researching the south african tourism and development nexus

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GeoJournal 60: 201–215, 2004. © 2004 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands. 201 Researching the South African tourism and development nexus Gustav Visser 1 & Christian M. Rogerson 2 1 Department of Geography, University of the Free State, P.O. Box 339, Bloemfontein 9300, South Africa (E-mail: [email protected]); 2 School of Geography, Archaeology and Environmental Studies, Univer- sity of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, Private Bag 3, P.O. Wits 2050, Johannesburg, South Africa (E-mail: [email protected]) Key words: local economic development, nature-based tourism, pro-poor tourism, responsible tourism, South Africa, spatial restructuring Abstract Under apartheid, tourism was essentially anti-developmental in focus and tourism research largely centred on the recreation of white South Africans. Since the 1994 democratic transition tourism has become recognised as an increasingly important sector for South Africa’s economy and for achieving the government’s goals for reconstruction and development. In this paper a review and critical analysis is presented of the changing directions and foci of tourism scholarship in South Africa. It is shown that South African scholars are beginning to respond to the challenges posed by tourism as a developmental focus. Introduction Of all the sectors of South Africa’s economy, tourism was that most adversely affected by apartheid and subsequent international sanctions. As a direct result of apartheid pro- grammes, the volume of international tourism flows was severely curtailed leading to the closure of South African tourism promotion offices in many parts of the world. Moreover, apartheid legislation circumscribed also the po- tential of domestic tourism as the majority Black population could not enjoy access to certain facilities, most notably certain beaches, which were deemed the exclusive pre- serve of South Africa’s privileged white population. Under apartheid, therefore, in many respects, tourism was anti- developmental. The directions of tourism research followed suit. To a large degree, as Baskin (1995, p. 115) observes, the history of tourism and of tourism research in South Africa “has not been about development, its focus has been the economics of white elite leisure”. Since the democratic change, this situation has shifted markedly. In post-apartheid South Africa, tourism is viewed as an essential sector for national reconstruction and de- velopment (South Africa, 1996, 1998). Accordingly, the developmental impacts and issues surrounding the changing tourism economy need to be understood as a major research priority. The task of this paper is to furnish an overview of recent research progress, trends and debates taking place amongst South African tourism researchers. At the outset, it is necessary to make clear that the number of South African based researchers who might be classed as active research- ers of tourism is relatively small. It fact, many so-termed ‘tourism researchers’ are in reality only part-time tourism scholars and would be characterised in their other research incarnations also as (part-time) urban or development geo- graphers, economists, town planners and so on. Moreover, it must be appreciated that few South African universities have dedicated Tourism Studies departments, a situation which reflects their reluctance to recognize tourism as a separate academic discipline (Foggin, 2003). Thus, at present, in con- trast to the significant policy attention that tourism receives from government departments and agencies, South Africa does not enjoy the luxury of dedicated institutions and re- search support for tourism scholarship that exists in many countries of Western Europe and North America. In reviewing the development of South African tourism writing, therefore, one is necessarily providing a synthesis of the changing research interests and outputs of a handful of local scholars and their associated research students, past and present. The modest output of local research in the field of tourism studies is perhaps most clearly demonstrated by the limited range of published monographs or books that relate to South Africa’s tourism economy. Although there exist several important and lengthy policy research docu- ments (see in particular The Cluster Consortium, 1999), as well as a growing stream of post-graduate research theses (for a review see Visser, 2004) only during 2004 has the first scholarly book appeared to address squarely the theme of tourism and development in post-apartheid South Africa (Rogerson and Visser, 2004). Overall, it remains that whilst a number of rich tourism research investigations have been undertaken during the past decade, the observation made ten years ago by Cassim (1993, p. 115) still holds true that overall “tourism research in South Africa is not well developed”.

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GeoJournal 60: 201–215, 2004.© 2004 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.

201

Researching the South African tourism and development nexus

Gustav Visser1 & Christian M. Rogerson2

1Department of Geography, University of the Free State, P.O. Box 339, Bloemfontein 9300, South Africa(E-mail: [email protected]); 2School of Geography, Archaeology and Environmental Studies, Univer-sity of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, Private Bag 3, P.O. Wits 2050, Johannesburg, South Africa (E-mail:[email protected])

Key words: local economic development, nature-based tourism, pro-poor tourism, responsible tourism, South Africa, spatialrestructuring

Abstract

Under apartheid, tourism was essentially anti-developmental in focus and tourism research largely centred on the recreationof white South Africans. Since the 1994 democratic transition tourism has become recognised as an increasingly importantsector for South Africa’s economy and for achieving the government’s goals for reconstruction and development. In thispaper a review and critical analysis is presented of the changing directions and foci of tourism scholarship in South Africa.It is shown that South African scholars are beginning to respond to the challenges posed by tourism as a developmentalfocus.

Introduction

Of all the sectors of South Africa’s economy, tourism wasthat most adversely affected by apartheid and subsequentinternational sanctions. As a direct result of apartheid pro-grammes, the volume of international tourism flows wasseverely curtailed leading to the closure of South Africantourism promotion offices in many parts of the world.Moreover, apartheid legislation circumscribed also the po-tential of domestic tourism as the majority Black populationcould not enjoy access to certain facilities, most notablycertain beaches, which were deemed the exclusive pre-serve of South Africa’s privileged white population. Underapartheid, therefore, in many respects, tourism was anti-developmental. The directions of tourism research followedsuit. To a large degree, as Baskin (1995, p. 115) observes, thehistory of tourism and of tourism research in South Africa“has not been about development, its focus has been theeconomics of white elite leisure”.

Since the democratic change, this situation has shiftedmarkedly. In post-apartheid South Africa, tourism is viewedas an essential sector for national reconstruction and de-velopment (South Africa, 1996, 1998). Accordingly, thedevelopmental impacts and issues surrounding the changingtourism economy need to be understood as a major researchpriority. The task of this paper is to furnish an overviewof recent research progress, trends and debates taking placeamongst South African tourism researchers. At the outset, itis necessary to make clear that the number of South Africanbased researchers who might be classed as active research-ers of tourism is relatively small. It fact, many so-termed‘tourism researchers’ are in reality only part-time tourism

scholars and would be characterised in their other researchincarnations also as (part-time) urban or development geo-graphers, economists, town planners and so on. Moreover, itmust be appreciated that few South African universities havededicated Tourism Studies departments, a situation whichreflects their reluctance to recognize tourism as a separateacademic discipline (Foggin, 2003). Thus, at present, in con-trast to the significant policy attention that tourism receivesfrom government departments and agencies, South Africadoes not enjoy the luxury of dedicated institutions and re-search support for tourism scholarship that exists in manycountries of Western Europe and North America.

In reviewing the development of South African tourismwriting, therefore, one is necessarily providing a synthesisof the changing research interests and outputs of a handfulof local scholars and their associated research students, pastand present. The modest output of local research in the fieldof tourism studies is perhaps most clearly demonstrated bythe limited range of published monographs or books thatrelate to South Africa’s tourism economy. Although thereexist several important and lengthy policy research docu-ments (see in particular The Cluster Consortium, 1999), aswell as a growing stream of post-graduate research theses(for a review see Visser, 2004) only during 2004 has thefirst scholarly book appeared to address squarely the themeof tourism and development in post-apartheid South Africa(Rogerson and Visser, 2004). Overall, it remains that whilsta number of rich tourism research investigations have beenundertaken during the past decade, the observation madeten years ago by Cassim (1993, p. 115) still holds truethat overall “tourism research in South Africa is not welldeveloped”.

