OPERANT TECHNIQUES I N SCHOOL PSYCHOLOGY 141

descriptive techniques, and non-parametric statistical methods. The degree of detail and precision depends upon the teacher and the school psychologist.

CONCLUSION A t the beginning of this article, recognition was given to the fact that the role

of the school psychologist is changing to that of a consultant to the schools. Pre- sumably the basis for this change lies in the problems and demands which the school has placed before the psychologist. The psychologist has had to adapt, to modify his methods, to solve problems outside the purview of his training. Out of this is emerging the consultant role, a role being defined more by experience than by training.

The role is still in its formative stages and the task a t hand is to provide it with increasing definition. The operant approach offers one way to move in the direction of accomplishing this task.

REFERENCES DERNER, G. F. Comments on the emerging role in school psychology. Psychology in theSchools, 1965,

LETON, D. A. School psychology: its purposes and directions. Psychology in the Schools, 1964, 1,

LINDSLEY, 0. R. Consultant’s comments. N E A Journal, in press. MCDANIEL, L. J., & AHR, E. The school psychologist as a resource person initiating and conducting

2, 350-351.

187-190.

inservice teacher education. Psychology i n the Schools, 1965, 9, 220-224. SCHMIDT, K. M., & PENA, F. The psychologist &s a consultant in the schools. Psychology i n the

Schools, 1964, 1, 419-425.

SECURITY PATTERNS OF EDUCABLE MENTALLY RETARDED BOYS I N RELATION TO SPECIAL CLASS PLACEMENT

MARVIN J. FINE

University o j Kansas

The rapid expansion in the last decade of special class facilities for the mentally retarded is based on the premise that the mentally retarded child will have a more satisfying and beneficial educational experience in a special class setting. There exists, however, real question as to what advantages for the mentally retarded child the segregated classroom provides. Proponents of special education point to the small number of students in each of these classes, to the specially trained teacher and to a peer group of similarly retarded children, indicating that these factors con- tribute toward the retarded child’s general adjustment and toward a positive educa- tional milieu for him. While the findings of several studies on the effects of special class placement for mentally retarded children have been in the direction of sup- porting these views of special educators, there is a definite lack of finality and con- clusiveness to such findings (Blatt, 1958; Ainsworth, 1959; Thurstone, 1959; Cassidy

142 MARVIN J. FINE

& Stanton, 1959). The diverse findings as to the effects of special class experiences have been summarized by Johnson (1962), Quay (1963) and Sparks & Blackman (1965). Additionally, there are data (Meyerowitz, 1962) which suggest negative reactions by children to being segregated in a special class.

The position against segregation of the educable mentally retarded child is based in part on the belief that this child, who is already relatively insecure because of the stresses he has experienced in his social-emotional development, may become even more insecure as a result of the rejection and personal inadequacy implied by formal class segregation.

The dimension of security seems basic to the arguments for and against special classes. Discourses on the effects of special classes frequently allude to the security or insecurity of the child as a function of the educational milieu, but it is paradoxical that almost no empirical studies have yet investigated this relationship. Such a study is needed and could potentially shed more light on what enrollment in special classes accomplishes for the mentally retarded pupil.

Accordingly, the purpose of this study was to examine the effect which special class placement has on the security of educable mentally retarded boys. The def- inition of security was drawn from the writings of William Blatz, (1951, 1966) who conceives of security as the openness or willingness of the individual to face the forces of his environment, to develop productive coping skills, to make decisions and to accept responsibility for his behavior. The Institute of Child Study Security Test (Grapko, 1964) represents an operationalizing of Blatz’s theory, and this test (Primary Form) was used in the study. The test is in the form of a story and the subject is called upon to rank alternative choices of behavior in certain situations. Each of the four alternatives is the personification of a specific sub-dimension of security, as defined by Blatz.

For example one course of action involves the making of an independent de- cision and the willingness to accept the consequences (Independent Security). While this approach sounds like the basic definition of security itself, within the context of the theory and test it is initially viewed as one course of action. Seeking support or advice in the making of a decision represents another category of response (Im- mature Dependent Security). A third category is that in which the child avoids making a decision or accepting the logical consequences by such strategies as ration- alization, projection or denial (Deputy Agent). The fourth category occurs when the child is psychologically immobile in the face of having to make a decision (In- security).

By analyzing the patterns of response a number of scores can be derived, in- cluding a total security score (SS), and a total consistency score (CS). The latter score depicts the extent to which the child has consistently preferred certain cate- gories of response in the several story situations. The security score depicts the similarity of the overall pattern of choices to an ideal pattern based on security theory.

METHOD The subjects, in total, were 79 boys between the ages of nine and twelve years and with I&

scores (S. B. or WISC) between 60 and 80. All of the subjects attended the Lansing, Michigan, public schools. Through reviewing the records of the special education department, 26 boys were selected who had spent one to two years in special classes (short term group) and 26 boys who had spent two

SECURITY PATTERNS OF EDUCABLE MENTALLY RETARDED BOYS IN PLACEMENT 143

and one-half to five years in special classes (long term group). In addition, through the records of the psychological services and the special education department, a number of boys were located who met the age and I& criteria, but who were still enrolled in regular classes. A few were absent at the time of testing, reducing this group to 27. It was subsequently found that no significant differences existed among the three groups in terms of I& or chronological age.

