rural employment and rural-urban differences in employment in zaire: a comparative perspective

14
RURAL EMPLOYMENT AND RURAL-URBAN DIFFERENCES IN EMPLOYMENT IN ZAIRE: A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE 1 David Shapiro and Sharon Shapiro This article provides evidence on the extent of de-agrarianization, the nature of rural employment, and rural-urban differences in employ- ment in Zaire. The composition of employment by industry is exam- ined using data from Zaire's 1984 Census. Increased schooling was associated with a greater propensity to be involved in nonagricultural employment. Since 1990, Zaire's chronic economic crisis has become acute and is intertwined with the political crisis resulting from Presi- dent Mobutu's resistance to popular calls for democratization. In these circumstances, de-agrarianization is effectively put on hold. Nonagri- cultural employment opportunities have diminished considerably, and an increasing proportion of the country's population is being pushed back to subsistence agriculture. INTRODUCTION Bryceson has defined de-agrarianization as "a process of economic activity reorientation, occupational adjustment and spatial realignment of human settlement away from agrarian patterns. ''~ This article provides evidence on the extent of de-agrarianization, the nature of rural employ- ment, and rural-urban differences in employment in Zaire. We examine the composition of employment by industry, making use of data from Zaire's 1984 Census. The focus is on the province of Bandundu, which is immediately to the east of the capital, Kinshasa. For comparative pur- poses, data are presented for rural Bandundu, urban Bandundu, and Kinshasa. This permits identification of rural-urban differences and ex- amination of how the nature of employment changes in moving from rural to smaller and then larger urban settings. Data on the industrial composition of employment allow one to ad-

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Page 1: Rural employment and rural-urban differences in employment in Zaire: A comparative perspective

R U R A L E M P L O Y M E N T A N D R U R A L - U R B A N

D I F F E R E N C E S IN E M P L O Y M E N T IN Z A I R E :

A C O M P A R A T I V E P E R S P E C T I V E 1

David Shapiro and Sharon Shapiro

This article provides evidence on the extent of de-agrarianization, the nature of rural employment, and rural-urban differences in employ- ment in Zaire. The composition of employment by industry is exam- ined using data from Zaire's 1984 Census. Increased schooling was associated with a greater propensity to be involved in nonagricultural employment. Since 1990, Zaire's chronic economic crisis has become acute and is intertwined with the political crisis resulting from Presi- dent Mobutu's resistance to popular calls for democratization. In these circumstances, de-agrarianization is effectively put on hold. Nonagri- cultural employment opportunities have diminished considerably, and an increasing proportion of the country's population is being pushed back to subsistence agriculture.

INTRODUCTION

Bryceson has defined de-agrarianization as "a process of economic activity reorientation, occupational adjustment and spatial realignment of human settlement away from agrarian patterns. ''~ This article provides evidence on the extent of de-agrarianization, the nature of rural employ- ment, and rural-urban differences in employment in Zaire. We examine the composition of employment by industry, making use of data from Zaire's 1984 Census. The focus is on the province of Bandundu, which is immediately to the east of the capital, Kinshasa. For comparative pur- poses, data are presented for rural Bandundu, urban Bandundu, and Kinshasa. This permits identification of rural-urban differences and ex- amination of how the nature of employment changes in moving from rural to smaller and then larger urban settings.

Data on the industrial composition of employment allow one to ad-

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58 The Review of Black Political Economy/Fall 1994

dress the question of the extent of nonagricultural employment in rural areas. In addition, we look at differences by gender and by educational attainment. This allows us to identify important characteristics associated with access to nonagricultural employment. Boserup characterized sub- Saharan Africa as "the region of female farming p a r e x c e l l e n c e ''3 (em- phasis in original), and from this perspective we would expect nonagricultural employment in rural areas to be more heavily concen- trated among men than among women. Further, schooling frequently serves to provide access to nonagricultural employment, 4 so we antici- pate rural residents with higher levels of schooling to be more likely to be employed outside of agriculture. The Census data allow us to deter- mine the extent to which gender and increased schooling are associated with access to nonagricultural work.