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This ‘state of the art’ review and analysis is structured interms of three main sections of review and discussion. First,the shifting policy environment for tourism and developmentresearch in South Africa is chronicled from apartheid to thepost- apartheid period. Second, against this background, areview and synthesis is offered of the key clusters of researchwork that are evidenced in tourism scholarship especiallyduring the post-apartheid period. Finally, the last section of-fers a perspective and reflection on the unfolding directionsof South African scholarship and its place within a widerbody of international tourism research.

The changing context of tourism research

In South Africa the expansion of the tourism system as anational priority was neglected until recently. This is hardlysurprising as the country’s mass tourism industry is barely40 years old, starting from very small beginnings in thedomestic market and with a near non-existent internationalprofile. In 1961, for instance, only 31,000 overseas touristsvisited the country (Ahmed et al., 1998). Despite a spectacu-lar boom in international tourist flows to South Africa duringthe late 1960s, South Africa’s subsequent pariah status untilthe early 1990s meant that by the mid 1980s, for example,no more than 50,000 overseas tourists visited the country(Ahmed et al., 1998). Cassim (1993) argues that the periodof the early 1990s represents a crucial watershed for it isat this important juncture of South Africa’s developmenthistory that tourism first enters the realm of policy debate.

The birth of a new democracy ushered in an era ofexplosive Mandela-inspired growth in overseas tourism. In-creasingly, tourism started to draw attention from a range ofpolicy analysts as a potential driver for economic and socialchange. South Africa’s belated entry into the global tourismsystem underpinned an initial lag between tourism growthand appropriate national government policy frameworks tosteer such expansion to attain broadly defined developmentgoals such as economic growth and transformation object-ives (Rogerson, 2002a, b). Internationally this so-called’smokeless industry’ was hailed as requiring relatively mod-est initial capital investment which has been an attractivedevelopment promotion characteristic for most national gov-ernments and development agencies (South Africa, 1996).Moreover, international tourism was increasingly beinggrouped together in development strategies alongside othermajor new growth sectors, such as export-oriented industriesand non-traditional agricultural exports, and consequentlyseen as showing much promise for stimulating rapid growth(Sharpley and Telfer, 2002). Notwithstanding these favour-able tourism associated development possibilities, the relev-ance of these debates in the South African context remainedlargely unexplored at least until the early 1990s. During theapartheid period most tourism research typically focussedon main descriptive accounts of the white tourism resourcesbase (see e.g. Ferrario, 1977, 1981, 1986a; Frauenstein,1984; Hugo, 1980; Steyn, 1972, 1976, 1987). Some of themost novel studies undertaken in the period of late apartheidsurrounded the first investigations into the black domestic

tourism market (Ferrario, 1986a, 1988; Grobler, 1985),of differences between white and black tourists’ demands(Bezuidenhout, 1990) and an innovative investigation in theuse of tourism as a developmental tool in remote under-developed areas (Joubert, 1980). Other useful contributionsrelated to critical analyses of multinational hotel and casinodevelopments under South Africa’s apartheid gaming regime(Crush and Wellings, 1983; Rogerson, 1990).

The imminent demise of the apartheid policy frameworkand its apparatus, however, prompted several scholars bythe early 1990s to explore the possibilities of tourism devel-opment (Delport, 1993), through various marketing drivesin the South African context (Bloom, 1992; Chuo, 1992;Bloom and Leibold, 1994; Cronson, 1994). Moreover, in-vestigations were undertaken to gauge the importance andsize of the domestic and international tourism markets tothe South African national economy (Hugo, 1992). Researchinto the role of tourism as a generator of sustained economicgrowth (Maleka, 1996; Strydom, 1995), or as an extension toestablished economic sectors through farm tourism (Baxter,1992; Pienaar, 1993), and hunting (Olivier, 1992) started toemerge. In addition, the potential of tourism as a generator ofincome and employment in urban areas (McKenzie, 1995),and for local authorities in particular, were additional themesof investigation (Olivier, 1990; Roos, 1992). This work wasaugmented by other research that focused, inter alia, on thefunding of tourism development (Kruger-Cloete, 1995) andthe nature and potential access of small businesses in tourism(Marais, 1993). In addition, the starting point to what wouldsubsequently emerge as a rich vein of research appeared inthe work of Odendal and Schoeman (1990) who providedone of the initial explorations into the nexus of tourism andrural development. Although in the context of South Africanscholarship these investigations were, in many ways, pion-eering, it must be understood that they were isolated worksor exploratory studies, with no overall theoretical or policyframework to bind them as a coherent statement concerningthe development impacts that tourism might hold for SouthAfrica.

The institutional lacuna in which these early investig-ations took place was, however, soon addressed throughthe 1996 national White Paper on The Development andPromotion of Tourism in South Africa (1996) and in 1998by the Tourism in GEAR strategy document (South Africa,1996, 1998). Together these government documents pro-duced by the Department of Environmental Affairs andTourism (DEAT) furnish the key policy foundations for de-veloping the tourism industry in post-apartheid South Africa(Rogerson, 2002a). In the post-1994 period tourism is recog-nized as a key activity for national economic developmentand a crucial stimulus for achieving the objectives of theSouth African government. One of the most important as-pects of the appearance of these policy documents was theclear identification of a range of obstacles that hindered thesuccess of tourism in the national economy. Central con-straints relate, among others, to the fact that tourism hadbeen inadequately resourced and funded by government; theshort-sightedness of the private sector towards the nature

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of the South African tourism product; the limited integ-ration of local communities and of Black South Africansinto tourism; inadequate or non- existent tourism training,education and awareness; inadequate protection of the en-vironment through environmental management; poor levelof service standards within the industry; the lack of infra-structure in rural areas; the lack of appropriate institutionalstructures; and, the immediate problem of violence, crimeand security (Rogerson, 2002b). This suite of research is-sues provided an agenda which first received attention inconsultancy research, most significantly in the work of TheCluster Consortium (1999).

In identifying these blockages in the South African tour-ism economy and subsequently addressing these issues,national government aimed to provide pointers to making anew tourism economy through the promotion of ‘responsibletourism’ (South Africa, 1996, 1998). Overall key objectivesenvisioned for South African tourism are firstly, that tour-ism will be private sector driven; secondly, government willprovide the enabling framework for the industry to flourish;thirdly, effective community involvement will form the basisof tourism growth; fourthly, tourism development will beunderpinned by sustainable environmental practices; fifthly,tourism development is dependent on the establishment ofco-operation and close partnerships among key stakeholders;and finally, tourism will be used as a development tool forthe empowerment of apartheid’s neglected communities andshould particularly focus on the empowerment of women insuch communities (Rogerson, 2002b).

