Prostorska arheologija

Settlement pattern

the way in which man disposed himself over the landscape on which he lived. It refers to dwellings, to their arrangement, and to the nature and disposition of other buildings pertaining to community life. These settlements reflect the natural environment, the level of technology on which the builders operated, and various institutions of social inter-action and control which the culture maintained. Because settlement patterns are, to a large extent, directly shaped by widely held cultural needs, they offer a strategic starting point for the functional interpretation of archaeological cultures.

...the study of social relationships using archaeological data" (Trigger 1967:151).

Settlement Archaeology - Science of prehistoric society

… the ways in which a prehistoric society adjusted to its environment (Trigger 1971:330)

Settlements were considered crucial intersections of various subsistence activities and strategies, and social and cultural components of individual and collective behaviour. On this basis it was hoped that studying the settlements properly it is possible to recognize principal social and cultural patterns much like anthropologists do it while studying living communities (Chang 1972, 1).

Community pattern

“Settlement....must subsitute for the community.” (Chang 1968, 3).

homestead unplanned village planned village

segmented village

non-lineage multi-lineage

mono-lineage multi-lineage

! “community as maximum number of individuals who live together and

personally know each other. (Murdock 1949, 79; cf. Tringham 1972, xxi).

Chang’s equivalents of village plans and community patterns (1958, 304-307):

AMERICAN ANTIQUITY

0 1 2 3 4 5 MILES

COMPOSITE TAKEN FROM YELLEN 1968 DOBE 0

Figure 2. Ac.ual map of foraging trips made by !Kung San around base camps.

base, establishing overnight camps from which they move out in search of game, frequently using what I (Binford 1978b) have termed an encounter of strategy. If they succeed in their hunting endeavors, and if the body size of the animal is large or the distance to camp is great and the temperature is warm, they may elect to dry the meat in the field and transport processed meat back to camp. This possibility is indicated by the little drying rack in the lower right-hand corner. They may then elect to return to the base by the original route or, if more meat is needed, they are more likely to return by a new route where they may even have further success in hunting. This little hunting trip represents a different type of strategy. It is a specialized work party, in this case made up of men, who establish camps for their own maintenance away from the residentaial base

[Vol. 45, No. 1,1980

I

"I, '

Base Camp

Foraging Radius

Paleoekonomska šola

G. Clark

Paleoekonomska šola (Palaeoeconomy)summer huntingsteppe grassland 4

\migrating jfe&R&Of

AA •

'I montane grasslandW ^ ' A A

^ ^ Major annualgroup movements

A Quarry• Ephemeral campsite

% Temporary campsite

• Seasonal campsite^Seasonal game

^ ^ ' ^migrations

tiJ

A AAA A A Amountain glaciers / \

montane grassland

1 spring and A A/ autumn hunting A ^

• ̂ • « A• " deer and wild cattle A J\

K%#" : AA

n . - » ^ —

* m *^ winter hunting- grassland and

M pine parkland

AV)v/

AA

A7"

steep-edgedplateau

hunters'game trap

E. S. Higgs !Palaeoeconomy (1975)

Papers in economic prehistory (1972)

!the study of the relationships between technology and those natural resources lying within economic range of individual sites." (Vita-Finzi and Higgs 1970:5)

the catchment of an archaeological site is that area from which a site (or more properly, the inhabitants of a site) derived its resources (Vita-Finzi 1969a:106)

Site catchment (najdiščno zajetje)

