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Northern Ireland Peace Settlement Negotiations Background Guide Topic 1: Bring a Permanent End to Violence in Northern Ireland Topic 2: Work Towards a Peace Accord between the Disputing Parties and the Governments of the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland

C0-Chair: Amy O’Halloran Co-Chair: Patrick Smith

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Table of Contents

Letter from the Chair ....................................................................................................... 3

History of the Division of Ireland .................................................................................... 5

1912–1922....................................................................................................................... 5

1922–1966....................................................................................................................... 7

History of ‘The Troubles’ ............................................................................................. 7

Emergence of the Ulster Volunteer Force .................................................................. 7

Riots of August 1969 ..................................................................................................... 8

Peak in Violence during the 1970s ............................................................................... 9

Sunningdale Agreement and UWC Strike ................................................................ 12

Growing Desire for a Peaceful End to the Conflict ................................................. 12

Hunger strikes and the emergence of Sinn Féin ...................................................... 13

Topic 1: Bring a Permanent End to Violence in Northern Ireland ............................ 14

Topic 2: Work Towards a Peace Accord between the Disputing Parties and the

Governments of the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland ........................... 15

First ceasefire .............................................................................................................. 15

Second ceasefire .......................................................................................................... 16

Works Cited ..................................................................................................................... 19

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Letter from the Chair

Greetings Delegates!

Welcome to the 14th annual Washington Area Model United Nations Conference and the

Northern Ireland Peace Settlement Negotiations! My name is Amy O’Halloran, and I am

very excited to serve as one of your Co-Chairs in your committee, and to get the

opportunity to meet and interact with all of you. I originally come from Dublin, Ireland,

but now am now living in the beautiful city of Atlanta, Georgia. I am a freshman in the

Elliott School of International Affairs majoring in International Affairs, with a

concentration in Security Policy and a minor in French. This is my first time as a

WAMUNC Chair, and I’m very excited! I hold duel citizenship with the US and Ireland,

and so am naturally very interested in the issues of Northern Ireland, or “The Troubles”

as they are referred to back home.

I am joined by your Co-Chair, Patrick Smith. Patrick is originally from Cape Cod,

Massachusetts but now lives in Sunny South Florida. While not hailing from Ireland

proper, Patrick's family comes from County Longford in the north of the Republic of

Ireland. He is a freshman in the Columbian College of Arts and Sciences with a double

major in Political Science and International Affairs, with a concentration in International

Development. Patrick is bilingual in Gaelic and is looking forward to sharing his love of

Éire with of the delegates.

This committee will be running with the typical parliamentary procedure used in General

Assemblies with a slight crisis feel. As it runs over the course of several years, we will

keep you updated on the events to help guide debate and settlements. You will each by

representing different groups or special people who took part in the actual negotiations

back in 1990. Some of you will have official characters, Madeline Albright as the US

Secretary of State for example. However, there will also be those of you who will be

representatives of different political groups, such as Sinn Féin. Each had their own heads

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throughout the negotiations, and some of them were very interesting personalities that, at

times used their parties to achieve their own personal goals even if it meant contradicting

their own party’s principles and ideologies. With that said, Patrick and I are leaving it up

to you all to see how you will embrace the roles you have been given. You must be able

to consider both the party you are representing and the head of that party when deciding

what you wish to achieve in the negotiations.

As a special note, it is very important that you all treat this issue with the sensitivity it is

owed. This issue has plagued this region for many, many years. Therefore, Patrick and I

ask that you treat and approach it with the utmost professionalism and not as an

opportunity to simply ‘bomb’ your opponents and the like.

Although this is a historical committee, do not feel restricted to do only what your party

ended up doing during the negotiations. If you find through your research that your party

was shortchanged or didn’t pursue a certain policy aggressively enough, then by all

means act on that. This is your chance to rewrite history, so go for it!