The Security Test was administered to these subjects in either small groups or individually when the child indicated a reading problem.

RESULTS The group scores on the six sub-measures of security were subjected to a one-

way analysis of variance technique to initially determine if specific differences did exist among the three groups on one of the security dimensions.

Where significance was obtained individual t tests were applied to locate the source of the difference.'

The findings based on statistical analysis are summarized as follows:

A. Consistency of responses to situations (CS) 1. The long term group was more consistent in their response pattern

than the short term group. (Data significant at the .05 level.) 2. There was no significant difference between consistency scores of long

term and regular class groups. 3. The regular class group was more consistent in their response patterns

than the short term group. (Data significant at the .05 level.)

The long term group was more secure than the short term group. (Data significant at the .05 level.) The long term group was more secure than the regular class group. (Data significant at the .05 level.) There was no significant difference between regular class and short term groups on security scores.

The long term group had greater preference for this behavior than did the short term group. (Data significant at the .05 level.) The long term group had greater preference for this behavior than did the regular class group. (Data significant at the .05 level.) There was no significant difference between short term and regular class groups for this course of action.

Since the F value derived from the analysis of variance did not obtain significance, it was, assumed that significant differences did not exist among the scores of the three groups.

Preference for deputy agent behavior (DA) 1. The short term group had greater preference for this behavior than did

the long term group. (Significant at the .05 level.)

B. Overall security pattern (SS) 1.

2.

3.

Preference for independent security behavior (IS) 1.

2.

3.

D. Preference for immature dependent security behavior (IDS) 1.

C.

E.

'Tabular material has been deposited &s Document No. 9128 with the American Documenta- tion Institute. Copies may be secured by citing the document number and remitting $1.25 for photo- prints or $1.25 for 35 mm. microfilm. Advance p a y t is required. Make checks or money orders payable to: Chief, Photoduplication Service, AD Auxiliary Publications Project, Library of Con- gress, Washington, D. C.

144 MARVIN J. FINE

2.

3.

Preference for insecurity behavior (INS) 1.

There was no significant difference in preference between the short term group and the regular class group. There was no significant difference in preference between the long term

group and the regular class group.

Since the F value derived from the analysis of variance did not obtain significance, it was assumed that significant differences did not exist among the scores of the three groups.

Based on the foregoing analysis and findings, the two following conclusions seem justified:

1. There were no substantial differences in the security patterns of the regular class and short term special class groups.

2. The long term group was generally more willing to make independent de- cisions and accept the consequences of their behavior (therefore exhibiting greater security behavior) than either the short term or regular class groups.

F.

DISCUSSION The results are interpreted as being in support of the argument that special

class placement does enhance aspects of the retarded child’s personal adjustment. However, the increase in security behavior apparently takes time to develop, and so for a period of time the new special class student maintains his old response to decision making situations.

Explanations of the dynamics of the increased development in security behavior could be approached in several ways. From an operant point of view it may be that the child, over a period of time in the special class, receives greater reinforcement for the defined security behavior in the special class. The reinforcement may occur in the form of (a) the experience of failure being removed or lessened in terms of teacher and peer reaction when the child attempts independent behavior, or (b) the existence of direct encouragement of independent behavior, personified either tangibly in a reward system or intangibly in the attitude of the teacher.

From a social or interpersonal learning model, it could be that the child takes on a self perception consistent with the more positive way that the special class teacher perceives the child, and this in turn precipitates more productive and in- dependent behavior. It would also seem plausible to anticipate that either in a causal or concomitant fashion, the child develops greater internal locus of evaluation and control as he develops increasingly secure behavior. There is also the likelihood that school attitudes and adjustment may feed back to the home and that the parents may subsequently develop different attitudes and expectations toward the child.

If the security behavior of these children is an actuality rather than a paper- pencil test phenomenon, then it follows that the behavior ought to be measurable in more direct ways. A system of interactional analysis, for example, might depict the nature of the teacher-child and child-peer interaction in the special class that is presumed to antecede the development of greater security behavior.

One difficulty in interpreting the results of this study lies in the factor of selectibility for special class placement of mentally retarded children. The reason

SECURITY PATTERNS OF EDUCABLE MENTALLY RETARDED BOYS IN PLACEMENT 145

why some of these pupils are identified earlier for special placement is not clear. One suggestion has been that those who present more marked problems in adjust- ment or ability are placed first. The ability level of the three groups of retarded subjects in this study, however, was an equated factor. If there was an initial adjustment difference among the groups, then the subjects placed first should have lower social or personal adjustment and, in terms of the study, the first placed sub- jects would be expected to be less secure than those placed later. However, the data depicts the long term group, the first placed, as being more secure than either of the other groups of retarded subjects.

