACSF-Oxfam Rural Resilience Project

Case Study: Wakatobi, S.E. Sulawesi, Indonesia

Paul Simonin PhD Candidate

Natural Resources Cornell University

March 2014

Atkinson Center for a Sustainable Future

www.acsf.cornell.edu

Wakatobi, Indonesia !"#$

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Atkinson Center for a Sustainable Future & Oxfam

Rural Resilience Report: Wakatobi, S.E. Sulawesi, Indonesia

Community-level Participatory Assessment, 2013

Paul Simonin

Introduction

The Wakatobi, or Tukangbesi, Archipelago is located in the Sulawesi Tenggara (Southeast

Sulawesi) province of Indonesia (Figure 1). Sulawesi, formerly Celebes, is a mountainous

and culturally diverse island in the Greater Sunda group. Four main islands, Wangi-Wangi,

Kaledupa, Tomia, and Binonko, make up the Wakatobi Archipelago, along with numerous

smaller islands. The work summarized in this report was conducted during June and July of

2013 to study community resilience in this region.


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Two nearby villages, Ambeua and Sampela, on the island of Kaledupa were the specific

focus of this work. Ambeua is a coastal community on mainland Kaledupa, and Sampela is

composed of stilt homes built over the water offshore, and both villages are heavily reliant

on marine resources for food, materials, and income generating activities. Ambeua residents

are of Butonese descent, originally coming to the islands of the Wakatobi from Buton, a

larger island north of the Wakatobi archipelago. Sampela is inhabited by Bajau, or Sama,

people, a seafaring ethnic group found throughout Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philipines.

In this report, a community resilience profile will be outlined, with a focus on governance,

civic capacity, natural resources, economic resources, and knowledge transfer. Interview

data will be presented and our methods described. Finally, reflections on these findings and

our overall process will be discussed.

Figure 1) Map of Wakatobi Regency/National Park in Southeast Sulawesi, Indonesia.


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Community resilience profile

Governance

The name “Wakatobi” is an acronym of the four main islands in the Tukangbesi archipelago

(Wangi-Wangi, Kaledupa, Tomia, and Binongko), and now the official name of the Marine

National Park and Regency in this area. The Wakatobi Regency, within the Sulawesi

Tenggara province, is headquartered in Wanci on the island of Wangi-Wangi, and divided

into eight districts. The work described in this report took place primarily in the Kaledupa

District (kecamatan), in the villages (desas) of Ambeua and Sampela/Sama Bahari.

Leaders at each of these governmental levels are elected by popular vote, with Kapala Desas

(English: “village heads”) in charge of village – level decisions, Camats in charge at the

district level, and Bupatis in charge of regencies. Anyone is legally able to run for any of

these positions of leadership, and though most positions are filled by men, women leaders

do exist at most levels of government. Leaders can be removed by popular vote, and are also

accountable to higher levels of government, though power has been continuously

decentralized over the past decade in the country.

About 90,000 people live in

the Wakatobi Regency, and

about 10,000 in the Kaledupa

district. Ambeua and Sampela

combine to include roughly

2,000 people, most of whom

are actively engaged in the

community’s life. Voting rates

were not available, but it is

generally believed that any

registered citizen may vote

freely. Community meetings are quite well – attended, though not held regularly, and most

citizens are comfortable approaching the Kapala Desas of Ambeua and Sampela with

questions or other issues to discuss.


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Desentralisasi (decentralization) policy nationwide in Indonesia has led to increases in the

official political power of local government leaders. Communities as well have thus been

officially given more sovereignty through this process. However, this increased official

power and independence has not always been accompanied by increased capital or monetary

resources with which to govern and enact new local structures or policies. The relatively

young nature of desentralisasi, though, seems to give local leaders hope that these necessary

resources may eventually come.

Civic capacity

Several local organizations and institutions are present in Ambeua and Sampela, mostly

dealing with spiritual and vocational aspects of community life. In Ambeua, the Islamic faith

affects all aspects of individual and community life, and the local mosque serves as an

important meeting place and center for the community. Daily and weekly prayer and

worship are core focal practices for the village. The research reported here was conducted

partly during the holy month of Ramadan, thus the cultural influence of Islam was

practically enhanced during this time as well.

