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Ross,Kerry,author.

Photographyforeveryone:theculturallivesofcamerasandconsumersinearlytwentieth-centuryJapan/KerryRoss.

pagescm

Includesbibliographicalreferencesandindex.

ISBN978-0-8047-9423-7(cloth:alk.paper)—ISBN978-0-8047-9564-7(pbk.:alk.paper)

1.Photography—Socialaspects—Japan—History—20thcentury.2.Japan—Sociallifeandcustoms—1912–1945.I.Title.

TR105.R672015

770.952—dc23

2015007262

ISBN978-0-8047-9563-0(electronic)

TypesetbyBruceLundquistin10/14.5Sabon

KerryRoss

PHOTOGRAPHYFOREVERYONETheCulturalLivesofCamerasandConsumersinEarlyTwentieth-CenturyJapanStanfordUniversityPress

Stanford,California

ForCarol,who,thoughshedidn’tmakeittoseethisbookinprint,wasmymostenthusiasticcheerleaderfromthebeginning

AndforAsher,whoeverydayinspiresmetobeinquisitiveandremindsmetoplay

TABLEOFCONTENTSListofIllustrations

Preface

Introduction

1.ARetailRevolution:MaleShoppersandtheCreationoftheModernShop

2.PhotographyforEveryone:Women,Hobbyists,andMarketingPhotography

3.InstructionsforLife:How-toLiteratureandHobbyPhotography

4.DemocratizingLeisure:CameraClubsandthePopularizationofPhotography

5.MakingMiddlebrowPhotography:TheAestheticsandCraftofAmateurPhotography

Epilogue

Appendix:MasaokaPhotographyClubBylaws

Notes

Bibliography

Index

ILLUSTRATIONSFIGURE1.1.MeijiperiodSakuratrademarks

FIGURE1.2.AdvertisementforSakuraproducts

FIGURE1.3.KonishiRoku’sshopinthe1880s

FIGURE1.4.KonishiRoku’sshopandheadquarters,Nihonbashi,1916

FIGURE1.5.KonishiRoku’sshopwindowdisplay,1924

FIGURE1.6.KonishiRoku’sglassdisplaycases,1916

FIGURE1.7.KonishiRoku’sbarrack-styletemporaryshop,late1923

FIGURE1.8.KonishiRoku’snewheadquartersandshop,1932

FIGURE1.9.KonishiRoku’sshopemployeeswearingWesternsuits,1928

FIGURE1.10.San’eidōused-camerashopshowwindow,1936

FIGURE1.11.AdforKōeidōused-camerashop,1937

FIGURE2.1.OutdoorPhotographyCompetition,11November1925

FIGURE2.2.AdvertisementforthePearlettecamera,1925

FIGURE2.3.AdvertisementfortheSakuraKamera,1937

FIGURE2.4.AdvertisementfortheMinoltaVestandBabyMinoltacameras,1937

FIGURE2.5.Typicalfemalephotographer,1930

FIGURE2.6.CoverofHyakumanninnoshashinjutsu

FIGURE2.7.AdvertisementforHaufuReonaruphotographicgoodsshop,1930

FIGURE2.8.AdvertisementfortheSunStereocamera,1937

FIGURE2.9.AdvertisementfortheRolleicordandRolleiflexcameras,1938

FIGURE2.10.“GrandfatherandGrandchildMeetingafteraLongTime”

FIGURE2.11.“BadBaby”

FIGURE2.12.Howtousetheviewfinder

TABLE3.1.Selectedlistofhow-tobooktitles,1926–1933

FIGURE3.1.“VictimoftheHomemadeCamera”

FIGURE3.2.“PhotographicTechnique,ThenandNow”

FIGURE3.3.“WhattoCallEachPartoftheCamera”

FIGURE3.4.Illustrationofasimpledarkroom

FIGURE3.5.“ToolsYouMustHavetoDevelopFilm”

FIGURE3.6.Diagramofawell-organizeddarkroom

FIGURE3.7.“ThePriestLearnsaLessonfromtheCamera”

FIGURE3.8.“AdvantagesofEnlarging”

FIGURE3.9.Usingadodgingdeviceduringtheenlargingprocess

FIGURE3.10.“Viewfinder,Magnifier”

FIGURE3.11.AdvertisementforSakuraphotographicproducts

FIGURE3.12.“HowtoUseaVestPocketKodak”

FIGURE3.13.“PreparingaFlashBulb”

FIGURE3.14.“ThreeStepsinDeveloping,UsingaTray”

FIGURE4.1.AdvertisementforKonishiRoku’sMinimumIdeacamera,1913

FIGURE4.2.PrepackagedmembershipcardforthePearlettePhotographyLeague

FIGURE4.3.Pearlettecameraandbox

FIGURE4.4.CaseoptionsforthePearlettecamera

FIGURE4.5.“ExhibitiontoPopularizeKnowledgeofJapanesePhotography,”1934

FIGURE4.6.“ExhibitiontoPopularizeKnowledgeofJapanesePhotography,”1934

FIGURE4.7.“ExhibitiontoPopularizeKnowledgeofJapanesePhotography,”1934

FIGURE5.1.Readers’winningsubmissionsforAsahikameraMonthlyPhotoCompetition,DivisionOne,April1928

FIGURE5.2.Readers’winningsubmissionsforAsahikameraMonthlyPhotoCompetition,DivisionsTwoandThree,September1938

FIGURE5.3.WinnersofKamerakurabu’sSixthMonthlyPhotoCompetitionandof“SelectedbySuzukiHachirō,”July1936

FIGURE5.4.AdvertisementforArusufinegraindeveloper,ca.1938

FIGURE5.5.AnnouncementforYamaguchiShōkaiPhotoEnlargementContest,November1925

FIGURE5.6.AnnouncementfortheThirdDomesticProductsCompetitioninPhotography,November1935

FIGURE5.7.AnnouncementforMisuzuShōkaiPhotoContest,November1925

FIGURE5.8.CelebrityjudgeslistedprominentlyinannouncementforAsahikamera’sPhotosofUrbanBeautyContest,September1936

FIGURE5.9.Celebrityjudgessupportthenationalpolicyofbolsteringdomesticproduction,September1938

FIGURE5.10.AnnouncementfortheMitsukoshiVestCameraClubFirstCompetitioninPhotography,December1921

FIGURE5.11.“ExhibitionofWinningVestPhotographs,”February1922

FIGURE5.12.“Prize-WinningVestPhotographs”February1922

FIGURE5.13.Announcementofcontestforcommercialphotographyadvertising

cigarettes,April1936

FIGURE5.14.“Untitled,”FuchigamiHakuyō,Bromoil,1930s

FIGURE5.15.“ATrainRushing,”FuchigamiHakuyō,Bromoil,1930

FIGURE5.16.“TheConductor’sSpeech,”KimuraKiyoshi,December1936

FIGURE5.17.“ArtisticConscience,”SugiuraYukio,1936

FIGURE5.18.“Tower,”AsanoYōichi,1940

FIGURE5.19.“DoubleExposure,”HiraiFusando,1933

FIGURE5.20.“WhatIsMontage?,”HiraiFusando,1933

PREFACEThe idea for this book began when I started research on the history of modernistphotography in Japan. Once in the archives, contrary to my expectations based on allearnest, and I thought, thorough, preparations, I found that most materials concerningphotography during the early twentieth century were directed toward amateurphotographers. Instructional writing, amateur photographs, and advertisements fill pageafter pageof how-tobooks andphotographymagazines from the time. Indeed, postwarscholarshavemademodernistphotographystandinfornearlyallphotographicactivityofthat time. To date, most scholarly work on the subject has focused on the origins anddevelopmentofasinglestrandofartphotography,withparticularattentiontothecreativeeffortsofaselectfewindividualartistsandtheorists.Rarelyhavehistorianspaidattentiontotheroleofthetypicalmiddle-classconsumerinphotographicpractices,yetitwastheseordinary photographers to whom the majority of products, publications, and ideals ofphotography were marketed. This inattention to the wider photographic archive hascreated a skewed historical understanding of the social and cultural meaning ofphotography.What I show in the following pages is that photographic practice can bemoreaccuratelyunderstoodastheproductofacomplexrelationshipbetweenmiddle-classconsumer behavior, profit-driven camera companies, and movements to popularizephotographic art. The aim of this study is to resituate the historical discussion ofphotography in Japan, one that has been dominated by concerns with aestheticrepresentation, in order to reveal the everyday meaning of photography for ordinaryJapanesepeopleintheearlytwentiethcentury.

At Columbia University, Henry Smith, Carol Cluck, and Andreas Huyssen wereinstrumentaltomythinkingabouttheprojectand,inparticular,abouthowtouseimagesassourcesforhistoricalanalysis.KimBrandtandEugeniaLeanenteredthefoldabitlaterbuthavecontinuedtosupporttheprojectwithmuch-appreciatedenthusiasm.MycohortatColumbia, especially LeilaWice, SarahKovner, LoriWatt,KenOshima, and JonathonZwicker,alwayschallengedmetopushmyideasfurther.

Later, a Fulbright IIE Dissertation Research Fellowship provided the opportunity toconduct thebulkof theresearchfor thisproject inTokyofrom1999to2001.Columbiagenerously funded the writing of this project by the Junior Japan Fellowship, theDepartmentofEastAsianLanguagesandCultures, and theCommitteeonAsiaand theMiddleEast.AtDePaul,theUniversityResearchCouncilPaidLeaveprogramgenerouslysupported me as I finished some crucial revisions to the book in 2011–2012. TheUniversity Research Council also helped fund publication of the images found in thisbook.DePaul’sCollegeofLiberalArtsandSocialSciencessupportedmein2012withaSummer Research Grant. The Japan Foundation Short-Term Research Grant made itpossibleformetoreturntoJapan(andtoliveinNihonbashi!)fortwomonthstocompletetheresearch.

Somany young scholars starting out in the archives in Japan,myself included, havebeenpatientlyandunstintinglysupportedbyYoshimiShun’yaoftheGraduateSchoolofInterdisciplinary Studies at the University of Tokyo. Likewise, Satō Kenji in theDepartment of Sociology at theUniversity of Tokyo cheerfully advisedme at an earlystageintheproject.KanekoRyūichikindlymadetimeformeandthoughtfullyanswered

everyquestionthatIhadaboutthehistoryofJapanesephotography.OkatsukaAkikoandthestaffattheResearchLibraryoftheTokyoMetropolitanMuseumofPhotographygaveme open access to theirwonderful archives. The staff at JCII Library connected to theJapanCameraandOpticalInstrumentsInspectionandTestingInstitutehelpedmelocatesomeveryrarecopiesofkeysources.

Manypeoplehavetakentimetoreadpartsofthemanuscript,andtheircriticismalongthewayhashelpedmakethisabetterbook.IamparticularlygratefultoPaizeKeulemans,GregPflugfelder,andChuckWoolridgefor their thoughtfulcommentsatanearlystage.Paul Barclay, Julia Thomas, and Gennifer Weisenfeld, all of whose work has beeninspirationaltome,generouslyansweredmanyofmyquestionsalongtheway.

TheHistoryDepartment atDePaulUniversity has been awonderful place forme togrow as a teacher and historian. I amparticularly indebted toTomFoster,whosewise,unadulteratedadviceonallmattersintellectualandprofessionalhelpsmestaysane.GeneBeiriger,BrianBoeck,LisaSigel,andAmyTysonhavebeennothingbutsupportiveandhavehelpedmeatvariousstagesinthefinalpreparationofthebook.Iamalsogratefulforthe intellectual and social camaraderie of ScottBucking,TomKrainz,RajitMazumder,BrentNunn,Otunnu,AnaSchaposchnik,MargaretStorey,RoshannaSylvester,ValentinaTikoff, Julia Woesthoff, and everyone else in the History Department. Ian Petchenikassistedmewiththeimagesfoundinthisbookandentertainedmewithhiswrysenseofhumor.NobukoChikamatsuintheDepartmentofModernLanguages,YukiMiyamotointhe Department of Religious Studies, and Elizabeth Lillehoj in the Department of theHistoryofArtandArchitecturearewonderfulcolleaguesintheJapaneseStudiesProgram,mysecondhomeatDePaul.

The editors atStanfordUniversityPress,KateWahl, JennyGavacs, JamesHolt,EricBrandt, and Friederike Sundaram, have enthusiastically supported this project from thebeginning.Ithankthemfortheircrucialroleinmakingthisbookpossible.EmilySmith,productioneditor,andCynthiaLindlof,copyeditor,wereextremelyhelpfulandgraciouslypatientduringtheproductionstage.Iamalsogratefultothetwoanonymousreadersfortheirinvaluablecommentsonthemanuscript.

MydeepestgratitudegoestomyfamilyinMinneapolis,theThacher-Rosses,whohavetaken such good care ofme—feeding, sustaining, and lovingme, even at some ofmyworstmoments.Marta Drew’s encouragement, friendship, andwisdom have been vitalduring some of the most trying moments in the past couple of years. This book isdedicated to Carol Thacher (1939–2014), stepmother extraordinaire, who would havelovedtocelebratethecompletionofthisbookbut,unfortunately,didnotquitemakeittosee that happen. Aviva Rohde, in every way my surrogate mother, has never stoppedbelieving in me and in this project. In L.A., Tokyo, New York, and Chicago, JasonCremeriushascarefully readeverydraft.His steadfast friendship, support, andeditorialacumenhavemadeitpossibleformetofinishthisbook.IespeciallywishtothankAsherCremerius,whowasbornjustasIwasfinishingthedissertation.Heisthebestthingthathaseverhappenedtome,andIlovinglydedicatethisbooktohim.

Throughout thisbook,JapanesenamesfollowJapanesenamingpractice: familynamefirst.Unlessotherwisenoted,alltranslationsfromJapanesearemine.

INTRODUCTIONDuring a three-week visit to Japan in 1920, George Eastman, the founder of EastmanKodak,remarkedthattheJapanesepeoplewere“almostasaddictedtotheKodakhabitasourselves.”1Eastman’svisittoJapanwasplannedandpaidforbysomeofJapan’sleadingeconomicexpertsandproponentsofinternationalcooperation,includingShibusawaEiichiandMegataTanetomo.Itwasanunofficialtriptohelpsecuremorefriendlytiesbetweenthe two countries.AlongwithEastman, ten othermenwere invited, including bankers,journalists,andLymanGage,formersecretaryof theTreasury.2EastmanwasaguestofBaronMitsui,whohostedEastmanathisTakanawaestate,3andtreatedEastmantoaridethrough the imperial palace gardens in a Cunningham car, coincidentally produced inRochester, New York, for the Japanese emperor, “with the imperial chrysanthemumsymbolhavingbeenwovenintotheupholstery.”4Accordingtohisbiographer,ElizabethBrayer, George Eastman Honorary Scholar, Eastman was impressed with the Japanesepeople because they, like him, “had the ability to assimilate the ideas of others ‘to thepointofgenius’andwonderedifthatwaswhat‘hasmadeherthepowerfulnationsheistoday.’”5

During his trip, Eastman paid special attention to the thriving commercial world ofphotography.Hishandlers,mostnotablyShibusawa,hadplannedapacked itinerary,butasoftenashecould,EastmanwanderedaboutthecommercialdistrictsofTokyovisitingphotographers’ studios and dealers’ shops,which one reporter noted numbered betweensixhundredandsevenhundredinthecity.6AmongtheshopsthathevisitedformallywasKonishiRoku, today’sKonicaMinolta, located in Tokyo’s bustling financial district ofNihonbashi. On 26 April 1920, Eastman toured Konishi Roku’s department store forphotography; was greeted by the company’s founder, Konishi Rokuzaemon; and wasphotographedonce alone and once alongsideRokuzaemon in the store’s state-of-the-artportraitstudio.7AlthoughKonishiRokuhadbeensellingKodakproductsfordecades,thiswasthefounder’sfirstvisittotheshop.

What astonished Eastman during his visit to Japan was the sheer quantity ofphotographic goods available to ordinary consumers.While he certainly had access tosalesreportsfromthevariousdistributorsofKodakproducts,itisunlikelythathewouldhave had detailed prior knowledge of the enormous variety of retail options forphotographicproductsavailablethroughoutJapananditscolonies,includingTaiwanandKorea. By 1920, Tokyo’s map was dotted with a great number of shops selling newproducts,butthecityalsowashometoavastused-cameramarket,whichcertainlymadeupagoodpercentageofthe“hundredsofshops”thatEastmandidnothavetimetosee.Infact,bythetimeofEastman’svisit,thebusinessofsellingphotographicproductsinJapanwasalreadyfivedecadesold.

This book recounts the untold story of how ordinary Japanese people in the earlytwentiethcenturymadephotographyapartofeverydaylife,usingproductsproducedbyKodakor,evenmorelikely,byJapan’sthenthrivingdomesticphotographyindustry.Suchan endeavor necessitates looking at the quotidian activities that went into the entirepicture-makingprocess,activitiesnottypicallyunderstoodasphotographicinnature,suchasshoppingforacamera,readingphotographymagazinesandhow-tobooks,participating

in cameraclubsandcontests, andevenpreservingone’spictures in albums.Theseveryactivities,promotedandsponsoredbytheindustry,embeddedthecameraineverydaylifeas both consumer object and documentation device, linking photographic technology tothe practical understanding of modernity and making it the irresistible enterprise thatEastmanencounteredin1920.

HistoriographyofEarlyTwentieth-CenturyJapanesePhotographyThe overwhelming focus of historical scholarship on early twentieth-century Japanesephotographyhasconcerned thedevelopmentofartphotography.Artisticphotography inJapan tookoffat the turnof the twentiethcentury, inpart spurredbyavigorousdebateamong photographers over the best uses of photography. On one side were those whoadvocatedphotography’sutilitarianandpracticalpotential,whileontheotherwerethosewho promoted its aesthetic possibilities.8 Those looking to establish photography as anartistic practice struggled to “divorce photography from the realm of technology andestablishitasalegitimateartformequalinstatustopainting.”9Writerstookupthethemeoftheaestheticpotentialofphotographyinagrowingnumberofjournalsdedicatedtotheart and technique of photography. These journals also published the artistic work ofamateurphotographers,makingconcreteexamplesofartphotographyavailabletoawideraudience and thus legitimating the techniques.10 But, asMikiko Hirayama reminds us,proponents of the artistic relevance of photography also had to struggle against thepredominant aesthetic norms of staged and staid studio photography, which “was stillconsideredasaformofbusiness,andphotographersasartisans.”11

Pictorialism,thefirstmajoraestheticmovementinJapanesephotography,wasadoptedbytheleadingpractitionersofartphotography.Classicpictorialisminphotographyusedtechniques such as painting on the negative or positive, soft-focus lenses, and texturedpaperstocreatearomanticimage.12Inpictorialistphotography,artistsusedthemediumtoexperiment with new aesthetic forms, much like writers were beginning to experimentwith expressionism in literature and painting: “This [photographic] work no longerimitatedpaintings,ratheritdemonstratedthatphotographycouldaddressthesamekindsof themes as paintings yet retain an individual expression that reflected the innerdimensionsoftheartist.”13

The artistic exploration of new photographic aesthetics, especially forms that couldspeak to the experience of disjuncture and alienation of urban life following theGreatKantō Earthquake of 1 September 1923, marked the turn toward modernism in artphotography. Formany photographers, the romanticism of pictorialism could no longerappropriatelycapturethekineticandsometimesdestructiveforceofthemetropolis.Fromthis perspective, pictorialism possessed an “old-fashioned aesthetic consciousness” thatcould not keep pace with contemporary changes in everyday life.14 ModernistphotographyofthisperiodwasheavilyinfluencedbytheworkofBauhausandEuropeanavant-garde photographers like Lazslo Moholy-Nagy and Man Ray and new forms ofphotography like the photogram and photo-montage. The images of Japan’s leadingmodernist photographers, such as those by Nakayama Iwata (1895–1949) and KoishiKiyoshi (1908–1957), appeared in new photojournals like Asahi kamera andFuototaimusu.KimuraSen’ichi, editor of themonthlyFuototaimusu,wascommitted to

introducingreaderstoshinkōshashin,or“newphotography,”thetermusedtodifferentiatemodernistphotographyfrompictorialism.15

Perhaps themost influentialpublicationof theperiod, andoneof themost importantcontributions to modernism in Japanese photography, was Kōga.16 In May 1932,NakayamaIwata,NojimaYasuzō,andKimuraIhei(1901–1974)producedthefirstissueof the small-circulation journal that published arguably someof Japan’smost canonicalimagesandessaysofthe1930s.17InaNobuo’soft-citedarticle“ReturntoPhotography”was the leadessay in the first issue.Thisarticle, inwhich Inapressesphotographers toembrace the aesthetics of the machine and break free from pictorialism—the “humbleslave of painting [kaiga no ‘kensonnaru’ dorei]”—became the manifesto of newphotographicaestheticsinthe1930s.18

Thelate1920sandearly1930salsomarkedtheemergenceofmassconsumerismandtheriseofamiddleclassmadeupofsalariedemployeeswhohadunprecedentedtimeandmoney to spendonnewproducts andpastimes. In this context, photography influencedhowproductsweremarketed and consumed.The newprofessional field of commercialphotographyhelpedbringthemodernistaestheticbeyondsmall-circulationmagazinesandgalleries and into thehomesofmiddle-class consumers throughnewpackagingdesignsandadvertisingcampaigns.19Themodernistaestheticsthat informedartandcommercialadvertisingphotographyalsosetthetoneforpropagandaphotography,whichhadbecometheessentialmeansofcommunicatingJapan’swartimeactivitiestoaudiencesonthehomefront. From the mid-1930s, commercial photography studios like Nihon Kōbō (JapanAtelier, known as Kokusai Hōdō Kōgei from 1939) were increasingly subject togovernmentcontrol.Thelarge-formatmagazineNipponwasinauguratedintheautumnof1934byNatoriYōnosuke(1910–1961)asa“culturalpropagandaorganaimedatforeignaudiences inorder to strengthendiplomaticpolicy.”20 Perhaps themost stunninguseofmodernistaestheticsforthepurposeofpropagandaculminatedinthelarge-formatgraphicmagazineFRONT launchedin1942soonafter thebeginningofthePacificWar.Amongthemagazine’s staffwerephotographerKimura Ihei andgraphicdesignerHaraHiromu(1903–1986),who, likemanyof the cohorts from the commercial photography studios,“quicklyrevealedtheconservativeuses towhichthe‘modern’or‘avant-garde’couldbeput.”21

In the immediate postwar period, photographic realism was taken up by the prewarveterans and a new generation of photographers. Certainly for photographers who hadparticipatedinprewarpropagandaprojectslikeNipponandFRONT, realismin theformofunadulterated,objective imageswas seenas anecessaryaesthetic antidote to combattheunderstandingofphotographyasan instrumentofwar:“Inessence, thegoalwas tograsp the subject directly without subjective interpretation, a concept that can beconsidered a reconfirmation of the function of the photograph as documentation.”22Debates on the exact nature of photographic realism, however, appeared in thephotographicpress,whichreemergedrapidlywithprewarmagazinessuchasKameraandAsahikamerarelaunchingintheimmediatepostwaryears.23

...

