presentazione comparative sociology_2014_leticia carro zanella

Welfare, immigrati, Welfare, immigrati, investimenti in investimenti in

formazione e mercato di formazione e mercato di lavorolavoro

Dott.ssa. Leticia Carro [email protected]

2014

Dott.ssa. Leticia Carro [email protected]

2014

mailto:[email protected]

mailto:[email protected]

PresentazionePresentazione

1) Schema iniziale di “Coleman boat”

2) Aspetti trasversali

3) Situazione Italiana

4) Dal Macro (M1) al micro (m1)

5) Dal micro (m1) al micro (m2)

6) Dal micro (m2) al Macro (M2)

7) Considerazioni finali – Riformulazione dello schema di “Coleman boat”

1) Schema “Coleman boat”1) Schema “Coleman boat”

M1 – M2: Diversi regimi di Welfare. Diverse percentuali destinate alla spesa sociale. Cambiamenti nel tasso di occupazione dei figli di immigrati (giovani).

M1 – m1: Welfare “generoso” con le famiglie immigrate. “Stimolo” maggiore per investire nella formazione universitaria dei figli.

m1 – m2: Con l'investimento delle famiglie, le seconde generazioni possono ritardare l'entrata nel mercato del lavoro.

m2 – M2: Ritardando (o meno) l'entrata nel mercato del lavoro, si possono ottenere differenze significative riguardo all'offerta di lavoro di queste generazioni attraverso diversi modelli di Welfare (universalistico, tradizionale e liberale).

2) Aspetti trasversali2) Aspetti trasversali

● Oggetto di studio: Seconde generazioni di immigrati (figli di immigrati).

● Contesto: Paesi dell'OECD; diversi modelli di Welfare

● Accesso ai sistemi di protezione sociale da parte degli immigrati (nei diversi regimi di Welfare) e come questo possa influenzare l'offerta di lavoro dei figli di immigrati.

● Sostegno alle famiglie, investimento in formazione scolastica-universitaria e la scelta di lavorare.

● Un Welfare “generoso” con le famiglie immigrate (servizi, contributo economico) influenza la scelta di investire in formazione universitaria? E la scelta di entrare nel mercato del lavoro? E il tipo di lavoro ricercato?

● Paper principale: “Migration and Welfare State solidarity in Western Europe” (Steffen Mau; Christoph Burkhardt). Journal of European Social Policy, 2009.

● Regimi di Welfare (Esping-Andersen 1990; Leibfried 1992):

1) Continental – Austria, Belgio, Germania, Francia, Italia, Lussemburgo, Olanda, Svizzera

2) Mediterranean – Portogallo, Spagna, Grecia

3) Liberal – Inghilterra, Irlanda

4) Social Democ. – Svezia, Norvegia, Finlandia, Danimarca

● Differenze fra variabili indipendenti a livello individuale (micro) e a livello macro

● Ricerche OECD. Analisi comparato

● Push and Pull Theory

– Portes, Alejandro (ed.): “The Economic Sociology of Immigration. Essays on Networks, Ethnicity, and Entrepreneurship”. Russell Sage Foundation, New York, 1995.

FATTORI PUSH (RESPINGERE)

FATTORI PULL (ATTIRARE)

Disoccupazione Potenziale occupazione

Mancanza di servizi Migliore prestazione dei servizi

Scarsa sicurezza Sicurezza

Criminalità Bassa criminalità

Fattori ambientali Terre fertili, clima migliore, ecc.

Povertà Assistenza

Guerra Pace

Bassa qualità di vita Migliore qualità di vita

Bassa qualità del sistema sanitario e/o sistema educativo

Migliore qualità del sistema sanitario e/o sistema educativo

– Portes, Alejandro & DeWind, Josh (eds.): “Rethinking migration. New Theoretical and Empirical Perspectives”. Berghahn Books, New York-Oxford, 2007.