There are many other variables affecting placement which are difficult to explain. An example is the delay in testing pupils whom teachers suspect to be mentally retarded. Conceivably, it can be several months from the time a teacher becomes concerned about a child until he is tested. There is also the problem of finding an opening in the special class setting for the child who has been found to be retarded, and again, it may take several months before such a pupil can be placed. All these factors do, of course, tend to cloud the issue of placement and one cannot just assume what ingredients may cause early or late placement.

The test used has been found to be acceptably valid and reliable with normal children in grades one through three (Grapko, 1964). A pilot study was completed by this writer with several educable mentally retarded children and the test was judged to be acceptable for this group. However, the absence of extensive validity or reliability studies on the test with retarded children does question high accuracy of the data.

SUMMARY Three groups of educable retarded boys were identified in the Lansing, Michi-

gan Public Schools. One group had been in special classes a short time (one to two years), another group had been in a long time (two and one-half to five years) and the third group was still scattered throughout regular classes. All of the subjects were between the ages of nine and twelve and had an I& between 60 and 80. There was no significant difference in age or I& found among the three groups.

The obtained data generated the following conclusions: 1.

2.

There were no substantial differences in the security patterns of the regular class and short term special cIass groups.

The long term group was generally more willing to make independent decisions and accept the consequences of their behavior (therefore exhibiting greater security behavior) than either the short term or regular class groups.

These findings were interpreted both from an operant and social learning position.

Some of the limitations of the study were discussed, most notably the sampling procedures, and suggestions for additional research were offered.

REFERENCES AINSWORTH, S. H. An exploratory stud of educational, social and emotional factors in the education

of mentally retarded children in deorgia public schools. U . S. Ofice of Edwatirm Cooperative Research Program, Project No. 171, Athens: University of Georgia, 1959.

BLATT, B. The physical, personality and academic status of children who are mentally retarded at- tending regular rlasses. American Journal of Mental Deficiency, 1958, 6.2, 810-818.

146 MARVIN J. FINE

BLATZ, W. E. Understanding the young child. London: University of London Press, Ltd., 1951. BLATZ, W. E. H u m a n security: some reflections. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1966. CASSIDY, V. M., & STANTON, J. E. An investigation of factors involved in the educational placement

of mentally retarded children: a study of differences between children in special and regular classes in Ohio. U. S. Office of Education Cooperative Research Program, Project No. 043, Columbus: Ohio State University, 1959.

GRAPKO, M.F. Instilute of Child Study Security Test Primary Form. Toronto: University of Toronto, 1964.

JOHNSON, G. 0. Special ediiration for the mentally retarded-a paradox. Exceptional Children, 1962, 29, 62-69.

MEYEROWITZ, J. H. Self-derogation in young retardates and special class placement. Child Develop- ment,, 1962, 33, 443-551.

QUAY, LORENE. Academic skills. In N. Ellis (Ed.), Handbook of mental deficiency. New York: Mc- Graw-Hill, 1963. Pp. 664690.

SPARKS, H. L., & BLACKMAN, L. 8. What is special about special education revisited: the mentally retarded. Journal of Exceptional Children, 1965, 31, 242-247.

THURSTONE, THELMA G. An evaluation of edricating mentally handicapped children in special classes and in regular grades. U . S. Office of Education Cooperative Research Program, Project No. OE- SAE-6‘452, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1959.

TECHNICAL LANGUAGE IN THE SCHOOL PSYCHOLOGIST’S CHAUNCY N. RUCKEH.

University of Iowa

REPORT’

In order for a school psychologist’s evaluation to be useful to a teacher, his findings and recommendations must be expressed clearly. If the report is ambiguous, the psychologist and the teacher have wasted their time, and an adequate educa- tional plan will not be developed for the child. Several writers (Hammond & Allen, 1953; Huber, 1961; Iilopfer, 1960) have stressed the point that the report must be written in practical language free from technical jargon.

Investigations concerned with the psychologists’ communication in B clinical setting (Cuarda & Albaugh, 1956; Garfield, Heine, & Leventhal, 1954) have re- sulted in the following general findings: (a) the intention of the report writer is often misinterpreted, even by other psychologists, (b) psychologists’ definitions are often abstract, highly conceptualized, academic, and technical, (c) there is wide dis- agreement among psychologists as to the definitions of many terms, and (d) psycho- logical reports are often criticized for their use of jargon, and ambiguity. These in- vestigators have suggested that reports be concise, avoid generalities and jargon, and give supporting data for certain kinds of inferences.

The practice of employing jargon in reports appears to be one of the most serious blocks in communication between the psychologist arid the teacher, and appears to be maintained only as a means of bolstering the psychologist’s self image.

‘The author should like to express his appreciation to Kaoru Yamamoto for his coiistructive criticism and editorial assistance, and to Donald L. Carr for his help in the collection of data. Thanks are also due to Gerald Solomons, M.D., Director of the Child Development Clinic, who made the clinic’s facilit.ies available for this research.