With that being said, I wish you nothing but the best as you embark on your research. I

hope to be greeted at the start of the conference by a committee full of students well-

prepared, and eager to delegate. Both Patrick and I look forward to meeting you all in

March.

Best,

Amy O’Halloran

Co-Chair, Northern Ireland Peace Settlement Negotiations

WAMUNC XIV

amy_s_oh@gwmail.gwu.edu

Patrick Smith

Co-Chair, Northern Ireland Peace Settlement Negotiations

WAMUNC XIV

psmith@gwmail.gwu.edu

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History of the Division of Ireland

Although the time of this committee

does not begin until the 1990s, it is very

important for all delegates present at

these negotiations to have a thorough

and complete understanding of the

history of Ireland and Northern Ireland.

Such history is important to

understanding how to formulate

solutions to the problems, and your

understanding should be reflected in

whatever sort of agreement is formed as

a result of the negotiations. The

following should aid in your

appreciation for the history and

complexity of ‘The Troubles.’

1912–1922

By the 1920s, Home Rule in Ireland was

on the brink of collapse due to the

agitation of the Irish Parliamentary

Party. In response, mostly Protestant

Unionists, concentrated in Ulster,

resisted independence for Ireland due to

their fear of losing their position in a

predominately Catholic country. This

fear led to these unionists signing the

Ulster Covenant in 1912 under the

leadership of Edward Carson that was

their official pledge to resist Home Rule

by all means, including force, if

necessary. This pledge led to them

forming the paramilitary group the

Ulster Volunteers, and to fund their

efforts began importing arms from

Germany. Interestingly enough, those

involved in the Easter Rising resorted to

similar deals prior to 1916.

The rise of such a group would naturally

not go unnoticed or without reaction.

Therefore, nationalists formed the Irish

Volunteers to oppose the Ulster

Volunteers. The outbreak of the First

World War in 1914 temporarily averted

the crisis of possible civil war and

delayed any current quest for the Irish

independence. Home Rule also was

suspended during this time given the

circumstances.

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Following the nationalist Easter Rising

in Dublin in 1916 by the Irish

Republican Brotherhood, the Sinn Fein

party used the emotional momentum

they had received from the events to win

a majority of seats in Ireland and set up

the First Dáil (Irish Parliament) in

Dublin. Their victorious run was also

fueled by the public’s fear of mass

conscription into the British Army. With

this election, and subsequent formation

of the Dáil, Ireland had officially

seceded from the United Kingdom. The

Irish War of Independence followed,

which ultimately lead to official Irish

independence. In Ulster however, the

Sinn Fein movement was nowhere near

as successful due to differing political

opinions on Irish rule.

Due to these political differences, The

Government of Ireland Act 1920

partitioned the island of Ireland into two

separate jurisdictions, Southern Ireland

and Northern Ireland. This partition of

Ireland was confirmed when the

Parliament of Northern Ireland exercised

its right in December 1922 under the

Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921 to remove

itself from the newly established Irish

Free State.

Northern Ireland remained a part of the

United Kingdom, though it operated

under its own Parliament and

government systems. While this

arrangement met the desires of unionists

to remain part of the United Kingdom,

nationalists vehemently opposed this

partition due to the fact that they

considered the division of Ireland illegal

and unauthorized.

Northern Ireland came into being in a

violent manner with over 500 people

killed in between the years of 1920 and

1922. Most of those killed were

Catholic. As a result of this, tension

grew between the Catholic and

Protestant communities due to the fact

that both were falling victim to the

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other’s aggression. This tension would

eventually get worse and linger for many

decades in the long run.

1922–1966

Sir James Craig, the first Prime Minister

of Northern Ireland notably said: "all I

boast is that we are a Protestant

Parliament and Protestant State."