WhilethedevelopmentofJapaneseartisticphotographyhasreceivedanenormousamount

of scholarly and critical attention, that body of work represents a mere fraction of thephotographicarchive.Ittakesonlyonevisittoausedbookstore,thelibraryshelvesofamajor university, or the collections of a camera-related organization to see that themajority of photographic products and publications in the first half of the twentiethcenturyweremarketed to theordinaryphotographer as essential possessionsofmoderneverydaylife.Infact,“photography”asitwasunderstoodbymostJapanesepeoplewasanamalgamationofdisparatepracticesshapedasprofoundlybyretailingandconsumptionasbyaestheticmovementsandgalleryexhibitions.Yethistoriansofphotographyrarelypayattention to the role of the typicalmiddle-class consumer in photographic practice, andscholars accounting for the history of the camera industry have routinely ignored thesignificantrolecompaniessuchasKonishiRokuandAsanumaShōkaiplayedasarbitersof middle-class taste.24 But it is the interaction between these very parties—ordinaryphotographersandtheleadingcamerabrands—thatiscritical toanunderstandingofthepopularization of photography in the early twentieth century, necessitating thatwe takeinto account the broader field of photographic activities, including the production andsales of cameras and film, the circulation of knowledge and information aboutphotography,andtheuseofthoseproductsineverydaylife.

Retailing,Consumption,andGenderAnotherkeyaimofthisstudyistowriteretailingbackintomodernJapanesehistoryfromasocial-culturalperspectiveandtoconsidertheactivitiesthattookplace“beyondtheshopcounter”as integral tounderstandingtheconsumerrevolutionofearly twentieth-centuryJapan.25By focusing on retailing aswell as consumption in photographic practice, thisbook seeks to reveal thevarious social andcultural factors that contributed to the rapidrise and success of Japan’s camera industry. Camera companies like Konishi Rokudeployed state-of-the-artmarketing,management, and retailing strategies that, alongsideleading department stores like Mitsukoshi and Shirokiya, revolutionized the twentieth-century shopping experience for Japanese consumers.By looking at the “processes andspacesconnectedtoconsumptionbeforeandafterpurchase,”thisstudyexploresthespaceinwhichpurchasingtookplace,thecamerashopfloor.26

Thefocusofscholarshipontwentieth-centuryJapaneseretailpracticeshasbeenontherise of the department store as the nexus of public consumer activity.27 Some of thesestudieshavetakenintoaccountthematerialsettingofthestore,butveryfewhavelookedbeyondthedepartmentstoretoaddressthevarietyofcontextsinwhichpurchasingtookplace, including small shops, secondhand stores, outdoor flea markets, traveling sales,temporarystalls,festivalbooths,andsubscriptionsales—manyofwhichwereremnantsofearlierformsofretailactivity.Onewaytogetatthisdiversityofpracticesistofollowthepathof a singleproduct from its production in factories to its sale in shops andusebyconsumers. By looking closely at themovement of cameras through society, this bookdocumentsindetailthesocial,cultural,andmaterialaspectsofthedistributionofproductsand knowledge related to one consumer item and, in the process, expands ourunderstandingofeverydayeconomicexchangeinthisperiod.

While historical studies of Japanese retailing tend to be narrowly confined to abusiness-historical approach,28 scholars have made important contributions to our

understandingoftheroleoftheconsumerintheJapaneseconsumerrevolution.Onestrainofthisscholarshipfocusesonthenewpublicspacethatmodernconsumersocietyopenedforwomenintheearlytwentiethcentury.Inparticular,scholarshavelookedatthenatureof the consumptive behavior, real or imagined, of the modern girl.29 Studies of theemergence of the department store have also contributed to our understanding ofconsumptionandgender in thisperiod.30Unintentionally, these studies in the aggregatehavenaturalized a constructionof gender that associateswomenwith shopping and theimpulsive, acquisitive desires related to modern consumption.31 However, men’sconsuminghabitsareoftenneglectedaltogetherorassumed tobedefinedbya rational,practical motivation. Few have yet to explore the origins of these myths about men’sshoppingbehaviors.Indeed,asChristopherBrewardhaspointedout,historiansofWesternEuropeanandAmericanconsumptionuntilrecentlyhavetriedto“explainthesocialrolestakenbymenandwomenduring thenineteenthcentury through recourse to the ideaof‘separate spheres,’ defining the broad process of production and consumption asrespectively masculine and feminine.”32 In accepting this binary myth, many scholarshaveconsequentlyignoredlookingatmen’sconsumingbehaviors.Because theconsumersofphotographyasa seriouspastimewereprimarilymen, this

study engages criticallywithmen’s shoppinghabits aswell as the gendereddivide thatretailers constructed in marketing their products. To effectively sell their products todifferent kinds of photographic consumers, companies deployed overtly genderedmarketingstrategies.Menweretargetedasdedicatedamateursandhobbyistswhosawtheentirepicture-makingprocessthroughfrombeginningtoend.Advertisementsforcamerasaddressed women (and sometimes children) as casual photographers, those who tookphotographs only occasionally and had their film and plates developed for them by acamerashop.Formen,theentireproductiveenterpriseofphotographywasmarketedasaserious pastime, one intended tomatchmiddle-class masculine aspirations of technicalmasteryandproductiveuseoffreetimeawayfromwork.33How-toliterature,whichwasinherentlygearedtowardmalephotographers,typicallybeganwithadetaileddescriptionofhowtoshopforacamera,anactivitycharacterizedasessentialtoproperphotographictechnique.Shoppingisaffordedthesamemethodicaltreatmentasisdevelopinganegativeor using an enlarger, perhaps betraying the fact that men, too, needed to curb theiracquisitive impulses before heading out to shop. Showing howmen participated in theeconomy as shoppers as well as producers and users of products, this study seeks toexpand our understanding of how the camera and photographywere popularized in thecontextoftheriseofmodernconsumercultureinJapan.

MiddlebrowPhotographyandMiddle-ClassPhotographersAnother goal of this book is to explore the ways that photographic practice definedmiddle-classmasculineidentity.Inaddressingtheconsumerandleisure-timeactivitiesofmiddle-class men, this study complements the growing body of scholarship on theemergenceofmiddle-classcultureinearlytwentieth-centuryJapan.34Thepopularizationofphotographywasfueledinmanyconcreteways,butamongthemostimportantwasthedomesticproductionofaffordablecamerasandlight-sensitivematerials.Japanesecameracompanies like Asanuma Shōkai and Konishi Roku’s production company, Rokuōsha,madegreatstridesinproducingdependable,inexpensivephotographicproducts,including

cameras.Productionofaffordablecamerasmadephotographyeconomicallyaccessibletoawide rangeofconsumers,but themajorityofphotographicconsumersweremenwhocame from the new middle classes—typically urban, white-collar workers with therequisite income and leisure time to engage in the serious pastime of photography.However, it was not only the economic accessibility of photographic commodities thathelped popularize photography among middle-class men. The spread of photographicpractice, especially as a serious leisure-time and club activity, was also fueled by thepopularizationoffinearts.The increased public visibility of fine arts in museums, galleries, expositions, and,

perhapsmostimportantintermsofaccess,artexhibitsindepartmentstores,aswellastheincorporationofarteducationintotheschoolsystemfromtheMeijiperiod(1868–1912),brought fine arts into the lives of an increasing number of ordinary Japanese people.35Such institutional and commercial support helped disseminate the idea that being aneducated member of society also meant that one needed to have at least some basicfamiliaritywiththefinearts.Inthisenvironment,thephotographicmediumuniquelygaveusersaccesstoameansofartisticself-expressionandasetoftoolstorepresenttheworldastheysawit.Byhelpingspreadtheidiomsandpracticesofartisticexpressionamongawider audience, photography was a critical force in popularizing fine arts anddisseminatingthevocabularyofaestheticvalueinmodernJapan.

This book is one of the first serious studies of the aesthetics employed by amateurartistsofanykindintwentieth-centuryJapan.JustasthebulkofthephotographicarchivefaroutweighsthecanonofJapaneseartphotography,thebulkofphotographspublishedinphotographic journals andbookswere thosemadebyordinaryphotographers.The term“middlebrow” refers to the aesthetic practices of ordinary photographers, andwhile thetermoften carries a pejorative tone, I am following JoanRubin’s usage inherworkonmiddle-class reading habits in early twentieth-century America.36 Rubin applies“middlebrow”totheroleofcriticsandpublishersinhelpingcreateliterarystandardsthatinfluenced what middle-class consumers chose to read. In the case of photography inJapan,Iuse“middlebrow”torefertothestandardsofamateurphotographicaestheticsastheywereestablishedby thearbitersofphotographic taste—theeditorsofphotographicjournals, contest judges, and exhibition organizers. It was this group of experts whoselectedexemplary imagesforpublicationandexhibitionand towhomamateurs lookedfor advice inmaking their photographs.My intention is to take seriously the aestheticpracticesofmiddle-class(would-be)artists,notonlybecausetheyinfluencedsuchalargepartof thephotographicarchivebutalsobecause thesepracticeshelpusunderstand theneglectedartandaestheticsofordinarypeoplelivingatthetime.

Middlebrow aesthetics, in some senses, can be seen as derivative versions of elite,modernistunderstandingsofartisticvalueor,conversely,asslightlyelevatedversionsofmass-cultural notions of beauty. But to judge the pictures that amateur photographersmadeaccordingtothestandardsofhigh-and/orlowbrowaestheticsismisguided.Infact,amateur images not only interpreted the highbrow aesthetics promoted in modernistjournals and exclusive gallery shows but also, critically, advanced a distinctiveway ofmaking photographs. Photographic aesthetics were produced in the darkroom, usingspecific technologies, products, and skills. Like the literary critics in Rubin’s work,popular photographic experts, critics, columnists, how-to writers, and contest judges

functioned as culturalmediatorswho collectively helped create a commondefinitionofaesthetically superior photographic images.37 Companies fostered artistic photographicproductionbypublishinghow-tobooksandsponsoringconteststhatrewardedexemplaryphotographic aesthetics. In addition, camera clubs, a primary avenue for amateurs toparticipateinphotography,servedasakindofclassroomforthepeoplewheretheworldoffineartswasintroducedthroughthephotographicmedium.Inthecontextoftheclub,memberslearnednotonlyhowtomakeartisticphotographsbutalsohowtoevaluatethoseimagesinlightofprevailingaestheticstandards.High-artexhibitionsoftenincludedselectwork of amateur and club photographers, granting these humble practitioners, at leasttemporarily, the status of an “exhibited artist.” What the experts and judges saw assuperlative,however,wasnotnecessarilythesharp,gleaminganglesofmodernistimagesbutratherthesoft,romanticvisionsofpictorialism,anaestheticachievedmostcommonlythroughmanipulationoftheimageindarkroomprocedures.

StructureoftheBookThe narrative of this book follows a thematic organization to explore in depth paralleldevelopmentsthatcontributedtothepopularizationofphotographyinthefirsthalfofthetwentiethcentury.Chapter1arguesthatthecameraindustrywasattheforefrontofaretailrevolutionfromthe turnof the twentiethcenturyandplacescameraselling inaculturalhistoryofurbanretailpractices.Byfocusingonretailingandconsumptioninphotographicpractice, the first chapter seeks to unearth the various social and cultural factors thatcontributed to the rapid rise and success of Japan’s prewar camera industry. CameracompanieslikeKonishiRokudeployedthelatestmarketingandretailingstrategiesaswellas created amultitude of innovativeways for consumers to participate in photography,including product-based clubs and remote consumer networks. And camera emporiumslikeKonishiRokuandAsanumaShōkai,Japan’s leadingcameracompanies in theearlytwentieth century, contributed to the transformation of the urban shopping experienceassociatedmostcommonlywiththeriseofthemoderndepartmentstore.In1916,KonishiRoku opened its department store for photography, a four-story edifice in Nihonbashi,Tokyo, thatwelcomedshopperswithhugeplateglasswindows,glassdisplaycasesfilledwith attractively arranged products, and an escalator, all of which spoke to new retailmethodsaimedatdemocratizingtheshoppingexperience.38

Chapter 2 follows the retail revolution in photographic products to explore how thecameramarketwassegmentedintotwodistinctlygenderedconsumermarkets—thecasualphotographymarketandtheamateurphotographymarket—andtheinnovativewaysthatthe camera industrymarketed its products to these twoverydifferent consumergroups.Companies promoted the idea that photography was for everyone; yet not all camerasweremeant tobeusedbyjustanyone.Inmarketingtheirproducts,companiesdeployedovertly gendered marketing strategies to sell their products to different kinds ofphotographicconsumers.39Thesemarketingcampaignsdrewonveryspecificassumptionsabout how women and men participated differently in leisure activities. Companiesadvanced theviewofwomenaspassive consumers,whose leisure timewas filledwithsuchactivitiesasGinbura (windowshopping inGinza)andmarketed thecameraas theperfectaccessoryforthestylishwoman.Formen,photographywasmarketedasaseriouspastime,onethatencompassedtheeducationalandworkplaceaspirationsofmiddle-class

masculinity.

InChapter3, I follow themale consumer to investigate the role of how-to books indemocratizing photography, in terms of both their explicit, stated purpose to teachphotographershowtotakeandmakephotographsandthewaysinwhichtheysuggestedtoreaders the appropriate place of photography in their leisure time and in their homes.During the period from 1912 until 1940, publishing houses and camera companiesproducedmore thanfivehundredbooksandnearly thirtymonthly journalsaimedat theamateurphotographer.Anoverwhelmingnumberofthesepublicationswerehow-tobooksgearedtovariouslevelsofphotographers,fromrankbeginnerstoskilledhobbyists.How-to literatureonphotographyin thisperiodcanbeplacedmoregenerally into theoveralltrendinthecommercializationanddistributionofknowledgewherebyinformationaboutcommodities,justlikeproductsthemselvesinadvertisements,wasmarketedtoconsumers.How-to books on such diverse topics as home cooking, tennis, and model airplanebuildingnotonlytaughtconsumershowtocook,play,andbuildbutalsohowtoconstructamiddle-classlifestylethatincorporatedcertainproductsandactivities.How-tobooksonphotographyprovidedtechnicalknowledgeonallaspectsofphotographicactivity—frombuying and getting to know your camera to proper storage of plates and chemicals tooutfitting a darkroom, making negatives, and printing out photographs. From oneperspective, how-to literature privatized the learning process, offering readers away tocontinuetheireducationandusetheirtimeproductivelyoutsidetherealmofwork.Inthecaseofphotography,however, it also taught readerswhatwere theappropriatekindsofphotographstotakeandhowphotographyfitbestintoamiddle-classlifestyle.

Among the most important venues for the spread of photographic literacy was theamateurcameraclub, thesubjectofChapter4.Theavailabilityofcheaper,domesticallyproduced cameras and developing materials fueled the popularization of photography.Alongwithaffordableproducts,therapidgrowthinpopularcameraclubsfromtheturnofthe century helped spread photographic know-how. Camera clubs were shared socialspaces where members, primarily men, explored photographic art and technique. Byspreadingtheidiomsandpracticesofartisticexpressionamongawideraudience,cameraclubs, along with museums, galleries, and exhibitions, were the primary institutionalsettingforthedemocratizationofthefineartsinmodernJapan.Atthesametime,clubswere voluntary associations and operated in accordance with democratic proceduralprinciplesthatprovidedmemberswiththeopportunitytoparticipateindemocraticallyrunorganizationswheretheycouldexerciseindividualrightsnotgrantedtotheminthewiderpoliticalsystem.

Chapter5considerstheactualpicturesthatamateurstookwiththeaimofunderstandingthepopularaestheticsandrelatedtechniquesoftheperiod.Mostamateursworkedwithinthe aesthetic standards and vocabulary of pictorialism,which, when properly executed,yielded painterly images suffused withmoody, nostalgic, even romantic imagery. Suchphotographsreliedheavilyonmanipulationandhandworkintheimage-makingprocess—thepartofphotographythattakesplaceinthedarkroomwheretheimageisactuallymade.Techniques such as bromoil transfers and enlargement allowed hobbyists not only toexpress themselves creatively but, more important, to display technical mastery over acomplexapparatus.Thefocusonprocess—sometimestotheneglectoftheresultantimage—became a central component of the aesthetics of pictorialism. In the face of an

increasingly mechanized middle-class lifestyle, the creation of pictorial photographsallowed the exercise of handwork and a craftsman’s sensibility. And because suchprocesses typically involved theuseofexpensivechemicals,equipment,andpapers, thecameraindustryactivelypromotedthesetechniquesinadsfortheirproductsandthroughthe contests they sponsored. Pictorial photography, as both a final product and a totalprocess, provided hobbyists with an aesthetic language thatmatched theirmiddle-classideals:anactiveplaceintheworldofconsumerismbefittingtheirnewfoundincomesandanabsorbingactivitythatplacedvalueoncraftsmanship.

TheEpiloguebrieflytakesupthefateofpopularphotographicconsumptionduringandimmediately following the PacificWar.While ordinary consumers were diverted fromphotography as a pastime in the early 1940s, several Japanese camera companiescontinued to produce strategically significant photographic products for the military,setting the stage for their rapid recovery in the postwar period. From the late 1930s,camerasweredeemedluxuriesthatwereobjectsofanticonsumptioncampaigns.Importedcameraswereburdenedwithextraordinarytaxes,muchtothedismayofcamerasellersallover Japan. Light-sensitive materials, because of the chemicals used to make them,became almost impossible to acquire. All of these restrictions on consumption broughtpopular photography to a near standstill from 1940 to the end of 1945. Despite thiswartimegapintheordinaryphotographicmarket,cameracompaniesreboundedquicklytoprewar levelsofproductionand salesby resurrecting thehighlyeffective strategies andtacticsthathadmarkedthepopularizationofphotographyduringtheprecedingdecades.

1

ARETAILREVOLUTION

MaleShoppersandtheCreationoftheModernShopSources from the first half of the twentieth century related to the consumption ofphotographyrevealthatmenwereavidconsumersofphotographiccommoditiesandthattheyactivelyparticipatedintheworldofshopping,thoughtheyoftenwerepositionedasneedingguidanceintheirshopping.Photographymonthliesandhow-toliteratureofferedmenextensiveadviceonprocuringallmannerofphotographiccommodities.Shoppingasamasculineactivity,however,had tobea rationalpractice,grounded inadispassionateattitudeandbasedonresearch.Thus,consumptionformendidnothappenwilly-nillybutwas definedwithin particular parameters ofmasculine identity—rationality, knowledge,anddisassociation.

Ontheothersideoftheshopcounter,camerasellerslikeKonishiRokucreatedaretailenvironment,what retail strategists todaymight call the“in-storecustomerexperience,”thatmatchedmaleshoppers’expectations.Everythingfromthematerialexperienceoftheshop,itsarchitectureandlayout,toitsmanagementstyle,drewonrational,dispassionateretail strategies. Glass display cases created visual access to goods, which a consumercouldnowcompare side by side in anunbiasedmanner.A salariedworkforce,wearingWestern suits, provided knowledgeable and reliable service. For the high-end camerashopper, this retailing experience dovetailed seamlessly with the way marketers andcommentatorspositionedphotographyandthecameraasthemostmodernandrationalofconsumertechnologies.

TheMaleConsumerShopsforaCameraEven though scholars have often seen shopping as an activity in which the act of“acquiring the goods for consumption…was socially perceived as a feminine task,” atleast according to shop owners, men did indeed shop.1 In fact, it was the male officeworker, so often represented in literature and film of the time as a symbol of Japan’smodernizationofthemetropolis,whouniquelyhadsufficientexpendableincomeandfreetime to frequentTokyo’snumerouscamerashops.2Theupper levelsofsalariedworkersweretheverymenwhoshoppedatthecameracounteratMitsukoshioratKonishiRoku’smainshopinNihonbashi.Officeclerksandshophands,alsosalarymenbutexistingontheperipheryofmiddle-classprosperity,window-shoppedatMitsukoshibutprobablyboughttheircamerasatoneofthemanyused-camerashopsdottingTokyo’seastside.

Ifmenhadthetimeandmoneytoshop,theystillrequiredmuchguidanceintheproperapproachtoconsumption.SuzukiHachirōofferedoneofthemostextensiveanddetailedguidestoshoppingforacamerainhishow-tobook,KnowledgeoftheCameraandHowto Choose One (1937), the first volume in his series The Arusu Course in PopularPhotography.3Foremostamongthe“FivePrinciplesforChoosingaCamera”is“money,”especiallyforthefirst-timebuyer.4InSuzuki’saccount,menarejustassusceptibletothebuying impulse as women, but the risk in the case of a camera is especially high and

requiresarationalandreasonableapproach:Youheadouttobuyanecktieonsaleforayen,buteventhoughyouendupsplurgingbecausetherearenonelessthansixyen,andeventhoughyouwillhavetorefrainfromgettinganythingnewfortwoorthreemonths,stillit’sdone.Butinthecaseofacamera,thiskindofrecklessnesswouldbeaseriousmatter.Therefore,itisnecessarytoclearlydecideonabudget.5

Second, the consumer should choose a camera that suits his purposes. Suzuki remindsreaders that thecamera isa toolandanappropriatecameraexists foreveryapproach tophotography—just asdifferentkindsofvehicles function as tools fordifferent formsoftransport.Forexample,atrucktransportsgoodswhileabustransportspeople,andsoon.6Accordingly,Suzukiadvisesthatconsiderationbegiventotheusesthecamerawillbeput—travel,work,orleisure—beforemakinganydecisions.Oncethebuyerisclearaboutthewayhewillusethecamera,thechoicewillbecomethatmucheasier.Suzukithengoesonto describe how different camera models fulfill different photographic objectives: thesingle-lensreflexcameraworkswellforartisticphotography;theLeicaisbesttocapturemotionandmechanisticbeauty;andforthenostalgiclook,nothingisbetterthanthevestpocketcamera.7Suzuki’sthirdpieceofadvicetohisreadersistochooseacamerafromasreputableacompanyaspossible:“Thisisnotlimitedtocamerasbutappliestoallroutineshopping.”Thebestway foranovice to judgeaproduct, according toSuzuki, isby itsmāku(brand).Ifyouneedlightbulbs,thenyoucan’tgowrongwiththeMatsudabrand;forsmallmotors,trustShibaura.8Itisexactlythesamewhenshoppingforacamera.Onemustlookbeyondwhattheadssayandseewhichbrandshavebeentrustedbythemostpeopleovertheyears.Thefourthstepis topickacamerathat iseasytouseratherthanonethatisoverlycomplicated.Finally,Suzukirecommendsthat,justaswhendecidingonanautomobile,itisimportanttoconsiderqualityoverdecoration.9

Together thesefivefactorsaremeant tohelpaconsumernewto theworldofcamerashopping choose his “one and only camera.”10 Once the consumer settles on a camerabrand and type, thenext step is toprepare for the shop experience. In “Instructions forBuyingaCamera,”Suzukiadvises,“First,youmustdoresearch.”11Afterdecidingonabudget, the knowledgeable shopper uses catalogues to decide on the proper model ofcamera and necessary equipment and accessories. Photographs and descriptions of“absolutely necessary accessories” fill two pages and include the following: a sokushacase (a camera casewith a strapworn over the shoulder that allows easy access to thecameraforquickorevenimpulsivephotographing),atripod,alenscover,alightmeter,andarangefinder.12Thenextstep is to“consultwithamoreexperiencedcolleague.”13And if you have no colleagueswho can help you, go to a camera shop and speak to aknowledgeable clerk. “Once you’ve made a decision, don’t turn back.”14 And by allmeans,donot letaneagerclerk try tochangeyourmindorsellyou thedisplaymodel.“Inspect the camera” to make sure that you are getting your money’s worth.15 Suzukirecommendsacursorycheckbeforeleavingtheshoptobesurethatthebodyisintactandthatalltheaccessoriesareincluded.Still,afullerexaminationathomeisnecessary,andheoffersdetailedtipsonhowtogoaboutathoroughcheckofthecameraandallitsparts.Finally,“takeatest[roll].”16Usingalltheequipment,theownerofanewcamerashouldkeep one roll of film, or several plates depending on the model, to test the innermechanics.Withthesepracticaltipsinmind,buyingacameracanbearelativelypainless

process,thoughperhapsnotaspainlessasbuyinganecktie.