3) Situazione Italiana3) Situazione Italiana

➢ “I diritti non sono un 'costo': Immigrazione, Welfare e Finanza Pubblica” (a cura di Lunaria). Open Society Foundations, Roma, 2013.

➢ “Immigration in a Mediterranean Welfare State: The Italian Experience in Comparative Perspective” (Sciortino, Giuseppe). Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis, Vol. 6, No. 2, 111 –129, August 2004.

➢ “Welfare e immigrazione. Impatto e sostenibilità dei flussi migratori diretti al settore socio-sanitario e della cura” (Piperno, Flavia). Cespi, 2009.

Fonte: Dati Istat. En: Lunaria (2013), p. 9

Fonte: Dati Istat. En: Lunaria (2013), p. 23

Fonte: Lunaria (2013), p. 17



Riduzione delle risorse del Fondo Nazionale

per le Politiche Migratorie del -500% (Periodo: 2009-2012) come conseguenza

del ridimensionamento del Fondo Nazionale

per le Politiche Sociali

Nel 2011 i cittadini stranieri hanno

contribuito per il 12,8% alla creazione del valore aggiunto (178,5 miliardi

di euro). Nel 2005 l’incidenza era pari al

7,1% e quindi, 5,7 punti percentuali in meno

rispetto al 2011

➢ Taglio disposto dall’attuale legge finanziaria riguardo alla spesa sociale, che riduce anche sul medio termine la possibilità di un lavoro incisivo a favore di una coerente gestione del lavoro migrante diretto al settore della cura (Piperno, 2009, p. 18).

Spesa destinata al sociale previste dalle leggi finanziarie (2008-2011) (milioni di euro)

4) Dal Macro (M1) al micro (m1)4) Dal Macro (M1) al micro (m1)

Fonte: Sciortino, Giuseppe.

Immigration in a Mediterranean

Welfare State: The Italian Experience in

Comparative Perspective. Journal

of Comparative Policy Analysis,

Vol. 6, No. 2, 111 –129, August 2004.

Table 1, p. 114

Fonte: Sainsbury, Diane. Immigrants' social rights in comparative perspective: welfare regimes, forms in immigration and immigration policy regimes. Journal of European Social Policy 2006, 16:229. Figure 1, p. 231

Fonte: Steffen Mau; Christoph Burkhardt.

Migration and Welfare State solidarity in

Western Europe. Journal of European Social

Policy, 2009. Table 1, p. 218

Fonte: Caponio, Tiziana (a cura di). Dall'ammissione all'inclusione: Verso un approccio integrato? Un percorso di approfondimento comparativo a

partire da alcune recenti esperienze europee. Rapporto FIERI per CNEL, Settembre 2013. Figura 1, “Tipologia delle policy di integrazione civica”, P.

60

Descrizione analitica delle politiche di integrazione in diversi paesi

Fonte: Caponio, Tiziana (a cura di). 2013, p. 65.

Froy, F. and L. Pyne (2011), “Ensuring Labour Market Success for Ethnic Minority and Immigrant Youth”,

OECD. Local Economic and Employment Development (LEED). Working Papers, 2011/09, OECD Publishing.

● Intergenerational factors: “Many parents of migrant youth did not themselves complete formal education and may not have the knowledge to assist their children in getting the most from their schooling (…) Gender is another important consideration. Among some ethnic minority communities there is a lower awareness of the significance of good education for girls” (P. 21).

● Low aspirations: “In some of the case studies young migrants were resigned to remaining within their socioeconomic status and were looking for a 'job' rather than a 'career'. A possible factor for this is that the children of immigrants are not as exposed to occupational paths outside the sectoral specialisation of their parents” (P. 21).