A lasting consequence of the Irish Civil

War, which would later have a major

impact on Northern Ireland and its

politics, was the survival of a

marginalized remnant of the Irish

Republican Army. It was illegal in both

Irish states and ideologically committed

to overthrowing both by force of arms to

re-establish the Irish Republic 1919-

1921. In response, the Northern Irish

government passed the Civil Authorities

Act 1922 which gave the power to the

government and police to do virtually

anything seen as necessary to re-

establish or preserve law and order.

Unfortunately, the Act continued to be

invoked to restore order long after its

causes for creation had subsided.

After the initial turmoil of the early

1920s, there were occasional incidents of

sectarian unrest in Northern Ireland.

These included a brief and ineffective

IRA campaign in the 1940s, and another

abortive IRA campaign between 1956

and 1962. By the early 1960s Northern

Ireland was fairly stable.

History of ‘The Troubles’

There is little agreement on the exact

date of the start of the Troubles.

Different writers have suggested

different dates. These include the

formation of the UVF in 1966, the civil

rights march in Derry on 5 October

1968, the beginning of the 'Battle of the

Bogside' on 12 August 1969 or the

deployment of British troops on 14

August 1969.

Emergence of the Ulster Volunteer

Force

The UVF has been classified as a

loyalist paramilitary organization,

deemed illegal by the government,

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which formed in response to a perceived

revival of the IRA around 1966 on the

anniversary of the Easter Rising. The

UVF began a campaign designed to

intimidate the Catholic community

through a series of attacks. The most

notable first attack came against a

Catholic-owned off-license on the

Shankhill Road. UVF members painted

sectarian graffiti on the neighboring

house and threw a petrol bomb through

the window, killing one person.

On 21 May 1966, the UVF issued a

statement:

“From this day, we declare war against

the IRA and its splinter groups. Known

IRA men will be executed mercilessly

and without hesitation. Less extreme

measures will be taken against anyone

sheltering or helping them, but if they

persist in giving them aid, then more

extreme methods will be adopted . . . we

solemnly warn the authorities to make

no more speeches of appeasement. We

are heavily armed Protestants dedicated

to this cause.”

On 11 June 1966, the UVF shot and

killed Catholic store owner John Patrick

Scullion in west Belfast. On 26 June

1966, another UVF gun attack in west

Belfast killed Catholic barman Peter

Ward and seriously injured three others.

On 30 March 1969, a UVF bomb

exploded at an electricity station in

Castlereagh, which resulted in

widespread blackouts. Throughout the

month of April, five bombs exploded at

electricity stations and water pipelines. It

was hoped that these attacks would be

blamed on the IRA, forcing moderate

unionists to increase their opposition to

the reforms of Terence O'Neill's

government.”

- Nelson, Sarah. "Ulster's

Uncertain Defenders: Protestant

Political Paramilitary and

Community Groups and the

Northern Ireland Conflict"

Riots of August 1969

This disorder culminated in the Battle of

the Bogside that began on August 12th

,

1969 and ended on August 14th

, 1969.

The riot involved Catholic residents of

the Bogside. The rioting grew in such

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intensity that British Army troops were

sent in to restore order, however no such

order would be restored given that the

riots were direct protests of British rule.

The "battle" sparked vicious sectarian

rioting in areas, such as Belfast, Newry,

and Strabane on August 14th

and resulted

in mass casualties and the destruction of

a lot of homes across the region.

Nationalists alleged that the Royal Ulster

Constabulary had failed to act against,

and thus possibly aided, loyalists in

these riots. The IRA was also widely

criticized by its supporters for failing to

defend the Catholic community during

these riots when more Catholics were

injured and killed than Protestants, as

well as five times the number of

Catholics displaced from their homes

than Protestants.

As a result of the riots and number of

Catholic victims, the Republic of Ireland

officially expressed their support for the

nationalists. Such a statement was

naturally viewed as a possible threat to

military intervention, and such rumors

were only exasperated then the Irish

Army set up field hospitals along the

border to provide medical support for the

wounded. Under the orders of Taoiseach

Lynch, the Irish Army General Staff

drew up Exercise Armageddon, which

was a classified plan for possible

humanitarian intervention in Northern

Ireland. Though this plan was ultimately

rejected, it demonstrated the Republic of

Ireland’s resolve to come to the aid of

the nationalists if it saw fit.