An important aspect of labor markets in developing countries is their dualistic nature, reflected in the presence of both a modern sector and an informal sector. In order to examine this aspect, we provide data from the Census on class of worker (salaried worker, self-employed, unpaid fam- ily worker, etc.) separately by location within Bandundu and by major industry group. Self-employed workers and unpaid family workers are found almost exclusively in the informal sector. Salaried workers (em- ployees) may be found in either sector, but they are more likely to be found in the modern sector. Hence, the proportion of total employment represented by salaried workers may be taken as a crude first indicator of the extent to which modern sector employment is present in a particular industry or location.

In addition to examining the aggregate data from the Census, we use household data on individuals from a 1985-86 survey of rural smallholders to examine differences by age and gender in participation in nonagricultural activities. We also explore linkages between the agricultural and nonfarm sectors. These data come not only from Bandundu, but also from four other provinces that are included in Zaire's Southern Band--an impor- tant concentration of rural and urban populations accounting for roughly 20 percent of the country's land area and 40 percent of the population.

Figure 1 identifies Zaire's eleven provinces and the Southern Band. With an estimated 1994 population of 4.9 million, Bandundu had a popu- lation of nearly 3.8 million in 1984, representing just over 12 percent of the country's population) Land area is more than 295 thousand square kilometers, making the province comparable to Italy in size. The corre- sponding 1984 population density of thirteen persons per square kilome-

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Shapiro and Shapiro 59

FIGURE 1

ter was equal to that for the country as a whole. Like the rest of Zaire outside of Kinshasa, the province is predominantly rural, with 87 percent of the population residing in rural areas. 6

Bandundu is a major food-producing region, accounting in 1989 for 20-25 percent of estimated national production of groundnuts and con- tributing substantially to cassava and maize production as well. 7 It is a principal source of food for Kinshasa. 8 The province has been character- ized in recent decades by considerable intensification of agricultural pro- duction, most notably in the form of land extensification and shortening of fallow periods. This agricultural intensification was encouraged by the improved access to urban markets following the opening in 1979 of a paved road linking Kinshasa to the province's largest city, Kikwit. There

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60 The Review of Black Political Economy/Fall 1994

is some indication that this intensification is having adverse environmen- tal consequences, in the form of deforestation and loss of soil fertility. 9

Urban Bandundu consists of the capital, Bandundu City (with a popu- lation of 64,000 in 1984), Kikwit (population 149,000), and nineteen smaller urban centers with a total 1984 population of 288,000 and hence average population of about 15,000. HJ In the analysis of Census data on the composition of employment by industry and location presented be- low, we divide urban Bandundu into the two large cities and the remain- ing urban centers.

The next section looks at rural employment in the context of rural- urban comparisons, and seeks to identify the extent of nonagricultural employment, who (in terms of gender and schooling) is involved in employment outside of agriculture, and the terms of that employment (informal vs. modern sector). This is followed by a section using data from the Southern Band survey, with emphasis on identifying the nonagricultural activities of household members and how these activities are related to agricultural production efforts within the household. The concluding section discusses the likely consequences for de-agrarianization and rural employment resulting from changes in educational attainments that have taken place in recent decades. We also consider the implica- tions of Zaire's current economic crisis.

RURAL E M P L O Y M E N T AND RURAL-URBAN COMPARISONS

The composition of employment by industry and by location, overall and by gender, is shown in Table 1. II Focusing first on the data for all workers, it is apparent that agriculture is far and away the predominant activity in rural Bandundu, accounting for more than 80 percent of total employment. The significance of agricultural employment is by no means confined to the rural areas, however: the majority of workers in urban Bandundu is also engaged in agriculture. This reflects the fact that nearly two-thirds of employment in the smaller urban centers is in agriculture. Within Bandundu, only in the two cities does agriculture account for less than half of total employment, and even then it is still the largest sector of employment.

Manufacturing, services, and commerce are the three principal indus- tries besides agriculture. In rural Bandundu these three industries repre- sent about one-sixth of total employment, compared to 38 percent in urban Bandundu (31 percent in the smaller urban centers and 44 percent

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Shapiro and Shapiro 61

TABLE 1 Distribution of Employed Workers by Industry, Location, and Gender

r

Gender/Location

(Percentages)