Suzuki’s tips are typical of how-to books aimed at the newcomer to hobbyphotography.17Mostauthors,infact,listbuyingacameraasthefirststepintheprocessoftaking and making pictures.18 By taking seriously the buying process, how-to writerstransformed the act of shopping, which was commonly associated in the popularimagination with the irrational impulses of female consumers, into a disciplined, evenscientific,practice.19Inthecaseofacamera,therecommendedcustomerjourneyrequiresresearch, consultation, and determination to make the proper purchase, the one thatenables theamateur topracticephotographyaccordingtohiswell-thought-outplans.AsSuzuki describes it, purchasing a new camera can be an overwhelming experience,especially for the first-time camera owner. Even though he describes at length the fivebasic models of cameras, Suzuki readily admits that there are hundreds of kinds ofcameras and for every camera there are even more accessories. Choosing the perfectcameraandaccessoriesissoconfoundingthat“really,youcan’tlaughatwomenbuyingclothesinadepartmentstore.”20

YomiuriNewspaper’sGuidetoMerchandiseGuides to shopping forproductswerenotunique to thecameramarket.Throughout themid-1930s, the Yomiuri Newspaper published “Handy News,” a regular column withconsumertipsonshoppingforeverydayproducts.Articlesthatranthroughout1936werecollected and published in a single volume in 1937 under the title A Guide toMerchandise.Thebookjacketpromotesthisvolumeasanecessaryhomereferencework:“Everyhouseholdneedsonecopy!Beforeyougoshopping,takealookatthisbookfirst!”Inthepreface,theeditorsofferthefollowingreasonsforthepublication:

Aswewerepublishing thearticles [weheard that]department storesandshopswereusing themasmaterials toincludeaspartofaclerk’seducationandthatgirls’schoolsandfinishingschoolswereclippingthearticlesinordertomakeasinglereferencebookoneverydayproducts.

Also,wewantedtohelpincreasetheproperawarenessofeverydayproductsamongthegeneralpopulace[ippannohitobito], and we thought it could be used as a reference when buying and choosing the products that we haveincludedinthisvolume.21

A Guide to Merchandise is filled with small articles on over 280 different productsarranged according to several categories. Under “Foodstuffs” are such topics as rice,noodles, cannedgoods, eel, beef,biscuits, fishcakes, soba,butter,beans,konbu,bonitoflakes,sake,tofu,peaches,edamame,andtomatoes.Theeditorsofferdetailsonfountainpens, ink,watercolors, and school bags in the “Stationery” section.Dress shirts, shoes,umbrellas, neckties, sweaters, raincoats, and socks are some of the products treated in“Accessories and Men’s Furnishings.” In “Miscellaneous,” we find tips on everythingfromtents,irons,andcutglasstoshojipaper,charcoal,andBuddhistaltars.

Theindividualarticles,rangingfromonetothreepages,typicallydescribetheproductin detail and then advise shopperswhat to look forwhen choosing that product in thestore.Whenbuyingsesameoil,forexample,youshouldchooseoilthatisamberincolorandclear.22Didyouknow thatoriginallymosquito-repellent incense (katorisenkō)wasmadefromthepetalsoftheDalmatianpyrethrum,avermifugechrysanthemum?Becauseit is tooexpensiveanddifficult tomakeinto its typicalcoilshape, thesedaysproducers

maketheincenseusingamixtureofchrysanthemumpetals(50percent),chrysanthemumstalks (30 percent), and a paste (20 percent).23 And when buying a necktie, do not betempted by the pattern of individual ties; rather, you must keep in mind the kind ofclothingthatyoualreadyown.24

Tuckedbetweenaratherfulltreatiseonfishinggutandapieceonreadinglampsisanarticle on cameras: “A camera is the one thing you want to commemorate scenes andpeoplethatwillmakeupyourmemoriesofthefuntimes.”25Accordingtotheeditors,youcan find a good domestically produced camera for about twenty-five yen or a decentimportforaroundsixtytoseventyyen.Theyadvisepotentialconsumersonwhattolookforwhenbuyinganewcamera,recommendingthatshoppersbeespeciallycarefulaboutinspecting the lens and shutter before making a purchase. An amateur is not reallyqualifiedtojudgethequalityofalens,butifhebuysoneforatleastfiftyyen,hecanbecertain that it has passed a rigorous inspection.26 Just as Suzuki suggests, the editorsrecommendgoingtoatrustworthyshopandtakingatestrolloffilmbeforemakingafinalpurchase.

TheKonishiRokuBrandWhen George Eastman visited Japan in the spring of 1920, he accepted only twoinvitationstoreceptionsinhishonoramongthemanythathewasoffered.27OneofthemwashostedbyKonishiRokuzaemon,thefounderofKonishiRoku,whohostedabanquetat a hall in Ryōgoku on the evening of 28April.28 Konishi Rokuwas Japan’s leadingproducer and retailer of camera and light-sensitive materials in the first half of thetwentieth century. Rokuzaemon invited more than 120 people—photographic industryleaders, famous photographers, andmost important, the press—towelcomeEastman toJapan.The guests hailedEastman,whowasmost pleased,with the enthusiastic ring ofthree shouts of “Banzai.”29 As mentioned in the Introduction, despite his very busyschedule,Eastmanvisitedasmanycamerashopsandphotostudiosastimewouldallow.30OneofthosevisitswastotheheadquartersandmainretailoutletofKonishiRokuon26April.There,Eastman is said to have closely inspected andpraisedKonishi’s products,especiallyaprojectionprinterandaLilycamera.31Healsohadaportrait takenbyŌnoTakatarōinKonishiRoku’snewlyoutfittedphotographystudiothatwaspublishedasthefirst gravure in theMay 1920 issue of Shashin geppō.32 Eastman’s visit to Japan washighly publicized in the photographic press. And his brand, Kodak, was well knownamongevencasualphotographers.Whileitmaynothavesparkedthesamelevelofpublicexcitement thatCharlieChaplin’svisit did several years later in1932,33Eastman’s tourgave the topcameramakers,especiallyKonishiRoku, theopportunity topublicize theirnames alongside Eastman’s and to garner some of that international acclaim andreputationfortheirowncause.

LongbeforeEastman’svisitin1920,however,KonishiRokuwasalreadyheldinhighregard,atleastwithinJapanandtheJapanesecolonies,andwaswellknownforitssuccessat producing cameras and photographicmaterials that were both reliable and relativelyaffordable. In addition, Konishi Roku was one of the earliest examples of a Japanesecompany embracing modern marketing and retailing strategies to promote not only itsownproductsbut alsoamoregeneral awarenessof itsbrandand to activelypromotea

strongassociationofabrandwithanentireproductcategoryandfieldofconsumption.34Rokuzaemonhadseizedearlyuponaneasilyrecognizable,iconictrademark—thecherryblossom(Figure1.1).Laterthedesignwassimplifiedintoanelegantflowerpatternwiththecharacter for thenumber6 (roku) in themiddleof thepetals.35Thecherryblossomwas also the inspiration behind the name ofKonishi’s production company, Rokuōsha,established in 1898. The name “Rokuōsha” was a combination of the “Roku” of“Rokuzaemon,”theadoptedtradenameofKonishiRoku’sfounder,KonishiRokuzaemon(néSugiuraRokusaburō), andaplayon theChinese readingof thecharacter forcherrytree (sakura). The new production facility was located in Yodobashi-chō, in suburbanTokyo,whereitissaidthatRokuzaemonhadseenmanylovelycherrytreesinfullbloomatthetimehepurchasedtheland.36Sakurawasalsothebrand-nameforKonishiRoku’sline of film products and developingmaterials. An advertisement for Sakura Film andPaper Products from 1936, shown in Figure 1.2, shows the way that Konishi Roku’sdesignersincorporatedboththecompanytrademarkandthethemeofcherryblossomsintoproductpackaging.37

FIGURE1.1MeijiperiodSakuratrademarks.KonishiRokuzaemonhadseizedearlyuponaneasilyrecognizable,iconictrademark—thecherryblossom.ReprintedwiththepermissionofKonicaMinolta,Inc.Source:KonishiRoku,Shashintotomonihyakunen,39.

AModernDepartmentStoreforPhotographyKonishi Roku’s efforts to promote its name and reputation extended well beyondtrademarksandpackaging.Thebrand’sNihonbashishopandheadquarterstransformedatypicalMeiji-erashop(Figure1.3)intoaglassandgranitegoliathin1916andstoodasamonumentbothtophotographyandtothemodernshoppingexperience,repletewithhugeplate glass windows and dressed with an escalator, welcoming staff, and mahoganywaiting area (Figure 1.4).38 The scale of Konishi Roku’s new shop and its connectingannex, its incredible diversity of goods related to photography and lithography, and theattention to attractive display contributed to the image of the newly built shop as a“photographydepartmentstore.”39Itisworthnotingthatthisparticulardepartmentstoreexperiencewascreatedformaleconsumers.Despitetheattentionthatscholarshavegivento the department store as the sphere forwomen’s public participation in the economy,retailerslikeKonishiRokuwereacutelyawarethatthemajorityoftheircustomersweremenandcreatedasuitablymasculineatmospherefortheirclientele,befitting,inthiscase,thestore’slocationinthebustlingcommercialandofficedistrictofNihonbashi.

FIGURE1.2AdvertisementforSakuraproducts.KonishiRoku’sdesignersincorporatedboththecompanytrademarkandthethemeofcherryblossomsintoproductpackaging.Source:Asahikamera21,no.4(April1936):n.p.

FIGURE1.3KonishiRoku’sshopinthe1880s.Meiji-eradōzō-zukuri-styleshop.Reprintedwiththepermissionof

KonicaMinolta,Inc.Source:KonishiRoku,Shashintotomonihyakunen,23.

FIGURE1.4KonishiRoku’sshopandheadquarters,Nihonbashi,1916.Theglassandgranitegoliathbuiltin1916stoodasamonumentbothtophotographyandtothemodernshoppingexperience.ReprintedwiththepermissionofKonicaMinolta,Inc.Source:Shashingeppō21,no.6(June1916):n.p.

Two large plate glass show windows framed the central entrance to the store. Thewindowontherightdisplayedgoodsforphotographicprinting,andthewindowontheleftdisplayed cameras (Figure 1.5).40 Though glass had been used at the entrance of someshops fromthemid-Meijiperiod,plateglassshowwindowswerepartandparcelof theretail revolution takingplace inurbanJapan from the latenineteenthcentury.Guides tonew retail practices highlighted the importance of well-appointed show windows inattractingpassersby:“Artfullydecoratingtheinsideofashowwindowisonemethod tomakepassersbystopanddrawcustomersinbothindirectlyanddirectly.”41Thefirstretailestablishment to incorporate theplateglassshowwindowwas thevenerableMitsukoshiDepartment Store in 1903.42 That same year, an Osaka manufacturer had successfullyproduced thin plate glass suitable for showwindows. Prior to that, all plate glass wasimported.43

FIGURE1.5KonishiRoku’sshopwindowdisplay,1924.Plateglassshowwindowsattractivelydisplayedgoodsforsaleintheshop.ReprintedwiththepermissionofKonicaMinolta,Inc.Source:KonishiRoku,Shashintotomonihyakunen,313.

Upon entering Konishi Roku, customers could see an escalator to their left thatbeckonedthemtothesecondandthirdfloors.ThoughtheescalatorhadbeenintroducedtoTokyocommutersasearlyas1902at theManseibashirailwaystation,MitsukoshiagainwasthefirstretailestablishmenttoincludeoneinitsnewlyrebuiltshopinNihonbashiin1914.44While escalators “possessed the samemagnetic appeal and drew crowds to thedepartment store for thechance to rideupanddown themoving stairs,” themotivationbehindincorporatingthemhadasmuch,ifnotmore,todowithmanagingcrowdflow.45Though it is a bit difficult to imagine that the designers of the new Konishi Rokuheadquarters includedanescalatorfor thepurposeofcrowdmanagement, theycertainlysawthedrawsuchadevicecouldhaveforshoppersorthesimplycurious.

Theshowwindowswerenottheonlyareaoftheshopdevotedtodisplay.Throughouttheshop,merchandisewasarrangedattractivelyinglasscases(Figure1.6).Allkindsofproducts were on display, including a variety of Eastman Kodak cameras and magiclanterns, lenses, tripods, albums, enlargers, and numerous other photography-relatedcommodities.46Examplephotographsexhibitedexpertlyfilledallofthewallspaceoftheshop’sinterior.47Innovationinproductdisplaywasintegrallytiedtoemergingretailsales

methods.48Soonafter theoriginal shopopened itsdoors in1873, it hadadoptedanewkindof “free-entry” systemof shopping inwhichproductsweredisplayed in cases andcustomers could enter the store to look at products at their own leisure.49 Theincorporationofglassshowcases,aradicalchangeinmerchandisedisplay,hadbeguninthelateMeijiperiodwhenthe topretailoperations likeMitsukoshibegantoreplacethetraditional “sitting-sales” style of retail with the “display-sales” method.50 TakahashiYoshioofMitsuiGofuku (whatbecameMitsukoshiDepartmentStore), themanwho iscreditedwith bringingmodern retail practices to Japan, described the system of sittingsalesinthefollowingway:

Around[theshop]hangdeepbluenorenwiththecharacteretsuinacircle.51Thereareelevendepartmentswithheadclerks[bantōukemochi].Thecustomerlooksforthefamiliarbantō,andwhenheplacesanorder,withthecustomerstandingthere,thebantōcallsoutinaboomingvoice,“Boy,bringmethesuch-and-such.”Uponhearingthisvoice,theshopboybrings themerchandise fromthewarehouseandplaces itona flat squareboard.Thebantō takes themerchandiseandshowsittothecustomer.Becausetheinsideoftheshopisveiledinathinlayerofdarknessduetothedeepbluenoren,[itisimportant]todisplaythegoodswell.Furthermore,itisbesttobringasfewgoodsoutaspossibleinordertosatisfythecustomer.52

Glassshowcasesandwell-organizedshelving,theheartofdisplaysalesandthefree-entrysystem,allowedthepresentationofmanyitemsatonceandcutouttheneedforshopboysrunning to and from the warehouse, optimizing floor space, and saving time andemploymentcosts.

FIGURE1.6KonishiRoku’sglassdisplaycases,1916.Merchandisewasarrangedattractivelyinglasscasesthroughouttheshop.ReprintedwiththepermissionofKonicaMinolta,Inc.Source:Shashingeppō21,no.6(June1916):n.p.

A stairway located to the right of the Konishi Roku entrance took customers to thesecond floor and deposited them in front of a hanging ink scroll by Tokugawa Keiki(1837–1913), the final shogunof theTokugawareign.53Thesecond floorwas themaindisplayandsalesareaforcameras.OnthatsamefloorwasanelegantwaitingareawithalargeChinesetablesurroundedbytwenty-threecolorprintsandcarbonportraitsaswellasthepaintingTheBath byVictorian painter and sculptorLordFredericLeighton (1830–

1896). The third floor was devoted to Konishi Roku’s lithographic machines business,binoculars, and various kinds of lenses. It also housed a small office space forShashingeppō, the monthly photography magazine published by Konishi Roku. A smallobservation toweron the roofwasaccessible from the third floorandallowedguests tolookovertheeasternpartofTokyo.ViewerscouldseeasfarasYasukuniShrine,NikolaiCathedral,andUenoPark.Thetoweralsoaffordedcustomersaplacetotestouttelescopesand binoculars on sale in the shop. The annex, a three-story wooden structure thatconnectedtothemainshopviaapassagewayonthesecondfloor,wasthedisplayareaforlargerproductssuchaslithographypressesandstudiofurniture.Theannexalsoboastedafullyequippeddarkroomonthethirdfloor.Inbothbuildings,alltheavailablewallspacewas covered with more than two hundred example photographs using Konishi Roku’smostpopularproducts.Finally,thethirdflooroftheannexwasmadeintoaphotographystudio,withalargedarkroomandslopedceilingwindowstoallowfornaturallight,wheresuchluminariesasGeorgeEastmanandtheTaishōemperorhadtheirportraitstaken.

ThisdepartmentstoreforphotographydidnotsurvivetheGreatKantōEarthquakeof1September1923.LikemostNihonbashiretailers,KonishiRokulostallofitsmerchandiseinthesubsequentfires.Onemonthlater,Rokuzaemonopenedasmalltemporaryshoponthegroundsofhisproductionfacility,Rokuōsha,ontheoutskirtsofTokyo(Figure1.7).54The flagship shopwas reopened in itsoriginalNihonbashi locationon26Marchof thefollowing year.Although the shop and offices operated out of amuch smaller barrack-stylebuilding fornineyears, planninghadalreadybegunbyearly1928, in conjunctionwiththereconstructionofTokyo,forbuildingamorepermanentpresence.Onethousandpeoplewere invited to thegrandopeningofKonishiRoku’snew five-story shopon15March1932,but thenewstructure lookedmore likeanofficebuilding thanapalace toshopping (Figure 1.8). It had none of the grandeur that the Taishō building offered itscustomers. In the new shop, white-collar employees who worked in the neighborhoodcould leave their staidofficebuildings tobrowse inKonishiRoku’s rather lackluster, ifefficientshop.

FIGURE1.7KonishiRoku’sbarrack-styletemporaryshop,late1923.KonishiRoku’ssmalltemporaryshoponthegroundsofitsproductionfacility,Rokuōsha,ontheoutskirtsofTokyo,openedaftertheGreatKantōEarthquakein1923.ReprintedwiththepermissionofKonicaMinolta,Inc.Source:KonishiRoku,Shashintotomonihyakunen,311.

FIGURE1.8KonishiRoku’snewheadquartersandshop,1932.Openedon15March1932,thenewshoplookedlesslikeadepartmentstoreforphotographyandmorelikeanofficebuilding.ReprintedwiththepermissionofKonicaMinolta,Inc.Source:KonishiRoku,Shashintotomonihyakunen,374.

RationalizingRetailIn1911,anadvertisementonthefirstpageoftheAprilissueofShashingeppōannouncedthe addition of several new telephone numbers by which to reach Konishi Roku: “Weapologizeforthefactthatwehavehadonlythreetelephonelinesupuntilthispointandthat it has continually been an inconvenience for our customers,” especially whenarrangingforthe“deliveryofcarefullyselectedmerchandise.”55Tosupplementthethreeexistingtelephonelines,KonishiRokuaddedsevenmore:four to themainshop,onetothe Printing Materials Section, and two to Rokuōsha’s offices. Though perhaps anincremental change, increased telephoneaccess to the shopwasentirelyconsistentwithKonishi Roku’s larger mission to bring photography to an ever-greater number ofconsumers by catering to customer expectations of high-quality goods and services.Indeed, all of the early twentieth-century transformations of the shop—its architecture,sales techniques, and display methods—were aimed at achieving that goal. Increasedaccessibility and efficiency—and the resultant increased profit margin—were drivingforcesbehindKonishiRoku’seffortstomodernizeitsday-to-daybusinessoperations,andthecompanyadoptedoneafteranotherforward-lookingadministrativestrategiesandnew

management techniques.The restructuring of the headquarters on the outside paralleledeffortstoreorganizeitsmanagementstyleandworkforceontheinside.Among the many administrative changes, double-entry bookkeeping rationalized

KonishiRoku’sfiscalrecordkeeping,anincreasinglycomplexprocedureasthecompanyevolved from an importer to a major producer and retailer. Konishi Roku abandonedtraditionalmethodsofbookkeepinginfavorofWestern-styledouble-entrybookkeepinginthe lateMeiji period.56 Thoughmajormerchant houses of theTokugawa period used a“quitesophisticated‘double-classification’systemofaccounting,”57therewasnouniformpracticeofbookkeepingandthemanagementofaccountsdiffereddependingonthetypeofbusiness.58Generallyspeaking,pre-Meiji formsofaccountingwere idiosyncraticandcomplicated. Most businesses maintained several separate account books—generalaccounts, stock, sales, earnings, receipts, orders, goods/freight—into which day-to-daypecuniary matters were recorded.59 Double-entry bookkeeping, however, rationalizedaccounting and simplified financial record keeping even for complicated businesses.60ThissamerigorcharacterizedKonishiRoku’sanalysisofsalesstatisticstoplaceoverseasordersmoreefficiently:During those years [the lateMeiji and early Taishō periods], I worked in the imports office at Konishi Roku forSugiuraSennosuke,whoinstitutedmodernstatisticalrecord-keepingpractices.ThoughitwasdifficulttomakeorderswithIlfordandEastman,bymakingdetailedstatisticsonthevolumeofimportsandsalesovertheyearsandbytakinginto consideration the expected arrival timeofgoodsonorder and themarket at that time, aswell asby carefullyinvestigatingwhatsortsofchangesmightoccurinthemarket,wedeterminedwhentheorderedgoodswouldarriveandwhatquantitiestoorder.It’squiteadifficultthingforanyonetopredictthebusinessconditionsofthreemonthsfromnowortounderstandthosefromhalfayearago,sobyhavingyearsofexperienceanddetailedstatistics,youcanhaveagoodindicationhowtohandleorders.61

In1902,KonishiRokucompletely restructured themain shop’sworkforce, adding tothegrowinglistofmajoradministrativemodifications.Abandoningthe“feudalemployeenamingsystemthatwasoutofplace”foracompanyof itskind,KonishiRokuadoptedmore suitable appellations for the employees of a modern enterprise.62 There were nomore kozō (shop boys), tedai (shop assistants), or bantō (head clerks)—all termsconnoting a bygone era. Now there were torishimari-yaku (directors), jūshokunin(managers),hokuin(staff),andminarai(apprentices).63TherenamingofKonishiRoku’semployees was a small but highly symbolic part of an overall restructuring of thebusiness.64 Prior to this time, Konishi Rokuzaemon, the founder and still very activepresident of the company, looked upon his workers as family. But by the turn of thecentury the main shop had more than fifty workers (not including branch shops orproduction facilities), and his “family members” were fast becoming “employees.” In1908, the shop revised its “Shop Rules,” and much of the new document projected arationalized, impersonal stance toward employees and their role in the company. Inaddition to defining the business lines, the rules explained salaries, job titles, anddescriptions, as well as working hours, vacations, and benefits.65 Interestingly, thepresident of the company was still officially referred to as tenshu (head of the shop).Tenshusuggestsamorepaternalisticappellation,harkeningbacktothenineteenthcentury,whenRokuzaemonsetupshopin1873.

In the 1908 rules, several articles describe job titles and responsibilities within eachdivisionandtherelationshipsbetweendifferentlevelsofstaffandamongthedivisions.66

The main shop had three divisions—Inventory, Sales, and General Affairs—and eachdivisionhad severaloperating sections.Eachdivisionhadabuchō (chief),whoworkedclosely with the president. All sections were directed by the kachō (section head).Straightforward and impersonal, these articles take on a managerial tone, one thatconnotedamoderncorporateinstitution.Inadditiontotheregularpostsjustdescribed,thecompanyhadseveralcommitteesthatoversawdifferentaspectsofcompanyoperations.67Each committee was mandated to hold regular meetings and to share any pertinentinformationwith the relevantdivisionsandsections.Thesearticlesevoke the tenorofacorporationandmarkthetransitionofasuccessfulbusinessintoamajorcorporation.