Peak in Violence during the 1970s

The period from 1970 through 1972 saw

an explosion of political violence in

Northern Ireland, peaking in 1972 when

nearly 500 people, about half of them

civilians, lost their lives.

There are arguable multiple reasons why

the violence increased to such a degree

in these years, and quite a number of

these reasons differ based on the

interpretation of the different sides.

Naturally, these differences lie between

the Unionists and the Nationalists.

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Unionists claim that the ultimate reason

was the formation of the Provisional

Irish Republican Army (Provisional

IRA), a group that formed when the IRA

split into the Provisional and Official

groups. While the older IRA had

embraced a more non-violent civil

agitation approach to its work, the new

Provisional IRA was determined to

undergo a much more violent campaign,

or an "armed struggle" against British

rule in Northern Ireland in order to

achieve their political message and

objectives. The new IRA stated they

would serve as the protectors to the

Catholic community in the region,

something which the Official IRA were

still being criticized over following their

failure to protect civilians during the

rioting in the Bogside in 1969.

Inversely, nationalists pointed to a series

of events in these years to explain the

upsurge in violence. For example, there

was the imposing of the Falls Curfew in

July 1970, when 3,000 British troops

imposed a curfew on the nationalist

Lower Falls area of Belfast. Viewing

this curfew as a direct threat on the

Catholic community, the Provisional

IRA followed through on their promise

and moved in to aid their supporters.

This ultimately lead to an intense gun

battler, where the British ended up firing

more than 1,500 rounds of ammunition

in gun battles with the IRA and killing

four people. Another event they point to

was the 1971 introduction of internment

without trial in the judicial system in the

country. Between 1971 and 1975, 1,981

people were detained—1,874 were

Catholic, or republican, while 107 were

Protestant and/or loyalist. There were

widespread accusations of abuse and

even torture of detainees. The "five

techniques" that the police and army

used for interrogation were ruled to be

illegal following a British government

inquiry. Nationalists ultimately said that

the main reason for the upsurge in

violence was the fatal shootings of

fourteen unarmed nationalist civil rights

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demonstrators by the British Army in

Derry on 30 January 1972, on what

became infamously known as Bloody

Sunday.

The Provisional IRA, also known as the

‘Provos,’ soon established itself as the

defender of the nationalist community,

and were especially seen as such

following their defending of the Lower

Falls residents mentioned previously.

Despite the increasingly reformist and

Marxist politics of the Official IRA, it

also undertook a similar armed

campaign in reaction to the ongoing

violence in 1971.

In 1972, the Provisional IRA killed

approximately 100 soldiers, wounded

500 more and carried out approximately

1,300 bombings. The bombing campaign

killed many civilians, notably on Bloody

Friday on 21 July, when 22 bombs were

set off in the center of Belfast killing

seven civilians and two soldiers. After

seeing the extent of civilian casualties of

all religious and political groups, the

Official IRA called off its armed

campaign.

The loyalist paramilitaries, including the

Ulster Volunteer Force and the newly

formed Ulster Defense Association,

responded to the increasing violence

from the nationalists with a joint

campaign that entailed the assassination

of nationalists, or Catholics. Such

discrimination also lead to the forced

mass displacement of both Catholics and

Protestants deemed to be living in

communities which were too greatly

mixed of both religions. It even occurred

in areas that had seen little to no

sectarian violence on the part of the

residents.

As a result of the violence, the British

government no longer believed that the

government in place in Northern Ireland

could handle the situation. Therefore,

they soon took over the control of law

and order through attempting to impose

more martial law. Following resistance

from the local government, the British

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government pushed through emergency

legislation (the Northern Ireland

(Temporary Provisions) Act 1972) that

introduced "direct rule” from London,

thus incapacitating the local government

from responding.