Industry

A , = , , = , ;,ano g I Se = I Com=r:o I ' b,o + t r

All Workers - ] Rural Bandundu 82.0 4.3 5.5 7.2 99.0 1(30

Urban Bandundu 57.0 6.3 16.4 15.5 95.2 1(30

Smaller urban centers 65.1 5.6 14.3 11.6 96.6 [ 1O0

Cities 37.4 7.9 21.2 24.8 91.3 t 100 I

Kinsha.sa 9.6 14.1 24.8 34.6 83. i t tO0

Mal~

Rural Bandundu 67.9 9.4 9.4 97.5 I00

Urban Bandundu 32.4 I 1.7 19.2 90,5 I00

Smaller urban c=n-'rs 41.3 11.I 15.8 93.3 100

Cities 14.2 12.9 26.2 84.9 100

Kinsha.sa 7.6 18.3 22.8 7"7.6 I00

Females

Rural Bandundu 92.4 0.5 . [ . 1.5 5.5 99.9 [ 1130

Urban Bandundu 81.3 0.9 [ 5.6 11.8 99.6 [ I00

Smaller urban centers 86.8 -- 0.6 I 4.6 7.8 99.8 I 100 B I

Citi=s 66.0 1.8 8.5 23. I 99.4 l 100

KJnshasa 14.4 3.8 14.8 63.6 96.6 100

I0.8

27.2

25.1

31.6

28.9

+Sum of percentages in Agriculture, Manufac tu r ing , Service, and C o m m e r c e . *Includes other industry groups not shown in table. Source: Za i re ' s 1984 Census.

in the two cities), and 73 percent in Kinshasa. Further, it may be noted that as one moves from rural to progressively larger urban places, not only do these three industries grow in importance, but also the proportion of total employment represented by the four industries identified in the table falls steadily, reflecting increasing diversification in the urban econo- mies.

Stratification by gender highlights the fact that in the rural areas nonagricultural employment is confined almost exclusively to men. That is, Census data indicate that just over two-thirds of men are employed in agriculture, with the bulk of the remainder almost evenly distributed

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62 The Review of Black Political Economy/Fall 1994

among manufacturing, services, and commerce. By contrast, over 90 percent of rural women work in agriculture, and only in commerce with just over 5 percent of female workers is there a concentration of women in nonagricultural employment.

The greater propensity of women than of men to be in agriculture is also evident in urban Bandundu and in Kinshasa. The greatest contrast by gender is in Bandundu's two cities, where two-thirds of the women work- ers but only 14 percent of the men work in agriculture. Only in Kinshasa, where women are heavily concentrated in commerce, does one find a majority of female workers outside of agriculture. Thus, while movement from rural to progressively larger urban areas is associated with increased diversification of employment away from agriculture for both men and women, the extent of this movement is distinctly greater for men.

Table 2 provides information on education and industry by location. The top portion of the table shows the distribution of workers within each educational attainment group across the major industries. Regard- less of one's place of residence, access to nonagricultural employment is closely linked to schooling. In rural Bandundu, for example, nearly 90 percent of those with no formal schooling are in agriculture, and more than 80 percent of those with a primary school education worked in agriculture.

Only beyond primary school are there notable proportions of rural individuals working in other industries. Forty-five percent of workers with secondary schooling are employed outside of agriculture, with the largest group in services (including principally the public sector). More than 80 percent of university-educated individuals living in rural areas are employed outside of agriculture, with an overwhelming concentration in services. Similar patterns are evident for urban Bandundu and Kinshasa: increased schooling is associated with a decreased likelihood of being in agriculture and an increased probability of being employed in the service sector.

The bottom part of Table 2 shows the schooling distributions of work- ers overall by location and separately for each industry. Comparison of the schooling distributions of all workers across locations highlights the fact that educational attainments in rural Bandundu (with over half of all workers having no schooling) are distinctly below those in urban Bandundu, which in turn are lower than the schooling levels of workers in Kinshasa. While only 11 percent of workers in rural Bandundu have at least a secondary education, the corresponding figures for urban Bandundu

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Shapiro and Shapiro 63

T A B L E 2

Schooling of Workers by Industry and Location

A, Distribution Across Industries by Schooling Groups

Schooling of Workers

Rural Bandundu None Primary Second'a:ry University Total

Urban Bandundu None

Agriculture

88.6 80.8 55, i 19,0 80,2

80.0

Manufacturing

3.1 5.8 5.2 3.6 4.2

3.3

Service

1.7 3.7

27.7 70.9

5.4

5.2 Primary S econd-a:.r'y University Total

Kinshasa None Primary Secondary University Total

62,9 29,1

2.7 56,8

22,5 12,2 5,1 3.5 9,5

6.9 8.6 4.5 6.2

8.1 14.2 16.7 9.4

13.8

8.5 35.0 75.6 16.2

13.3 17.2 28.6 51.8 24.3

Commerce

5.9 8.2

10.6 4.0 7.1

9.3 16.0 21.1 9,1

15.3

45.8 38.7 31.6 14.9 33.7

Other"