Subsequently, Tourism in GEAR (Growth, Employmentand Redistribution) set forth to consolidate these objectiveswithin a neo-liberal economic policy environment. This doc-ument is of particular interest as in initial post-apartheid eco-nomic planning, tourism was something of an afterthoughtand omitted entirely from the country’s key macro-economicframework document (Rogerson, 2002b). The ‘discovery’of tourism’s potential as an economic driver was basedon several features, including the comparative advantagesof South Africa’s natural and cultural resources; the factthat South Africa’s tourism attractions complement globaltrends toward alternative tourism; the ability of tourism toattract substantial private sector investment, as well as toaccommodate small enterprise (SMME) development; theemployment-intensive nature of tourism; its potential cata-lytic role for major infrastructure investment; its ability tostimulate linkages with other production sectors; and, itsvalue as an export earner. Overall, the essential vision ofthe document was to support the development of the tourismsector as a national priority in a sustainable and acceptablemanner so that it will significantly contribute to the improve-ment of the quality of life of every South African (Rogerson,2002a).

The most recent addition to the government’s policy ar-senal has been the publication of the Responsible TourismGuidelines (DEAT, 2002), which has subsequently been re-worked into the Responsible Tourism Handbook: A Guide toGood Practice for Tourism Operators (DEAT, 2003). Theseimportant guidelines include a series of quantified targets for

the tourism sector to aim for, as a means of addressing theobjectives the 1996 White Paper set in relation to the triplebottom line of sustainable development (i.e., economic, en-vironmental and social sustainability). For example, in termsof prioritising opportunities for local communities, threesignificant guidelines are flagged for the private sector to en-gage in responsible tourism. First, is to develop partnershipsand joint ventures in which communities have a significantstake and, with appropriate capacity building, a substantialrole in management. Such partnerships should take note ofthe fact that communal land ownership can provide equityin enterprises. Second, private sector enterprises should buylocally made goods and use locally provided services fromlocally owned businesses wherever quality, quantity, andconsistency permits. In addition, they should monitor theproportion of goods and services that the enterprise sourcesfrom businesses within a 50 km radius and set a 20% targetfor improvement over three years. Finally, enterprises shouldrecruit and employ staff in an equitable and transparent man-ner and maximise the proportion of staff employed from thelocal community, once again, setting targets for increasingthe proportion of staff and/or of the enterprise wage bill go-ing to communities within 20 km of the enterprise (DEAT,2002, 2003).

Whilst providing practical guidance to what SouthAfrica’s ‘new’ or ‘responsible’ tourism system should con-stitute, these recent policy documents reiterate the import-ance of addressing key strategic challenges as were earlieridentified by The Cluster Consortium (1999) and in DEAT’s(2000) publication Unblocking Delivery in Tourism. The firstof these imperatives is to sustain growth in tourism arrivalsand in particular in visitor numbers from high-yield tour-ism sources. Second, is the importance of stimulating andsupporting emerging tourism entrepreneurs and maximisingopportunities for the SMME sector. Third, is the centrality ofintegrating tourism development with strategic frameworksfor infrastructure investment. Fourth, is to ensure a qualitytourism experience, quality products and services. Fifth, isto create an overall environment which is conducive to thegrowth of the tourism industry. Finally, it is stressed that anumber of fundamental structural challenges also confrontthe South African tourism industry which include questionsof leadership, ownership and job creation.

Over the past decade it is evident that radical changeshave occurred in the policy environment concerning tourismin post-apartheid South Africa. This fundamentally changedpolicy environment has laid the foundation for an emer-ging South African tourism system that is developmentalin focus. The new academic debates and research on thenexus of tourism and development in South Africa are nowinterrogated.

A review of the contemporary South African tourismand development discourse

Several research clusters of work have emerged in terms ofthe changed post-1994 policy environment in South Africantourism. These can be discussed in terms of the overarching

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themes of studying the responses to and impacts of govern-ment intervention and of the shifting policy environment andanalysing a set of threats to the development of tourism inSouth Africa and the sector’s potentially new important roleas economic driver of the post-apartheid economy.

It has been argued that, in the international context, oneof the most distinguishing aspects of South African na-tional tourism policy framework is its strong commitmenttowards tourism assuming a developmental role (Roger-son, 2002b). More especially, there is a major emphasisupon jobs creation and enterprise development in support ofthe country’s previously neglected communities. The newpolicy frameworks have led to the development of a numberof state-directed intervention strategies aimed at the trans-formation of tourism, not only for accelerated growth butalso as a vehicle for poverty alleviation. Among these arestrategies to develop niche markets in South Africa that arenot only globally competitive but also provide opportunit-ies for the inclusion of communities disadvantaged underapartheid; the development of tourism education and train-ing programmes; the marketing of the South African tourismproduct; the expansion of tourism related enterprises andthe promotion of tourism small, medium and micro enter-prises (SMMEs), and, the broader stimulation of tourismas a lead sector for local economic development and sup-porting national spatial restructuring. Further, the questionof transformation involves changing the ownership structureof South African tourism from one that is overwhelminglyin white ownership to incorporate the involvement of blackSouth Africans in the tourism economy through initiativesfor economic empowerment (Rogerson 2003a, 2004a, b).These several themes surrounding government interventionand the emerging threats to the role of tourism in futureSouth African economic development represent key axes ofa range of contemporary research investigations.

Maximising the impacts of new tourism markets andproducts

A first line of government intervention that links tourismand poverty alleviation relate to the search for new nichemarkets and maximising the impacts of tourism productsthat involve disadvantaged communities. Following inter-national trends (cf. Weaver, 1998; Fennell, 1999), issuesof alternative tourism have received considerable attentionboth through government policy development and from theacademic and consultancy community. Setting the scenein terms of employing a strategy that is purported to pro-mote greater community participation in tourism planning, amore equitable distribution of the costs and benefits of tour-ism, and more culturally appropriate and environmentallysustainable forms of tourism, has been the highly influen-tial Mafisa (1998) report. Particularly in relation to tourismproducts, it is argued that cultural and heritage tourism of-fers considerable job and enterprise opportunities – not leastfor poor communities (Galla, 1998; Jansen van Veuren,2003). In this respect a number of investigations recentlyhave been produced ranging from general analyses on how

the local cultures and histories might promote, or are pro-moting, tourism flows (Chile, 1999; Zondi, 1999; Davidson,2000; Mwelase, 2001; Ndlela, 2001; Wang, 2001, Dondolo,2002, Zibani, 2002; Magnussen and Visser, 2003) to the sig-nificance and impacts of religious celebrations and festivals(Letlaka, 1999), and the role of cultural villages (Jansen vanVeuren, 2001, 2002, 2003) on local development.