In Sampela, most community members are also officially registered as Islamic, but a much

smaller proportion of the community actually practices the Muslim faith. Previous work in

this community suggested that ten percent or less of community members observed

Ramadan, and that traditional Bajau/Sama spiritual beliefs are much more important and

influential.

Vocational

organizations include a

women’s craft

cooperative in the

village of Ambeua,

which serves to bring

women together from

around the island of

Kaledupa. The

distribution of weavings


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and other locally – made goods is sometimes coordinated through this organization, as are

trainings and other knowledge – sharing events. The organization owns a building near a

primary market space near Ambeua, so goods can be sold directly from this space, and it is

an ideal location for workspace and other events.

An organization called “Forum Kaledupa Toudani” (FORKANI) is also based in Ambeua,

and is quite influential in the mobilization of cultural and social capital throughout

Kaledupa. FORKANI is particularly involved in historical preservation and education

activities, and has a staff of 4-6 people who travel around Kaledupa and lead various

community events. They are particularly involved in environmental conservation issues and

discussions, and coordinate marine and fisheries records for several villages in addition to

leading policy advocacy efforts on behalf of fishers and local communities. FORKANI

coordinates what is called the “Kaledupa Fisheries Forum,” which includes representatives

from each fishing village, and exists to facilitate communication and fisheries management

among regional fishers.

Non-local environmentally – focused organizations are also present in Ambeua and

Sampela, though they have less practical influence in these villages. The Nature

Conservancy-Indonesia, Worldwide Fund for Nature-Indonesia, and Conservation

International-Indonesia have all had programs and short-term projects in the Wakatobi and

these villages. At the moment, though, no local staff are maintained in Ambeua or Sampela,

though The Nature Conservancy currently provides funding for several FORKANI

activities. Operation Wallacea, a UK-based environmental organization also has a seasonal

presence on nearby Hoga Island, where it runs an ecological research station. Few local

individuals are currently involved in the leadership of this organization’s operations, but

many work at the field station during the months of June – August each year.

FORKANI is the primary locally – run organization that maintains ties to related national

and international organizations, and this is done for a number of reasons. Funding for certain

FORKANI activities has historically come from international organizations, and they

continue to apply for appropriate grants when possible. Also, though, FORKANI has

become a primary player in most broader Wakatobi cultural and environment movements,


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and has thus played a key role in organizing protest activities on several occasions, and other

related events.

Natural resources

Ambeua and Sampela lie near the heart of the most biologically diverse marine region on

Earth, and the sea has

played a central role

in nearly all aspects

of life in these

villages for hundreds

of years. The

seascape around

Ambeua and Sampela

is composed of

fringing coral reefs

around Kaledupa and

Hoga Islands, with

associated seagrass beds nearby. These fringing reefs then drop into offshore waters that

quickly reach depths of 300-500 meters. Shorelines in the region are mostly either sand

beaches or mangrove forests, with infrequent rock ledges. On the island of Kaledupa, coral

bedrock has been covered with tropical forest, though little uncultivated land exists on the

island. Fresh groundwater is present on Kaleldupa, but not on Hoga Island.

Ambeua, being on Kaledupa, has easy access to land-based resources, and historically

maintained control over these resources. Sampela, however, being built entirely over or on

the sea, has easy access to marine resources but must trade or bargain for goods from

Kaledupa. Thus, it is common for families in Ambeua to own a small plot of land outside the

village, on which they grow staple crops such as opa and canu (types of yams), cassava, and

other crops for subsistence use and possibly sale. These families may also fish or

occasionally harvest marine resources, but such activity is not universal. Among Ambeua

families, land is generally held privately, though some communal grazing land is shared.


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In Sampela, easy access to marine resources is available, though the inverse of the

comparative advantage Ambeua has in regard to ownership is not true. In other words,

though Sampela citizens may be excluded from land access on Kaledupa, Kaledupans are

not excluded from sea access by Sampelans. However, the Bajau of Sampela do have much

greater ease of access because they literally live over part of the reef. At low tides they also

have easier access to tidal flats where invertebrates are harvested. All Sampela families are

in some way involved in the harvest of marine resources, and most keep some for

themselves and sell or trade whatever is left within the village or in Ambeua.