6 Bintliff

early 1970's was the later Holocene evolution of the Plain of Western Macedon, where the scale oflandscape transformation was vast as a result of the mighty river systems involved in the growth ofsediments in this coastal plain (Figure 2). The modern landscape bore no resemblance to that of Neolithictimes, and even a more recent era, that of the Classical and Hellenistic Kingdom of Macedon underPhilip, Alexander and their predecessors, saw a quite different plain from that of present times. Here wecan introduce an additional and important complication, that landscape change in the Holocene is clearlynot a 'uniformitarian' geomorphic process, where observation of presentday geomorphic behaviour andmeasurements of rates of accumulation or denudation can be extrapolated backwards into prehistory.Although the great rivers such as the Axios, debouching into the Macedonian coastal plain, will alwayshave deposited a heavy bedload, the parameters of alluvial floodplain development changed completelyduring the mid-Holocene, with the shift in worldwide eustatic sealevel rise from a rapid rise regime to onecharacterising the later Holocene till today, where sealevels have perhaps risen only slightly (maybe 1metre per millennium on average). From a situation where much of the potential river silt was depositedinto the waters of a rising Thermaic Gulf, this caused a dramatic modification, where alluvial depositioneasily outstripped sealevel rise, giving rise to the well-documented massive expansion of a subaerial deltaover the last 2500 years, landlocking a former harbour town of Pella some 30 kms from the presentcoastline (Bintliff, 1976).

f==| heavy alluvial soils

I ; 'I light crasta soils

K'· :l thick limestone soils

I·';.:·':·':! thin limestone soils

Fig 1. Catchment analyses of two Neolithic sites on the Tavoliere Plain, Italy, using the modemgeomorphological context (from Jaiman and Webley 1975)

Similar changes in environmental parameters help to account for rates of growth in the great coastalriver systems of Western Turkey (Figure 3) which clearly cannot be extrapolated back through theHolocene, and which were responsible for recurrent shifts in associated human setuement systems, most

modest assumption that a human group will in the long run make use of those resources within its territory that are economic for it to exploit and that are within reach of available technology. On this assumption, a site placed in a territory largely composed of grazing country would have been inhabited by human groups intent on the exploitation of grazing animals (Vita-Finzi and Higgs 1970:2).

THEMES AND APPROACHES

Figure 13.3 Early Formative villages along the Atoyac River in the north-eastern Valley ofOaxaca (Mexico); catchment circles with radii of 2.5 kilometres (solid line), 5 kilometres(dashed line). Inset: idealized model of settlement evolution along the Atoyac River duringthree temporal phases. Source: Flannery 1976.

apparently close satellites of the main settlements. It is also significant that, whereasMogote exhibits a continual population rise until it represents the 'central place' forthe valley, the other four main settlements remain as small hamlets for upwards of athousand years, suggesting that their half-hour interval network approximates to akind of long-term stability.

Flannery's thoughtful discussion demonstrates a dynamic development of terri-tory size, so that we may conclude that the 5-kilometre farming radius may operatein certain settlement scenarios, such as pioneer farming 'infill' situations, but notothers, with mature 'filled' farming landscapes stabilizing into 2.5-kilometre radiuscatchments. It also raises an unexpected but crucial difficulty: given that the Atoyacvalley settlements are located to give prime access to the most important local

514

the range of archaeological pursuits that focus on study of the spatial aspects of the archaeological record. These pursuits certainly do not constitute a separable "field," but, rather, a set of perspectives on studying ancient societies and cultures, emphasizing position, arrangement, and orientation, and examined at a range of scales: from individual buildings or monuments, caches, and burials, to settlements, landscapes, and regions. Architecture and the built environment, generally, are only a part of the whole, and discussion of them here highlights their two-dimensional aspects or plan view

(Ashmore)

Spatial archaeology

Spatial archaeology (1977)

Analytical Archaeology (1967)

David Leonard Clarke (1937–76)“archaeology is archaeology”

the retrieval of information from archaeological spatial relationships and the study of the spatial consequences of former hominid activity patterns within and between features and structures and their articulation within sites, site systems and their environments: the study of the flow and integration of activities within and between structures, sites and resource spaces from the micro to the semi-micro and macro scales of aggregation. [1977:9]

Elements

- Raw materials - Artefacts - Built structures (of any kind) - Parts of built structures - Communication routes - Locations of raw materials - Humans

ObservationsRelationships between the elements: !-Distributional logic -Fluctuations in quantitative values - Hierarchical structures and internal fluctuations -Other forms of ordered structures