● Financial pressures: “Family poverty can lead to high levels of young people dropping out of school because of financial pressure to start earning at an early age. Learning and skills are sometimes valued in the home only as long as they immediately allow young people to earn an income. In Madrid, it was found that many Ecuadorian students opted to commence short professional training courses rather than pursue academic study because it was seen as a means to getting a job faster and helping financially in the home (CIDALIA, submitted). The economic downturn may now be dissuading some youngsters from leaving education early” (P. 21).

● Policy options for improving the educational outcomes of the children of immigrants (P. 22-23).

● Involving families: “Increasing parents’ involvement in language learning during early years and school education can also help children to succeed (Westwood, 2010)” (P. 24).

Example: Apprenticeship training, ViennaExample: Apprenticeship training, Vienna

Fonte: Froy, F. and L. Pyne (2011), p. 33

Barriers to labour market integration for migrant Barriers to labour market integration for migrant youthyouth

● “OECD research has found that the gap in labour market outcomes between ethnic minorities and non-ethnic minorities can only be partially explained by their lower than average educational attainment (2009a)” (P. 35).

● “Employment rates of the second generation increase with education level, but generally not to the same extent as for the children of natives. In some countries differences in employment rates are actually largest for those with good qualifications” (P. 35).

● “When migrant children have the same average educational attainment levels as native children, they are still less successful overall in the labour market which would suggest additional, persistent barriers present in the transition from education to work” (P. 35).

“In the current fiscal environment most OECD countries are in the process of reducing public sector spending to counter deficits.

This retrenchment in spending inevitably means that there will be less state funding available to support new and/or existing

interventions even though the conditions for migrant youth and ethnic minorities have worsened during the course of the recession”

(P. 63).

➢The initiatives are based in the following pillars:The initiatives are based in the following pillars:

●Importance of early years provision and multi-generational approaches (P. 70)

●Invest in education (P. 70)

●Additional supports for the school-to-work transition and financial assistance (P. 70)

●Re-engage youth far removed from the system (P. 71)

●Support job readiness and incentivise youth (P. 71)

●Raise aspirations (P. 71)

●Lobbying for change where necessary at higher governance levels (P. 73)

Georges LemaîtreGeorges Lemaître - The Integration of Immigrants into the - The Integration of Immigrants into the Labour Market: The Case of Sweden. In: OECD Social, Labour Market: The Case of Sweden. In: OECD Social,

Employment and Migration Working Papers, No. 48, 2007Employment and Migration Working Papers, No. 48, 2007

Labour market-outcomes by type of migration and time since arrival,Australia and Canada, p. 41

Odds ratios for employment relative to non-employment in 2001 as a function of Swedish language instruction, public expenditures on training and employment in 1997-1998 for immigrants having arrived in 1997, p. 43

Persons of specific attainment levels by skill level of job held, selected countries, 2003 data, p. 44

➢ “Welfare pull-factors are more important for asylum seekers than for labour migrants” (p. 10)

➢ This paper contradicts the common assumption that economic migrants are more attracted by the welfare state than forced migrants because they have more time in assessing costs and benefits of their migration, compared to the persecuted (Böcker/Havinga 1998: 23).

➢ “This paper argues that there is a negative effect of welfare expenditure on labour migrants because high levels of welfare spending are normally involved with less market responsiveness and high levels of labour regulations, which keep economic migrants away. Hence, this paper hypothesises that high levels of welfare provisions are negatively affecting inflows of labour migration” (p. 10)

➢ Assumption: “the higher a country scores on the de-commodification factor for the whole population, the higher will be the provisions for forced and economic migrants. The assumption is based on the argument that egalitarian and liberal values in Western democracies prevent modern welfare states from completely excluding certain marginalised groups such as asylum seekers and labour migrants” (p. 17)

Schulzek, NinaSchulzek, Nina: “The impact of welfare systems on immigration: An : “The impact of welfare systems on immigration: An analysis of welfare magnets as a pull-factor for asylum seekers and labour analysis of welfare magnets as a pull-factor for asylum seekers and labour

migrants”. Working Papers, Migration Studies Unit, London School of migrants”. Working Papers, Migration Studies Unit, London School of Economics and Political Science, No.2012/02Economics and Political Science, No.2012/02

Fonte: Schulzek (2012), p. 17

5) Dal micro (m1) al micro (m2)5) Dal micro (m1) al micro (m2)

● Hemerijck, A.C.; Palm, T.P. & Van Hooren, F.J.: “Changing European Welfare States and the Evolution of Migrant Incorporation Regimes. Background paper reviewing welfare state structures and reform dynamics in a comparative perspective”. IMPACIM, May 2013.