Sunningdale Agreement and UWC Strike

In June 1973, with the publication of a

British White Paper and a referendum in

March, a new parliamentary body was

formed called the Northern Ireland

Assembly. In October 1973, the

Sunningdale Agreement was negotiated

with the goal being that a political

settlement could be reached. It allowed

for ‘power sharing’ to occur and was

intended to promote greater cooperation

than had since been seen.

Unfortunately, the agreement collapsed

due to the formation and rise in power of

the Ulster Worker’s Council. The

Council rose to power through the

coordination of a strike that gravely hurt

business in the country because it cut off

the essential services such as water and

electricity. Many nationalists argued that

the British government did not do

enough to curtail it even though they

arguably had the power to stop its

effects. This ultimately led to too great

political pressure and thus the regime

behind the agreement collapsed.

Growing Desire for a Peaceful End to

the Conflict

In April 1974,

the ban that had

been placed

upon the UVF

was lifted, thus

no longer

making it an

illegal

organization.

That December,

the IRA

declared a ceasefire, which provided the

hope that sectarian killings would soon

decrease and eventually completely stop.

However, during this time, the rivalry

between these opposing groups grew to

such a degree that there was a huge

escalation in the number of sectarian

killings seen during 1975. This rise in

violence lead to the British government

reinstating the ban against the UVF in

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October of 1975 which thus made it

illegal once again. On top of this, the end

of the Provisional IRA’s ceasefire in

1976 led to an even greater amount of

violence seen in the country. This

resulted in a loss in optimism that the

British forces would be able to withdraw

quickly from the country. Therefore,

strategists had to begin looking at what

would soon become known as the ‘Long

War.’ This meant that forces would be

less present and involved but that there

would be a continued, sustained amount

of violence over a long, indefinite period

of time. The only positive thing that cam

out of this violent time was the Official

IRA ceasefire of 1972 became

permanent and led to the formation of

the official Worker’s Party, which

completely rejected the use of violence

for political gain.

By the end of the 1970s, most people in

both communities were growing

increasingly weary by the amounts of

violence and killings seen throughout the

decade. This weariness lead to the

formation of the Peace People, whose

actions eventually won them the Nobel

Peace Prize in 1976 because they

organized many protests and campaigns

calling for the end of paramilitary

violence. Unfortunately, their message

was tainted by the fact that they were

deemed to being more critical of

paramilitary groups than of security

forces.

Hunger strikes and the emergence of

Sinn Féin

After having failed to maintain political

stability in Northern Ireland, the British

Government decided to take a different

approach and attempt to normalize the

situation there. This normalization

included both the removal of internment

without trial and the removal of political

status for paramilitary prisoners, which

led to prisoners being tried in the

Diplock prisons in a juryless trial. If

convicted, given the removal of political

status amongst prisoners, they were

treated instead as ordinary prisoners.

Such decisions prompted huge resistance

amongst prisoners that thus lead to the

infamous hunger strikes.

In the 1981

Irish Hunger

Strike, ten

prisoners

starved

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themselves to death. These events drew

an overwhelming emotional response

from the public due to the pain of the

prisoners’ ordeal as well as the lack of a

response from the British government,

including Margaret Thatcher’s infamous

inaction as the prisoners came close to

death.

Following this outpouring of support, the

Provisional IRA’s political wing, Sinn

Fein, began to run and contest the

political elections in Northern Ireland.

Following their official recognition of

the Dáil, more members of the

Provisional IRA broke away and became

Republican Sinn Fein members.

Topic 1: Bring a Permanent End to

Violence in Northern Ireland

In December 1993, John Major and

Albert Reynoldson issued the Joint

Declaration on Peace (more commonly

known as the Downing Street

Declaration) on behalf of the British and

Irish governments. The declaration

would eventually serve as the basis for

the coming negotiations as it included

statements that the British government

had no "selfish strategic or economic"

interest in Northern Ireland.