Spatial archaeology

macro semi-macro

micro

levels of observations

Theorieseconomic, architectural, anthropological, physics, statistics,

stochastic …

Major premissesrational decision making, distance as friction, multiplier effect

in hierarchy

224 Synthesis

Random dispersalacross different

biomes

X Population clusters

1,2,3,4 Unspecifiedbiomes

Random dispersalwithin differentiated

biomes

Clustered dispersalaround resource

concentrations withindifferentiated biomesand along ecotones

Figure 12-2. Alternative models for large-scale settlement patterns of prehistori-cal hunter-gatherers.

from two recent interpretations of Acheulian settlement distributionduring early and middle Pleistocene times. Isaac (1972:Figure 7) hasproposed a modified gravity model to explain the slow rates of direc-tional change in technology and lithic typology during the millionyears spanned by the African Acheulian: Low-density, uniform disper-sal of groups is proposed. Under such minimal gravity conditions in-formation flow is negligible, and there is little directional change; muchof the observed variability is explained by stochastic processes (therandom-walk hypothesis developed by D.L. Clarke) (Clarke, 1968). Forlater Pleistocene times, Isaac (1972) has proposed a higher-density dis-tribution of groups, prone to increasing aggregation and thereby favor-ing regional patterning of rule systems and language that then createintelligibility barriers and partial cultural isolates. Isaac's model doesnot take resource variability into account, a factor militating againstuniform dispersal in most environments. On the other hand, Deacon

Since it is highly unlikely that geographic

distribution, particularly locational patterns involving human

decisions, are the result of equally probable

events, it is expected that most map patterns reflect some system or

order (Dacey 1964:559).

Analiza distribucij

Point pattern analysis

Analiza trendnih površin (trend surface analysis)

AMERICAN ANTIQUITY

6. The monuments are not portable and are distributed more or less evenly across the study area.

THE SAMPLE POPULATION

To be included in the sample, a site (point) was required to have more than one carved, dated stone monument, since a single monument, not being part of a datable sequence, would give undue weight to older dates. Where dates were questionable, and no other strong evidence was avail- able, it was arbitrarily decided to include only those monuments which Morley (1920,1937-1938) designated with a (?). All monuments dated with a (??) or (???) were eliminated from serious con- sideration. Where possible, stelae dates are corrobated in Table 1 by reference to more recent works such as Greene et al. (1972), referred to as "GRG." Mayanists will of course observe that a number of sites are not included which may eventually be important to this study. It was felt that the constraints described above were essential, given the rigorous statistical approach used. As will be demonstrated, the lack of a point, or even a number of points, is not critical in terms of results obtained.

Most of the analysis used a 47-point distribution. Only six monuments dated with a (?) are in- cluded in the 47-point distribution sample. These are Calakmul, El Palmar, La Honradez, Naach-

Figure 1. Movement into Maya Lowlands (after Adams 1972: Figure 1).

96 [Vol. 46, No. 1,1981

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102 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 46, No. 1,1981

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mapped variable or did it arise by chance" (Chorley and Haggett 1965:56). The objective is to determine if components of a trend function are statistically significant, or whether they probably reflect chance alone. Table 2 shows essential information for analysis of variance.

The degrees of freedom with trend components are equivalent to the number of terms in a trend equation, except the base, or zero-degree term. The degrees of freedom associated with devia- tions from a trend function represent the difference between n - 1 degrees of freedom and the number associated with the trend equation component.

