problem of government simplification in portland, oregon
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36 XATIONAL MUNICTPAL REVIEW [January the company as soon as possible in the same position it would have occupied if the deficit had not existed.
The contract is also silent as to pro- tection of the street railway side of the companys operations against compe- tition from other forms of mass trans- portation. It may be that this problem
is covered by existing regulations of the state commission, but a modern franchise should so far as possible pro- vide that the public utility which is able and willing to furnish the neces- sary forms of service should have the exclusive management of mass trans- portation within the municipal limits.
PROBLEM OF GOVERNMENT SIMPLIFICA- TION IN PORTLAND, OREGON
BY C. C. LUDWIG P i e d m i of the Podand City Club
Wastes due to scatteration of legal and administrative p m e r in an .. .. .. urban territory. ..
THE people of Portland, Oregon, like many other metropolitan commu- nities, are confronted with the problem of reorganizing their local government. This government at the present time is divided among six governing bodies -a city council, a board of county commissioners, a port commission, a dock commission, a school board and a library board.
At least two efforts have been made in the recent past to simplify this arrangement along the line of consol- idation. One of these was the adop- tion of a charter amendment providing for optional consolidation of the dock commission and the port commission. This option has not been exercised, the dock commission, a city-appointed body, being unwilling to turn over valuable terminal properties to the port commission, a body appointed by the governor of the state. The other attempt a t consolidation was a pro- posed constitutional amendment pro- viding for consolidation of county and city and authorizing a charter com- mission. This resolution was pre-
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sented to the legislature in 1319 but failed of passage.
During the past year interest in the subject of consolidation has been re- vived and the City Club has begun a comprehensive study of the broad problem of simplification of Portlands government. It is realized that a major program of this kind will require several years of time and to be successful must extend its appeal from a single or a few civic agencies to the whole community. However, it is thought that the City Club can well begin by making the basic fact studies and indicating the kind of enabling legislation that will be required to make the program official.
A sketch of the evidence of disor- ganization and complexity which has led the City Club to undertake this program may be of interest to others having similar problems.
In the first place, of course, the club has been influenced by the gen- eral consideration that a periodical survey of local government is desirable in every community. A good corpora-
19951 GOVERNMENT SIMPLIFICATION IN PORTLAND 57
tion will occasionally make a complete survey of its machinery and methods to determine whether these need over- hauling and modernizing. In many ways the government of a metropolitan community is like a big business. Certainly it would seem to be good policy in times of rapid change like the present for a community to take stock of its governmental arrange- ments every dozen or fifteen years.
More specifkally, how does Portland meet the tests for the government of a large city? Three of the important criteria which Charles A. Beard has laid down for testing the government of a metropolitan are these:
1. Is the political jurisdiction of the city ex- tensive enough to cover the entire urban area?
e. Are related functions performed by single or closely co-ordinated departments rather than by independent agencies?
3. Does the overhead control vest in a central accountable legislature which has avail- able for use an ensemble of information on amunts, budgets, taxes, and indebt- edness?
Portland cannot meet these require- ments. Portland has six governing bodies and in addition a Tax Supervis- ing and Conservation Commission which has a limited jurisdiction over budget and tax levies. In fact, the creation of the Tax Supervising and Conservation Commission can be re- garded as a practical expedient to secure a measure of co-ordination in the finances of the governing bodies. However, there can be no permanent solution as long as the government of the city is split up among six bodies which are more or less inde- pendent.
NO SINGLE JURISDICTION OVER URBAN AREA
The main argument for consolida- tion is not so much the waste arising
out of duplication of overhead offices (although there is some duplication in the governing bodies themselves and in the legal, engineering, accounting, treasurers and purchasing depart- ments) as it is the lack of complete jurisdiction over the entire urban area and the many diversities in methods and jurisdiction where there ought to be uniformity. Both of these facts are serious obstacles to the quick and efficient solution of our city planning and other problems, in fine are a hand- icap to the best government of our community.
Most of the services of local govern- ment are performed in whole or in part by the municipality of the city of Port- land, but there is a large suburban fringe outside the legal limits which is a part of the economic city and to which these services are not available and over which desirable public con- trol does not extend. For example these suburban districts cannot prop- erly provide for police and fire protec- tion; they are not subjected to building code control and health inspection; they cannot provide street improve- ments under a practical assessment procedure as they could if they were inside the city line; they are unable to get sewer systems and have to form independent municipalities in order to get the benefits of the Bull Run water
There seems to be no logical reason why the hospital service furnished by the public should be split between the county and the city, the people outside the limits of the city contributing to the general charity hospital and the tuberculosis pavilion but not to the emergency hospital or the isolation hospital. Until a year ago a similar situation obtained in the matter of the care of delinquents, the detention home for children being under county jurisdiction and financing while the
38 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January
womens detention home was under city control.
The functions of the port of Portland and the dock commission both relate to the same purpose yet the terri- torial jurisdiction of the one is much larger than the other. In other words, the property owner in the suburbs of Multnomah or Hillsdale should be required to contribute taxes for dock terminal development as well as for port channel development and main- tenance.
But even if the entire urban area were within the city limits, there would still remain much diversity in methods and authority due to the existence of over-lapping jurisdictions in the same territory.
First, there is diversity as to the method of selecting the governing bodies themselves. Of the six bodies, three are elected, two are appointed and one is a combination of ex officio and self-perpetuating.
Then, there is diversity in the method of selecting administrative officem In the main the city admin- istrators are appointed while the county administrators are elected. The diversity is particularly notice- able when applied to various posi- tions whose duties are similar, for example :
(a) Chief of pot imppointed. Sheriff and constabldected.
(b) City treasurer-appointed. County treasurer--elected.
(c) City engineer--appointed. County surveyor-elected.
(d) City attorney?ppointed. County attorney-4ech-I.
This citation is not made for the pur- pose of arguing for either the method of election or the method of appoint- ment but merely to raise the question why some administrative officials are elected when others doing the same type of work are appointed.
Perhaps the most obvious discrep- ancy in jurisdiction is that which exists between the city and the county with regard to streets. Legally the streets of this urban area which we call Portland are divided into three classes. If they are outside the city limits, they are either (a) dedicated streets, or (b) county roads; if they are within the city limits they are either (b) county roads or (c) city streets. Each of these classes is subject to a different kind of legal control. Only county roads and city streets may be improved at public expense, the roads being improved at general taxpayers expense while the city streets are financed by assessment against benefitting property.
Lucky is the man in the city whose property abuts on a county road, for his highway is built and, if need be, rebuilt, a t the expense of the general taxpayer, while his unfortunate neigh- bor on the city street has to pay for his highway by special assessment. It is true most .of the county roads within the city limits are more or less arterial in character and confer a benefit which is general as well as local in character, but this is also true of many city streets which have been entirely financed by local assessment.
On at least two occasions city streets have been temporarily con- verted into county roads for the pur- pose of getting the county (general taxpayers) to put in the pavement and have then been re-converted into city streets. This procedure has also been proposed in other cases. In two cases county roads have been taken over as city streets with the county con- tributing the cost of an 18-foot strip of pavement. This latter procedure would s