Given the conflict-ridden history of South Africa, thecountry offers an abundance of sites where resistance, pun-ishment and incarceration took place. Under the rubric of‘dark tourism’ recent work by Strange and Kempa (2003)represents an initial exploration of this type of tourism, us-ing the example of Robben Island. In many ways, however,this type of tourism represents a re-packaging of differ-ent elements of what Scheyvens (2002) elsewhere refersto as ‘justice tourism’. The potential of township tourism,with visitors engaged in exploring sites of the anti-apartheidstruggle, has been investigated in several South Africancities. Building upon the pioneer work of Goudie et al.(1999), recent studies by Hughes and Vaughan (2000), Boqo(2001), Dondolo (2002) and Mbongwe (1999) located inthe empirical realities of Soweto, Alexandra (Johannesburg),Khayelitsha (Cape Town) and Umlazi (Durban), demon-strate the potential of sites of apartheid resistance as tourismdestinations. Other investigations into the success of natural(Malaza, 2003; Trotter, 2003) and heritage-based tourismventures in urban and peri-urban areas, suggest that suchnew forms of tourism product does create a range of directand indirect employment opportunities for poor communit-ies, ranging from tour guiding, food and beverage provision,to craft retailing.

Finally, in terms of tourism and poverty, in the contextof government support for responsible tourism, it must beacknowledged that South African research has been at theinternational forefront of advancing notions of so-termed‘pro-poor’ tourism, which tilts the policy balance in favourof securing advantages for the poor in tourism projects. Therural-focussed works of Ashley et al. (2000), Mahony andvan Zyl (2001, 2002), Ashley and Ntshona (2002), Ashleyand Roe (2002) and Spenceley and Seif (2003) represent thecutting edge of a surge of pro-poor tourism research in con-temporary South Africa. Other useful contributions to therich pro-poor stream of writings are provided by the detailedanalyses of the strengths and weaknesses of community-based or bottom-up models of tourism development, usingthe example of the adventure tourism product, the Amadibahorse-riding trail (Ntshona and Lahiff, 2003; Russell andKuiper, 2003).

In most cases, these pro-poor tourism genre of investig-ations seek to demonstrate that tourism can offer both directand indirect employment and entrepreneurship opportunit-ies, including for the poorest groups, in locations rangingfrom metropolitan centres to remote rural areas. Whilst suchstudies suggest that employment is generated, the most im-portant opportunities are shown to relate to the selling ofhandicrafts (Mathfield, 2000; Rogerson and Sithole, 2001),cultural performance (Jansen van Veuren, 2002, 2003), andgenerally the offer of lower-rung service positions (Kruger

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and Verster, 2001; Jansen van Veuren, 2002; Trotter, 2003).In contrast tourism product ownership, as well as facilitymanagement (the key tenants of the positive sides of ‘altern-ative tourism’) largely remain in the hands of white individu-als, companies and consortia (Spenceley and Seif, 2003). Inaddition, Goudie et al. (1999) and Malaza (2004) argue thatmuch of the optimism surrounding these alternative formsof tourism, whether cultural, heritage, nature-based tour-ism or combinations thereof, to address poverty is probablymisplaced, with few people generally finding benefit fromthese activities. Moreover, the issue of who plans tourism, towhose benefit, and so on, remains contested (Malaza, 2004).

Nature-based tourism is probably the best-known com-ponent of the South African tourism system (Aylward andLutz, 2003). Consequently, it is not surprising that nature-based tourism has been a critical area for tourism expansionthat is linked to poverty alleviation, particularly in rural areas(Aylward and Lutz, 2003; Trotter, 2003). Indeed, it has be-come one of the growth poles of local research scholarshipwith works focussing on the identification of sites for nature-based tourism (Baskin, 1996; Bucchianeri, 1997; Moran,1999; Hlatshwako, 2001; Loubser et al., 2001), ecologicalimpact concerns (Kapp et al., 1995; Kerley, 2003) and thesocial impacts (Koch, 1994; Ferreira and Hanekom, 1995;Boonzaier, 1996a, b; Honey, 1997, 1999; Koch, 1997; Chap-man, 1998; Brennan and Allen, 2001; Mahony and VanZyl, 2002) associated with tourism development, employ-ment generation (Foggin and Munster, 2000; Coetzee, 2002;Craven, 2002; Day, 2002) and even the health risks to tour-ists engaging nature-based tourism (Durrheim and Leggat,1999).

The potential of employment creation, the promotionof small businesses and the informal sector, as well ascommunity involvement in these enterprises is an import-ant element in support of nature-based tourism (De Bruyn,2002; Malaza, 2004). None the less, the impact of these de-velopments in terms of their contribution to addressing thesebroad-ranging issues is not always clear (Kibirige, 2003;Trotter, 2003; Malaza, 2004). Spenceley and Seif (2003),for example, report that there is little doubt that in termsof the actual financial impact to individuals, the most sig-nificant impact on the poor comes from employment andwages earned. Nevertheless, in terms of enterprise develop-ment, it has been showed that procurement of products andservices which is essential for these businesses to developnature-based tourism seldom appeared to have a significantimpact, particularly for the poor. Innovative new strategiesfor promoting pro-poor tourism in the context of nature-based tourism products such as the introduction of Fair Tradein Tourism trademarks, as well as incentives such as theImvelo Awards, potentially might start to address such is-sues (Spenceley and Seif, 2003; Van Wyk, 2003). A highlysignificant finding in recent research is that the pro-pooroutcomes of nature tourism projects are strongly linked toa greater degree of community ownership and participationin decision-making rather than in projects dominated by theprivate sector (Massyn and Koch, 2001). This finding isespecially significant in view of recent successful land resti-

tution cases as a result of which rural communities haveformed partnerships with the private sector to engage intourism ventures (Ramutsindela, 2003).

A sub-field of nature-based tourism that has receivedmuch research attention is ecotourism. Ecotourism as afoundation for tourism-led development has been exploredfrom a number of perspectives and in a range of spatial set-tings. For example, Loubser et al. (2001) have investigated arange of possibilities in the Namaqua and adjacent Richters-veld National Parks. Although these studies identified muchtourism potential, they also provide insights into the com-plexities of introducing tourism development plans intoremote rural communities. These parks have been laudedas the first contract parks in South Africa, the outcome ofdemocratic negotiations between the National Parks Boardand the local indigenous population who share equally inmanagement decisions and appear to fulfil the low im-pact/high value tourism ideals of ecotourism. Nevertheless,this research demonstrates that underneath apparent successlie ongoing struggles over land, economic survival and cul-tural identity. Indeed, such issues were earlier outlined inthe pioneering work of Odendal and Schoeman (1990) whoargued in the context of Maputaland, that detailed and sens-itive planning was essential in order to reconcile the vastdifferences between the needs of the tourism industry andtourists on the one hand, and the local inhabitants of poverty-stricken, traditional, remote rural communities, on the otherhand.

Such concerns, however, appear to remain problematic.A number of studies have appeared concerning the imped-iments to the maximization of tourism as a developmenttool. What is striking is that whilst many locations haveextraordinary potential as tourist destinations various, of-ten place-specific issues, frustrate the development of thesesites into successful tourism ventures. One recent studyby Schoemann (2003) elucidates some of these obstacleswhich include, inter alia, disputes over the legal tenureof land in rural areas with major tourism development po-tential; the almost endless restructuring and reorganisationof departments and reporting structures in some provin-cial governments; the inability of provincial governments toprovide clear policies and direction for ecotourism develop-ment; and, inefficiencies in the manner in which provincialgovernments conduct its funding operations.