One article in the section on wages states, “Commuters [tsūkinsha, as opposed toapprentices,ornaikinsha]receivetheirsalariesonceamonthonthelastdayofthemonth.However,iftheemployeesodesires,hecanbepaidtwiceamonth,onceonthefourteenthandonceonthelastdayofthemonth.”68Receiptofamonthlypayenvelope,nomatterhowmuch or little that envelope contained, was the defining characteristic of modernwhite-collarwork.69 Thoughno information remains on the specific salaries ofKonishiRoku’semployeesovertheyears,articlesthroughoutthedocumentindicatethatworkinghourswerelong,7:00a.m.to6:00p.m.from1Apriluntil30Septemberand8:00a.m.to6:00 p.m. from 1 October until 31 March.70 These hours presumably did not includepreparation time before opening and cleanup time after closing. According to InoueSadatoshi,acivilservantwhoconductedsurveysofwhite-collarworkersduringtheearlyShōwaperiodforthegovernment,“Theactualworkingtimefordepartment-storeworkersisaboutonehourlongerthanthehoursofoperationbecauseittakesagooddealoftimebeforetheshopopensandaftertheshopclosestocleanthesalesfloorsandtoarrangethemerchandise.”71 In fact, among all white-collar workers in the early twentieth century,surveysrevealed thatshopclerksworkedthe longesthoursandwereamongthe lowest-paidsalarymen.AccordingtoInoue’sanalysis,unlikeupper-levelwhite-collarworkers—civilservants,bankandcompanyexecutives,professors,lawyers,andjudges—whowerefound toworkeight-hourdays, clerksat retail establishments,dependingon their statusandthetypeofshop,workedanywherefromeighttofourteenhoursperday.72

KonishiRokuworkers,likemostotherretailworkers,hadonlytwosuccessivedaysoffeachmonth.73 Again, these stipulations correspond to the results of surveys that showretail workers, among all white-collar workers, had the fewest days off each month.74While thegovernmentbureaucracyand largeprivate-sectorcompaniesofferedhalfdaysoff on Saturdays and Sundays, retailers kept longer hours of operation on weekdays,weekends,andnationalholidays tocater tohigher-level salariedemployeesduring theirtime off. In 1932, participating members of the Association of Department Stores(HyakkatenKyōkai),mostlylargeurbandepartmentstores,closeddowntheiroperationsoneachdayinamonththathadthenumber8inthedate(forexample,the8th,18th,and28thofeachmonth),inadditiontotheirregulartwodaysoffpermonth.75

AtthesametimeKonishiRokuworkerswerebecoming“employees”and“salarymen,”remnants of amore paternalisticworking environment lived onwell into the twentiethcentury.76Thisiswellillustratedintheenumerationofarticlesunderthe“Wages”sectionthatpertaintoemployeewelfareandtoapprentices,youngboyswholivedonthepremises

oftheshopandreceivedtrainingtobecomeregularemployeesuponturningtwentyyearsof age. The treatment of apprentices77—the provision of accommodations, clothing,allowances, and emergency funds—was a holdover from older forms of apprenticedlabor.78Onceapprenticesreachedtheageoftwenty,theyreceivedasalary.Priortothat,theirsalarywascalledan“allowance,”andtheyreceivedonlyone-thirdofitforexpenses;the remainder was put into a reserve fund.79 Despite the continuation of these earlierformsofapprenticeship,by1925 thestaffhadbeencut inhalfandallclerksandofficeworkersatKonishi’sheadquarters,exceptthetenshu,wererequiredtowearWesternsuitsandshoesto“renewtheatmosphere”(kibunwaisshinshi)intheaftermathoftheKantōearthquake(Figure1.9).80WiththispolicyofrejuvenationbyWesternsuit,KonishiRokuworkersbecametrue“suitedpaupers”(yōfukusaimin).

WheretoShopforaCameraKonishiRoku’sflagshipshopinNihonbashiwas,ofcourse,nottheonlyplacewheremenshopped for cameras and photographic commodities, though it was certainly touted inhow-to books and photographymagazines as the most reputable. There were so manyoptions, in fact, that first-time camera buyerswere urged to go to a “trustworthy shop,[because]youwillbeabletotestthecamera”beforemakingthefinalpurchase.81Intheeightheditionofhisbest-sellinghow-tobook,TechniquesofHobbyPhotography(1919),MiyakeKokki supplements the detailed instructional textwith a highly selective list of“Tokyo’s Most Respected Camera and Photographic Supplies Shops,” including thenames,addresses, features,andphonenumbersof twenty-sevencamerashops inTokyo.Similar butmuch slimmer lists follow forOsaka (thirteen shops), Nagoya (one), Kobe(three),andKyoto(three).82AccordingtotheArusuPhotographyAnnualfor1926,therewere113camerashopsintherelativelysmall,butextremelydenseareanortheastoftheImperialPalace,fromAsakusa,Nihonbashi,Kanda,Kyōbashi, toGinzaandthenfinallywrappingaroundthepalacetothesouthwestthroughHibiyaParkintoKōjimachi.83WelloverhalfofallofTokyo’snumerouscamerashopswerelocatedinthisarea.Nihonbashiand Kanda were home to over forty-five shops (and this figure does not include thephotography studios and used-camera shops that also pervaded these areas). This willcome as no surprise to students of the business districts of Edo (Tokyo) during theTokugawa period (1600–1868). Nihonbashi was the principal area for Edo’spharmaceutical businesses and licensed wholesale dealers. These pharmaceuticalmerchantswerethemostobviousdealerstotakeupthenewbusinessofthephotographictrade in thenineteenth century since thephotographicprocessof the times requirednotonlyopticalinstrumentsbutalsochemicalproducts.84EarlyMeijiphotographysuppliers,such as Konishi Rokuzaemon himself, were often trained as apprentices in merchanthousesconnectedtothelicensedpharmaceuticaldealers.

FIGURE1.9KonishiRoku’sshopemployeeswearingWesternsuits,1928.ReprintedwiththepermissionofKonicaMinolta,Inc.Source:KonishiRoku,Shashintotomonihyakunen,313.

THECAMERACOUNTERATMITSUKOSHIDEPARTMENTSTOREDepartmentstores,especiallyupscaleemporialikeNihonbashi’sMitsukoshi,alsodealtinthecameratrade.85Mitsukoshi’scommitmenttothemoderncultureofretailhasbeenwelldocumented.86 In that regard, thedepartment store embracedphotographyasoneof thekey elements of a fashionable middle-class lifestyle. Mitsukoshi’s middle-class andhighbrowcustomerswereinvitednotonlytohavetheirphotographstakeninMitsukoshi’sphotographystudiobutalsotobuytheircamerasatMitsukoshi’scameracounterandhavetheir film developed there as well. Indeed, Mitsukoshi was home to one of the mostexclusive camera shops in Japan. In his selective list of Tokyo camera shops,MiyakestatesdefinitivelythatMitsukoshi’scameracounter“hasallthesuppliesandanabundanceof superior cameras and lenses.”87 Mitsukoshi presented photography as an essentialaccompanimenttowhatweretoutedastheidealmiddle-classleisure-timeactivities,suchas travel, bird-watching, and Sunday picnics. The April 1920 issue ofMitsukoshi, thedepartment store’s publicity magazine-cum-catalogue, featured five high-end Kodakcamerasalongwithalunchbasketfilledwithcannedfruitsandham,chocolatebars,andtaffy. The copy reads, “A camera is your best friend to take on a spring walk in thesuburbs.”88 Following the discussion of cameras is a description of the lunch basket:“Imagineyouareoutonasmall trip”—say,forawalk in thesuburbswithyourcamera—“[howabout]asmall,snack-filledbasketvaluedforitsconvenienceandquality?”89 IntheMay1922issue,camerasweregroupedalongwithportablesilverwaresets,cosmeticcases, travelguides, andbinocularsunder theheading“TravelGoods.”90An eight-pagespreadlaterthatsummerintheAugust1922issueadvertisedtwoGermancamerasaspartofa salescampaign, “Preparing forVacationandTravel.”91Other fashionable importedgoods were offered to ease the burdens of travel—compact parasols, folding chairs,backpacks—aswellas tomake the journeymorepleasurable—aportable recordplayer,sunglasses,abanjo,watercolors,andafoldingeasel.Togethertheseproductsmadeupthe

essential summertime ensemble for the tasteful traveler. The cameras were the latestmodelsfromGermanyandwere idealforcommemoratingone’s journeys.92Whilemostissues featured cameras as an auxiliary to leisure-time activities, as the tool thatwouldcapture these memorable leisure moments, another layout presented cameras in thecontextofhobbyphotography,aworthyleisure-timeactivityin itself.SeveralexpensiveKodak cameras (ranging from 90 to 545 yen) appear with developing chemicals,photographicpaper,anddarkroombulbs.93

Inadditiontothecamerasalescounter,beginninginAugust1911,Mitsukoshilauncheditsone-hourphotographyserviceaspartofitsPhotographyStudio,whichfirstopenedforbusiness in 1907.94 An advertisement for the one-hour service inMitsukoshimagazineexplained:Withour instantphotoservice, ifyougetyourportrait takenat9:00a.m., itwillbe readyat10:00a.m.Using thelatestdevelopingmethodscurrentlypopular in theWest,youhaveyourpicture taken inone second; thenyoucanshopforfiftyminutesandspendtenminutesinthecafeteriaandthenreturntothePhotographyStudiotopickupyourportrait. One set includes three postcard-sized photographs so that you can send them to faraway relatives as amemento. Buy the stamps in our store; we even have a post box [for your convenience]. You can write a shortmessageontheback.95

Thepriceoftheservicein1911wasoneyenfiftysen.Apromotionalarticledetailingtheservice praises its convenience: “It’s practically as if you were having an automaticcommemorativephotographtaken.”96BeginninginDecember1922,Mitsukoshi’scameracounterofferedadrop-offdevelopingservicethatprocessedprintsintwenty-fourhours.97Through these integrated consumer services, Mitsukoshi and other department storeshelpedbringphotographyintothefoldofeverydaymiddle-classlife.

USED-CAMERASHOPSNot listed in how-to books or enumerated in photographic annuals were the numerousused-camerashopsdottingTokyo’scommercialdistricts,mostofwhichofferedtrade-insandspecialexchangeprograms.98Basedonthenumberofadsappearinginphotographymagazinesbeginninginthemid-1920s,theused-cameratradewasrobustandconstitutedan important retail setting in which cameras were bought and sold. How-to writers,however,wereespeciallywaryofrecommendingtheseshops.SuzukiHachirō’swarningwasparticularlystrong. Inhishow-tobookconcentratingonchoosingandpurchasingacamera,Knowledgeof theCameraandHowtoChooseOne,Suzukiclearlywarnsfirst-time camera buyers against entering the used-camera market. For experiencedphotographers,usedproductsmadeagreatdealofsense.Butfortheuninitiated,theutterplethoraofgoodsavailablemadechoosing the rightproduct almost impossible: “Ifyoulookathowthemodelsaremixedinwithoneanother[ataused-camerashop],youwillunderstand why I cannot recommend [a used camera] to a first-timer who has noknowledge to distinguish among the differences.”99 Suzuki counsels his readers againstthedangersof excesswhen shopping for either anewor aused camera. In the caseofsecondhand-camerashops,inparticular,gettinglostintheallureofabundancecaneasilyleadtoanill-consideredpurchase.Used-camerashopsfilltheirshowwindowsandcaseswithsomanyandsomanydifferentkindsofgoodsthataninexperiencedshoppermighteasilygetconfused(Figure1.10).Toavoidsuchafate,planninganddeterminationarethebestdefenseevenforthecameraaficionado.

Ads for secondhand-camera shops from the time were similarly chock-full of amesmerizingamountofdata.Minuscule text fills thepage foranad forKōeidō (Figure1.11). The legend on the lower right-hand corner explains the marking system usedthroughoutthelistofproducts:“‘S’indicatesthecameraisthesameasanewproduct,‘A’indicates good condition, and ‘B’ indicates a product used to the normal degree.”100Almost as if responding toSuzuki’swarnings, the ad states repeatedly thatKōeidō is atrustworthy business: “Selling or buying a camera? Head to Shinbashi’s trustworthyKōeidō!” “Kōeidō, the camera shop that you can trust!” “The most trustworthysecondhand-camerashopinJapan!”Andtheadtakesonemoresteptoconvinceskepticalreadersbyofferinga“GuaranteeofResponsibility”onallcameraswhetherneworused.In yet another double full-page ad, Osaka’s Kawahara Shashinki-Ten promises thatcustomers will not have to haggle, since the real price of each product is clearlymarked.101

FIGURE1.10San’eidōused-camerashopshowwindow,1936.Source:Kamerakurabu2,no.5(May1936):n.p.

Mostsecondhandshopssoldbothnewandusedcameras,andtheyalsotooktrade-insand bought secondhand products. In a full page of ads for used-camera shops thatappeared in the1933 issueofKameramagazine,Kanda’sMaruyamaclaims that itwillbuy secondhandcameras for the absolutehighestprices andespeciallywelcomes trade-ins.Onthesamepageofads,Nihonbashi’sKatōShashinki-Tendealsintheused-cameratrade but also serves as a studio, develops and prints film, and does touch-ups. AndYotsuya’sKameraTenchindōhasawarehousefilledwithnewandusedcameras.Osaka’sKawahara, mentioned previously, opened its shop weekly on Sundays and holidaysespecially for the “Amateur Camera Exchange Club. “We welcome the exhibition ofordinarypeople’susedproducts.Displayyourgoodswiththeactualpriceforon-the-spotsales(wetakea10percentsalescommission)orjustcometoshop.”102

FIGURE1.11AdforKōeidōused-camerashop,1937.Source:Kamerakurabu2,no.7(July1937):n.p.

Giventhatthepriceofanewlow-endcameraequippedwithalensin1926was25yen(or34.5percentoftheaveragewhite-collarworker’smonthlysalaryofapproximately138yen), the vibrancy of the used-camera trade in this period is hardly surprising. In thiscontext, secondhand shops marketed themselves liberally to readers of photographymagazines.Of theeighteenadvertisementsforcamerashopspublished in theJune1925issueofKameramagazine,forexample,twelvewereforsecondhandshops.Alittleoveradecadelater,theonlyadsforcamerashopsintheMarch1938issueofAsahikamerawereforsecondhandshops.

Theproliferationofused-camerashopsandadsforthoseshopsindicatesboththerapidpopularization of photography and the emergence of a hierarchy in camera selling inwhichamateurpracticeconstitutedanichemarketandcasualphotographydrovecameraandfilmsales.

2

PHOTOGRAPHYFOREVERYONE

Women,Hobbyists,andMarketingPhotographyThepopularizationofphotographysignificantlyexpandedwhencompanieswereable toproduce affordable consumer products that they marketed specifically to casualphotographers.Fromthemid-1920s,companiesfosteredadivisioninthecameramarketbetweentwodifferentkindsofphotographyconsumers.Hobbyistsandamateurs,mostlymen,would-beexpertphotographers,constitutedonesideofthisdivision:alucrativebutrelatively stable market. Casual photographers, understood by the industry as mostlywomenandchildren,whotookpicturesbutdidnotdevelopfilmontheirown,constitutedthemassphotographymarketthathadenormouspotentialforgrowth,especiallyinsalesoffilmandaccessories.Hobbyistsandcommentatorswerequicktodismissconsumersinthemassmarketforphotographyasunskilledandunknowledgeable,traitstakenasvirtuesbytheindustrywhomarketedphotography’ssimplicity.However,theindustryunderstoodhobbyists asmen and as serious and knowledgeable practitioners.Who thesemale andfemale consumers were and how commentators and the industry addressed them inmarketingtheirproductsarediscussedinthischapter.

CelebratingtheInventionofPhotographyThe year 1925marked a watershedmoment in the popularization of photography. NotonlydidKonishiRokureleasethePearlettecamera,thefirstJapaneseproducttobeableto compete with the Vest Pocket Kodak camera, but it alsomarked the one hundredthanniversaryofinventionofphotographyin1825.Thoughthe“discovery”ofphotographyis conventionally attributed to Louis-Jacques-Mandé Daguerre in 1839, the AsahiNewspaper Company, as well as Japan’s leading camera and light-sensitive materialsmakersandotherinterestedparties,plannedthePhotographicCentenaryCommemoration(Shashin Hyakunen-sai Kinen) of the birth of modern photography,1 whichcommemorated the year French chemist Joseph Nicéphore Niepce had successfully“obtainedlightimpressionsonbitumenspreaduponplatesofmetal”in1825.2OrganizedbyAsahigurafumagazine,thePhotographicResearchSocietyofJapan,thePhotographicResearchSocietyofTokyo,thePhotographicGoods’SuppliersAssociationofTokyo,andtheTokyoProfessionalPhotographer’sAssociationofTokyo, thecentenarycelebrationsspanned a week of events from 8 to 14 November 1925, including a radio program,photographyexhibitions,photocontests,andlectures.Theopening-dayceremonies,whichincludedspeechesbythemayorofTokyoandtheFrenchambassadortoJapanandvariousmusical performances, were held in Hibiya Park with an audience of more than tenthousand people. Branches of the photographic societies and the Asahi NewspaperCompany inOsaka andNagoya similarly organized aweek of events to commemorateNiepce’sdiscovery.

Amongtheeventswasaradiolecture,“ATalkontheDiscoveryofPhotography,”byNarusawaReisenforTokyoBroadcastingCompanyinwhichthefuturefoundingeditorofAsahi kamera discussed the details of the invention of photography from the camera

obscura to the wet-plate collodion process of the late nineteenth century.3 The lecturedescribed in narrative form the exhibition of materials related to the history ofphotographybeing held at theHibiyaLibrary for the duration of the celebration.Othertalksincludedalecture,“RegardingArtPhotography,”byFukuharaShinzō,well-knownart photographer and heir to the Shiseidō cosmetics fortune, at the CommemorationLectureSeries, an event that broughtoverninehundred audiencemembers together fortwoeveningsof lecturesonphotography.4Exhibitionsofphotographicworkswereheldthroughout Tokyo, including one on art and portrait photography at MitsukoshiDepartmentStoreandanotheronappliedphotography—x-rayphotography,microscopicand astronomical photography, aerial and survey photography, and so on—held at theTakashimayaDepartmentStoreinKyōbashi.TheOutdoorPhotographyCompetition,alsoheldonthefirstdayofthecelebration,wasperhapsthemostspectacularof theplannedevents.The competition required contestants to takepictureswithin fourpreset themes:theSaigōestate, thecentenaryopeningceremony,scenesofMarunouchi,orsketchesofGinza. Competitors could submit one photograph per theme. From five o’clock in themorning, over three thousand photographers converged on the 330,000 square-meterSaigō estate inMeguro.Thegates opened at nine o’clock, andphotographers spent thedaysnapping theirshuttersof thevariousscenes(Figure2.1).ThewinningphotographswerepublishedinaspecialeditionoftheAsahigurafumagazine.

Inadditiontotheorganizationoftheeventsthemselves,enormousenergyandresourceswere spentadvertising thecelebrationand thenpublishing special editions, articles, andphotographsfeaturedintheevents.Asahigurafu,AsahiShinbun,andShashingeppōwereamong the publications that covered the events. Asahi Newspaper Company publishedtwoseparatevolumesincommemorationoftheevent:“Asahigurafu,”SpecialIssue:ThePhotographicCentenaryCommemoration includedalloftheexhibitionphotographsanddescriptions of the events; The Collected Lectures from the Photographic CentenaryCommemorationincludedtranscriptionsofallofthelectures,includingNarusawa’sradioaddress.

Whiletheeventswerecertainlynewsworthy,especiallywithinthephotographicworld,the sponsors—media outlets, camera companies, and professional photographers—deployedcreativemarketingtechniquestosellnotonlyphotographicproductsbutalsothepastime of photography, whether that pastime was taking and making photographs orsimply looking at them.The results of their efforts, at least as portrayed by themedia,werestunning.Participationincontestsandattendanceattheexhibitionsandlectureswerebyall accounts remarkablyhigh.Eventorganizers saturatedallmediaoutlets, includingradioandnewspapers,withnewsandadvertisementsoftheproceedings.

EvenaThree-Year-OldGirlCanDoIt:GenderandtheDivisionoftheCameraMarketTheyear1925wasalsonoteworthyinthehistoryofJapanesephotographybecauseitwasthe yearwhenKonishi Roku produced the first all-pressedmetal cameramanufacturedentirely within Japan.5 Released in June of that year, the Pearlette was available forpurchase at all Konishi Roku outlets in conjunction with the Photographic CentenaryCommemoration.6Marketed as the perfect camera for beginners, this vest-style camera

wasrepresentedinadvertisementsinthehandsofyoungwomenanddescribedas“easytouseforanyone.”7Inanotherad(Figure2.2),ayoungwomanpressestheshutter,andthecopyproclaims that thequalityandpriceof thePearlettecannotbebeatenby imports.8Here, theuseofaspecificallyfemalephotographerasthemodelassurestheviewerthatthe camera is simple to use. Simplicity and a reasonable price—these had become theindustry’s lures for an emerginggroupof camera consumers.At twenty-fiveyen, abouttwicethecostofatennisracket(betweenelevenandfifteenyenin1925)andquiteabitlessthanthatofabicycle(betweenforty-fiveandseventy-fiveyenin1925),almostanywhite-collarworker,evenalowlyclerk,couldaffordthePearlette.9Butcouldjustanyoneuseit?Accordingtothecameracompanies,notjustanyonebuteveryonecouldusetheirnewproducts,evenwomenandchildren.KonishiRokuplacestheSakuracamera,a“new,streamlined,handheldcamera”madeof“beautifulBakelite,”inthehandsofayoungboy(Figure2.3).Simplicityandaffordabilitywerebuzzwordsfor“madeinJapan,”andfrom1925 Japanese cameramakersvigorously competed for consumerswhowanted to take,butnotmake,photographs.Ina1937adfortheMinoltaVestandBabyMinoltacameras(Figure 2.4), a young child points her camera toward the viewer.Other advertisementsproclaimedasimplepressofthebuttonwasallthatwasneeded;andsomecameraswereindeedthatsimple,especiallyifprocessingwaslefttoaphotoshop.10

FIGURE2.1OutdoorPhotographyCompetition,11November1925.Thiscompetitionwasheldaspartoftheopening

dayofthePhotographicCentenaryCommemoration.HerephotographersconvergeontheSaigōestateinMeguro,Tokyo,tosnaptheirshutters.ReprintedwiththepermissionofAsahiShinbunsha.Source:Narusawa,“Asahigurafu”shashinhyakunen-saikinen-gō,148.