● Van Hooren, Franca: “Bringing policies back in: How social and migration policies affect the employment of immigrants in domestic care for the elderly in the EU-15”. Danish National Centre for Social Research (SFI), Copenhagen, June 2008.

● Kesler, Christel: “Immigrant Wage Disadvantage in Sweden and the United Kingdom: Wage Structure and Barriers to Opportunity”. IMR (International Migration Review), Volume 44, Number 3 (2010): 560–592.

➢ A factor that could affect allocative processes is the availability of alternatives to work:

“Scholars of comparative political economy, and most prominently Esping-Andersen (1990), have noted that the availability of transfer income, particularly in the form of unemployment insurance or social assistance, has a ‘‘de-commodifying’’ effect on potential workers. That is, with the availability of such transfer income, people are less forced into work to maintain an acceptable standard of living. De-commodification is relevant for wages, because, given temporary or longer-term alternatives to work, immigrants (and other low-skilled or marginalized groups) need not take poorly remunerated jobs. Some previous research (Kogan, 2003) suggests that, indeed, immigrants with generous welfare benefits end up in better jobs, because they are not forced into immediate employment” (Kesler 2010, p. 564)

“SwedenSweden has a higher level of welfare benefits than the UKUK for a wide range of family types (OECD, 2005:

Chap. 3), so in Sweden, non-working families are able to maintain a standard of living that is relatively close to that of working families. But in terms of

immigrant ⁄ native-born inequalities, it is perhaps more important that the UK restricts immigrants from

receiving non-contributory benefits such as social assistance (Groenendijk, Guild, and Barzilay, 2000). Thus, immigrant and native-born welfare rights are more similar in Sweden than in the UK. If access to welfare benefits allows immigrants to avoid jobs at the

bottom of the earnings distribution, then this institutional difference between the two countries would lead to smaller wage gaps between immigrants and native-

born workers in Sweden (Kesler 2010, p. 565)

“SwedenSweden has been a leader in active labor market efforts; the UKUK spends much less on such programs. To illustrate, for each 1% of the total

population that was unemployed in 2001 in Sweden, spending on active labor market

programs was 0.29% of GDP. This compares to 0.07% in the UK. Sweden also spends a higher

percentage (59.2%) than the UK (40.0%) on 'active' relative to total labor market programs (OECD, 2003:193). Workers with greater access

to well-funded training programs, as in Sweden, might possess better skills when they do enter the labor market, which would increase wages particularly at the bottom end of the income

distribution” (Kesler 2010, p. 565)

“The effects of welfare availability and active labor market programs might be particularly important for immigrants, who face specific barriers to desirable employment, and could have a greater need for time and resources to invest in human capital (such as language skills) to seek and find appropriate work.

This is probably particularly true among recent immigrants. Thus, it could be that immigrants in immigrants in

Sweden who do enter the labor market are better Sweden who do enter the labor market are better prepared to maximize their earnings than prepared to maximize their earnings than

immigrants in the UKimmigrants in the UK, both because they are a more selective group from among all working-aged

immigrants, and because they have had more state-subsidized opportunities to improve their host-

country-specific human capital”

(Kesler 2010, p. 566)

Source: Kesler 2010, p. 576

Source: Kesler 2010, p. 581

● A high level of overall wage inequality in the British labor market means that wage gaps between immigrant and native-born workers are larger there than in Sweden (Kesler, p. 584)