It also stated that the British government

would uphold the right of the people of

Northern Ireland to decide between the

Union with Great Britain or a united

Ireland.

The people of the island of Ireland,

North and South, had the exclusive right

to solve the issues between North and

South.

As mentioned previously, talks in most

forms had been going on since the late

1980s given the fact that all sides wished

for a peaceful solution to occur, but no

one side wanted to give up their apparent

military advantage and come across as

the weaker side.

As early as the 1980s, talks between the

leaders of the two main Irish nationalist

parties in Northern Ireland, John Hume

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of the Social Democratic and Labor

Party (SDLP), and Gerry Adams of Sinn

Féin (SF) were occurring and continued

throughout the decade. These talks led to

a series of joint statements and

propositions on how both sides wished

for the conflict to come to an end and

strategies on how they wished for it to

occur.

Your job as delegates in this committee

will be to address the final outcome of

Northern Ireland and to lay out a

framework for a solution that will

provide incentives for all the

paramilitary groups involved to lay

down their arms and cease their violent

activities. Given the accelerated nature

of time in this committee, this solution

will have to come very quickly as there

are still certain groups who are not

trusted by some of the other groups

involved in such discussions. Therefore,

we will be starting in a secondary

speaker’s list so as to ensure that this

topic is addressed quickly and

cohesively and so we do not waste too

much time debating which topic is to be

debated first. We will not move on to

topic two until an agreement has been

reached on topic one.

Questions to consider:

1. Should the police and military have

been given a more active role in ending

the violence through ensuring the

upholding of the ceasefires declared?

2. Should more of the parties, not simply

the governments of Britain and the

Republic of Ireland, been considered in

the Downing Street Declaration

considering the fact that it proved

essential to the future multi party talks?

Why did the separate governments not

punish the action by the police and

military later acknowledged to be wrong

further?

3. Would you consider, given your

party’s position, providing immunity to

those who orchestrated violent acts

before the ceasefires were declared? 4.

What kind of incentives will you provide

or like seen in order for the violence to

end?

Topic 2: Work Towards a Peace

Accord between the Disputing Parties

and the Governments of the United

Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland

First ceasefire

Following quite a lot of background

work, along with an overwhelming

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desire for some kind of political and

military ceasefire, the loyalist and

republican paramilitaries declared

ceasefires in 1994.

On 31 August 1994, the Provisional IRA

declared a ceasefire. The loyalist

paramilitaries temporarily united in the

"Combined Loyalist Military

Command,” which was created around

six weeks later. Albeit these ceasefires

and this unity failed in the short run,

these events marked an effective end to

large-scale political violence in the

Troubles and provided greater hope and

more determination for a peaceful

agreement in the long run.

In 1995, given President Bill Clinton’s

vested interest in the region and in

resoling the conflict itself, the US

appointed George Mitchell as the United

States Special Envoy to Northern

Ireland. Mitchell was named and

recognized as the only envoy from the

US government, and it was well

established that he would be able to

accurately represent the direct interests

of both the US and Bill Clinton

personally. Both the British and Irish

governments agreed to allow Mitchell to

chair an international commission on

disarmament of the paramilitary groups

and aid in their transition into legitimate

political groups.

Second ceasefire

On 9 February 1996, less than two years

after the declaration of the ceasefire, the

IRA revoked it with the Docklands

Bombing in the Canary Wharf area of

London, killing two people and causing

£85 million in damage to the city's

financial center. Sinn Féin blamed the

failure of the ceasefire on the UK

government's refusal to begin all-party

negotiations until the IRA

decommissioned its weapons.