Though their motives were entirely different, photography critics were in agreementwiththecompanies.Forexample,ItōHidetoshi,afrequentcontributortoShashingeppō,arguedinashortpieceaboutthedemocratizationofphotography(shashinminshūka)that“a photograph comes to life with the smallest of mechanical actions and just a bit ofscientificknowledge.”11 Itōargued,however, that theeasewithwhichonecould takeapicturethreatenedtodegradethequalityofartphotography.AsFukuharaShinzō,heirtotheShiseidōcosmetics’companyandpassionatephotographerandcritic,put it in1926,photographywassosimplethatevenathree-yearoldgirlcoulddoit(justlikethegirlintheMinoltaadshowninFigure2.4).12Athree-year-oldgirlclearlyrepresentedthelowestcommondenominator.ThoughtechnologyforFukuharawasanessentialelementandthevery characteristic that distinguished photography from the other fine arts, it wasultimatelyonlyatooltoachievethemoreimportantworkofartisticexpression,toprojectone’s inner psyche. Takakuwa Katsuo, a how-to writer, editor, and ardent promoter ofhobbyphotography,heraldedthissimplicityasthegatewaytoapeople’sartform(minshūgeijutsu): “Hobbyphotography is quick, and anyone can do it, and everyone can enjoylooking at the pictures.”13Both promoters and detractors of popular photography, then,agreedwiththeindustry’sclaimsaboutthesimplicityofnewproductsandtechniques.

FIGURE2.2AdvertisementforthePearlettecamera,1925.ReprintedwiththepermissionofKonicaMinolta,Inc.Source:Shashingeppō30,no.6(June1925):n.p.

FIGURE2.3AdvertisementfortheSakuraKamera,1937.“It’seasytouseandtakesgreatpicturesnomatterwhousesit!”Source:Sakai,Kōkokunimirukokusankameranorekishi,73.

FIGURE2.4AdvertisementfortheMinoltaVestandBabyMinoltacameras,1937.“Evenachildcantakemagnificentpictureswithoutmistakes.”Source:Sakai,Kōkokunimirukokusankameranorekishi,73.

Yet it is precisely during the mid-1920s that the easiest of mechanical operations(specificallyphotography)becameafavoredsubjectofhow-towriting,whichbyitsverynatureismeanttodemystifyacomplicatedsetofpractices.Ontheonehand,photographicartists saw simplicity as a threat to the status of their work as art and, thus, quicklydismisseditasunimportanttothecreationofagoodpicture.Ontheotherhand,cameracompaniestoutedsimplicityinadvertisementsfortheirproducts.Thesesamecompanies,alongwithpublishers,alsopositionedphotographyasaformofcomplicatedknowledgethatcouldbemarketed,andmastered,alongwithcamerasandfilm.Thus,photographyinthe1920sand1930shadnotonlyreachednewpractitionersviamoreaffordablegoods—cameras,film,lenses,cases,chemicals,andpapers—butwasincreasinglycommodifiedasknowledge itself,mostprolifically in the formofhow-tobooks targetedatmiddle-classmen.14 How-to literature glorified complex technique and new technologies whileestablishingthelegitimatetechnicalboundariesofhobbypractice.

Inliteratureaimedatthehobbyist,photographywaspositionedasanythingbutsimple.Part of the appeal of hobby photography was its association with rationality, modernindustry, and advanced technological systems. Indeed, intellectuals writing onphotographictechnologiesoftenfiguredphotographyasthechildofmachinecivilization

(kikaibunmei).15How-towritersalsoclaimedauniquestatusforphotographyinmodern,rational societies. Yasukōchi Ji’ichirō asserted, “Civilized people [bunmeijin] and thecameracannolongerbeseparated.”16YoshiokaKenkichimaintainedthatbeingamodernperson(kindaijin)istantamounttounderstandingthephotographicprocess.17Writersandpublishers of how-to books promised to demystify photography without taking themysteryoutofitandtherebycultivatedasenseofdistinctionfromcasualphotographers,suchasthewomenandchildrenintheadsforthePearlette.Thisdistinctionofhobbyistsfrom casual photographers, whom Pierre Bourdieu refers to as “dedicated” and“occasional” photographers, respectively,18 undergirded sales to consumers in a nichemarketeagertoparticipateintheconsumptionofmoderntechnologicalproducts.Writerspositionedtheprocessoftakingandmakingpicturesasahighlyordered, rationalsetofsteps that, if carefully followed, would yield positive results. Above all else, hobbyphotographyrequiredattentiontoorderanddetail,agooddealofeffortandtraining,andsufficient time andmoney.Volume after volumedetailed each step of the photographicprocess: purchasing an appropriate camera, setting up the shot, snapping the shutter,exposing thefilmorplate,processing thenegative,andfinallyprintingout thepositive.How-towriters unanimously agreed that every one of these steps demanded significantconcentrationandskill.

Whatseemstobeacontradiction—specificallythepositioningofphotographyasbothsimplicityitselfandasacomplexsetofprocedures—isactuallyaby-productofthesplitin the cameramarket and photographic practices. Photography positioned as simplicitywasadraw for the first-timephotographer,whowas likely topickupa camera to takeoccasional photographs. By promoting photography as both fashionable and effortless,industryappealedtopotentialnewconsumersofphotography,suchastheyoungmenandwomenwhowerefastbecomingkeyconsumersofandparticipantsintheever-expandingworldofphotography.ThoughtheKodaksystemof“justpressthebuttonandwedotherest”wasnotrepeatedbyJapan’sdomesticcameraindustryat that time,19shopsoffereddevelopingservicessothatallacameraownerneededtodowasloadherplatesorfilm,takethepictures,andbringthemtothecamerashopfordevelopment,leavingthemessy,technical aspects to the experts. It was not until the 1910s that camera shops offeredcustomers standardized developing services like those at Mitsukoshi’s camera counter.IizawaKōtarō,theleadinghistorianofJapanesephotography,describestheexpansionofthe photography market immediately following World War I as growth founded onofferingdevelopingservices,aswellassellingcamerasandrelatedgoods,totypicalusersfrom the “newmiddle classes,” not only to advanced amateurs and professionals. “Themajority of these photographers did not have a darkroom at home but rather entrusteddevelopmentandprintingoftheirfilmandplatestoretailersofthephotographicmaterialsindustry….By1920,therewereoverfiftysuchestablishmentsinTokyoalone.”20Shopssold cameras, cases, and even tripods (photography’s hardware) to meet the needs ofmiddle-class customers, Pierre Bourdieu’s occasional photographers, who usedphotography almost solely to document important moments in their families’ lives andleisure-time activities. But most important, shops sold film and developing services tothoseoccasionalphotographerswhoseengagementwiththecameraandthephotographicprocess could now be limited to taking pictures due to innovations in film and cameratechnologies. Themajor camera companies peddled their wares to a group of inexpert

users who opted to take rather than make pictures. Here, profitability relied on adependentconsumerwholookedtoshopstoprocessexposedfilmsandplates.

Whiletheindustryprofitedfromconsumersuneducatedabouttheproducttheyownedand used, camera companieswere honing in on an equally lucrative enclavemarket ofwould-be photographic experts, Bourdieu’s dedicated photographers. These companiesmarketed the equipment, chemicals, and technical know-how necessary for the entirephotographicprocess to individualhobbyistsaswellasclubandartphotographers,whoembracedtheend-to-end,“do-it-yourself”natureofdedicatedpractice.21Andbysituatingphotography as a complex technological procedure, as anything but effortless, how-tobooksluredthemorededicatedbreedofhobbyist,butperhapsnotyetskillfulexpert,withappeals to making art with a rational attitude, hands-on production using advancedtechnology,andlaboratory-likeworkspacesfilledwithchemicals,vials,andbasins.22

WhatMadeHerDoWhatSheDid?TheFemaleConsumerintheCameraMarketSometimes even the simplest of actionswere depicted as too difficult to be left in thehandsofawoman,asinthecartooninFigure2.5.Agroupofyoung,fashionablepeopleareoutforadayoffunatthebeach.Whatbetteroccasiontophotograph?Theyoungladywithhercurlylockstakesoutacamera;herfriendsposefortheshot.She’sdoneafinejobsettingupthepose.Butwhensheseesthephotoshetook,loandbehold—amassofcurlylocks! Some of us have taken pictures of our fingers, so we understand herembarrassment.Sheholdsherhead indisbelief.Neverputawomanbehindacamera.23Though it may strike today’s viewer as a minor detail, the fact that the final picturesurprisesourfemmephotographerindicatesthatsheherselfprobablydidnotdevelopthepicture.Bylookingatthiscartooninthebroadercontextinwhichitwaspublished,inapopular photography magazine, a not-so-subtle commentary surfaces regarding thediversification of the amateur photography market. That is, for club and hobbyphotographers, who were the predominant readers of Asahi kamera, the humor of thecartoon derives from theway that the female photographer is portrayed as an ignorantconsumer.Andwhatbetterwaytoportrayapassiveconsumerthanasayoung,frivolousfemale,whocanneithermakenortakeapicture.

FIGURE2.5Typicalfemalephotographer,1930.Notonlycanshenotmakeapicture;shecannoteventakeapicture.Source:Asahikamera10,no.2(August1930):216.

“TALKINGABOUTAMATEURS”:RETAILERSANDFEMALESHOPPERSThe1936 roundtable discussion “Talking aboutAmateurs” provides a rare glimpse intotheemicperspectiveof thecameraretailer.Therathercandidconversation,publishedintheApril1936issueofAsahikamera,convenedaselectgroupofownersandmanagersofTokyo’s best-known new- and used-camera shops to discuss all sides of their business,from the amateur market and best-selling products to the customers themselves. Mostrevealinghere, however, is theway that the retailers characterized the female andmaleshoppers who frequented their establishments. The following, rather lengthy, quotedmaterial provides a unique and intimate view into retailers’ attitudes toward theircustomers.Inresponsetotheinterviewer’sopeningquestionregardingthecustomerswhoshop at their stores, the respondents discuss that the kinds of customers they seemostoftenare(male)studentsandsalarymen:KagataKōichi(KaneshiroShōkairepresentative):Comparativelyspeaking,wegetalotofwhite-collarworkersandstudents.

Interviewer:Aboutwhatpercentage?

Kagata:White-collarworkersareaboutseventypercentandstudentsareaboutthirtypercent.

Interviewer:HowisitinNihonbashi?

HosonoyaRikichi(KonishiRokurepresentative):Byfar,mostofourcustomersarewhite-collarworkers,butofthose,mostareolder[nenpainokata].Recentlywehaveseenquiteafewyoungerpeople,buttheyarenotwhatyouwouldreallycallregularcustomers.Theymostlycomeforentertainment.24Mostofourcustomersarethecomparativelyolderset.

Interviewer:It’sthesameforyouoveratAsanuma,isn’tit?

YagiKatsunosuke(AsanumaShōkairepresentative):Forourpart,wedon’tdealmuchinretail.SoIthinkthatmostcustomersheadtoaretailshop.Wedohavemanyretailproductsondisplay,butwedon’thearthevoicesofmanyrealcustomers.

Interviewer:ArethecustomersoverinKandamostlystudents?

IdaShigeru(Miedōrepresentative):That’sright.Aboutthirtypercentofourcustomersarestudents.Seventypercentarewhite-collarworkers.Andofthose,themostcommon,abouthalf,areshopkeepers.

Interviewer:Ofthewhite-collarworkerswhoshopatKaneshiroShōkai,whichgroupisthemostcommon?Bankers?Companyemployees?

Kagata:Mostlyit’speoplewhostopbyontheirwayoutforlunchinGinzaorthosewhostopbyontheirwayhomefromwork.

Interviewer:IguessforMarubiru’sAsanumamostofyourcustomersarepeoplewhoworkinMarubiru?

IshiiYūzō(MarubiruAsanumarepresentative):That’sthesituation.Peoplefromtheimmediateneighborhoodarethemosttypical.25

Theownersofthesecamerashopsattesttothefactthatmostoftheircustomersweremen,eitherofficeworkersorstudentswhostoppedbyontheirwayhomefromworkorduringa lunch break. Prime camera shop locations like Nihonbashi, Marunouchi, and Kandawerecentrallylocatedinthecapitalandservedashubsforbusiness,governmentoffices,andeliteuniversitiesandsecondaryschools.

Particularly revealing for our purposes here, however, is how retailers characterizedtheirfemaleandmaleshoppers.Justascommentatorsdidnottakefemalephotographersseriously, neither did the retailers participating in the roundtable discussion.When thediscussionmoves into the specific terrainof female shoppers for cameras, the retailers’conversationreveals,ifonlyanecdotally,therelativelysmallnumberoffemalecustomerswho actually shopped at Tokyo’s leading camera shops. The tone of this particularexchange betrays the lack of seriousnesswithwhich the participants thought of femalephotographers:Interviewer:Whichofyou[camerashopowners]seealotoffemalecustomers?

MiyoshiYūzō(TamuraNishindōrepresentative):[Wedo]inGinza,ofcourse.

Ida:Wehardlygetany[femalecustomers],butwe’reinKanda….”

Kagata:Whenwedogetfemalecustomers,mostoftentheyarefemalestudents.

Interviewer:Well,girlsreallyaren’tout-and-outstudents,arethey?

Kagata:That’sright.Infact,mydaughterisjustabouttograduatefromawomen’sschool.She’sarealyounglady[o-jōsan].26

Later, the discussants return to the topic of female consumers of photographiccommodities, and in response to a question about the relationship betweenwomen andcameras,thepatronizingtoneisamplified:Interviewer:Whatdoyouthinkofwomenwhopossesscameras?

Hosonoya:Well,ifit’sforthesakeofvanity,Icannotunderstandhowitcouldbeagoodthing.

Interviewer:ButwhatifKonishididsomeresearchonthekindsofcamerasfemalestudentsorladieswouldpossess,suchasonthestyleorcolor?

Hosonoya:Untilrecently,wehadreleasedcamerasinspecialcolors,buttheydidn’tsellatall.

Interviewer:Attheriskofbeingtedious,istherenothingthatcanbedone?

Hosonoya:Well,mostofourproductsareontheplainside—darkbrownsandgreens.

Interviewer:Ifyouthinkabouthandbags,manyhavenocoloratall;instead,theydosomethinglikeputalittlemarkorsomethingonit.

MurakamiTadao(MurakamiShōkairepresentative):It’sbestwhenthecolorisstylish[sumāto].

Yagi:Itseemsthatthecolorshouldalsohaveabitofnationalcharacter[kokuminsei].Butitisanextremelyvexingproblem.InAmerica,Kodaksarewhatsellwellfor[thesakeof]vanity.

Interviewer:Overthere,isn’tittruethattherearemanyveryprettyandshowycameras?

Murakami:Thosemodelshaven’treceivedveryfavorablereviewsinJapan.

Yagi:Intheend,Japanesewomenjustdon’ttakephotographs.27

Apparently, Japanese women were not interested in cameras either for their expressedpurposeoftakingphotographsorevenasfashionaccessories.Evenwhenpressed,ratherardentlybytheinterviewer,theretailerscannotseemtoimaginewomenbehindcamerasactually taking pictures. Nevertheless, advertisements and illustrations from the timefrequently display women “wearing” cameras as an accoutrement to a fashionablewardrobe. In Figure 2.6, the cover of a popular how-to guide, the voluptuous womanhandles the camera so awkwardly that the idea of her actually snapping a photo islaughable.And,intheadvertisementfeaturedinFigure2.7,theyoungladycasuallyholdshercameraalmostasifitwereapurse.

Whenaskedwhywomenarenot interestedinphotography,however, theparticipants’repliesmovebeyondstatementsaboutthesuperficialityoffemaleconsumers.“Let’sfaceit;Japanisstillfeudal.Photographydoesnotfallintotherealmofwomen’sactivities.”28Theinterviewercontinuestopressthispanelofexperts,askingthemwhytheyhavenoteffectivelymarketedphotographytowomen.Thoughtherespondentsadmit that there ispotentialcameramarket for femaleconsumers, the interviewerseemsmore interested inthisissuethantheintervieweesdo:Interviewer:Isn’ttheregreatroomforexpansion,say,amongfemalestudents,especiallywithheavyadvertising?

Murakami:Aren’tfemalestudentsultimatelygoingtobemoreorlessMrs.So-and-So?

Interviewer:Whatifyouadvertisedinexpensivecamerastohousewivesasawaytotakepicturesoftheirchildren?Housewiveshaven’treallyenteredtheclassofpeoplewhotakephotographstothesamedegreeaschildrenhave….

Interviewer:Thatistosay,ifwomenaregoingtotakephotographs,itwouldbegoodiftheydidsowhentheyareonatripwiththeirhusband,oroftheirfriendsandclassmates,oriftheyarebroughtupinhomeswherephotographyispracticed.Therearequiteafewfemalegolfers,sothereshouldalsobeapromisingfutureforamateurfemalephotographersiftheyhavesomeguidance.29

The retailers remain unconvinced.And it remains for the interviewer to offer potentialmarketingideastosellphotographytofemaleconsumers.

FIGURE2.6CoverofHyakumanninnoshashinjutsu(PhotographicTechniqueforOneMillionPeople).Source:Kitano,Hyakumanninnoshashinjutsu.

FIGURE2.7AdvertisementforHaufuReonaruphotographicgoodsshop,1930.Ayoungwomansportshercameraasapurse.Source:Asahikamera10,no.6(December1930):A8.

“THEMARCHOFTHEFEMALEPHOTOGRAPHER”:REALWOMENTAKEPICTURESDespite their overrepresentation as consumers of film and their underrepresentation asmasters of the photographic process, however, amateur female photographers were, ofcourse, productive andwell informed even in the advanced techniques of photography.Theextentoftheiractivityisevenlessdocumentedthanforthemalehobbyist,buttherearereferencestoandsmallclippingsaboutcameraclubsforwomen,femaleprizewinnersof major contests, and contributions by female writers on photography to the majorjournals.Forexample,aspecialarticleforAsahikamera in1935onthestateofwomenand photography, “The March of the Female Photographer,” highlights the novelty ofwomen behind the camera.30 One of themore creative contributions, nine short versescalled“APoemaboutPhotography”byTsurudonoTeruko,describes takingandmakingpictures—fromfocusing the lens topressing the shutter, standingunder the red lampofthedarkroom,andprintingoutherphotoongumpaper:

Thelensconnectswiththeblackpupilsshining

fromthemidstofthesoftsilverfox

Fromthenapeofhernecktohershoulders

thelinesflowbeautifullyinawoman’spose

Shesmilesjustwhenyoufocusyourlens

andthenyouseeabeautifulrowofteeth

Arethosecosmosflutteringinthewind

justasyoureleasetheshutter?

Thecloudsfloatingabovethemountainswithwisps

ofpurplehazearerefractedthroughthepenta-prism

Lookingintothesky,sheputsdownhercamera

andstretchesherlegs,tiredaftertakingpictures

Sheputsherselfintothemidstofthedarkredlight,

allaloneshequietlydevelopsherpictures

Astheradiantsunsets,shechoosesahalf-plate

negative,maybeshe’llmakeagumprint?

Lightblueflowersreflectvividlyfromthenegative

sheplacedoutsideinthefairweather.31

Thoughthecontributorsdiscusstheirexperiencesinthedarkroomandrefertoinfluentialhow-to books, they do not offer practical tips on photographic technique.Rather, thesewomenwrite as pioneers, offering confessional accounts of their early encounterswithphotography,oftheirattemptstohaveacareerinthestudio,and,mostcommonly,ofhowphotography serves as an ideal family activity. SugawaraKiyoko’s piece, “Women andPhotography,”describeshowshe learneddarkroom techniques fromher father, ahobbyphotographer.32 Yamada Yaeko mentions that her interest in photography was initiallysparked after she had her first child. Shewanted to be able to document his childhoodyears. She alludes to a nameless how-to book by Yoshikawa Hayao, one of the mostprolific and popular how-to writers of the day, who claims that many amateurs firstbecomeinterestedinphotographyforthesamereason.33Oneauthormentionsthatthesedaysyoucanevenseewomenpullingoutacamera,likethePearlette,fromtheirpursestotake a picture.34 Ultimately, this series of short, impressionistic essays depicts thesewomenasexceptions.Mostwomendefendtheirtransgressionintothemasculineworldofhobbyphotographybyexplainingthatthedayswhentheactivitywasonlyanoptionformenhavefinallyended.

Despitetheactualexistenceofskilledandexperiencedfemalephotographers,derisiveimagesinthephotographicpressareevocativeofprevailingsensibilitiesaboutthegendertransgressionsofthemoderngirl.Ingeneral,femalephotographersweretheobjectsofamixtureofawe,asinthecaseoffemaletramdriversandpilots,andscorn,asinthecaseof caféwaitresses.35 Images of femme photographers fit stereotypes of themodern girlthatthemediumofphotographyitselfsoreadilyexploitedinpopularmagazines,picturepostcards,andbromideshops.36Scornusuallywinsout,asthecartoonofourcurly-toppedphotographershows.Let’sreturntothatcartoonforamoment.Whensheseesthepictureshe took, the photographer laments in the caption, “Nani ga… sō saseta ka?,” whichtranslates as “What…mademedo it thisway?”This phrase, especially as is itwrittenwiththeellipsisbetweengaandsō,probablylookedfamiliartoreadersofAsahikamera

thatyear.On6February1930,thehitmovieNanigakanojowosōsasetaka[WhatMadeHerDoWhatSheDid?]openedattheTokiwazamovietheaterandranforanastoundingfiveweeks.Thefilmdepictsthetragicfallofayoungwoman,whoindesperationsetsfiretoachurch.37Attheendofthefilm,superimposedontotheburningflamesofthechurchwas the subtitle, “Nani ga kanojo wo sō saseta ka.” Whether Asahi kamera readersequated the bob-haired photographer with the orphan-cum-criminal heroine of “WhatMadeHerDoWhatSheDid?,”thecartooncertainlyconjureduptheprevailingimageofthe modern girl—the decadent, short-haired consumer that feminist Yamakawa Kikuedepictedas“apassivefigurewholaysupineonabeachandafterwardstrolledthroughthetown,stillcladinherbathingsuit”38—anddepictsatypicalreactiontowomenwhotakecontroloftechnology,aresponsenotsosurprisingduringatimewhencontroversiesragedovertheroleofwomeninsociety.39

DomesticatingPhotography:MarketingPhotographyasFamilyActivityJust as the pioneering female photographers discussed earlier indicate in theirmusings,photography was often portrayed as an enjoyable family activity. Indeed, inadvertisements and how-to literature, photography was promoted as an ideal familypastime. Photography of the 1920s and 1930s in Japan was strongly associated withmiddle-classidentity,inwhichthetransitiontoanuclearfamilystructurewasbeginningto take hold. Photography was one of the terrains upon which to negotiate tensionsaccompanyingthismassivesocialshift.Inhisworkonthemodernhomeanddiscoursesofdomestication,JordanSanddiscussestheimportanceoftheconceptoftheikkadanraku,or the “family circle,” inwhich family gathering and shared pastimes became a centralpoint inmoral discourse on themiddle-class home and family in lateMeiji andTaishōtexts.40 The camera industry borrowed from this discourse, exploiting the emotiveelementsofphotographybothas representational lexiconand leisure-timeactivity.Withrespect to representation, photographing the family bolstered the concept of the nuclearfamily as an “autonomous emotional unit.”41 Even as late as the 1930s, companiescontinuedtochampionphotographyasonewaytoperformtheritualsofthefamilycircle.Inanadvertisementforastereoscopiccamerafrom1934(Figure2.8),thepleasuresofthisproduct are promoted in three contexts: sending family photos to the folks back home,sendingphotostoyourbrotherstudyingabroad,andtakingpicturesofthefamilycircle.Photography brings together father and son through their shared enjoyment of takingpictures togetherwithduelingcameras,asdemonstrated ina1938advertisementfor theRolleicordandRolleiflexcameras.IntheadshowninFigure2.9,sonmimicsfather,andbothsportquietsmilesastheyaimtheircameras.