● British institutional context is at least as good as the Swedish at promoting equal opportunity for immigrants in terms of wage attainment, but immigrants in the UK cannot overcome the disadvantage of high wage inequality: UK’s relatively advanced anti-discrimination laws; role of English as a world language (newcomers to the UK have an advantage over their counterparts in Sweden) (Kesler, p. 584)

● The institutional characteristics that would work in favor of Sweden’s immigrants – such as access to welfare that would allow them to stay outside the labor force if no desirable jobs are available as well as the somewhat more top-heavy occupational structure – do not seem to allow them to reach higher rungs of the wage structure than their counterparts in the UK (Kesler, p. 585)

● Institutions and policies that specifically address immigrant disadvantage are actually relatively effective in the UK, and at least in the European context, the UK provides a relatively good model of ameliorating nativity-based inequalities (Kesler, p. 585).

● But immigrants in the UK cannot overcome high wage inequality: In terms of the absolute size of wage gaps, most immigrants are just as well if not better off in Sweden (Kesler, p. 585).

● Sweden’s immigrants attain wage positions that are not so different than their counterparts in the UK suggests that reducing overall wage inequality does not necessarily put immigrants at a disadvantage in the process of allocating workers to jobs (Kesler, p. 586)

● Over the past two decades, the UK, Germany, the Netherlands and Spain have made efforts to redirect social and economic policies. This was achieved by passing important social reforms in social security, labour market policy, employment protection legislation, pensions and social services, and welfare financing, which were dependent on the varying starting conditions of the different regimes: “Welfare recalibration” (Hemerijck et al., p. 42)

● New values of work, family, gender relations, distributive fairness, and social integration entered the newly-adopted active welfare edifice, informed critically by the endogenous forces of ageing populations, deindustrialization, and changing gender roles in labour markets and households (Hemerijck et al., p. 42)

● In Germany and the Netherlands: more inclusive strategies of maximizing employment; new policy priorities aimed at activation and reintegration of vulnerable groups; support towards family services meant to stimulate female employment and help families balance work and care (Hemerijck et al., p. 43)

● The selection of highly-skilled migrants may facilitate a closing-of-the gap between highly-skilled migrant workers with strong labour market attachments and citizens. But it does not prevent continued disparities between second generation migrant and native youths. This has become particularly evident when analysing how second generation migrants fare in Western European welfare states when it comes to integration (Hemerijck et al., p. 48)

● Education is one widely-accepted marker for the level of integration of second and third generations, and indicators such as the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) evidence poor scores for the countries under review here: Migrant children of both, first and second generations were outperformed by non-migrants students in all categories of testing (OECD, 2009), although the gap tends to be closer with children of the second generation, particularly in the UK (Hemerijck et al., p. 49)

● Maurice Crul and Han Vermeulen (2006) found that, at least in Belgium, different levels of integration policies in the Flemish north compared to the Walloon south seemed to not have made an impact upon the school achievements of the second generation Turkish population. Relationship between different national education systems and the drop-out rates of second generation (Turkish) migrants, as well as their successful transition to the labour market (Crul, 2007)

● Newcomers in Spain tend to have higher average levels of education than traditional migrant workers. Nevertheless, the ‘1.5 generation’ of migrant children still face significant obstacles in equal access to the Spanish education system (Moreno Fuentes and Bruquetas Callejo, 2011)

● Anti-discrimination laws; language and/or cultural knowledge tests have become common tools of both immigration policy and integration in especially the Netherlands, the UK and Germany (Hemerijck et al., p. 49)