0.7 1.5 1.4 2.5 3.1

2.2 5.7 6.2 8.1 5.5

10.3 17.7 18.0 20.4 18.7

Total

I00 100 I00 100 100

100 100 100 100 100

I00 I00 100 100 100

B. Distribution Across Schooling Groups by Industry

Schooling of Workers

Rural Bandundu None Primary Secondary University Total

Urban Bandundu None Primary Secondary University Total

K.inshasa None Primary Secondary University Total

Agriculture

56.2 36.3

7.5 0",1 100

42.3 42.6 15.0 0.1 i00

Manufacturing

37.4 49.0 13.4 0.2

I00

15.8 42.7 40.4

1.1 100

Service

I6.1 24.9 55.7

3.2 100

9.7 20.0 63.3

7.0 100

Commerce

42.3 41.4 16.2 0.1

100

18.2 40.3 40.6

0.9 100

36.1 35.8 25.2

2.8 I00

9.0 28.7 57.0

5.3 100

8.4 19.8 55.5 16.4

100

20.7 31.9 44.0

3.4 I00

All Workers +

51.9 36.7 11.1 0.2

100

30.2 38.7 29.6

1.5 100

15.6 28.4 48.1

7.9 100

*Includes Mining, Construction & Public Works, Utilities, Finance/Insurance/Real Estate, and Transport & Communications. +Includes other industry groups not shown in table. Source: Zaire 's 1984 Census.

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64 The Review of Black Political Economy/Fall 1994

and Kinshasa are 31 percent and 55 percent, respectively. This phenom- enon reflects both the higher levels of school enrollment as one moves from rural to small to larger urban settings, and the tendency of better- educated individuals to migrate to larger urban areas.

In considering the educational distributions of workers separately by industry, it is apparent that nonagricultural employment is more school- ing-intensive than agriculture. This is particularly the case with respect to the service sector. Thus, for example, nearly 60 percent of workers in services in rural Bandundu have at least a secondary education, while only 16 percent of rural service workers have no schooling. Commerce and manufacturing also have relatively high proportions of rural workers with at least a secondary education, although commerce is clearly the least schooling-intensive nonagricultural sector. This pattern is apparent as well for the urban areas.

The composition of employment by class of worker and location, overall and by industry, is given in Table 3. The overall differences by location are dominated by the effects of different industry mixes. That is, for example, the predominance of (smallholder) agriculture in rural Bandundu ensures that the vast majority of workers (over 90 percent) is composed of independents and unpaid family workers. At the same time, the large difference between Bandundu and Kinshasa in the composition of agri- cultural employment, with nearly a quarter of Kinshasa's agricultural workers being salaried as compared to 3-4 percent of those in Bandundu, reflects the greater relative importance in Kinshasa of modern sector agriculture within total agricultural employment, lz

Similarly, the composition of manufacturing employment varies sys- tematically by location, with the proportion of salaried workers increas- ing sharply as one moves from rural to urban areas in Bandundu and again to Kinshasa. For services and commerce, salaried workers repre- sent a higher proportion of total industry employment in urban areas as compared to rural areas, but the differences between urban Bandundu and Kinshasa are minimal. These data suggest, then, that most manufac- turing employment in rural areas is informal sector employment, while the modern sector accounts for a substantial minority of manufacturing employment in urban Bandundu and a majority of such employment in Kinshasa. Commerce is principally an informal sector activity, irrespec- tive of location, while service employment is by and large a modern sector phenomenon.