In the case of hobby photography, primarily the domain of the father-husband,photographycouldbringthefamilytogether.How-towritersofferedvarioussuggestionsonways to incorporate the family into this rather solitarypastime. Inaddition to takingpictures of the family, the hobby photographer could embrace the family circle byincorporatinghisfamilydirectlyintopastimeactivities.How-towriterslikeNagaiSaburōplainly state, “It is important to make hobby photography into a family affair.” Hecontinues,“Photographyisnotsomethingthatonlytheheadofthehouseholdcanenjoy.The popularization of the hobby is reaching evenwives and children and is deepeningtheirinterestinmorethanjusthavingtheirpicturestaken,butalsointakingpictures,and

developingandenlargingthem,too.”42Andencouragingthishobbyamongyourchildren,he argues, will prove extremely beneficial from the standpoint of their education.Incorporating the family as active participants into the leisure of hobby photographyserved as a compromise between a father’s familial obligations and his personalenjoyment.IntheprefacetoHowtoTakePhotographsEasily(1937),YasukōchiJi’ichirōsharesananecdotethatillustratesthecentralityofhobbiesinmiddle-classfamilylife.Hementions a letter he received from a friend’swifewho says that her daughterwants tostudy at a girls’ school where they teach photography. The mother complains that herdaughterneedstostudyataschoolwheretheyteachteaandflowerarrangingtobecomeagoodwife.Thedaughterresponds:Ohmother,nomatterhowgoodat teaandflowerarrangingyouare,youcan’tpleaseyourhusbandwithjust thesethings!The timesaremovingon.There isn’taperson todaywhohasn’t takenaphotograph.The foundationofanamicablehousehold is that ahusbandandwife share the samehobbies throughout their lives. Ifmyhusbanddoesphotographyasahobby,Iwanttobetogetherwithhimandsharethesamefeelings.43

Inoneoftheessaysin“TheMarchoftheFemalePhotographer”series,wifeandmotherYanagita Yoshiko describes how she “assimilates” (dōka) into her husband’s hobby bybecoming the critic of his photographic work.44 In fact, all members of the Yanagitafamily participate in the husband’s pastime: the youngest son takes the photos, thehusbandenlargestheprint,andtheoldestsonfixestheimages.MadameYanagita’sjobistocriticizethesejointprojects.Once,sheevenurgedherfamilytosubmittoacontestaprint thatshepraisedhighly,andthephotowon.Thus,sheexclaims,“Isn’t itwonderfulwhenafamilycanparticipateinasinglehobbytogether?”45

FIGURE2.8AAdvertisementfortheSunStereocamera,1937.Source:Sakai,Kōkokunimirukokusankameranorekishi,74.

FIGURE2.8B(Detail)“PhotographyBringstheFamilyTogether!”

FIGURE2.9AdvertisementfortheRolleicordandRolleiflexcameras,1938.“Thecameraforthecameraexpert.Bothlargeandsmallmodelsexcelintheirperformance.”Source:Asahikamera26,no.3(September1938):A10.

Ultimately,lookingatthefinalproductofthehobby,thephotographsthemselves,wasyet anotherway toenjoy the father’spastimeandaway to represent thenewmodelofmiddle-classfamily,thenuclearfamily.Imagesinadvertisementsforcamerasandhow-totexts romanticize this understanding of family. Photography theorist JudithWilliamsonargues, as doesBourdieuwith regard to occasional photography, that representations ofthis“autonomousemotionalunit”arehighlyeditedbeforeappearinginthefamilyalbum.Likewise,how-towriterschoseonlyexamplephotographsthataffirmedaparticularviewof family. Abandonments, bickering, housework—these equally real aspects of familiallifehardlyeverappearinfamilyphotos.Onlytheidealispreserved.Inupholdingtheidealofthenuclearfamily,rarelydomorethantwogenerationsofasinglefamilyoccupythesamephotograph.InFigure2.10,themultigenerationalfamilyispositedasaninstitutionofthepast.Themeetingbecomesaphotoworthyeventduetoitsuniqueness,highlightinga distance among family members in an increasingly urbanized Japan. In an equallyheartwarming shot of wife and child (Figure 2.11), the affective ties of the happyhouseholdaredisplayedinthissplendidlittlesceneofmotherpickingupafterhernaughtychild and father capturing it all on film.Most images of the family are ofmother andchild.Thefatherisabsentfromthepicturebecauseheistakingit.46Figure2.12showsyet

another enactment of the nuclear family in hobby photography. This six-framedillustrationportraysthewifeasfamilyphotographer,ararerepresentationindeed.

FIGURE2.10“GrandfatherandGrandchildMeetingafteraLongTime.”Inthisexamplephotographinahow-tobook,themultigenerationalfamilyispositedasaninstitutionofthepast.Source:Yasukōchi,Yasashiishashinnoutsushikata(Arusu,1937),265.

FIGURE2.11“BadBaby.”Inthisexamplephotographinahow-tobook,thefatheriscapturingthemundanefamilymomentonfilm.Source:Yasukōchi,Yasashiishashinnoutsushikata,255.

FIGURE2.12Howtousetheviewfinder.Thissix-framedexamplephotographportraysthewifeasfamilyphotographer,ararerepresentationindeed.Source:Kanehara,“Fuaindāwadōnozokunogatadashiika,”10.

Hobby photography, however, was often practiced as a solitary activity. Despite theencouragement to bring the family into Daddy’s pastime, developing film was usuallyexecuted ina small,dark spacebyan individual.Andevena small space in the familyhome could be difficult to find. Jordan Sand has traced the discursive and materialtransformations of ie (hereditary-family temporality) to katei (affective space of themodern home) during the late nineteenth century.47 In particular, Sand documents thefeminization of the ideal middle-class home in which “good wives and wise mothers”becameefficienthouseholdmanagersandknowledgeableconsumers,notonlyrunningthehomeonatightbudgetbutalsoappointingtheinteriorinanappropriate,tastefulmanner.Along with feminization, the modern middle-class home underwent a significantarchitectural rearrangement inwhichamore intimate familial spacewasseparated fromtheheadofthefamily’sworkandsocialspace.Thus,a“gender-specificcloistercouldberetainedunderthesameroofasthefamilyhavenwithoutcontradiction.”48Justwhenthemiddle-class home had become privatized and thoroughly feminized by physicallyseparatingwork and social responsibilities from the everyday life of the family, hobbyphotography,an inherentlysolitary(masculine)pastime, threatenedtheneworderof thefeminized domestic sphere. In particular, the hobbyist’s home darkroom recaptured for

developing pictures those parts of the house—bathrooms, kitchens, closets, and tatamirooms—that now belonged to his wife. Finding the suitably sized and perfectly (un)litspaceforadarkroomnotonlywasapracticalspatialissuebutalsopotentiallyturnedthepastimeintoaantagonisticfamilyaffair.

...

Theroleofthefamilyinhobbypracticewasatbestpresentedinanambivalentway,andexhortations to involve the family in thisseeminglysolitaryactivityseemtobenothingmorethanjustificationsmaskingtensionsthatarosewiththeconfigurationofthemiddle-classnuclear family, the rolesandexpectationsof familymembers, and theuseof timeand space in the home. While the context of the family and the family home waspotentially fraught with obstacles to pursuing photography as a hobby, many amateursexplored their craft, individually, with the help the numerous instruction manuals onphotography.By the1920s, thepublishing industry tookupphotographyasaprofitablethemeforhow-tobooks,whichhadexplodedintothemarketplace.Thesebooksnotonlytaught hobbyists how to take and make pictures; they also suggested to readers theappropriate place of the hobby in their lives. This popular form of literature becameanother important area where the knowledge about photography circulated and wasconsumed.

3

INSTRUCTIONSFORLIFE

How-toLiteratureandHobbyPhotographyHow-toWritingintheEarlyTwentiethCenturyInstructionalwritingaboutphotographyemergedalmostas soonasphotographyarrivedon Japan’s shores in the mid-nineteenth century. By the 1920s, how-to books onphotography were published at fever pitch, and sales were remarkably successful, asillustrated by the fact that TakakuwaKatsuo’s iconic how-to book,Techniques of FilmPhotography(1920),soldovertenthousandcopiesinasinglemonth.1Yetthisliteraturehasyettobeanalyzedinanysystematicway.Partofthechallengeisthatthisworkrarelyappears today in the card catalogues of the major libraries and archives in Japan.2Researchersaremuchmorelikelytofindthesechurned-out, inexpensivevolumesinthecornersofdusty,used-bookstoresandinthepilesofunwantedtitlesatdepartmentstoreused-bookfestivals.Another reasonfor theneglectof thesevolumes is theirassociationwith hobby photography, photographic practice that has not received the scholarlyattentionthatartphotographyhas.Thoughsomeoftheauthorsofthisliteraturewerewellknown,aseithercriticsorphotographersthemselves,theyremainatbestafootnotetothehistoryofJapanesephotography.3

Thehobbymarkettookshapejustwhenpublishersandothercompanieswerebeginningtheirwholesaleeffortsatsellingtechnicalknowledgetoaudiencesintheformofhow-toliterature.Notonlydidthebooksoutlinethestepsofthephoto-takingandphoto-makingprocesses but they alsooffered readers,mostlymen, a viewof the appropriate placeofphotographyin their leisure timeandin theirhomes.Howthat literatureconfiguredthatleisure time and those homes is the subject of this chapter. How-to literature providedmore than suggestions on photoworthy occasions and technical information on lightingand proper equipment. What was photographable was not defined by technicalconsiderationsalone,andtheunstatedrulesforhowtouseacameraweredirectlytiedtomiddle-classmasculineconsumerpractices.4Thesemundanematerialsrevealsomeofthevaluesthatshapedwhatitmeanttobeamiddle-classmanduringtheperiod.Thecamerawas figured as a commodity of advanced technological progress, which, if carefullystudied, could be manipulated to achieve the goals and intentions of the user. Yet theappeal of such literature to the camera enthusiast was that these texts promised, in astraightforward and no-nonsense manner, mastery of their subject. With the allure ofexpertise,how-tobooksofferedmiddle-classmenanavenuetoameliorateanxietiesaboutnonproductivetimeawayfromworkwiththerewardofproductive“freetime.”5

HOW-TOLITERATUREANDMIDDLE-CLASSLIFEHow-toliteratureonphotographyfromthe1920sand1930scanbeplacedmoregenerallyinto the overall trend in the distribution of knowledge in which information aboutcommodities,justlikeproductsthemselvesinadvertisements,wasmarketedtoconsumers.The audience for suchwritingwas an educated, even overeducated, group ofmen and

women.6 Several government surveys from the period show the important place ofhobbies in middle-class lives. For example, the Hiroshima Social Affairs Bureauconducted a survey on the living conditions of salaried workers in 1925. Unlike thebroader incomesurveysconductedby thenationalgovernmentdiscussedpreviously, thestatedpurposeoftheHiroshimasurveywasto“thoroughlyinformreadersofthematerialconditionsof thesocial lifeofHiroshima’sregularcitizens.”7 Inaddition to informationon income and expenditures, the survey requested information on the kinds of illnessesrespondentsexperiencedandtheirreligiouspracticesandbeliefs.Mostimportantforourpurposes are the data gathered on hobbies (shumi ni kansuru chōsa). The survey askedrespondents(headsofhouseholdandallmembersovertheageoffifteen)torecordtheirhobbies.Incontrast tothenationalexpendituresurveys, theHiroshimasurveyaskednotonlyabouttheamountofmoneyspentonhobbies(goraku-hi)butalsoaboutthespecifichobbiesthatrespondentsparticipatedinregularly.“Accordingto[thesurveyresults],theprincipal hobbies reported were reading, baseball, fishing, Go, Japanese chess [shōgi],music, gardening, exercise, etc. If we look at the data according to the sex of therespondent, for men, the information is the same as reported above; for women, theprincipalhobbiesareikebana,reading,music,needlework,shrinevisitation,theater,etc.”8Photographyappears inbothsetsofcollecteddata.Forheadsofhousehold,21of2,173respondentsparticipated inphotography; forothermembersof thehouseholdabove theageoffifteen,only11of4,178mentionedphotography.Nowomenreportedphotographyasahobby.Forhouseholdheads,106differenthobbieswerelisted,andphotographyranksnumber22.9

While social-scientific data reported expenditures for thenewmiddle classes, how-toliterature taught them how to spend their income. The limited pecuniary conditions ofmiddle-class life increasingly demanded that its members economize, rationalize, anddeploy time-saving techniques to their everyday lives.10 Middle-class life necessitatedpractical instruction in order to function effectively based on these new principles ofmanagement—at leastaccording to thepublishinghouses thatchurnedouthow-tobookafter how-to book during the 1920s and 1930s. Full-length treatments and magazinearticles thatdoledout instructionsforallmannerofactivity—fromrunningahouseholdon a strict budget to the rules of baseball and dodgeball—occupied a significant andgrowingpercentageofthemarketforreadingmaterials.11Indeed,aswesawinthecaseoftheHiroshimasurvey respondents, reading itselfwasoneof the leadingpastimesof theperiod.Much of this how-towritingwas geared toward the urbanmiddle classes,whoincreasingly formed the consumptive base for new products, ideas, and activities andlooked to how-to writing for instruction on thinking about and using these newcommodities.Itisinterestinginthisregardthattheexpendituresurveyscombinedshūyō(cultivation)andgoraku (leisure) in their itemization,agesture thatpointed to thecloseproximitybetweenthesetwoconcepts.Andhow-toliteratureincorporatedboth.

How-towritingemployedthevoiceofanexperienced,usuallyself-appointed,authoritywho guided the reader through a series of steps in an activity—preparing fried porkcutlets, swimming thebreast stroke, developing aphotograph—inorder to train readershowtodotheactivitythemselves.Onthesurface,how-toliteratureprivatizedthelearningprocess,offeringreadersawaytocontinuetheireducationandusetheirtimeproductively

outsidetherealmofwork(or,forwomen,howtomakebetteruseoftheirtimeatworkinthe home). The popularity of how-towriting also suggests thatmiddle-class consumerswere taking up hobbies and self-improvement activities as part of their everyday lives.Thebreadthoftopicscoveredandthesheernumberofvolumesproducedareremarkable.How-toliteraturetaughtreadersskills,butitalsoindicatedwhichskillswerenecessarytoparticipateinmiddle-classlife.Inasense,thisbodyofwritinghelpeddirectandaffirmthetastes and leisure-time choices of readers. As they incorporated time-saving techniquesintotheirdailyfoodpreparation,readersofbookslikeEverydayCooking:PracticalHomeCooking(1925)alsolearnedwhichfoodsmadethekateiahome.12WhentheyreadKondoYaichi’sNewGolfTechniques(1936),readersalsogleanedwhattowear,aswellaswhenandwithwhomtoplay.Practicalmatterswerecoveredovertlywhile tasteandetiquetteemergedfromwithinthesettings,illustrations,anddescriptionsofrulesandrecipes.Therange of how-to literature can be seen inTable3.1, a selected list of how-to titles thatappearedinPublishers’Annual(Shuppannenkan)from1926to1933.

Examples of this literature have appeared in the fifth volume of Minami Hiroshi’sinfluentialcollectionofprimarysourcematerialsdocumentingmodernlife,Kindaishominseikatsushi, which includes reprints of magazine articles andmanuals on Japanese andWesternsewing,knitting,andembroidery.13Thesearticleswerewrittentoassistwomeninmanaging their homes economically by illustrating techniques, teaching repairs, andoffering tips on how to reuse old scraps of material. But these manuals also providedwomenwith tastefulways to incorporateproducts into theirhomes.14Countless how-tobooks on sports, art,music, and games also appeared in bookshops.Especially popularwere guides to golf, social dancing, and baseball.15 Activities such as bird-watching,hiking, and tennis also provided fertile ground for publishers and readers. ThoughvolumesonJapanesegames,artsandcrafts,andmusicwereregularlypublished,theyarea minority in the world of how-to publications. Publications concerning middle-classpastimeswereorientedtothenewandfashionable.

THECOMMODIFICATIONANDCIRCULATIONOFPHOTOGRAPHICKNOWLEDGEJust likeothergenresof themodernformofhow-towriting,guides tophotographyhadbeen published since themid-nineteenth century.16 Bibliographic data show a dramaticriseinthenumberofpublicationsaboutphotographyfromtheBakumatsuperiod(1845–1867) until the end of the early Shōwa period in 1945.17 Throughout theMeiji period,publicationsdealingwithphotographictechniqueincludedmanuscripts,books,andpapersthatdescribedphotographic technologyoranaspectof it (includingx-rayphotography),aswellaspublications thatdetailed theproductionofphotographicmaterials (includingchemicalsandlenses).Ninety-ninevolumeswerepublishedduringtheentireMeijiperiod;themajorityare technicalpapersand instructionsforusewithspecificproducts.For themuchshorterTaishōperiod(1912–1926),ninety-sevenvolumeswerepublished,almostasmany as in the preceding period.How-to books aimed at amateurs constitutewell overthree-quartersofthosepublications.Thoughcameracompaniesproducedthelargestshareoftechnicalwritingsthroughouttheperiod,nonindustrypublishersbegantoenterintothisgrowing,lucrativefield.MaruzenandHakubunkanweretheearliestpopularpublisherstoissue volumes on photographic technique, and by the 1920s specialized publishers, like

ArusuandShashinGeijutsusha,contributedasignificantnumberoftextsandjournalstothefield.ButthefigureforearlyShōwa(1926–1945)isastounding:thetotalexceedsfourhundred,andagaintheoverwhelmingmajorityofvolumesaregearedtowardtheamateurphotographer.18 These books include single volumes and multivolume series.19 Theaveragepriceofahow-tobookduringthisperiodwasabouttwoyen(therangewasfromoneyentwentysentothreeyen).TABLE3.1Selectedlistofhow-tobooktitles,1926–1933

Anotherkeyavenueinthecommodificationandcirculationofphotographicknowledgewasthephotographyjournal.Theearliestjournalsforamateursappearedinthe1880sandwerepublishedbyphotographic supplycompanies suchasKonishiRokuandAsanumaShōkai. The most well-known examples are Shashin Shinpō (Asanuma Shōkai, 1882–1940)andShashinGeppō(KonishiRoku,1894–1940).Althoughbothwerefirstpublishedasdetailedproductcataloguesanddistributedfreetocustomersintheirrespectiveshops,by the turn of the century they took on the more familiar form of a popular journal.Photographssubmittedbyreaderswereselectedandprintedinthefront.Advertisementsfor imported and domestically produced products appeared in the front and back. Clubactivities andphotoexhibitionswereposted in specializedcolumns.Most important forour purposes, longer descriptive articles about new photographic technique andtechnologies—darkroommethods,printingtechniques,andrecentcameramodels—filled

the pages between ads and images. By the 1920s,magazine shelves at bookstores andlibraries carried as many as seventeen major monthly photography journals, includingKamera (Arusu, 1921–1956), Asahi kamera (Asahi Shinbunsha, 1926 to present),Fuototaimusu (Orientaru Shashin Kōgyō, 1924–1940), Kōga (Kōgasō, 1932–1933),Shashinsaron (Genkōsha,1933–1961),GekkanRaika (Arusu,1934–1941),andKamerakurabu(Arusu,1936–1941).

Despite the numerous volumes of this genre of how-to literature, there was noconsistentnameforitscorereaders,thosewhopracticedphotographyasahobby.How-toauthors often refer to their readers as amateur photographers (shirōto shashinka oramachua shashinka), recreational photographers (goraku shashinka), or photographyaficionados (shashin kōzuka). Furthermore, though I refer to these guides as “how-to”books, there was no single name for this genre of writing that specified photographictechniqueandprovidedinstruction.Forexample,inthefifteen-yearperiodfrom1926to1941,when the largestnumbersofhow-tophotographybookswerepublishedannually,Publishers’Annual lists relevant titles under a variety of categories, even under severaldifferent categories within one year. Depending on the year and the publisher ofPublishers’Annual,booksonphotographic techniquearecommonly listedunderbijutsu(art), kōgei (industrial arts), shumi (hobby), or goraku (recreation), though sometimestitles of series are listed under kōza (educational books) and/or yoyaku haihon(subscription books).20 Among the hundreds of volumes published in the 1920s and1930s,however,severalkeywordsandphrasesappearrepeatedlyin the titlesofhow-tobooksonphotography, shedding lighton themurkyboundariesdelineating instructionalwriting. The most frequently used key phrases are shashin jutsu (photographictechnique),21 as in Miyake Kokki’s best-selling Shumi no shashin jutsu (1919) or theexpression “verb + kata” (how-to + verb), as used in Yasukōchi Ji’ichirō’s Yasashiishashin no utsushikata (1937). The latter appears so frequently that I feel justified inreferring to thiskindofwritingas the“how-to”genre.22Otherpopularwordsarekotsu(theknack/secret),“noun+hō”(thewayof+noun),andyomihon(textbook).