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Thiessnovi poligoni

Določitev teritorijev

von Thünenov model Der isoli[e]rte Staat in Beziehung auf Landwirtschaft und Nationalökonomie (1852)

SETTLEMENT AND TERRITORY

Figure 13.5 Known (solid symbols) and hypothesized (question-marks) nucleated settle-ment system in the classical era for the region of Boeotia, central Greece; cities are indicatedby triangles, villages by circles. Best-fit circles of 2.5-kilometre radius have been fittedwithin village-city subsistence territories first defined through Thiessen polygons (the solidline cells). Shading represents infertile uplands. Source: J. Bintliff 1994.

information is detailed enough to allow us to follow the evolutionary dynamics ofa settlement system, we sometimes observe the metamorphosis of a network fromone set of values to another, usually smaller, set. It is not problematic to detectthe underlying mechanisms at work, which are the same that we have observedin the Atoyac valley: as a landscape is populated by villages, large territoriesare established first, but over time the further multiplication of settlementsoccurs through infill between pioneer communities, an accommodation achievedthrough the progressive subdivision of land at the expense of existing territorialunits.

This transformational series may be hypothesized to include quanta from a 5-kilometre radius, through 3-4 kilometres, to 2-3 kilometres, and finally to 1-2kilometres, rarely to less than 1 kilometre. Flannery's Atoyac valley seems to movedirectly from 5 to 2.5 kilometres without an intervening stage, and finally gives riseto occasional tiny satellite hamlets nested within the 2.5-kilometre territory andwith arguably less than 1-kilometre radius catchments. It is likely, however, that

517

Hierarhija naselij

SETTLEMENT AND TERRITORY

1 = 5 km radius•2 = 5 km radius3 = 3.5 km radii

.-2--.

2 l

(b)

; 2

^ %Ô Î ·'·' 2'·' r*

•--2-

' Subsequently:'' 4 = 2.5 km

5 = l .72 km

Figure 13.8 (a) Two-dimensional settlement expansion model (re-drawn from Ellison andHarriss 1972: fig. 24.16); (b) model of secondary expansion 2 from primary settlement 1followed by tertiary interstitial infill 3. Source: J. Bintliff.

the dynamic spread of farming villages, this time allowing daughter colonies tospread in all directions from a single pioneer community before interstitial infill,the sequence might run as follows (Fig. 13.8b): pioneer village colonizes itssurroundings (Phase 1); in an ideal scenario a single, 5-kilometre radius, origincommunity would eventually be surrounded by a complement of six secondaryhamlets each with a 5-kilometre radius catchment (Phase 2); if a tertiary series of

Walter ChristallerDie zentralen Orte in Süddeutschland (1933)

The crystallization of mass around a nucleus is, inorganic as well as organic nature, an elementary form of order of things which belong together - a centralistic order. This order is not only a human mode of thinking, existing in the human world of imagination and developed because people demanded order; in fact it existed out of the inherent pattern of matter (Christaller1966 :14) .

220 Synthesis

Marketing Principle Ck=3)Dependent places shared by several central places at intersection of hexagons

\/

V. A .

Traffic Principle Ck=4)Dependent places shared by several central places and located on direct path

between central places

X ' X ' X ' X v^'Y Y Y "" I'X'X'X ' jf Y Y Y "S.X ' X ' X ' XY Y Y "

' X ' X ' X ' .r r Y v

\-k.

Administrative Principle Ck=7)Dependent places within hexagonal territories

Figure 12-1. Three-stage hierarchies for Christaller central-place networks withk = 3, k = 4, and k = 7. Modified from Haggett et al. (1977:Figure 57).

sites are strictly contemporaneous, and insufficient information as tosite growth and possibly changing rank order; (c) unreliable or incom-plete data on site size or population and on economic activities. Unlessan unusual wealth of written documents is available, center rankingand overall hierarchical differentiation are prone to error, increasingthe probability that incorrect hexagonal patterns will be constructed.

Even if ranking problems can be properly resolved for an unusuallygood archaeological record, selection of the k hierarchy becomes criti-cal. Theoretically, it seems unlikely that the rationalized marketingprinciple pertains to prehistorical settlement distributions; yet Marcus(1973) and Smith (1979b) adopted a k = 3 hierarchy for the lowlandMaya and the Aztec of the Valley of Mexico. Given the primary impor-

Pravilo ranga (rank size rule)

Zipfovo pravilo (Zipf’s law)