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Shapiro and Shapiro 65

TABLE 3 Class of Worker by Industry and Location

, i

Location/Class of Worker Industry

Agriculture Manufacturing

Rural Bandundu

Salaried 2.8 26.4

Other 97.2 73.6

Independent, Employer 73.1 67.9

Unpaid Family Worker, Apprentice 24.1 5.7

Total I00

Urban Bandundu

103

Salaried 4.2 42.3

Other 95.8 57.7

~dep~dent, Empl.o.yer

Unpaid Family Worker, Apprentice

75. i 52.5

20.8 5.2

Total I00 103

Kdashasa

Salaried I 24.2 71.3

Other I 75.8 I 2g.7

Independent, Employer j 63. i 24.6

Unpaid Family Worker, Apprentice 12.6

Total { 103

4.1

100

Service [Commerce I Total ~

83.3 I0.0 9.6

16.7 90.0 90.4

12. i 7g.5 69.3

4.5 11.5 21.1

103 103 IO3

93.3 22.0 27.9

6.7 78.0 72.1

6,1 70.6 58.6

0,6 7.4 13.5

100 103 103

92.3 23.6 '.1 58.5

7.7 76.4 41.5

6.0 71.7 37.5

1.6 4.7 4..0

100 I00 1130

*Includes other industry groups not shown in table. Source: Zaire's 1984 Census.

PARTICIPATION IN NONAGRICULTURAL ACTIVITIES AND LINKAGES BETWEEN AGRICULTURAL AND NONAGRICULTURAL ACTIVITIES IN RURAL AREAS

This section looks at data from the Southern Band survey of rural households. In the twenty villages where the survey was conducted, vir- tually all of the households were agricultural households. 13 Further, while there are modern sector agricultural plantations located within the South- ern Band, the villages covered by the survey were not proximate to these enterprises (only 5 percent of adult men and 3 percent of adult women

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66 The Review of Black Political Economy/Fall 1994

indicated that they worked as salaried agricultural workers). Overall, formal nonagricultural activities enumerated in the survey were quite infrequent, consisting almost entirely of public sector service employ- ment (functionary). More specifically, among males aged fifteen and over, 8 percent were employed as functionaries (the corresponding figure for women was 1 percent), largely reflecting the fact that several of the villages included in the survey were administrative centers. 14

While the locations covered by the survey provided only limited op- portunities for formal employment, individuals did engage in a variety of nonagricultural activities, including commerce, hunting, fishing, handi- craft work, and school. Table 4 shows the participation of individuals aged fifteen and over in these activities, separately by gender, and Table 5 further disaggregates by age. There are significant differences by gen- der in participation in each activity other than fishing. Clearly, men are more actively involved in nonagricultural activities than women. 15 There are significant differences by age among both women and men in partici- pation in each activity other than fishing and hunting. Most notable in this regard is the low propensity of the youngest age group (15-24) to engage in any of the nonagricultural activities other than schooling.

Shapiro, analyzing the Southern Band data with a focus on ascertain- ing the determinants of farm size, found that increased household size (in terms of number of adults) did not translate into proportional increases in farm size. 16 This finding suggested that larger households tended to di- versify their activities to nonagricultural pursuits more extensively as compared to smaller households. It is of interest to examine the data on agricultural and nonagricultural activities of individuals to determine the linkages between household composition and participation in these ac- tivities.

An individual's involvement in agriculture is significantly related to household composition.17 Greater numbers of females over age fifteen in the household tend to reduce the likelihood of any individual woman or man doing agricultural work. Increased numbers of adult males in the household do not affect participation of females, but do significantly reduce the likelihood that any individual male will participate in agricul- ture. Greater numbers of dependent children tend to increase the likeli- hood of men doing agricultural work while not influencing women's agricultural participation.

In view of these influences of household composition on participation in agriculture, we expected to find parallel effects regarding nonagricultural

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Shapiro and Shapiro 67

TABLE 4 Participation Rates for Nonagricultural Activities, by Gender

(Percentage Participating)

Activity

.F~t~ing

Females

2O

Males

I9

Chi-Square

.02

r

Probability

.ST7

.Hunting 0 20 83.99 .000

Handicraft work 11 1.9 9.48 .002

Student 6 18 28. t6 .000

Commerce 45 28 23.37 .000

At least one nonagricultural activity 63 79 23.6d. .1200

At least one nonagricultural activity 35 73 117.07 .000 ,excluding commerce

Mean number of a_~tivitie~ 0.42 1.01 ~ |

Source: 1985-86 Southern Baad Survey.

activities. That is, we anticipated that greater numbers of adults in a household would increase the propensity of any individual (and espe- cially males) to be involved in nonagricultural pursuits. This was not the case, however: household composition had no significant impact on an individual's participation in nonagricultural activities, other things equal.