Overall, there is a propensity in the current South Africantourism discourse to focus heavily upon the impacts of tour-ism in terms of the human dimension. Other impacts areseemingly less well-researched. Only a small handful ofstudies focus on the conflicts between nature-seeking tour-ists and conservation, particularly wildlife management thatmaximises the attractiveness of the natural resources touristsaim to visit (Schulz and Skonhoft, 1996; Moran, 1999). Oneof the most notable examples of such research relates to themanagement of old field regeneration in the Namaqua Na-tional Park, and aims for the maximisation of floral displaysto ensure that tourists are not disappointed (Van Rooyen,2002). This ‘manipulation’ of natural fauna and floral for theneeds of tourists, has become the focus of a number of in-

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vestigations. Particularly condemnatory findings have beenpresented in work focused on whales and dolphins as touristattractions (Van Parijs and Corkeron, 2001). Other themesrelate to the spatial and temporal variation in beach litteron pristine coastline areas, an assessment of the expectedecological impacts on habitats arising from the expansionof the tourism industry (Moffett, 1995; Mann et al., 1998)and issues concerning sustainable resource management inthe development of community-tourism projects (Urquhart,2003).

Tourism education, skills and the role of ICTs

Tourism education is another dimension of government in-tervention. The improvement of the skills-base of poorcommunities through various training initiatives is an im-portant policy intervention and focus of recent research(Magi and Nzama, 2002). In particular, Magi and Nzama(2002, pp. 71–72) argue that the dominant perspective isthat, as in many countries of the world, South Africa ishard at work in attempting to put in place viable and sus-tainable tourism education and training programmes. Astourism activities continue to expand, the need for trainingand education grows. In recent years many universities andtechnikons in South Africa have added travel and tourismprogrammes to their curricula. In other institutions exist-ing programmes have expanded, vocational schools havelaunched new programmes, trade associations have intro-duced education and certification programmes, and privatefirms have opened travel and tourism schools. Nevertheless,this changing environment is characterised by lack of co-ordination and integration, and rampant duplication of cur-ricula and training. Moreover, those in most need of tourismtraining – remote rural and township communities – are bytheir spatial setting and lack of resources, seldom in the pos-ition to utilise these opportunities (Van Wyk, 2003; Malaza,2004). In this respect the introduction of the Tourism Lead-ership and National Qualifications (NQ), spearheaded bythe government’s Tourism, Hospitality and Sport Educationand Training Authority (THETA) is viewed as significant.Such learnerships in essence are apprenticeships that providehistorically disadvantaged individuals with structured learn-ing and performance-monitored workplace experience. NQsallow for an assessment of skills in the workplace and theaward of qualifications for work done competently. NQsare of special value to those communities who are illiterate,or cannot speak English, as they provide for assessment ofphysical/practical ability to undertake tasks that learners aretrained for (Spencely and Seif, 2003, p. 10). Research basedon how successful these tourism training programmes are,however, has been limited. Some exploratory works by Bur-ger (2000) and Buthelezi (1999) suggests that there is stilla very long way to go before the issue of tourism educationin the community, training institutions and the private sec-tor will be sufficient to sustain continued national tourismgrowth of the kind the national government seeks. Morerecently, the valuable work of Kaplan (2004) has critiquedmany aspects of the existing structure of training and humanresource development in South Africa.

The flow of information between tourism service pro-viders and tourists is the life-blood of the tourism system.Nevertheless, few studies have been conducted in SouthAfrica to demonstrate the relationships between informationcommunication technologies and tourism development. Ofthe few detailed investigations available, Bourgouin (2002)stands out for the interesting manner in which she focusesupon how information communication technologies helptourism-based SMMEs address constraints to their growthand development in rural areas. The impact of the Interneton the South African tourism industry has also become thefocus of exploratory research through the works of Wynneet al. (2000) and Visser (2003a). Whereas the investigationsby Anyumba (2000) and Visser (2003a) point towards therole the internet can play in providing marketing space andexposure for tourism operators in small remote locations,the work of Wynne et al. (2000) reminds us that many es-tablished suppliers of tourism products in South Africa riskbecoming marginalized by the greater direct access that theinternet enables between the providers and consumers oftourism products.

Investment, markets and enterprise research

The promotion of new tourism growth and investment intourism plant and product development is of central im-portance for achieving the goals of poverty alleviation andrepresents a third core research strand into the South Africantourism system (Rogerson, 2001a). In the global context,one of the key challenges facing the South African tourismsystem relates to the development of tourism products ap-propriate to both current and future visitors to the country.In this respect local academic research lags behind manyother destination countries in terms of understanding whothe domestic and international tourists are, and what it isthat they desire most from their travels through South Africa.One of the most significant investigations in this regard hasbeen the recent publication by South African Tourism (2002)of a Tourism Growth Strategy. One of the key outcomes ofthis research was a strategy focus to shift marketing attentionto so-called ‘portfolio markets’, where marketing interven-tions target particular segments. On the whole, the maincharacteristics of these tourist cohorts are their high social-economic status and their desire for mainly high-end tourismproducts. Whereas this international marketing analysis hasbeen a laudable achievement, further research is needed tocritically examine the impact of its recommendations. In onestudy, Visser (2003b) argues that the country’s new tour-ism growth strategy offers little prospect of restructuring thewell-established spatial patterns of tourism in South Africa.

At the regional level this work has been augmentedthrough investigations by Bloom (2002), Cleverdon (2002),Shanka and Frost (2002), as well as Saayman and Saayman(2003), who have refined many of the models that under-pin tourism activity forecasting and marketing, as well asthe application of travel cost demand models to a rangeof tourism resources (Day, 2002). The limited number ofthese investigations is, perhaps, the most significant gap inunderstanding South Africa’s tourism market. In particular,

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insights in intra-regional tourism remain largely unexplored.Indeed, Rogerson (2004c) notes with some concern thatwhilst the research works produced by the Southern AfricanMigration Project draw detailed attention to the new flowsof international migrants to South Africa from other partsof sub-Saharan Africa, no attention has been paid so farto the parallel (and linked) growth of tourism flows fromsub-Saharan Africa. This is a serious oversight, as thesetourists- in volume terms - constitute South Africa’s maininternational tourist market (Rogerson, 2004c).