HandmadeCamerasDespite the near-total coverage of topics related to photographic technique from the1910s,oneaspectofphotographythathow-toliteraturedidnotaddresswashowtomakecameras. In an article for the September 1935 issue of Asahi kamera, “AmateurPhotographicTechniqueof30YearsAgoasToldby aHandmadeCamera,”YoshikawaHayao recounts a series of photographs, dry-plate negatives depicting scenes of Tokyoduring the victory celebrations following theRusso-JapaneseWar (1904–1905), that hemade as a young lad of sixteen with his handmade camera.23 A regular contributor toAsahikamera and prolific author of instructional books on photography throughout the1930s,Yoshikawaostensiblywrotethearticletocommemoratethethirtiethanniversaryofthevictoriousendofthewar.Accompanyingtheeightphotographsillustratingthearticleis adescriptionof thehandmadecamera thatheused to take thephotos.AssembledbyYoshikawain1901,thecamera“wasmadefromawoodenboxandthelens…,forwhichIdevisedasimpleshutterattachedtothefrontofthebox,wasanimperfectandextremelysimple lensmadefroma10-senmagnifyingglass.Then, in thecenter, Iconnecteda tinplatewithaholeinitthatwastoactapproximatelyasanF/12aperture[diaphragm].”24

Yoshikawagoesontodescribetheeightphotographshetook,somewhatapologetically,since the camera, being handmade, produced rather clumsy images. And though thepicturesareamateurish—abitoutoffocusandoftenoffcenter—Yoshikawaisproudofhissmallfeatofengineering.“Forthoseofyoufedupwithallofthehigh-qualitycamerasoftoday,”Yoshikawabeginsthelastsectionofthearticle,“or,forthoseofyouwhohavethoughtoftryingtomakeyourowncamera,Iwanttooffersomeofmyownideas.”Hefollowsthisupwitha“recipe”forahomemadecamera.25Thedetailsareslim,atbest—nocarefulmeasurements or illustrated plans—andYoshikawa admits that the readersmayhavetocomeupwithafewideasontheirowntomakethefinishedproduct.Thislackofdetail,however,isconsistentwiththefactthatamateurpracticeattheturnofthecenturyveryoftenincludedconstructingone’sowncamera,oratleastpartsofit.ItisverylikelythatYoshikawaassembledthecameraofhisyouthfollowingtheinstructionsgiveninIshiiKendō’sCraftsLibrary forYouth:Photography.Written forboys in1902,Photographydescribes the photographic process in twenty-six short chapters. In chapter 8, Ishiiprovides instructions for making a box camera, much like the one that Yoshikawareminiscesaboutinhisarticle.26

Hands-onengagementwiththemechanismofthephotographicapparatusattheturnofthecenturywascentraltoamateurpractice.Snapshotstakenwithcompactcamerasusingeasy-to-advance roll film were still two decades away. The pioneering amateurphotographer was often an ad hoc mixture of machinist, optical engineer, artist, andchemist.Yoshikawa’sarticleisthusalsoanexpressionofnostalgiaforthegoodolddaysofphotographywhencraftsmanshipstillgovernedpractice.27Inthisvein,helamentsthecurrenttrendinwhichphotographyisruledbyconsumption,convenience,andwaste:Itseemsthatpeoplearegraduallycomingtotreatphotographymoreandmorelightly—takingapictureonlytothrowitaway,takingyetanotherpictureonlytodestroyit.Perhapstakingsomanyphotosisthenaturalresultofsomethingthat hasbecome so convenient.Butwhen I think about how Iwent all over theplacewith this handmade cameraenthusiasticallytakingpicturesandhowthosepictureslastedsowelluntil today,fromnowonIwilldomybesttorefrainallthemorefromacarelessattitudetowardtakingpictures.Evenifthecameraisofthelowestquality,morethananythingelse, thecorrectpath is toputyourheart intoeverypictureyou take.Today’shigh-qualitycamera isalready out of date within six months. And then you change to the next model. Perhaps this too is one kind ofenjoyment, [participating in] the courseofprogress, but the foundationofphotography iswhetheror not you takepictures.28

Yoshikawa’scomplaintaboutthematerialisticattitudefoundamongthecurrentgenerationofamateursisalsoadirectcommentontheradicalchangeintherelationshipbetweenthehobby photographer, photographic products, and practice. With the increasingindustrializationofphotography,theamateurwasreconfiguredfromanengineer/chemistintoadiscerningconsumerwhounderstoodthelatestfashiontrendsandtheimportanceofproperaccessorizing.29

Yoshikawa’srecipeforahomemadecamera,ratherbasicandamateurishlikethephotoshetookwithit,wasuniqueintheworldofhobbywritingatthetime.UnlikeYoshikawa’sarticle, most writing about the technical aspects of photography from the 1920s wasstrictlyconcernedwiththepicture-takingandpicture-makingprocesses.Andbythemid-1930s, the industrialization of photography had so thoroughly removed cameramakingfromtheindividual,amateur level that theveryideawasportrayedinhobbyjournalsasludicrous.ThecartoonshowninFigure3.1appearedintheDecember1936issueofAsahi

kameraalittleoverayearafterYoshikawa’snostalgicreminiscences.30Theimageofthisamateur engineer piecing together a camera from his brother’s accordion and hisgrandfather’sreadingglassesiscertainlydroll.Thesimpleton’sact,ratherthanrestoringphotographytothecraftfromwhichithademerged,pointstotheabsurdityofmakingahomemadecamera.As thedomesticcamera industry focused itsenergiesondevelopingthebifurcatedmarket, italsobecamethesolepurveyor incameraproduction.31Andfortheindustry,hobbyphotographycouldnolongerresembleavocationifitweretobecomeaprofitableleisure-timeactivity.

FIGURE3.1“VictimoftheHomemadeCamera.”Bythemid-1930s,theideaofconstructingone’sowncamera,asportrayedinthiscartoon,wasseenasabsurd.Source:Asahikamera22,no.6(December1936):970.

How-toauthorsofphotographicbooksduringthe1920sand1930sfrequentlycomparethe burdensome nature of past photographic practice with the unfettered quality ofcontemporary photography. For example, in the preface to his best-selling bookTechniquesofHobbyPhotography(1919),MiyakeKokkiremarksthathegetswearyjustthinkingabouttheequipmenthobbyistshadtolugaroundattheturnofthecentury.Andlikewise,“Theamateurphotographeroftodaycertainlydoesnotwanttobemistakenforacommercial photographer.”32 Two decades later, how-to writers continued to tout thefreedom afforded this generation of amateurs. The narrative in picture form shown inFigure3.2 froma1936bookonenlarging,MethodsofPrintingEnlargements,contraststhehardshipsofphotographybeforetheinventionofdryplatestotheeaseandfreedomofchoiceaffordedbycompactcameras,rollfilm,andenlargers.

FIGURE3.2“PhotographicTechnique,ThenandNow.”Thehardshipsofphotographybeforetheinventionofdryplatesarecomparedtothesimplicityofcompactcameras,rollfilm,andenlargers.Source:Suzuki,Arususaishinshashindaikōza,4.

TheviewerseesthebuffooninFigure3.1withobjectsstrewnabouttheworkspace.Onthefloorareseveralbooks.Theonlyonewecanmakeoutisthehow-tobookAnyoneCanDo It: Shooting, Developing, and Enlargement—aCollection of 50 Tools: a typical, orrather, stereotypical title adorning other how-to guides from the period, referring to theonly truly legible practice for the amateur since the 1920s, taking andmakingpictures.Andhow-to publications, alongwith cameras and film, became a central component inindividual hobby practice. In fact, such publicationswere the primarymeans bywhichinformationaboutphotographic techniquecirculated.33Thoughhow-towriting couldbefound inmagazines,booksandpamphletsdescribedeverythingabout thepicture-takingandpicture-makingprocessesandalmostcompletelyexcludedcameramakingasatopic.More telling, perhaps, is that camera repairs were also not an object of knowledgepeddling.34Infact,KonishiRokuopeneditsrepairservicein1923,alleviatingfearsaboutpotentialmechanical disruptionof these complexmachines for theoccasionalmarket.35Eveninhow-tobooksdealingstrictlywiththecameraasatechnologicalobject,suchasSuzukiHachirō’sKnowledgeoftheCameraandHowtoChooseaCamera,“knowledge”refersfirstandforemosttopresentingreaderswiththespecificationsofdifferentbrandsof

camerasforthepurposeofshoppingforone.

DisciplineandDarkrooms:HowtoTakeandMakePhotographsOnthesurface,how-tobooksprofferknowledgeonmasteringallaspectsofphotographictechnique—frombuyingandgetting toknowyourcamera, storingplatesandchemicalsproperly to outfitting a darkroom, making negatives, and printing out photographs.Thoughtheprocesshadcertainlybeensimplifiedsincetheturnofthecentury,alllevelsofdedicated practitioners still needed, orwere at least led to believe that they needed, toconsultsuchtextsfortheproperexecutionofthevariousstepsintheprocedure.Andthiswascertainlypartof theappealofhobbyphotography.Ifoccasionalphotographers tookpictures to record important family moments and to participate in the latest consumertrend,hobbyistswere seducedby thechance tobecomeanexpert, tomaster theopticalmachine and the chemistry of light and shadow. Indeed, hobby photography offered itsmost ardent consumers, shop clerks and low-level officeworkers, a chance to producesomething,tousetheirhands.Thedemandsandgoalsofhobbyphotographyalsofedintocontemporary notions of leisure for middle-class men who favored “discipline overrelaxation,industryoveridleness,planningovernon-planninginleisurepractice.”36

Discipline, industry, planning—these concepts dominate how-to books. Most booksfollow a uniform set of step-by-step instructions for each aspect of taking andmakingpictures and place emphasis on the rationality of the overall approach. YoshiokaKenkichi’sTheABC’sofPhotographicTechnique is inmanywaysanarchetypalhow-totext.The tableofcontentsalone is thirteenpagesofrigorouslystructuredcategorizationand sub-categorization. In the preface, Yoshioka indicates that a rational approach tophotography is part ofwhatmakes it fashionable: “Just aswewant to throw away ourclothing of yesterday to cut a new figure,wewant [to keep upwith] the photographictechniquesof1933,likethetrendofsmall-modelcameras,thepopularityofenlarging,andthe advancement of high-speed developers; and, likewise, in this age of efficiency,photography demands rational handling [gōriteki sōsa].”37 The rational handling ofphotography iswhat constituted hobby photography as a suitable pastime for educated,middle-classmen.Inordertofulfillthedemandforarationalapproach,Yoshiokaoffershisbook,“themostconciseandrationalintroductorybookonphotography.”38“Rationalhandling”wasaccomplishedbyfollowingeachstepof theprocess inorder.Justas it isnaturalforastudenttoadvancefromnurseryschool,toelementaryschool,tojuniorhigh,then high school, and university, Yasukōchi maintains that photography too has animplicit,naturalorder(junjo).39Anewcomer tophotographymuststartat thebeginningandpatientlyfollowthestepstobecomeproficient.

AsinYoshioka’stext,mosthow-tobooksbeginwithachapterfamiliarizingthereaderwith themechanics andopticsof the camera.Shopping for a camera is also a commonpreliminary theme, as we saw in Chapter 1. Introductory sections typically discuss thedifferencesamongcurrentmodelsandoffertipsonwheretoshopforacamerathatsuitsthe reader’s needs, style, and pocketbook.Most authors start this section assuring theirreadersthattheydonotneedtobuythemostexpensivecameratotakegoodpicturesandproceed to lay out the options, by price, extolling the features of moderate and evencheaper models. Typically, the next section, structured around “getting to know yourcamera,” teaches rudimentary vocabulary and explains the various features of different

cameramodels.InthepreparatorysectionofYoshioka’stext,onesection,“AnatomyofaCamerainFiveMinutes,”outlinesthefundamentalpartsofacamera(Figure3.3)andtheoriginsofthewordcamera,fromtheLatincameraobscura.40Whenwefinallywadeourway through the 110 pages of preparations, we move into the actual picture-takingprocess,wherewe encounter a list giving the order of the picture-taking steps, first forcameraswithatripodandthenforhandheld,roll-filmcameras(bothsetsofstepsendwiththeall-importantruleofputtingthecamerabackintoitscaseaftercompletingtheshot).41Thissectionalsoinstructsreadersonhowtoloadthefilmandproperlyholdthecamera,as well as the fundamentals of exposure for indoor/outdoor and day/night shots.Dependingonthebook,theremayalsobeadiscussionofflashphotography.

FIGURE3.3“AnatomyofaCamerainFiveMinutes:WhattoCallEachPartoftheCamera.”Thisillustrationoutlinesthefundamentalpartsofacameraforhow-toreaders.Source:Yoshioka,ShashinjutsunoABC,13.

Producing anegative is the first step in theprocess that necessitates darkroomwork.Formulas for the various kinds of developing mixtures take up many pages in how-tobooks.Diagramsoftheproperplacementofequipmentandfiguresofthecorrecthandlingof film during the process conjure up a laboratory-like environment that the dedicatedamateurmustmaintaintofullyengageinthehobby.Thedarkroomisthehobbyist’smini-laboratory. Just as with all the other steps in the photographic process, hygiene andneatnessaretherulesofthedayinmaintainingadarkroom:

Darkplacessimplygetmessy.Becauseyouwillnodoubtbecomeconfusedatmomentswhentimingiseverythingorwhenyousetouttowork,wonderingwherethatthingis,youmustdecideonafixedandpermanentplaceinwhichyouputthatbeakerthereandthisinstrumenthere.Itisimportanttomakeahabitofthissothatyoucanquicklygrabthenecessaryequipmenteveninthedark.42

Anillustrationforasimpledarkroom(Figure3.4)appearsinMiyakeKokki’sbestseller,HowtoTakePhotographs.Justashouseholdguidebooksmadewomenresponsibleforahygienichome,photographichow-tobooksmademenresponsibleforapristinedarkroom.The topic of the home darkroom, as elsewhere throughout the literature, required aneconomical,rational,andnowhygienicapproach.43Clean,ideallyrunningwater,basins,andbeakersaretheinstrumentsthatequipthehobbyist’slab,whereonlyproperlytrainedmencouldengagewithphotographicscience(Figure3.5).Adiagramforawell-organizeddarkroomisshowninFigure3.6.

FIGURE3.4Illustrationofasimpledarkroom.Source:Miyake,Shashinnoutsushikata,54.

Developing film and outfitting the darkroom presented the hobbyist with one of hismostvexingproblems:space.Asallauthorsremindtheirreaders,adarkroomisjustthat,“literally,a‘darkroom’”44—aroomthatcanbemadecompletelyfreeofwhiteandyellowlight.Findingsuchaspaceputthehobbyistinaquandary,illustratedinFigure3.7.Belowthebellinthefigurearethephotographer’sstandardequipment:scissors,abucket,and,ofcourse,hiscamera(nolongernecessaryatthisstageoftheprocess).How-toauthorswere

well aware of the problem that space, especially space completely free of white light,created for the hobbyist. Almost every author suggests a closet (oshiire) as the mostaccessiblelight-freezone.Othersrecommendthebathroomsinceithasasupplyofcleanrunningwaterandcanbemadewhite-lightfreerathereasily.45

FIGURE3.5“ToolsYouMustHavetoDevelopFilm.”Basinsandbeakersaretheinstrumentsthatequipthehobbyist’slab,whereonlyproperlytrainedmencouldengagewithphotographicscience.Source:Rokugawa,Roshutsunohiketsu,147–148.

FIGURE3.6Diagramofawell-organizeddarkroom.Topview(left);sideview(right).ReprintedwiththepermissionofHakubunkanShinshaPublishers,Ltd.Source:Narita,Shashininganotehodoki,182.

FIGURE3.7“ThePriestLearnsaLessonfromtheCamera.”Ahobbyisthascreatedamakeshiftdarkroominsideatemplebellandplacedasignoutsidethetemporaryworkspace,warning,“Developing,donotringthebell.”Source:Koizumi,“Oshō-sangakameranikorimashita,”970.

In a creative short article, “OnMaking a Simple Darkroom,” Yasukōchi suggests tobeginnerswhohavecaughtthedevelopingfeverthatinsteadofmakingasmallcornerofthekitchenoracrampedclosetsubstituteforatemporarydarkroom,theenthusiastshouldtakethetimeandasmallamountofmoneytoconstructapermanentdevelopingarea.“Ifit’s a typical house, with just a few clever adaptations, you can turn any area into adarkroom.With just a4-shaku square space,youwill be able towork just fine.”46StillotherauthorssuggestthataJapanese-styleroom(zashiki)suitsthebeginnerhobbyistbest:Inthesummertime,thereisnoneedtosuffertheheatbystuffingyourselfintoatinycloset.Ifyoujustwaitforaneveningwhenyoucanusenature’sbigdarkroom [shizennodai-anshitsu], itwill be somuchmore enjoyable andhygienic.IfyoucompletelyturnouttheelectriclightsinaJapanese-styleroom,youcanfinishitoffbycompletelyclosing thedoors andshōji. If there is still some light coming from themoonor fromoutside the room, close theshutters(amado)andyoucanhavetheidealdarkroom.47

In 1939, Nagai Saburō suggests using as a model for the zashiki-style darkroom theofficial instructions onmaking your home as dark as possible for blackouts during air-defensedrills.Forthosedrills,peoplewereaskedtocoverholesintheirshuttersandotherspaceswithblackpapersothelightfrominsidewouldnotspillout.“Thissameeffortandexperiencearequiteusefulinmakingyourlivingroomintoadarkroom.”48Thisisoneofthe rare instances among the examples of how-to books that I have seen in which theauthor refers to the everyday conditions of wartime. And as ever in do-it-yourselfnarrativeform,theauthortakesarestrictive,limitingsituationandturnsitintoanassetfor

thepracticalpursuitofleisure.

Following the outline of taking the picture and setting up a darkroom,most authorsusuallymovetothenextphase,developingthefilm,wherethechemistryofphotographybegins. Suzuki Hachirō’s Photographic Mistakes and Their Origins (1926) isrepresentativehere.Forhim, themost crucial part of thephotographicprocess isgenzō(developing), the point at which problems most frequently occur. Here, then, lies themotivationforwritingabookonthecausesofmistakesinphotography.Inthesectiononmakinganegative,whichoccupiesthelargestportionofthetext,Suzukigoesintogreatdetailonproblemsthatmayariseandhowtopreventthem.Andofcourse,thetextrigidlyadheres to procedure: “For your photographic technique to advance, even though thephotographyoutakemaynotturnouttobeapicture,youmustfollowthestepsinorderasIhaveoutlinedpreviously.”49

Making the print from the negative (yakizuke or inga-hō) is the final basic step inmakingphotographs.Mostauthorsdevoteasmallsection,obligatoryperhaps,toprintingout photos by sunlight. By the 1930s, however, this process seems to have lost itspopularityamongamateurs,mostlybecausehobbyistsprefertheaccuracyofusingalamprather thannatural sunlight, “inwhich there isnoway thatyoucanobtain theexpectedresultssincetheamountofsunlightchangeshourbyhour;theartificiallightmethodhasthemeritofallowingyoutodivideuptheamountoflightthatyouuse.”50Afterhavingdispensedwith thischarmingbututterlypasséprocess,mostauthorsoutline thevariousmethods of printing and the various kinds of papers available on the market. Thelengthiestdiscussionsofprintingconcentrateonenlargement(hikinobashi),whichbecameoneofthebiggestfadsamonghobbyistsalongwiththeuseofthesmall-modelcamera.51ParaphrasinganepigramhepickedupinaGermanphotographyjournal,Yoshiokareferstoenlargingas“bigphotographstakenbysmallcameras.”52Heguaranteesthatonceyoutrythemethod,youwillcatchtheenlargementmania(hikinobashimania):“Onceyou’vemade it to enlarging, you can say that you have graduated frombeginner photographictechnique.”53Figure3.8showstheadvantagesofenlarging,andFigure3.9depictsamanusing a dodging device, special and expensive equipment promoted by photographiccompanies. Advertisements for enlargers appeared throughout journals, and companiesoften awarded themasprizes inphoto contests.For example, in January1925,KonishiRokusponsoredacontestinwhichentrantshadtouseoneofthreeoftheircameras(theLily, Pearl, or Idea). The winners were to be awarded medals and prizes includingimportedenlargers.54

FIGURE3.8“AdvantagesofEnlarging.”Illustrationsofwhataphotolookslikebeforeandafteritisenlarged,suchasthisone,filledhow-tobooksandarticlesinphotographymagazines.Source:Suzuki,Arususaishinshashindaikōza,4.

Time, like space, complicated and sometimes confounded the hobbyist’s pursuits.Exposure times, fixing times, drying times—the entire photographic process revolvesaroundtheprecisemanipulationoftime.Andhobbyphotographyrequiredacommitmentof personal, not only photographic, time. How-to books suggested to readers ways toproductivelyusetheirtimeawayfromwork.Forexample,inPhotographicMistakesandTheirOrigins,Suzukinotonlysuggestshowtomakeefficientuseoffreetimeinpursuitof thehobbybutbringsthetoneofdiscourseabout timemanagementtoaBenFranklinlevel ofmoralizing. Suzuki explains that though there are plenty of how-to books thatdemonstratehowtomakeagoodpicture,fewrevealwhyfailureshappeninthefirstplaceor how to prevent them in the future. His presents hismotto for the hobbyist: “In theprocessofmakinganegative[wherefailuresmostfrequentlyoccur],findtheoriginofthetrouble and think about how to prevent it [the next time].”55 His tips stress that amethodical and patient approach to the photographic process will help the newcomeravoidwastingtimeinthefuture.“Astitchintime”...,“Learnfromyourmistakes”...and “Useyour timewisely.” In thisway, the efficient useof free time is established asfundamental to amateur practice. And time was of the essence for this new breed ofphotographer.MiyakeKokkisympathizeswithamateurs.OnanoccasionalSundayorthe

even more occasional holiday—a rare break, indeed, from their busy lives—officeworkers and students pick up their cameras and spend the day in the suburbs, takingphotographs all day long, returning home exhausted, only to turn around to go back toworkthenextday,leavingtheirexposedfilmsorplatesontheshelfforanotherday.Heberateshobbyistswhodonotdevelop theirown filmandplatesand instead look to thecamerashopasanaccessorytotheircamera.Butoutofakindofpityforthosenotblessedwiththeluxuryofqualitytimeawayfromwork,heoffersalistattheendofhisbookofreliablephotoshopswheresuchworkerbeescouldhavetheirfilmsorplatesdeveloped.56

FIGURE3.9Usingadodgingdeviceduringtheenlargingprocess.Photographiccompaniessupportedtheenlargingtrendwholeheartedly.Source:Suzuki,Arususaishinshashindaikōza,15.

ManHandsandFemaleModelsThoughreadersareaddressedas“gentlemen,”imagesoffemalephotographersappearinadvertisements forproducts, fill thepagesofhow-tobooks,anddecorate theircovers.57Only one aspect of picture taking is appropriate for thesewomen, however: satsuei,or“takingaphotograph.”Satsueiisthemostelementarystepinphotography,soelementarythat even a three-year-old girl can do it. If a woman is presented doing the work ofphotographyat all inhow-to literature, she is confined to the roleof picture taker. It isonly in demonstrating how to hold the camera correctly that women appear as active

photographers.Thus,thewomenwhosurfaceininstructionalwritingasotherthanmodelsinexamplephotographsappearasindicesofthelevelofeaseofaparticularphotographictechnique.Figure3.10isanillustrationofhandlingthecameraandusingtheviewfinder.Figure2.12,whichdemonstrates thefamilycircle, is infactmeant todisplaysatsuei. Inbothcases, the femalephotographer represents thepointbeingmade in the text that thefirststepintakingagoodpictureisthecareful,properhandlingofthecamera.Inthelastillustration on the bottom right in Figure 2.12, we can even see the outcome of thiswoman’sprecise(inreality,imprecise)manipulation:asomewhatawkwardbutcharmingportrait of husband and child. Though she models taking this picture, she is notrepresentedusingaflash,developingthefilm,orenlargingtheprint.Indeed,becauseofher ill-timed snap of the shutter, the portrait turns out to be less than picture perfect, asubtleremindertoreadersthatwomenfarebetterinfrontofthecamera.Forexample,theimageinthethirdillustrationonthetoprightofFigure2.12waspresumablytakenbyherhusbandand,thoughnotwellcentered,iscertainlyamorestandardphotographicportraitthanthewife’sfinishedproduct.Figure3.11featuresafemalemodelinanadvertisementforSakuraphotographicsupplies.58SheissettingupashotonherPearlettecamera,oneofKonishiRoku’smostpopularcameras,whichisplacedonastackofhow-tobooks.Ontop of the stack isKamera/haikingu (Camera/hiking). This advertisement is remarkableforitsmeresuggestionthatthisyounggirlmaybeareaderofhow-toliterature.Contraryto theway readers of how-to books are addressed, themessage of the ad is that hobbyphotographyisforeveryone.

FIGURE3.10“Viewfinder,Magnifier.”Ayoungwomanillustratesproperhandlingofthecameraandusingtheviewfinder.Source:Yoshioka,ShashinjutsunoABC,74.

FIGURE3.11AdvertisementforSakuraphotographicproducts.Inoneofthemoreuniqueimagesthatfeaturesafemalemodel,ayoungwomansitsamidaseaofphotographicgoods,includinganenlarger.ReprintedwiththepermissionofKonicaMinolta,Inc.Source:Pārettogashū,no.5(Spring1934):n.p.