While this finding seems puzzling at first, we believe that it reflects the importance of the surrounding environment in providing opportuni- ties for nonagricultural pursuits. For both women and men, there were significant differences by location in participation in nonagricultural ac- tivities. This suggests, then, that when opportunities for nonagricultural employment are available, smallholders will attempt to take advantage of them, and make corresponding adjustments in their agricultural produc- tion activities. ~8

CONCLUSIONS AND PERSPECTIV E S F O R T H E FUTURE

In attempting to assess the implications for de-agrarianization and ru- ral employment of the data presented in this article, two considerations stand out. First, we saw earlier that increased schooling was associated with a greater propensity to be involved in nonagricultural employment.

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68 The Review of Black Political Economy/Fall 1994

TABLE 5 Participation in Nonagricultural Activities, by Age and Gender

(Percentage Participating)

Activity

Age Group

15-24

25-34

35-44

45-54

55-64

65 and over

Total

Chi-Square

Probability

Fishing Hunting Handicrafts Student Commerce

F M F M F I M F M F I M m L

14 I0 0 3 4 5 15 44 31 14

27 28 0 28 17 22 i0 5 62 46

25 28 0 34 12 23 0 2 54 34

16 21 2 40 7 36 0 0 31 '~0

17 27 0 27 14 33 0 0 55 22

15 17 0 17 38 39 0 0 38 39

I 20 19 6 18 45 28 20 19 0 11

I 6.98 17.42 6.14 53.36 19.11 41.53 48.25 115.94 28.53 33.45

.222 .004 .293 .000 .002 .000 .000 .000 .000 .000

Source: 1985-86 Southern Band Survey.

Evidence from the Census for rural Bandundu documents the substantial increases that took place in the educational attainment of the adult popu- lation between independence in 1960 and 1984. Thus, for example, among 50-54-year-old males in rural Bandundu in 1984, more than half had no schooling while only 4 percent had reached secondary school, while among their 25-29-year-old counterparts, 43 percent had reached sec- ondary school. Among rural Bandundu women in 1984, fully 92 percent of 50-54-year-olds had never been to school while that proportion had fallen to 51 percent among 25-29-year-olds, 10 percent of whom had reached secondary school.

There were also high levels of enrollment in school among younger individuals as of 1984, foreshadowing continued increases in the educa- tional attainment of the rural work force. Nearly 80 percent of rural males aged 10-14 were in school, as were 70 percent of those aged 15- 19 and over 40 percent of those aged 20-24. The corresponding figures among females were nearly 60 percent, 35 percent, and just under 10 percent, respectively. These data suggest that there have been further increases in the educational attainment of the population that should be conducive to increased nonagricultural employment.

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Shapiro and Shapiro 69

Changing characteristics of the work force reflect the supply side of the labor market. However, it is necessary as well to consider the demand side (i.e., nonagricultural employment opportunities), and here the prog- nosis is definitely pessimistic. Since 1990, Zaire's chronic economic cri- sis has become acute, and intertwined with the political crisis resulting from President Mobutu's resistance to popular calls for democratization. Hyperinflation of 2-3,000 percent per year and more has characterized the economy, and following the riots and civil disorder in late 1991 and again in early 1993, the modern sector of the economy has shrunk con- siderably. Fuel is extremely scarce and very expensive, and transporta- tion of food from rural to urban areas has become increasingly problem- atic. The situation in Kinshasa has deteriorated so badly that some re- ports suggest that there has been considerable migration from the city back to the rural areas.

In these circumstances, de-agrarianization is effectively put on hold. Nonagricultural employment opportunities have diminished considerably, and an increasing proportion of the country's population is being pushed back to subsistence agriculture. It seems likely, then, that the proportion of employment that is nonagricultural has decreased rather than increased in recent years, and in the present chaotic economic and political situa- tion, this trend may well continue for some time.

NOTES

1. An earlier version of this article was presented at the African Studies Centre- International Labour Organization workshop on "De-agrarianization and Rural Em- ployment," May 10-12, 1994, Leiden, The Netherlands. We are grateful to Kathleen Lockard for research assistance. Responsibility for the contents of this article rests solely with the authors.