While considerable focus is placed on the attraction ofinternational tourists to South Africa, the backbone of anytourism system is the domestic market (Rule et al., 2003).Interest in the domestic tourism market of South Africa is notaltogether new, as Steyn (1972) introduced this issue sometime ago. Subsequent research attention to domestic tourismis evidenced through the works of Kies (1982), Magi (1986)and Preston and Fuggle (1988) (also see Kohler, 1992, 1993;Mkhize, 1994). Although the significance of investigatingdomestic tourism was reiterated by Cassim (1993), the SouthAfrican record echoes that of many developing countries inunder-estimating the significance of both regional and do-mestic tourism markets for tourism-led development (seeScheyvens, 2002) with few extensive studies of these mar-kets. Consequently, the works of Koch and Massyn (2001),as well as Rule et al. (2003) stand out, in terms of demon-strating that domestic tourists hold many positive impactsand more particularly as these tourists are also more will-ing to engage a broader range of activities and locations– a feature which is of key importance to the fulfilmentof national government aspirations for tourism. In termsof the domestic market, Saayman et al. (2001) and Day(2002) have constructed profiles of typical domestic tour-ists visiting different regions in the country and indicatedthe possible implications of domestic spending on the eco-nomy and development of these locations. This work hasbeen augmented by smaller scale studies that focus on dif-ferent tourist cohorts in the domestic market, such as hunters(Radder, 2000, 2001) and water sport enthusiasts (Preston-Whyte, 2001). As with many other issues in South Africa,race, gender and class divisions are important in understand-ing these travellers. In this respect, works by Donaldson(1995), Mabuza (1999), Mkhize (1999), Rwigema (1996),Watt (1990) Wilson and Hattingh (1992) provide a deeperunderstanding of, for example, black tourists in differenturban and regional contexts. While these studies demon-strate that tourists’ needs and desires such as accommod-ation are similar across racial lines, dietary, shopping andbroadly-defined entertainment needs and behaviour can dif-fer significantly. The dynamism of these tourists, in the faceof rapid socio-economic transition in South Africa, however,remains unexplored (Magi and Nzama, 2002).

Investigations by Rogerson (2002b, 2003b) demonstratethat the largest investments in the South African tourism in-dustry have come from the gaming industry. A total of 40new licences have been awarded under a new post-apartheidlicensing dispensation that has seen a spatial shift of casinoinvestment away from the rural homeland ghettos into the

country’s major urban centres. Although gaming has beenthe most significant sector for new investment, the accom-modation sector remains the dominant sector for tourisminvestment. During the past decade, a number of new for-eign investors such as Mercure, Formula One and Sheratonhave established themselves in the South African tourismeconomy. Enterprise studies that unpack the changing in-vestment decisions made by South Africa’s larger tourismenterprises, most importantly, Sun International, Protea andSouthern Sun remain little developed at present.

One of the most crucial aspects of tourism developmentin South Africa concerns the race and gender composition oftourism enterprises ownership and operation. Indeed, Roger-son (2002b) notes that the core emphasis in the developmentof South Africa’s ‘new tourism’ has to be direct involve-ment of communities in the ownership and operation oftourism infrastructure. Less formal and smaller scale touristaccommodation types have shown significant growth overthe past decade, and points to greater participation by smal-ler scale operators in the tourism economy, which representsa movement towards the national government’s aspirationfor developmental tourism. Considering this growth it is notsurprising that a range of studies have come to focus on‘non-hotel’ tourist accommodation types. The focus of localenterprise studies since the 1990s has swung very firmlyaway from large enterprises towards the opposite end ofthe enterprise spectrum and to issues related to small firms,which numerically represent the largest portion of enter-prises in the tourism economy. This shift in research focusmirrors the emergence of new forms of tourism enterprises,such as bed-and-breakfast establishments (Nxumalo, 2003;Rogerson, 2004b), backpacker hostels (Visser, 2003c; Visseret al., 2003); guest houses (Visser and Van Huyssteen, 1997,1999), and second home management companies (Visser,2003d). Moreover, crucial studies focused on other formsof tourism related SMMEs, that support the tourist accom-modation sector have been completed (Rebeck, 1998). Inthis respect, the detailed works of Jansen van Veuren (2002,2003) and Kirsten and Rogerson (2002) focusing on the for-ward and backward linkages between different componentsof the tourism supply system must be highlighted.

Although there is considerable current optimism con-cerning opportunities for SMMEs linked to tourism accom-modation (Van Wyk, 2003), some analysts suggests that asignificant degree of caution needs to be inserted in the de-bates concerning SMME development and opportunities intourism (Kirsten and Rogerson, 2002). Tourism is certainlynot a cure-all in terms of the development of entrepreneurs,with few opportunities readily identifiable as direct tourismopportunities. Given the history of the South African tour-ism economy and of the enormous blockages to the entryof emerging entrepreneurs, these findings suggest that forthe immediate future much greater opportunities are likelyto emerge in the wider travel and tourism economy as op-posed to the tourism industry as such (Kirsten and Rogerson,2002).

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Debates on spatial organisation and impacts

Along with the implementation of a range of new policyinitiatives for tourism and poverty alleviation through thepromotion of new tourism growth, there are certain changestaking place in the spatial organisation of tourism in SouthAfrica. These spatial shifts have been towards the greaterconcentration of tourism development. Studies by Roger-son (2002a) demonstrate that geographically, investment intourism infrastructure mainly has been concentrated uponopportunities in the Western Cape and Gauteng. These areasof South Africa are generally perceived as relatively low riskfor investors, because of their established dominance in theleisure and business tourism sectors respectively. Moreover,their population size and relative affluence mediates sea-sonality in the demand for many tourism-related facilitiessuch as restaurants and entertainment complexes. As theseprovinces enjoy the highest levels of disposable incomesacross South Africa, they have been especially attractive forinvestors in the casino/gaming sector. Outside of Gautengand the Western Cape, it is notable that in the perceivedhigher risk investment areas large-scale tourism investmentflows have so far been limited (Rogerson, 2001b). Over-all, the key investors in the South African tourism economyare domestic rather than foreign investors. Indeed, it hasbeen demonstrated that throughout the 1990s domestic in-vestment accounted for well over 80% of total commitmentsin the tourism economy. Spatially, investments are focussedin three clusters, namely around casinos and entertainmentcomplexes, the business tourism economy of Gauteng, andleisure tourism investment in the Western Cape (The ClusterConsortium, 1999).

The main thrust in infrastructure development has beenspatially concentrated and aimed at tourist markets that dolittle to address the types of objectives the national govern-ment has set out in its tourism policy frameworks (Visser,2003b). Thus, investment in tourism infrastructure in re-mote rural areas, in large numbers of small and medium sizetourism facilities and similar support networks, which arecognisant of the need to involve at all levels the historicallydisadvantaged, and so on, have been limited. Moreover, insome cases, the investment in new tourism products in re-mote rural areas is driven by government poverty alleviationfunding with the result that often infrastructure and tourismproducts are set in place ahead of any real market or feas-ibility analysis for rural tourism (Ndlovu, 2002; Ndlovu andRogerson, 2003). In part, the spatial pattern of major tour-ism infrastructure development is underpinned by currentinternational tourism demand. For international tourists thetypical route is of entry at the gateway of Johannesburg Inter-national Airport (JIA), overnight in Johannesburg, onward toKruger National Park, south to Cape Town, onto the GardenRoute and back to JIA. Both the geographical supply anddemand for accommodation in South Africa has been shownto be highly concentrated in three main areas of the country,namely metropolitan Cape Town, Durban and Gauteng (Ro-gerson, 2002b). Outside of these urban centres the only othernationally significant nodes for tourism development are inMpumalanga, the gateway to South Africa’s game parks, and

along the Cape Garden Route. This geographically polarisedpattern of tourism development inevitably means that the be-nefits of tourism in South Africa are currently distributed ina spatially uneven manner with few benefits or opportunitiesflowing outside of these major tourism areas.