Citizens of Sampela travel frequently to Ambeua to obtain water, but this water is now

freely available at the harbor there. Women often carry out this task, and may bring back

extra to sell to other families in the village, thus creating a loosely – organized water

economy. Wood also may be either freely harvested from mangroves around Kaledupa, or

one may purchase wood from one who has previously cut it. The cutting of mangrove wood

is officially prohibited within the Wakatobi National Park boundaries, which encompass the

entire region, but this regulation is laxly enforced.

Economic resources

One main market exists for both the villages of Ambeua and Sampela, and it is located at the

harbor near Ambeua. In this market space, fish are sold daily along with produce from

Ambeuan agriculture. Most fish sold in the market are from Sampela Bajau fishers whose

wives bring recently – caught fish over in canoes at least once a day.

Also sold in the market

are packaged foods,

plastic goods, mobile

phones, and clothing.

The number of vendors

selling these types of

goods has increased

notably in recent years,

and most of these shops

are owned by wealthier


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individuals from a different Island (Wangi – Wangi or Buton). In response to this growing

number of non-food shops, a new permanent structure was built of cement and tile one year

ago. It is now filled with shops containing clothing and imported products, though these

shops appear to be currently lacking in customers.

The primary exports from Sampela and Ambeua currently are fish, coconuts, and agar. Fish

are exported in a variety of forms, and in recent years the live fish trade has remained viable

in addition to processed food fish. The live fish trade is primarily connected with Hong

Kong, and fish for both hobby aquariums and restaurants are shipped out of the Wakatobi in

tanks aboard ships and possibly planes. Dried fish are also exported occasionally, though

this is less common, and frozen fish are also exported on occasion. It is common for fishers

to sell smaller fish locally, and only ship the occasional larger individuals outside the region.

For this type of export procedure, fish are often processed locally, then shipped via boat

through Bau Bau, on the island of Buton.

Agar is being grown in increasing quantities in the region, and is a type of seaweed

cultivated for its carrageenan, which is a thickener commonly used in processed foods.

Growers in Ambeua and Sampela typically grow the agar and dry it locally, then ship it via

boat to carrageenan extraction plants outside the Wakatobi. It has been suggested the

building a local extraction plant would boost incomes, but the capital necessary to build such

a plant does not currently exist. Coconuts are similar in that they are typically shipped

outside the region for final processing and sale mostly in national markets. Carrageenan is

typically sold on international markets, with growers in the Philippines currently producing

most of the world’s supply.

Labor for these export industries is readily available within Ambeua and Samela, and thus

labor markets seem quite localized in the region. It is common, however, for young male

fishers from Sampela to travel outside the region, often to Sabah, Malaysia, to work on

fishing vessels and send money home to their families for at least several years. This does

not seem to be a new phenomenon, though, and Sampela elders say that it has always been

common for Bajau people to move frequently in search of work as fishers. Written records

from other parts of Indonesia also support this claim, and show that for hundreds of years


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Bajau fishers from the Wakatobi and elsewhere have been instrumental in international

shark fishing and specialty fishing throughout the islands of what is now Indonesia.

In addition to trade in monetary units, a barter economy is also common in smaller market

transactions, with fish often traded for other food products or vice versa. Gifts are also quite

common, both on special holiday occasions and during times of grief or particular need.

Knowledge sharing and learning

In both Sampela and Ambeua, knowledge is shared in numerous informal ways. Knowledge

of natural resource use is the most evident example of this, and fishing knowledge in

Sampela in particular. Bajau men and women both participate in various aspects of fishing

and marine resource harvesting, and the most evident knowledge transfer takes place

between parents and children. Young children grow up on and in the water, and most can

swim as soon as, or before, they can walk. Children then begin to travel out on various

fishing and harvesting trips with parents or other relatives, and begin to observe and learn

the activities of their elders. Children also may attend primary school in Sampela, though

most do not attend after about age seven. In school they typically learn some amount of

language and reading skills, and these skills may be further developed informally when

needed. Thus the passing on of marine and fishing knowledge is generally given highest

priority, though this seems often to be an implicit decision within families instead of one

made at higher community – wide levels.