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The IRA reinstated their ceasefire in July

1997, as negotiations for the document

that would become known as the Good

Friday Agreement were starting without

Sinn Féin. It was largely believed that

this sudden change in tactic and

declaration of a ceasefire was due to

pressure from Gerry Adams himself on

the IRA following his visit to America,

in which Sinn Fein as a political

organization was able to raise funds and

further legitimize itself as a political

organization. Such pressure eventually

led to Sinn Fein signing the Mitchell

Principles in September of 1997 that

allowed for them to participate in the

talks.

This second ceasefire proved even more

helpful towards the cause of peace. The

UVF was the first paramilitary group to

split as a result of their ceasefire, and

this resulted in the formation of the

Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF) in 1996.

In December 1997, the INLA

assassinated LVF leader Billy Wright,

leading to a series of revenge killings of

Catholics by loyalist groups.

Additionally, a further split of the IRA

occurred when a group of Republicans

split from the Provisional IRA and

formed the Real IRA. This split was

largely due to the fact that the

Provisional IRA, under Sinn Fein, was

moving away from violent tactics in

order to remain a part of the peace talks.

Although there as a worry that such

smaller groups could derail the progress

the peace talks were making at this time,

most of them were in fact discredited or

not seen as legitimate threats. However,

they were still capable of violence and

occasionally were successful in

reminding the public of their abilities

with sporadic acts of violence. Due to

their fading legitimacy in this vein, the

INLA eventually declared a ceasefire

after the Belfast Agreement of 1998.

As a result of the success of the

ceasefires, talks began between all the

main political parties in Northern Ireland

to establish political agreement. These

talks led to the Belfast Agreement of

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1998, or the ‘Good Friday Agreement.’

This agreement restored self-government

to Northern Ireland on the basis of

"power-sharing,” which had been used

previously and what had been the hope

since the beginning of the peace process.

Given the complexity of the issue, any

and all solutions laid out in the

agreement must accommodate all parties

involved fairly and equally. However, it

will also be your chance to rewrite

history and include certain provisions

that were not previously mentioned or

could not be agreed upon in the original

negotiations. Also, for those of you who

are representing smaller, lesser-known

organizations it will be your chance for

your group to have a larger voice than it

had before.

Any agreement that is considered should

ideally be based upon the intricacies of

the original Belfast Agreement, therefore

familiarity with the different strands and

constitutionals provisions will be crucial

to creating a document which stands up

to the issue. Please keep in mind that this

document not need be a long one,

especially considering that the original

one was not a long one at all, but should

contain the specifics necessary to cover

all aspects that you believe are important

in this issue.

Questions to Consider:

1. Why were more parties not considered

in the final agreement?

2. Were the opinions of all parties

involved fully respected in the formation

of this agreement?

3. How different would this document if

more parties were involved in the

negotiations?

4. What could/should have been done

differently within this agreement to

ensure a smoother transition?

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Works Cited

David McKittrick, Seamus Kelters, Brian Feeney and Chris Thornton (1999), Lost Lives:

The stories of the men, women and children who died as a result of the Northern Ireland

troubles, Mainstream Publishing Company.

Greg Harkin and Martin Ingram (2004), Stakeknife: Britain's secret agents in Ireland,

O'Brien Press (18 Feb 2004)

Richard English, Armed Struggle: The History of the IRA, Oxford University Press (23

Dec 2004)

Richard English, 'The Interplay of Non-violent and Violent Action in Northern Ireland,

1967-72', in Adam Roberts and Timothy Garton Ash (eds.), Civil Resistance and Power

Politics: The Experience of Non-violent Action from Gandhi to the Present, Oxford

University Press, 2009

Kevin Myers, Watching the Door A Memoir 1971–1978, Lilliput Press, Dublin (16 Oct

2006)

Tim Pat Coogan, 'Ireland in the Twentieth Century', Palgrave Macmillan (16 February

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Peter Taylor, Behind the Mask: The IRA and Sinn Féin, TV books, Inc., New York, 1997,

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