It is not surprising that the national government soughtinterventions to address the uneven spatial structure of theSouth African tourism economy. Indeed, the transformationof tourism stakeholders in terms of race, gender and classis dependent upon addressing the existing spatial structureof the tourism economy. Although South Africa at presentdoes not have a formalised spatial tourism strategy, sev-eral analysts argue that new investments and tourism flowsmust be sought outside of the traditional heartlands of tour-ism development (Abrahams, 2003; Ndlovu and Rogerson,2003; Visser, 2003b). In this respect the Spatial Develop-ment Initiatives (SDI) programme has been important inseeking to open up the potential of many areas with unex-ploited potential for tourism (Rogerson, 2001b). Most ofthe studies linking tourism and spatial development wereinitially commissioned as part of the Spatial DevelopmentInitiatives research programme (De Beer and Wheeler, 1997;De Beer and Elliffe, 1997; De Beer et al., 1997; Elliffe,1998; Koch et al., 1998a, b; Elliffe, 1999). This usefulbody of research argues that substantial investment in theimprovement of infrastructure for tourism development inareas of South Africa with untapped potential should besought (cf. Strydom, 1995). Later research by Viljoen andNaicker (2000), as well as Ndlovu and Rogerson (2003),suggests that whilst there is ample opportunity for tourismdevelopment for many poor rural communities marked byunderdevelopment and poverty, access to such tourism op-portunities is fundamentally constrained by the absence ofthe infrastructure needed to attract investment by tourismdevelopers or to access tourism markets. Nevertheless, thedesirability of such development has been debated by otherinvestigators less optimistic about the magnitude of possiblepositive tourism impacts (Kotze and Visser, 2003; Moffat,1995; Slater, 2002; Van Rooyen, 2002). The key argumentis that such development might undermine the very tourismresource these communities aim to showcase.

Overall, the initial incorporation of tourism in the SDIprogramme, which aimed at unblocking investment oppor-tunities, was associated with commitments made to povertyalleviation (Koch et al., 1998). The Lubombo SDI andthe Wild Coast SDI represent two examples of infrastruc-ture improvement linked to the opening up of new tour-ism opportunities for rural communities (Bourgouin, 2002;Khuzwayo, 2002; Kibirige, 2002). In addition, the MaputoDevelopment Corridor, the West Coast Investment Initiat-ive and even the Gauteng SDI have incorporated substantialcommitments towards infrastructure improvements that al-low poor communities to participate in tourism (Rogerson,2001b, 2003c).

The provision of infrastructure as a means to de-bottleneck investment opportunities in areas of tourismpotential was one core element of the SDI programme, es-pecially in the Lubombo and Wild Coast SDIs in which

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tourism is the lead sector (Ndlovu, 2002). In importantDEAT policy documents, nineteen so-terms “priority areasfor tourism infrastructure investment” or PATIIs are definedacross South Africa (KPMG, 1999). The PATIIs representgeographical areas which exhibit high potential for tourismdevelopment and are planned to form the base for tourismproduct development in South Africa. Nevertheless, theseareas presently are acknowledged to have a weak infra-structural base. Essentially, the PATIIs provide a spatialmatrix for the channelling of new investment into the SouthAfrican tourism economy in order to maximise its impact fordeveloping tourism in areas of greatest untapped potential.

The SDIs are ultimately umbrella projects that constitutea range of local economic development initiatives. Over thelast decade, a number of tourism-led initiatives have beenlaunched in South Africa as a basis for promoting local eco-nomic development. Until the 1994 democratic transition,few opportunities existed for local initiatives for tourism-led local economic development (LED). Changing economiccircumstances as a result of deindustrialisation and globaleconomic restructuring has negatively impacted upon manySouth African localities with the consequence of job lossesthrough mine or factory closures. This has led to a varietyof local-level responses with tourism growing in signific-ance as a lead sector for local economic development (Binnsand Nel, 2002, 2003; Nel and Binns, 2002; Rogerson,2002c, d, e). In the context of the developing world, SouthAfrica offers several innovative examples of the applicationof tourism-led LED. In this respect, investigations by Binnsand Nel (2002, 2003) and Rogerson (2002c, e) are instruct-ive in demonstrating a number of community-initiated andprivate sector-led tourism projects aimed at local economicdevelopment. These LED investigations have taken placeat essentially two scales: in metropolitan regions and smalltowns. In terms of small town tourism-linked development,one of the most successful cases in which tourism has suc-cessfully been employed in local economic development isfound in the study of Still Bay by Nel and Binns (2002).This work argues that critical to the success and sustainab-ility of this LED initiative was the establishment of variouscommunity development projects in which key actors tooka leading role in bringing the community together. Com-munity cooperation, linked with successful place marketingand tourism promotion strategies, laid the basis for the eco-nomic revival of the town and empowerment of historicallydisadvantaged groups.

Other emerging LED strategies related to the develop-ment of ‘route tourism’. This type of tourism comprises thecollective marketing of a grouping of adjacent tourism fa-cilities in order to compete more effectively with larger andmore established tourism destinations. Studies by Bruwer(2003) and Nowers et al. (2002) in the Cape Winelands,and by Rogerson (2004d) on the Midlands and HighlandsMeanders suggest that these initiatives have been successfulin terms of tourism enterprise development and employmentcreation. Nevertheless, patterns of employment creation,business linkages and subcontracting of work to small en-terprises are the issues of central importance in achieving

a wider spread of benefits than occurred in the past. In-deed, perhaps the most important issue is that of ensuringthat benefits from tourism spread into poor communitiesthat did not benefit during the apartheid years (Mathfield,2000). Research by Rogerson (2001a, 2002c), demonstratesthat several critical issues confront the successful develop-ment of these unfolding local initiatives for transformativetourism-led LED.

LED research linked to urban economic restructuringin South Africa is another vibrant theme of research. Anumber of studies highlight the use of tourism expan-sion in Johannesburg for the economic revitalisation of thecity (Dirsuweit, 1999; Rogerson, 2002e, 2003c). LikewiseVisser (2003e, f) has investigated the impact of specificidentity-based leisure consumption patterns on urban regen-eration in parts of Cape Town. Related to this work hasbeen the research by Hiller (2000), as well as Steenveld(1998) on the use of mega-events such as the Rugby andCricket World Cups, as well as Africa Games in changingurban (re)development agendas, economic growth and themeaning of place and space.