In Ambeua, some amount of marine – related experiential learning also takes place, though

it seems this may be less than in Sampela. Young people still travel on fishing boats

throughout childhood and understand many of the ways of the sea at an early age, but

terrestrial livelihood practices are also learned at a young age. For instance coconut growing

and processing is common among some Ambeua families, and it is common for women to

teach young girls how to process coconut, and to involve them in this work at an early age.

The growing of various root vegetables is also commonly experienced and taught quite early

in life. In other Wakatobi island villages, metal working and weaving are also common

skills and income – generating activities, and are thus often passed along to children, though

neither of these activities are particularly common in Ambeua. In all cases, this kind of

livelihood – generating knowledge is implicitly deemed valuable and worth passing along.


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In regard to formal and explicit knowledge transfer, several institutions exist in both

Sampela and Ambeua which serve to facilitate knowledge sharing. The formal education

system is the most obvious institution present in both villages, though school attendance

rates in Sampela are quite low. In Ambeua, however, school attendance rates are much

higher, and a secondary school is present as well. These schools primarily teach language

and mathematics skills, along with smaller amounts of history and science.

FORKANI also has a role in sharing knowledge of history and natural science to individuals

of all ages in both Sampela and Ambeua. The organization conducts educational events at a

number of local schools in which they share knowledge regarding Kaledupan cultural

history through various activities, and also encourages the observation of traditional festivals

throughout the year. FORKANI also shares natural history and environmental knowledge

with Ambeua, Sampela, and other communities on Kaledupa through school gatherings and

community – wide events.

In terms of other broader influences, occasional travel by citizens from both Ambeua and

Sampela also brings new knowledge and influences into these communities from more

extended networks outside the Wakatobi. Hoga Island biological station and a small dive

resort on Hoga also serve to bring outsiders into this region. Finally, radio is present and

television access has become increasingly common in these villages over the past five years,

bringing with it knowledge and influences from elsewhere in Indonesia and around the

world.

Perspectives on resilience

To gather perspectives on

resilience, two community

meetings were held, and 15

interviews conducted. One

community meeting and eight

interviews were held in


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Sampela, whereas one meeting and seven interviews were conducted in Ambeua. Local

partners primarily facilitated these meetings, with my guidance, and I conducted the

interviews with a local partner present. Participants were openly willing to join in these

gatherings, though several needed additional encouragement to share thoughts openly,

which was expected. We will now step through the six main components of resilience that

were raised in these discussions.

Environmental

Factors related to what we would call the “environment” were by far the most commonly

raised. Within this broad category, issues related to the marine system were of primary

concern, which was not surprising given local reliance on aquatic resources.

Male Sampela resident:

“The main problem we face is catching fewer fish than we used to. We need fish to survive.

Everyone here fishes.”


“Fishing and living on the sea is who we are. We are sea people. Without the sea we will not

be Bajau. But the sea will always be here, and there will always be fish, we just have to find

them. All the fishing here these days is pushing the fish farther offshore; they are scared

away and harder to catch, but there are still enough.”


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Female Sampela resident:

“We live from the sea; it is who we are. Bajau are meant to be on the sea. I mostly do

gleaning and collect sea cucumber and urchin. We keep the urchin, but usually sell sea

cucumber. I used to go all around Kaledupa to collect at low tide, but now I stay near

Sampela. But, there are not as many around Sampela as there used to be.”

Male Ambeua resident:

“We do not catch as much in our fish fences as we used to. Maybe we catch half as much

now. This is because there is too much gill net fishing. The Bajau fishers put their nets all

around our fish fences.”

Female Ambeua resident:

“We eat fish every day; everyone does. Except each family has one species they don’t eat.

But everyone eats fish. I only know one person on Kaledupa who doesn’t eat fish. He is sick,

but he still eats fish sometimes. Not everyone here fishes anymore, but if one doesn’t fish,

fish can be bought; most people probably buy fish these days.”

Aquaculture has also become more common in the area, and components of this practice

may be considered additional “environmental” resilience components.