“High public expenditure on elderly care (Sweden, Denmark) implies no demand for private migrant care workers, while low public expenditure (Italy, Spain, Greece), seems to induce a demand for migrant domestic care work. The combination of medium public expenditure with generous and unregulated cash benefits (Austria, Germany)

seems to also induce migrant domestic care work, while the lack of an unregulated cash benefit seems to result in no demand for migrant care work (the Netherlands, Belgium, France). Still unclear are the

cases of Ireland and the United Kingdom, which might be related to the fact that these welfare states are

relatively liberal”

(Van Hooren, p. 22)

6) Dal micro (m2) al Macro (M2)6) Dal micro (m2) al Macro (M2)

● Pichler, Florian: “Success on European Labor Markets: A Cross-national Comparison of Attainment between Immigrant and Majority Populations”. IMR (International Migration Review), Volume 45, Number 4 (2011): 938–978.

● Connor, Phillip & Massey, Douglas S.: “Economic Outcomes among Latino Migrants to Spain and the United States: Differences by Source Region and Legal Status”. IMR (International Migration Review), Volume 44, Number 4 (2010): 802–829.

● Euwals, Rob; Dagevos, Jaco; Gijsberts, Mérove & Roodenburg, Hans: “Citizenship and Labor Market Position: Turkish Immigrants in Germany and the Netherlands”. IMR (International Migration Review), Volume 44, Number 3 (2010): 513–538.

● Heath, Anthony F.; Rothon, Catherine & Kilpi, Elina: “The Second Generation in Western Europe: Education, Unemployment, and Occupational Attainment”. Annual Review of Sociology, 2008, 34: 211–235.

● Österbacka, Eva; Merz, Joachim & Zick, Cathleen D.: “Human Capital Investments in Children: A Comparative Analysis of the Role of Parent-Child Shared Time in Selected Countries”. IZA Discussion Paper, No. 5084, July 2010.

● Papademetriou, Demetrios G.; Somerville, Will & Sumption, Madeleine: “The Social Mobility of Immigrants and Their Children”. Migration Policy Institute, June 2009.

● Azzolini, Davide; Schnell, Philipp & Palmer, John R.: “Educational Achievement Gaps between Immigrant and Native Students in Two 'New' Immigration Countries: Italy and Spain in Comparison”. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 2012, 643: 46.

● Hum, Derek & Simpson, Wayne: “The Legacy of Immigration: The Labour Market Performance of the Second Generation”. Prairie Centre of Excellence for Research on Immigration and Integration. PCERII Working Paper Series, No. WP06-04, June 2004.

Source: Papademetriou et al., p. 3

● The Social Mobility of the Second Generation: The number of native-born children of immigrant parents – the second generation – has been increasing in many industrialized countries due to increased immigration flows in the second half of the 20th century and immigrants’ higher fertility relative to natives. Across Europe and North America, the size of second-generation populations differs greatly. It ranges from around two percent in Denmark or Portugal, to over 15 percent in Canada (Papademetriou et al., p. 11)

➢ What Determines the Second Generation’s Success?What Determines the Second Generation’s Success?

“In all industrialized countries, at least some correlation exists between parents’ labor market performance and

that of their children. The strength of this correlation varies dramatically. It is low in the Nordic countries,

Canada, and Australia, and high in the United States, United Kingdom, and Italy. The causes of the persistence of advantage or disadvantage across generations are

highly complex (…) However, studies of intergenerational mobility typically emphasize parents’

differing willingness or ability to invest in their children’s education, as well as family-background

factors such as language or parental education, which affect the child’s educational development and hence

their labor market success”

(Papademetriou et al., p. 12)

➔ Immigrant-specific factors that are expected to affect Immigrant-specific factors that are expected to affect the second generation’s labor market prospects:the second generation’s labor market prospects:

● Parental wealth

● Parents’ investment in their children, parental education, and the transmission of culture

● Language

● Social networks and residential segregation

● Visa restrictions and legal status

● Discrimination

Parents influence their children’s acquisition of human capital in several ways. Parents could play an important role in shaping the second generation’s expectations. Parents’ socioeconomic status is an important determinant of children’s educational attainment (Papademetriou et al., p. 13-14)

➔ What Is the Role of Educational Attainment in the Second What Is the Role of Educational Attainment in the Second Generation’s Labor Market Success?Generation’s Labor Market Success?