2. Deborah F. Bryceson, De-agrarianization and Rural Employment Generation in Sub-Saharan Africa: Process and Prospects. Working Paper vol. 19 (Leiden, The Netherlands: African Studies Centre, 1993), p. 5.

3. Ester Boserup, Woman's Role in Economic Development (London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1970), p. 16.

4. See further David Shapiro, Labor Markets in Kinshasa and Bandundu. Unpub- lished report prepared for Cornell University Food and Nutrition Policy Program. University Park, PA: Department of Economics, The Pennsylvania State University, 1992.

5. S. a Pitshandenge Ngondo, L. de Saint Moulin, and B. Oleko Tambashe. Perspectives ddmographiques du Zaire1984-1999 & Population d'dtge ~lectoral en 1993 et 1994. (Kinshasa: Centre d'Etudes Pour l'Action Sociale, 1992,)

6. This figure is somewhat higher than that for the country as a whole: excluding Kinshasa, Census data indicate that 79 percent of the population was rural (see Institut National de la Statistique, Zaire: Un Aper~u D6mographique, Kinshasa:

Page 14: Rural employment and rural-urban differences in employment in Zaire: A comparative perspective

70 The Review of Black Political Economy/Fall 1994

Minist~re du Plan et Am6nagement du Territoire, R6publique du Zai're, 1991). Kinshasa is Zaire's only urban province, and as of 1984 had an estimated population of nearly 2.7 million.

7. David Shapiro and Eric Tollens, The Agricultural Development of Zaire (Aldershot, England: Ashgate Publishing Ltd., 1992).

8. Frans Goossens, Bart Minten, and Eric Tollens, Nourrir Kinshasa: L'approvis- ionnement local d'une mdtropole africaine (Paris: Editions L'Harmattan, 1994).

9. David Shapiro, "Population Growth, Changing Agricultural Practices, and En- vironmental Degradation in Zaire." Population and Environment, 16 (3), 1995, pp. 221-236.

10. lnstitut National de la Statistique. Za~re Recensement scientifique de la Popu- lation-Juillet 1984 - Totaux Ddfinitifs. (Kinshasa: Ministate du Plan et Am6nagement du Territoire, R6publique du Zaire, 1991).

11. The Census data used for this and the next two tables are unpublished data from Shapiro (1992), cited in note 4.

12. It should be noted, however, that total employment in modern sector agricul- ture was greater in Bandundu (rural and urban combined) than in Kinshasa (see Shapiro, 1992, cited in note 4).

13. Service d'Etudes et Planification, Enqu~te de la Bande Sud du Zafre. Rapport No. 2. (Kinshasa: Service d'Etudes et Planification, D6partement de I'Agriculture, R6publique du Zaire, 1987).

14. Service d'Etudes et Pianification, Enqu~te de la Bande Sud du Za~re. Rapport No. 1. (Kinshasa: Service d'Etudes et Planification, D6partement de l'Agriculture, R6publique du Zaire, 1986.)

15. By contrast, women are more actively involved in agriculture than men, as reflected both by the number of agricultural activities in which individuals engage (see Sharon Shapiro, Participation in Agricultural and Nonagricultural Activities Among Adults in the Smallholder Sector in Zaire. Unpublished Master's Thesis. University Park, PA: Department of Agricultural Economics and Rural Sociology, The Pennsylvania State University, 1994); and by gender differences in workers' contribution to land under cultivation and hence production (see David Shapiro, "Farm Size, Household Size and Composition, and Women's Contribution to Agri- cultural Production: Evidence from Zaire." Journal of Development Studies 27 (1), 1990), pp. 1-21.

16. David Shapiro, "Farm Size, Household Size and Composition, and Women's Contribution to Agricultural Production: Evidence from Zaire." Journal of Develop- mentStudies 27 (1), 1990, pp. 1-21.

17. The discussion in this and the following paragraph is based on multivariate analyses of participation in agricultural and nonagricultural activities by individuals, covered by the Southern Band survey. These analyses, reported in Shapiro (1994), cited in note 15, were estimated separately for females and males, and controlled for age, household composition, and the administrative district within which the indi- vidual resided. This approach was meant to highlight the importance of individual, household, and community characteristics as influences on participation in agricul- ture and in nonagricultural activities.

18. The Southern Band survey data did not permit examination of seasonal pat- terns of activity. To the extent that nonagricultural employment opportunities are seasonal in nature, this means that the data might well miss such activities.