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Male seaweed farmer:

“About a third of my income comes from agar [red algae/seaweed aquaculture], and I also

fish and grow coconut. Most of my agar now gets the disease. Disease doesn’t affect the

price, but I think it slows down the growth. Maybe it shades them? I don’t make as much

farming agar as I used to.”

Pearl farming has also started at one location around Kaledupa, but nobody from Sampela or

Ambeua are yet involved in this activity. It seems the operation itself is owned by a

wealthier investor from Bali, but that the labor comes from a different Kaledupan village

called Buranga.

Coral is also collected by many families for use in home construction and other

infrastructure. While abundant, the current rate of coral harvest may be faster than that of

coral growth, and is thus an additional concern to some individuals.

Terrestrial uncultivated resources were also mentioned occasionally, with mangrove wood

seemingly of primary concern. Wood collection of this kind is officially illegal within the

national park, but is still quite common, especially for families from Sampela who have no

other access to woody material. Most collection is done by women, though men are

occasionally involved in moving larger logs for construction.


“Wood is necessary for us on a daily basis for cooking, but we are told we cannot gather

wood from the mangroves. But there is no other place to gather wood from, so we must go

there. We just collect from farther within the mangroves. The officials never search inside

the forest, just on the edge from boats at sea. We fill our canoes then look to see if the coast

is clear of police before paddling back to Sampela.”


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In regard to both terrestrial and aquatic resources, it seemed it was the quantity and quality

of resources that were of primary concern in terms of livelihood stability and hope for the

future.

Weather and seasons were final environmental components that were mentioned as affecting

lives in both Sampela and Ambeua. El Nino and La Nina cycles, though not given these

names, were noted as having become more noticeable in recent years, and several

individuals mentioned they thought storms had become more frequent during the historic

“small wave” calm season.


“In the past we never used to have storms like this one [interview conducted during large

wind/rain storm] at this time of year. These storms should only happen during the big wave

season, not now.”

The frequency and manner of mentioning environmental issues in all our interviews and

focus groups led us to consider this category of resilience factors as particularly prominent

in the lives and minds of Sampela and Ambeua citizens.

Economic

Economic changes throughout the Wakatobi region were also mentioned in our discussions

on a relatively frequent basis. Until the past 50 years, the most common income – generating

activities in the area were trading, fishing, or metal working, with small – scale farming

done for subsistence purposes only. The historic name for what is now called the Wakatobi

Archipelago was in fact the “Tukang Besi” Archipelago, which means “expert metal

workers.” Today, metal working is only still practiced on the island of Binonko in the

southernmost part of the Wakatobi despite the widespread nature of this expertise and trade

as recent as 30-40 years ago.


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There has also been an increase in outside investment in the Wakatobi region in recent

years. In particular, most stores selling industrially – manufactured goods are currently

owned by businesspeople from other parts of Sulawesi, and the growing pearl aquaculture

operation around Kaledupa is owned by investors from Bali.


“More people work building infrastructure, and in stores and schools, than ever before.

Traditional jobs are not what young people want.”


“I think most Bajau people still want to fish. But people may also want to purchase a few

more things than they used to. So, they may have to go work at something else or fish on big

Malaysian boats for a while to earn more money.”


“I think many young people want to go to University then get a job in a more urban area;

maybe in Makassar. Very few seem to want to return to Kaledupa.”


“One trade we have almost entirely lost is boatmaking. We still make boats of course, but

not in the distinct Wakatobi style we used to have. Our boats used to travel and trade all

around Indonesia, but now it is mostly Bugis boats you see.”

Geopolitical

Indonesian state institutions have changed dramatically over the past two decades since the

fall of Suharto in 1998. Change has been primarily for the better in the eyes of most Ambeua


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and Sampela residents. Under the state’s new constitution, decentralization policies have

dominated these shifts, some of which have gone more smoothly than others. In general, it

seems most individuals feel their personal freedom has increased dramatically in recent

years. Also, though, individuals seem to feel the national government has often provided too

little financial support to local governments, which have been given increased legal

responsibility under recent administrations.