Threats to the new role of tourism

Whether investment in tourism infrastructure occurs thoughlarge-scale tourism projects, or SMMEs, most tourism-related investment in South Africa is private sector driven.This feature means that the range of issues to which suchinvestors are sensitive constrain the South African tourismsystem from developing at a faster, and more predictablepace. The current research corpus reveals the following is-sues as constraining new private sector investment in theSouth African tourism economy. First, there is a generalconcern about unacceptable levels of safety and security, notonly in South Africa (Ferreira, 1999; Ferreira and Harmse,2000b) but also the subcontinent and Africa as a whole(Carter, 1997). Recent work by George (2003) providessupport for the findings of Ferreira (1999), The ClusterConsortium (1999) and Ferreira and Harmse’s (2000) thatsuggest perceptions concerning personal safety represent,from both a tourism investment and visitation point of view,a key threat to South Africa’s tourism industry. Perhaps themost sophisticated work in this respect has been the holistictourism-crime modelling study conducted by Kathrada et al.(1999). Other investigations by Carter (1998), Durrheimet al. (2001) and Durrheim and Leggat (1999) maintain thatassociated with concerns of personal safety are negative per-ceptions regarding health threats and facilities which alsoconstrain the local tourism industry. Indeed, Lewis (2001)notes that potential investors in the tourism economy havebeen alarmed by the risks of diseases and viruses such asmalaria, HIV/AIDS and cholera. Thirdly, many foreign in-vestors express concerns about issues of political stability(Ahmed et al., 1998), a situation exacerbated by conflictsand political conditions in a number of southern Africanstates, most notably in Zimbabwe. Fourth, investment hasbeen negatively affected by a volatile demand for products,both in terms of the tourism product supplied and by chan-ging global demands. Moreover, research by Business Map

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SA (1999) demonstrates that high-profile events such as ter-rorist bombings in Cape Town are detrimental for the SouthAfrican tourism economy as a whole. Their research, alsoargues that relative to other sectors of investment, the tour-ism sector historically has not performed well as a sector forinvestment in South Africa. Fifth, investment growth wouldbe enhanced by stronger initiatives at the level of SouthernAfrica as a whole to (re)position more firmly in the contextof the global tourism economy (Rogerson, 2003d).

Finally, industry research undertaken by KPMG (1999)suggests that investment in tourism also has been affectedby the meagre financial incentives offered by national gov-ernment. It is argued that although there have existed certaininvestment incentives designed for tourism, these are limitedrelative to other countries. Moreover, it is suggested thatas compared with the many investment packages offered topotential manufacturing investors those available for tour-ism have been inadequate. In addition, given the challengesfacing tourism in South Africa and its importance for fu-ture economic development, the incentives that have beenprovided are not conducive to the promotion of the tourismsector. A recent trend has been for government to addressshortcomings in the availability of financing to support tour-ism SMMEs as part of initiatives for black economic em-powerment and transformation of the South African tourismeconomy (Rogerson, 2004e).

Conclusion: Reflections on the local tourism anddevelopment nexus

It is evident from the foregoing analysis that, historically,research into the South African tourism system has beenlimited and largely concerned with white leisure travel. Inpart this situation reflected the limited importance of thiseconomic activity system within the broader South Africaneconomy but also the youthfulness of tourism studies, bothlocally but also internationally. In the light of politicaltransition since 1994 the country has experienced dramatictourism growth. In turn, the academic community has re-sponded to the emergence of tourism as a critical economicactivity since the early 1990s.

The new research works initially focused on develop-ing an understanding of the dimensions of the local tourismsystem which was often expressed in terms of case studiesfocused on new accommodation types and ‘types’ of tour-ism. The most basic questions framing most of this researchrelated to measuring the size and distribution of tourismfacilities, with cursory attention to what types of employ-ment was generated and what types of issues arose fromits location and ownership. Nevertheless, these empiricalmonitoring studies laid the foundation for much of the re-search that has since been completed, in the main descriptiveinvestigations of tourism facilities and types.

A different type of tourism research scholarship is, how-ever, starting to emerge in South Africa. It can be argued thatthis newer wave of research is rooted mainly in ‘translating’and ‘testing’ international tourism development debates inthe South African situation. This work emerged first in the

face of something of a policy vacuum prior to 1996 and afterthe introduction of the White Paper (South Africa, 1996)within the context of the national government’s interpreta-tion of how tourism development might be approached inSouth Africa. Subsequently, many studies have taken as theirstarting point the various critical issues highlighted in theWhite Paper as a means by which to justify the study ofparticular tourism facilities, types of tourism and tourists.Paramount to local research interest in the tourism systemis its perceived ability to create employment, as well aspromote greater race and gender equity. Indeed, tourismdevelopment is constantly being measured in terms of itsability to attain a range of social and economic transform-ation objectives. Much of the research provides insight intothe dynamics of this process and the progress made towardstransformation goals. Most suggest that employment gener-ation through tourism expansion and development has beenpositive. However, the spatial distribution of these employ-ment opportunities remain concentrated in South Africa’smajor metropolitan regions, or in those rural areas that havehistorically been popular tourist destinations, viz., the estab-lished game reserves and parks. The research has demon-strated that the ability for expanded tourism activity to attaingreater equity on a range of fronts remain disappointing.Thus, from the current research is emerging the beginningsof a more critical reflection on tourism development in SouthAfrica. These types of studies have, however, been broaden-ing with more studies investigating more complex interfacesbetween tourism policy, international experience and localempirical realities. In particular, tourism research on localeconomic development, SMMEs and spatial developmentinitiatives, have been grounded in international theoreticaldebates and signal that local tourism research is maturing.

This said, critical reflection on the South African tour-ism system remains limited. This is true for investigationsviewing social, as well as the more physical or ecologicalimpacts of tourism development. As noted above, the socio-economic development impacts of tourism expansion formsa prominent focus of the local tourism discourse. Over-all, South African tourism scholarship is rural-biased, albeitthere are stirrings of greater interest relating to tourism inSouth African cities. Considering that the most popularsingle destination in South Africa is the city of Cape Town,and increasingly other urban settlement’s historical and cul-tural resources, one might expect more research based withinurban settings. Moreover, whilst a healthy debate has de-veloped concerning the involvement of various types ofcommunities in diverse spatial settings, little work has goneinto understanding the long-term impacts of tourism devel-opment both in terms of the social and physical environmentin which tourism development takes place. Even thoughthere is a heavy emphasis upon the positive social impact oftourism, the long-term sustainability and impact of tourismdevelopment, whether built upon natural or social resources,are seldom considered. The lack of interest in the future im-pacts of tourism development upon host communities andtheir environments appears dangerously under-researched.

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Finally, whilst an increasingly impressive empirically-based body of literature is emerging, particular concerningthe tourism and development nexus, little theoretical devel-opment is reflected in the tourism research undertaken in thepast decade. In many ways the youthfulness of the field loc-ally might be seen as causal in this respect. Nevertheless, itcould be argued that this issue can be far more convincinglyaddressed within the context of broader movements withinsocial scientific discourse. Whilst tourism studies have a per-ceived paucity of appropriate theoretical frameworks, recentworks by Sharpley and Telfer (2002) or Scheyvens (2002)demonstrate that there is now little excuse not to groundresearch in a broader set of established debates concerningthe changing nature of production and consumption of leis-ure, time, place, space, nature and culture. Indeed, whereasSouth African tourism researchers have certainly started todevelop an independent ‘voice’ concerning the tourism anddevelopment nexus, they are still largely communicatingthese results in a theoretical vacuum and in the main tothemselves. Even where the type of research might warrantthe development of, or challenge, the current internationaltheoretical wisdom, this has not taken place. The ‘core’ isstill very much shaping the nature and content of the localtourism research agenda, even where it is developed in re-sponse to national government policy. In many respects, thisis regrettable as the growing body of South African researchcertainly present ample empirical data, to challenge many in-ternational debates concerning the interface between tourismand development.

Acknowledgements

Chris Rogerson thanks the financial support provided by theNational Research Foundation, Pretoria, Gun No. 2050464.

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