● Second-generation workers are at risk of performing worse than their non-immigrant peers in both education and the labor market. How are these two factors – education and labor market performance – connected? For groups that perform worse in the labor market, is low educational attainment to blame?

● “OECD data show that when we compare the second generation with its 'similar' non-immigrant peers (those with the same education level), the gaps in employment rates decline but remain present” (Papademetriou et al., p. 18)

● Example: there is nearly a 10 percentage point gap between the employment rates of native and second-generation French women, but it drops to less than five percentage points when taking into account the fact that second-generation French women have lower educational attainment. Education accounts for nearly half of the gap between natives and the second generation for men and women in Denmark, and for women in Germany

● Low levels of schooling can exacerbate shortfalls in the second generation’s economic integration, but do not fully explain them

Source: Heath et. al., p. 215

Source: Heath et. al., p. 220

Pichler, Florian (2011)Pichler, Florian (2011): Typical labor market outcomes vary considerably between majority and migrant populations. Differential occupational attainment among immigrant groups across 28 countries. The analyses of occupational attainment are run separately for first- and second-generation migrants as well as children of mixed marriage and take into account their wider social and cultural background. European Social Survey: people with a migration background do not necessarily achieve a lower labor market success than the majority. However, human capital, social mobility, and cultural background explain these outcomes to different degrees, suggesting tailored pathways to labor market success for each group of migrants. Occupational attainment varies considerably across countries.

Source: Pichler, p. 952

7) Considerazioni Finali7) Considerazioni Finali

● Le diverse percentuali destinate dai Welfare alla Spesa Sociale possono influenzare le politiche riguardanti l'immigrazione (programmi e strategie di inserimento nelle scuole e nel mercato del lavoro, riduzione della discriminazione, ecc.).

● Le politiche in materia di immigrazione sono diverse a seconda delle politiche di cittadinanza del paese e delle diverse percentuali di Spesa Pubblica/Sociale destinate ad esse. Diverse strategie: reddito a gruppi più vulnerabili (donne con figli, rifugiati, ecc.); programmi per una migliore inclusione dei figli di immigrati nel mercato del lavoro (tramite un investimento in capitale umano); coinvolgimento delle famiglie nella formazione dei figli, ecc.

● I genitori non solo influenzano l'acquisizione di capitale umano dei figli ma svolgono un ruolo importante nel plasmare le aspettative della seconda generazione (“cultura di studiare” o arrivare ad avere un titolo universitario).

● Status socio-economico della famiglia è una determinante importante nell'istruzione dei figli (Classe di origine-Classe di destinazione).

● Le sovvenzioni da parte dello Stato rappresentano una alternativa ad entrare nel mercato del lavoro: più tempo e più risorse da investire in capitale umano (esempio: competenze linguistiche) per puntare ad un'occupazione “desiderabile”. Politiche indirizzate a questo scopo sono particolarmente importanti per gli immigrati (principalmente per i figli). Immigrati in Svezia sono meglio preparati rispetto a quegli del Regno Unito.

● Ineguaglianze etniche e di genere riguardo al reddito (non soltanto fra regime di welfare). Importanza di politiche specifiche per ridurle (esempio: leggi anti-discriminazione in UK).

● Diversi livelli di istruzione possono influenzare differenze di reddito: se gli immigrati investono in capitale umano, hanno più probabilità di trovare posti di lavoro meglio pagati.

● Mobilità intergenerazionale: seconda e terza generazione rispetto alla prima. Differenze di istruzione e di reddito a seconda del paese.

● Questo schema non spiega la discriminazione e la segregazione etnica, di genere e di status socio-economico degli immigrati quando entrano al mercato del lavoro.