The regulation and governance of offshore waters around the Wakatobi was an issue also

raised by local fishers in Sampela and Ambeua. Sampela fishers in particular felt their

ability to fish offshore had been restricted in recent years, likely due to the National Park

zonation scheme, which restricts fishing at some atolls in the region. Many also mentioned

former travels to international waters on larger fishing vessels for shark and tuna fishing,

which are now not possible. Increased enforcement of shark fishing bans in Australian

waters was also mentioned as affecting Bajau fishing practices in an undesirable way,

leading to questions about their future life as fishers.


“Shark fishing used to be my main livelihood, but the last time I went my boat was seized by

Australian authorities. They took our big net as well. We were south of Timor, so my crew

and I were stranded and had to work for several months in Timor to earn passage back to

Sampela. I will never have enough money to replace the boat or net, so have been fishing

around here since then. That was about 15 years ago; I still miss that life very much.”

Governance

Many individuals in both Ambeua and Sampela mentioned the importance of FORKANI in

the local governance of fishing resources in this area. It was also mentioned by individuals

and FORKANI staff, though, that they feel little actual regulatory power is in their hands.

These dynamics are clearly related to the aforementioned decentralization trends nationally.

Male Sampela fisher:


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“I would not mind using different mesh nets or changing my fishing techniques, but there

are no rules overall, so I am not sure what I do makes any difference.”

Female FORKANI staff:

“We have been working with fishers in many local villages and have put together fishing

bylaws which have been agreed upon by representatives from each village. These have been

submitted to the regency government for approval, but that was over one and a half years

ago. They have still not approved them, so none are being actually enforce, and everyone is

beginning to forget about them here…”

Education and schooling

Primarily in Sampela, many parents felt access to formal education was an important and

lacking factor in the life of their village. The Sampela Kapala Desa (Village head) also cited

formal school education as a great need, because he says less than ten percent of the

village’s young people attend school past age 7-9.



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“We need better education for our children if we are to have a good future. Children do not

go to school for very many years, and are not there for a very long time even when they

attend. Without schooling, they may not be able to succeed.”

Samplela Kapala Desa:

“I think one major improvement we still need is improved education. We now have a school,

but not many people attend, and don’t attend for many years. Teachers come over from

Kaledupa, and so do not know the Bajau and our culture. We need more creative education,

and we need to be teaching within our own community and training teachers here.”

Family and community relationships

Finally, all participants to some degree cited relationships with family and friends as of

primary importance in the long term

positive trajectory of their lives. In

particular, family members and

community relationships were mentioned

as important in an individual’s ability to

respond and cope with stresses of

various kinds. Money may be sent back

to family members from sons or

husbands working in other places as far away as Malaysia or Thailand, and networks of

friends are spread among islands throughout South and Southeast Sulawesi. Emotional

support also comes through family members and close friends, in addition to religious

institutions in the community. Religious institutions also seem to play a particularly key role

in long term community stability and positive change.



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“My son went away to work on a fishing boat in Sabah and sent us money he was earning.

This helped us purchase things we needed here and survive when we did not have much

income.”


“We often borrow things from neighbors and relatives; everyone does. I often fish with

others too, so we can work together. We do not all need to own everything.”


“I often work with my neighbor. And my brother and sister-in-law live two houses away, so

we do many things together. Working with others makes life easier and more enjoyable, and

we support each other.”


“We all used to share fishing work much more than we do now. In the past, there was only

one fish fence per village, and everyone would share whatever was caught amongst the

village. Now most people want their own, so there are many more fences and fewer people

work together. This probably is not good, but it allows people to make money individually. I

think we still know how to share, though, and could do so if we needed.”

Several local leaders on Kaledupa echoed similar sentiments, as did staff from FORKANI.

In fact, during the time this research was being conducted, FORKANI leaders and several

village heads from Kaledupa visited the Regency government and proposed Kaledupans be

given support to facilitate a return to historic communal fishing and fisheries management

practices. The sharing of fish fences was one example they proposed to the Regency

government.

Additional thoughts about “resilience”

The perspectives on resilience shared in interviews and at community meetings could likely

be sliced and categorized in many ways, but the above six focal areas reflect the primary


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thoughts raised by participants. Environmental issues and change in the region, primarily in

the form of fisheries and other sea-based issues, seemed of primary importance. Increasing

fishing pressure and habitat degradation has led to decreases in the quality and quantity of

sea-based resources around Kaledupa, and it seems the effects of this change are

increasingly being felt by local communities.

Despite being the main issue raised when thinking through topics surrounding resilience, the

environment has not been the primary source of trauma in these communities in recent

memory. Minor shocks have come in the form of unpredictable weather and lower fish

catches, but geopolitical change in the late 1990s, specifically the fall of Suharto, was cited

as the primary dramatic change of recent years. Despite the importance and influence of this

event, most individuals do not seem to predict political changes will be traumatic or

particularly influential in their community in the near future.

When thinking about the future, resilience was not a word or concept easily translated into

Bajau or Kaledupan languages. However, our partners at FORKANI were again particularly

helpful, and we came to use the word “Toudani,” the last word in their organization’s name,

to help communicate our concept. Toudani may be roughly translated as “remembering

fondly/positively/appreciatively.” So, we used this word to discuss how the life of these

communities may be remembered in this way. In other words, is our community’s life

currently “remembered in a positive light” (i.e., toudani)? What would need to happen to

make this so?

In traditional Bajau understandings, time is not as linear as in most Western perspectives,

which initially added an additional layer of complexity to our discussions. It seems, though,

the Bajau understanding, in which time and life continually loop back on themselves, may

actually be a deeply helpful form of resilience thinking. This perspective on time is founded

upon spiritual beliefs which also include many complex cyclical dynamics and feedbacks

between the world and the individual, thus further deepening the interconnected perspective

of the Sampela community. Thus, beliefs about how and why the world works were also

found to be influential. In a related manner, hope was consistently mentioned as an

important component of a resilient life and community. One woman from Sampela said,

“We need to believe the future will be good. If we did not, why would we go on?”


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In Ambeua similar sentiments were expressed at times, though Islam played a larger role in

the spiritual life of the community. Allah was thus noted as having sovereignty over life’s

circumstances, and as the one who provided constancy and assuredness over time. Since this

work was partially conducted during Ramadan, the power of Islam in this community may

have been enhanced at this time, but participants largely noted Islam as the guiding belief

system outside of Ramadan as well.

To live more resiliently in the future many items in each of the above six focal areas were

mentioned, and most of these have already been included in previous quotes and summaries.

In general, most individuals seemed to suggest they desired more decision making power at

the local and community governance level. The right do make such decisions has already

been given, but actual capital to enforce management and governance decisions was seen to

be lacking. A stabilization of energy prices was also desired, and recent fossil fuel price

volatility was a common cause of anxiety among men in particular. Finally, recent declines

in fish catches were again raised as a concern, and it was stated that stabilization of these

declines were necessary if their lives were to continue well.

Assessing resilience in these communities was somewhat challenging but also a relatively

smooth process. Our methods seemed generally appropriate, though at times may have

benefitted from additional specificity. In particular, translating resilience into Bahasa

Indonesia and local languages was challenging, and seems to raise concerns regarding how

well these data may be comparable to responses from other regions where this concept and

word may have been interpreted and translated slightly differently.

An additional challenge I found regarding our methods was in respect to the scale of our

assessments. In the region I studied, I chose to focus on two distinct communities/villages

because they live in very close proximity and interact constantly. Most of the time, I thus

asked questions and carried out our methods twice, once in Sampela and once in Ambeua.

However, some of our broader questions in reality did not likely need to be addressed in this

manner, and could have only been asked once to a combined representative sample of

people from both villages. Similarly, some questions seemed to be scaled more on an

individual level, and thus addressing them on a one- or two-village scale seemed

inappropriate. Also, at other times our discussion seemed to begin addressing the resilience


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of non-human entities (e.g., the resilience of reef fish populations) instead of the actual

human community. In a human-ecological system like these, this issue was expected, but it

emphasized that our choice of boundaries in these systems (i.e., what is considered “in” the

system, and thus of interest to us, and what is “out”) may be quite influential.

Acknowledgements

This work would not have been possible without our close partnership with FORKANI staff

and representatives around Kaledupa. Andar, Beloro, Nusi, and Wahid provided helpful

feedback throughout, and were a delight to work with.

simonin. wakatobi, indonesia. rural resilience 2013

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