Whilewomenappearasmerepicturetakersinhow-toliterature,menappearasmakersinvolvedineverystepoftheprocess.Eventhemostrudimentaryofactions,puttingfilmintoaVestPocketKodakcamera(Figure3.12),requiresamasculinetouch.Moststepsinthe picture-taking and picture-making processes are demonstrated with the use ofdisembodied men’s hands.59 More complicated procedures such as mixing chemicals,preparingflashes,andprintingoutpicturesdemandahighlevelofskillandengagementthatapparentlyonlymenpossess(Figures3.13and3.14).Thesocialpositioningofhobbyphotography is strongly informedby thesegenderedassumptions.Women rarelyappeardoingmen’sproductivework(leisure)ofphotography.Menproduce;womenconsume.60Or,moreprecisely,womenconsumefilm(bytakingpictures)whilemenproducepictures(bydevelopingandprocessingfilm).61

Given that women were rarely pictured as producers of photographs, it is hardlysurprising that my research indicates that no how-to books written by women werepublishedinthe1920sand1930s.Inphotographyjournals,therefore,articlesbywomenon photography are particularly noteworthy. In articles written for Asahi kamera inJanuary1930,twowomengiveadviceonsittingforaportrait.HayamiKimiko’s“Having

YourPictureTakenWell”andChibaNoriko’s“MakeupandClothing forThoseHavingTheirPictureTaken”areamongtheonlystrictlyhow-toarticleswrittenbywomenfromtheperiod.62HayamiandChibainstructwomenonthebasicsofclothingandmakeupforthe many photoworthy occasions in a woman’s life: graduation ceremonies, clubcommemorations, o-miai (formal meetings with prospective spouses), and weddings.63The authors provide extremely detailed guidance on posture, appropriate attire, and, inparticular, makeup for black-and-white portraits. In addition to advising readers oneverythingfromhowtodiminishthegaping-black-nostrileffectorhowtoavoidlookingfatorsickbecauseoffaultymakeupapplication,Hayamistronglyurgessitterstotrusttheskill and mastery of the photographer in the same manner as a sick person trusts herdoctor.64Justashow-toliteraturefiguresthehobbyistasaproductivemalecreator,ontherare occasions when women give instruction, the writing conforms to strongly heldnotionsofawoman’sproperplaceinphotography—infrontofthelens.

FIGURE3.12“HowtoUseaVestPocketKodak.”Evenasimpleaction,suchasloadingfilmintoacamera,wasaman’sjob.Source:Takakuwa,Fuimurushashinjutsu,82.

FIGURE3.13“PreparingaFlashBulb.”Disembodiedmen’shandsalmostalwaysdemonstratestepsofthepicture-takingandpicture-makingprocesses,suchasinthisillustrationofpreparingaflashbulb.Source:Yoshioka,ShashinjutsunoABC,179.

FIGURE3.14“ThreeStepsinDeveloping,UsingaTray.”Complicatedoperations,suchasdevelopingnegatives,requireskillsthatapparentlyonlymencouldpossess.ReprintedwiththepermissionofHakubunkanShinshaPublishers,Ltd.Source:Narita,Shashininganotehodoki,197.

4

DEMOCRATIZINGLEISURE

CameraClubsandthePopularizationofPhotographyBy the end of the Meiji period in 1912, the pastime of photography, once a luxuryaffordable only to Japan’s urban elite,was reaching the hands ofwhite-collarworkers,shopclerks,andstudents—youngmen,forthemostpart,whohadtakenupphotographytoexplore themodernworldofart and technology.1 Inpart, theavailabilityof cheaper,domestically produced cameras and developing materials fueled this popularization.Equally important,however,was therapidgrowth in theestablishmentofcameraclubs,arguably the single most effective institution in popularizing the art of photography.Cameraclubsofferednewcomersandoldhandsalikeachancetosharetheirphotographicexperienceswithinagroupoflike-mindedpractitioners.By1925,accordingtoonepoll,thereweremorethanfourhundredactivephotographyclubswithatotalmembershipofnearlythirteenthousand.2

The camera club was more than a social venue for similarly inclined amateurphotographers. The photographicmediumgave users access to ameans of artistic self-expressionandthetoolstorepresenttheworldastheysawit.Byspreadingtheidiomsandpractices of artistic expression among awider audience, camera clubs joinedmuseums,galleries, and exhibitions asprimary institutional settings for thedemocratizationof thefineartsinmodernJapan.Atthesametime,clubsoperatedalongdemocraticproceduralprinciples and provided members the opportunity to participate in democratically runorganizationswheretheycouldexerciseindividualrightsnotgrantedtomostoftheminthewiderpoliticalsystem.Seeninthislight,clubsmustbeunderstoodasamongthemostimportant spaces for the expression of liberal democratic ideals in the cultural sphereduring the firsthalfof the twentiethcentury.What isuniqueaboutcameraclubs is thatparticipants came into direct contact with democratic organizational forms through theexplorationofartisticpractices.Thisapproachtothemeaningandroleofclubshelpsusuncover the content of the “democracy” of the period—how it was practiced andunderstoodbythegrowingnumberofmiddle-classmenandwomen.

The participatory aspect of leisure-time activities, such as club photography, can betraced to at least the early Tokugawa period, when formal gatherings of like-mindedartists, writers, and enthusiasts around aesthetic pursuits had become commonplace.Historical sociologist Eiko Ikegami explores the forces behind what she calls the“Tokugawanetwork revolution,” inwhich groups of people not connected by the usuallegal constraints of status began to networkwith each other, thereby trespassing feudalboundariesandlimitations.Peopleexploredhorizontalandvoluntarywaysofassociatingandfoundgenuinejoyinimmersingthemselvesinaestheticgroupactivitiesandescapingthetediumandconstrictionsofthehierarchicalfeudalstatestructures.3Theformationofvoluntaryassociationsbasedoncommonaesthetic interests, suchas linked-versepoetryanddanceorsamisenplaying,providedanimportantspaceforsocializingonasomewhatlevel playing field.4 For the early-modern period, Ikegami argues that aestheticassociations, or “aesthetic enclave publics,” were safe havens where members could

interactwithoneanotherunfetteredbyTokugawalawsthatstrictlyprohibitedhorizontalalliances based on political sympathies.5 Formal socializing based on shared artisticproclivitieswasoneofthefewwaysthatpeopleofdifferentstatusinearlymodernsocietycouldanddidinteractsomewhatfreely.

Intheearlytwentiethcentury,cameraclubs(ideally)offeredmembersaplacetogatherasartisticequalstoexplorethetechnicalandaestheticaspectsofphotographyinapublicsetting.Membersmet regularly todelve intophotographic techniquesandappraiseeachother’s work, activities that very much resemble Ikegami’s “aesthetic socializing.”Middle-classmen, and to a far lesserdegree,women,whomadeup themembershipofcamera clubs were gaining access not only to the world of photographic goods maderecently available to them through modern marketing and retailing but also to thevocabularyandtechniquesrelatedtotheproductionandappreciationofthefinearts.Asvenues of aesthetic socializing, camera clubs offered middle-class Japanese people theopportunity to produce photographic art and evaluate thework of others in light of theprevailing notions of what constituted fine art photography. Creating meaningfulphotographsrequiredmemberstounderstandthetechniquesinvolvedinphotographicartandtoincorporatethosetechniquesintothemakingofimages.Beingabletoappropriatelyjudgephotographicartworknecessitatedadeepfamiliarityandfluencyinthelanguageofphotographicaesthetics.Suchcompetenciesandfluenciesamongclubphotographersweregainedin thecontextofclubactivities,whichbroughtmembers intodirectconversationwiththeirpeersaboutjustwhatforms,techniques,andstylesconstitutedthephotographicfine arts. The camera club was a critical institutional structure through whichphotographers gained a theoretical understanding of the fine arts and, perhaps moreimportant,putthoseideasintopracticewhentakingandmakingpictures.

Whilecameraclubsmostcertainlyfunctionedasinstitutionsfordemocratizingthefinearts throughaestheticsocializing, theyofferhistoriansan importantexampleofhowthenewmiddleclassesexperiencedlocalizedformsofparticipatorygovernance,eveniftheycould not always have those experiences as citizens of the nation. Camera clubs werevoluntary associations, which, in modern democratic societies, are central to thedevelopment of liberal ideals outside the direct purview of any specific politicalinstitutions,suchaspoliticalparties.6Therehasbeenverylittleresearch,however,onthesignificanceofculturallyorientedvoluntaryassociationsduringthisperiod.Clubsdevotedtophotography,ham radiooperation,modelplanebuilding, and socialdance—pastimespermeatingthefreetimeofJapan’snewmiddleclasses—offerscholarstheopportunitytounraveltheconnectionsbetweenculturalpursuitsandassociationalbehavior.AsIargueinthefollowingpages,theseconnectionsrevealnotonlythenewmiddleclass’spassionforculturalactivitiesbutalsotheirdedicationtoparticipatoryformsofself-governanceintheclubcontext.

ABriefHistoryofPhotographyClubsTheforeignloanwordclub(kurabu)madeitsmarkontheJapaneselanguageinthemid-1860s.HashizumeShin’yadetailstheevolutionofthewordkurabu,startingwithitsfirstappearance in the English-Japanese dictionaryKaisei zōho eiwa taiyaku shūchin jisho,withthedefinitionnakama(companions,associates)in1863.Kurabubegantoappearinpublicationswith theateji,orcharacterequivalent,苦楽部, in the1880s.Thischaracter

combinationindicatedagroupwhocametogetherforaparticularpurposeandsharedinboth“theupsandthedowns”(苦楽kuraku).Atroughlythesametime,theateji倶楽部begantoappearinprint.Thisnow-standardcombinationofcharacterscapturesthemorecommonlyunderstoodmeaningof the term tomoni tanoshimubu (agroup thathas funtogether).7 These linguistic inventions emerged at a time when political activists wereorganizingsocietiesandclubsarounddemandsforaconstitutionandbroadvotingrights.In addition to the aesthetic socializing of the early-modern period, associational life intwentieth-centuryJapanowedmuchofitsearlyformationtotheriseoftheFreedomandPeople’sRightsMovement of the 1870s and 1880s—an antigovernmentmovement thatencompassed a wide range of political dissenters, from samurai to wealthy peasants.Voluntaryassociationsofallkinds—recreational,educational,philanthropic—emergedinthewakeofthisflourishingpoliticalactivism.One of Japan’s earliest photography associations, the Photographic Society of Japan

(NihonShashinKai),8wasestablishedin1889duringtheheightofavidclubformationintheMeiji period. Among its members wereWilliamK. Burton (1853–1899) and otherforeignersemployedbytheJapanesegovernment.Withinthreeyearsofitsinauguration,theclubboastedmorethan150members,manyofwhomweremembersofthehereditarypeerage, aswell as someofMeiji Japan’smost illustriouspoliticians,businessmen,andeducators, including statesmanEnomotoTakeaki (the first president of the society) andmathematicianKikuchiDairoku.Memberswere extremelywealthymenwith sufficienttimeandmoneytodabbleinthismostmodernoftechnologies.Thoughthesocietywasasocialvenueforelitemaleculture,itservedforthemostpartasaforumformemberstodiscussthetechniqueandartofphotography,especiallyunderthetutelageofBurton.9

Burton came to Japan in 1887 at the behest of the Meiji government to teachengineeringatTokyoImperialUniversity.10HeisperhapsbestknownasthedesignerofAsakusa’spre-earthquakelandmark,thetwelve-storyRyōunkaku.AfoundingmemberofthePhotographicSocietyofJapan,heregularlygavelecturestomembersonnewtrendsinphotography. He organized Japan’s first international, and extremely influential,photography exhibition in 1893, which was attended by the empress. On display weresome296photographsbymembersof theLondonCameraClub, includingPeterHenryEmerson.WiththefinancialbackingofKajimaShinpei,Burtonestablishedthedry-platemanufacturing company Tsukiji Kanpan Seizō Kaisha. The company ultimately failedbecausetheplatesproducedaccordingtoBurton’sspecificationscouldnotwithstandthehightemperaturesandhumidityofJapan’ssummers.Nevertheless,Burtonwasoneofthemost prominent figures in late nineteenth-century Japanese photography. Most of theJapanese members of the society were commercial photographers or owners ofphotography-supplyshopswhoseprimaryinterestwasinthepromotionofthestill-youngdomesticphotographyindustry.Forexample,EgiShirōofTokyo’sEgiShōten,acameraand photographic goods supply shop established in 1880, and Ogawa Kazuma (1860–1929), a commercial photographer and owner of Tokyo’s Ogawa Photography Studio,werebothkeyfiguresintheestablishmentoftheassociation.

From the 1890s, new photography societies and camera clubswere established on aregular basis.While many members of these clubs were commercial photographers orsomehow involved in the camera industry, soon more and more members were urban

eliteswhohadnoconnection to thecommerceofphotographyother thanasconsumersandweresimplyinterestedintheartandtechniqueofthisincreasinglyavailablemedium.By the turn of the century, photographyhad become the pet hobbyofmanyof Japan’sleadingartistsandnovelists.WriterslikeOzakiKōyōandKōdaRohan,aswellaspainterslikeKawabataGyokushō, looked tophotographyas an artisticpursuit, ameansof self-expressionmuch like novels, poetry, and painting.11 In part, the attention photographyreceivedfromtheliteraryandartisticelitehelpedlegitimateitsstatusasfineart.Thoughitwontheacceptanceofmany,photographyasanartformwasthesourceofkeendebateonthepagesofShashingeppōthroughout1904concerningwhetherphotographybestservedutilitarian or expressive purposes.12 With the establishment of photography clubs likeYūtsuzushain1904,foundedbyKuno(laterAkiyama)Tetsusuke,KatōSeiichi,andSaitōTarō, art photography came out on thewinning side of this battle.13 By the end of theMeiji period, the art photography movement intensified the establishment of newphotographyclubsacrossthecountry.14

While the controversy over the status of photography as a legitimate art is key tounderstandingthedevelopmentofphotographicstyle,15thedebateinandofitselfrevealslittleaboutwhyphotographicactivitywassooftenorganizedintheformalizedsettingofthe camera club. Most histories of club activities are nothing more than accounts ofchangesinphotographicstyle,inwhichhistoriansfocusparticularattentionontheroleofelite clubs and societies in the debates of 1904 and on the emergence of the high-modernistclubsinthe1920s.Lookingatclubsthatwerenotatthecenterofthesehigh-artconcerns, however, allows us to shift our attention to the more common meanings ofphotographicpracticeandassociationallifeforordinaryJapanesepeople.

AQuantitativeLookatClubsandMembershipThenumberofcameraclubscatering toordinaryJapanesepeople increased remarkablyfrom1910to1920,causingoneobserverin1913tonote,“Thereisnoprecedentforthenumberofclubsthathavebeenestablishedthisyear.Somany,indeed,thatnearlyeverymontheverywherenewphotographyassociationsareappearinglikemushroomsaftertherain.”16Ascertainingtheprecisenumberofcameraclubsandactiveclubmembersfortheperiod under consideration, however, is unfortunately a difficult endeavor. Until 1925,there was no systematic accounting of participation in camera clubs. Among the fewimportantsources for thisperiodare themonthlyphoto-interestmagazinespublishedbyJapan’sleadingcameracompanies,suchasKonishiRoku’sShashingeppōandAsanumaShōkai’sShashinshinpō. Inaddition toarticleson the latestphotoproducts, trends,andthe work of photographers from Japan and abroad, Shashin geppō regularly publishedinformation about club activities, exhibitions, and contests in its “Miscellany” (Zappō)section. Typically twenty pages in length, the “Miscellany” column is filled with briefentriessubmittedbyreaders thatdetail theworldofamateurphotography,fromitsmostillustriousinstitutionslikethePhotographicSocietyofJapantothehumblestactivitiesofprovincialclubsliketheUedaPhotographyClubofNaganoprefecture.Forexample,theNovember 1913 “Miscellany” section included information—summaries of club events,thepublicannouncementofclubrules,andmonthlycompetitionresults—forovereighty-seven different activities sponsored by thirty-one different clubs. The other majorphotography magazine and Shashin geppō’s foremost competitor at the time, Shashin

shinpō, also published a monthly column, “Communications from the World ofPhotography” (Shashin-kai tsūshin) that listed club events from around the country.Thoughthereissomeoverlapinlistings,manyclubsexclusivelypublishedinformationineitheroneor theother of themagazines.Thesemiscellany sections provide researcherswithaninvaluableviewintotheworldofclubphotographyintheearlytwentiethcentury.Unfortunately,thesesourcescannotprovideanaccurateestimateofthenumberofclubs

andmembersfromthetime.Beginningin1925,however,theAsahiNewspaperCompanyconducted surveys that allow for amoreprecise approximationof thenumberof activeclubs andmembership. Under the aegis of the newspaper company, theAssociation ofPhotographicSocietiesofEasternJapan(Zen-KantōShashinRenmei)andtheAssociationof Photographic Societies of Western Japan (Zen-Kansai Shashin Renmei) wereestablished.17 The company organized these two associations to create networks ofinformation and communication between local and regional photographic clubs. Inbecoming amember-institution of one of these two leagues, a clubmade its resourcesavailable to the newspaper company in the form of photographs of the local area thatcould be published alongside articles in the regional editions of the newspaper.18 Asmembership in the league was voluntary, the numbers regarding clubs and clubmembershipcannotbeconsideredentirelycomprehensive,buttheyarestilltelling.From1925 until 1932, the surveys show that the number of clubs registeredwith the leagueincreased regularly, from 283 to 873. Membership during the same period generallyincreased as well, though numbers begin to decrease from 1931, starting with 13,000membersin1926(thefirstyearthatmembershipnumberswerereported)andpeakingat19,408in1930.By1935,thelastyeartheleagueconductedthesurvey,thenumbershaddramaticallydropped.Theeditorsgivenoexplanationforthisdecrease,thoughitislikelytobearesultofadecreaseinthenumberofself-reportingclubs.

DemocratizingArtPhotography:MinimumPhotographyClubThe camera club served as a kind of classroom where the world of fine arts wasintroducedthroughthephotographicmedium.Inthecontextoftheclub,memberslearnednotonlyhowtomakeartisticphotographsbutalsohowtoevaluatethoseimagesinlightof prevailing aesthetic standards. High-art exhibitions, evenmajor annual events, oftenincludedtheexemplaryworkofclubphotographers,grantingthesehumblepractitioners,at least temporarily, the status of “exhibited artist.” Camera clubs were thus a pivotalmechanism in democratizing the fine arts, bringing opportunities to participate in theproduction,display,andevaluationofphotographicartstoJapan’smiddleclasses.19OneofJapan’searliestpopularclubswastheMinimumPhotographyClub(MinimamuShashinKai; hereafter MSK). In 1913, with the informal backing of Konishi Roku, AkiyamaTetsusuke(1880–1944),atirelesschampionofpopularizingtheartofphotographyamongordinary people, launched MSK for beginner photographers, more specifically forbeginnerswhoownedKonishiRoku’sMinimumIdeacamera(Figure4.1).20

MSKwas the first photography club organized around the ownership of a particularproduct. However, others would soon follow since Konishi Roku was also behind theformationofthePearlettePhotographyLeaguein1925forownersofthecompany’sverypopularvest-stylecamera,thePearlette.Perhapsthemostfamousproduct-basedclubwastheLeicaClub(RaikaKurabu),foundedin1931byownersofthecovetedLeica-Acamera

produced by the German manufacturer. Kimura Ihei was this club’s most illustriousmember.21While theMinimum IdeawasnotKonishiRoku’s first product aimed at theunskilledamateur—thathonorbelongstotheCherryPortablecamerareleasedin1903—the Minimum Idea was designed specifically for the young, beginner photographer.Perhaps itwaswith this particularkindof consumer inmind thatKonishiRokunamedtheirnewcamera,implyingthatthecamerawasextremelyeasytouseandwasallthatwasrequiredtoyieldgoodresults.Atapriceoftenyen,thecamerawasstylishandroughlyequivalent incost toabespokesuitmadefromimportedBritishfabric.22Themetalandblack leather camera came preloaded with six plates and a red leather carrying case.According to an advertisement for the camera in January 1913, the same model wasavailableforoneyenlessifyouoptedforthewoolcarryingsack,23certainlyanattractiveoptionforlow-levelshopclerksandwhite-collarworkers.The announcement for the inauguration of MSK appeared in an advertisement in

September 1913 several months after the camera first arrived on the market. The adbegins,“SeekingmembersforMSK:Aclubhasbeenformedfordevotees[aiyōsha]oftheMinimumIdeacamera.”24 Inaddition to its focusonaparticularproduct,another fairlyunique feature of the otherwise run-of-the-mill MSK was that members could beconsidered active even if they lived outside Tokyo and physically could not attend themonthlymeetings.Typicallyamember’spresencewasdesirableinordertoparticipateinthemonthlyclubcontest(hinpyōkai)inwhichparticipantsreviewedandselectedthebestphotographs brought in each month by members. The postscript to the club’sannouncement,however,allowedforamodifiedkindofmembership:“Formemberswholive outside Tokyo, please send in your prints the day before each regular meeting.”25Clubmembership,then,wasnotbasedonthesharedexperienceofassociationbutratheron the shared ownership and use of the same product. Membership without therequirements of attendance meant that the club experience was not restricted to aparticular locale. This notion of association—shared consumer item, attendance notrequired—facilitated expansion quite readily, and later itwas themodel for even largerandmoreanonymouscameraclubs.

FIGURE4.1AdvertisementforKonishiRoku’sMinimumIdeacamera,1913.OneofJapan’searliestpopularclubswastheMinimumPhotographyClub,sponsoredbyKonishiRoku,whichrequiredownershipofthenewcamera.ReprintedwiththepermissionofKonicaMinolta,Inc.Source:Shashingeppō18,no.1(January1913):middlesupplement,19.

NoAssemblyRequired:PearlettePhotographyLeagueandKamerakurabuJust as theMinimum Idea camera and its associated camera clubwere symbolic of thespreadofphotographicpracticetousersofanewclassduring1910to1920,sotoowerethePearlettecameraand thePearlettePhotographyLeague (PārettoShashinRenmei) inthe 1920s. As discussed previously, the Pearlette camera represented Konishi Roku’ssuccessful drive into the occasional photography market. And in terms of industrialproduction, the new camera represented yet another major step away from artisanalproduction toward amodern process ofmass production, in part because the companystarted hiring engineers rather than craftspeople to design the new camera body at itsproduction facility.26 As the production process modernized, so too did the nature ofassociation.WiththePearlette,KonishiRokumodifiedtheclassiccamera-clubmodelandexpandedonitsownexperiencewiththeMSK.ThePearlettePhotographyLeaguewasanationalgroupformedonthebasisofownershipofthesameproduct.Membersrarely,ifever,actuallygatheredasasinglebody.Therewerenomeetingsandnofees.Allthatwasrequiredwastofilloutthecard(Figure4.2)thatcamepackedintheboxwitheachnew

Pearlettecamera(Figure4.3).27Fromamarketingperspective,theleaguewasasingularinnovation.Namesandaddresseswerecollected,presumably,formorethanleague-relatedbusiness.KonishiRokunowhad listsofpotentialcustomers fornewproducts—and thePearlettewasacamerathatdemandedfrequentupdatingandaccessorizing.Forexample,Pearletteownerscouldpurchaseseveraldifferentcasesandstraps(Figure4.4),aswellasattachmentssuchashigher-qualitylenses.Once the preaddressed card reached the league’s headquarters at Konishi Roku in

Nihonbashi,theconsumer’snameandaddresswereaddedtothenationwidelistofleaguemembers.28Onceregistered,membersweregrantedseveralprivileges,oneofwhichwastherighttojoinoneofthemanylocalchaptersofthePearletteClub(PārettoDōjinKai)scattered throughout the country and administered by the league.29 The local clubs,however, operated along typical club lineswithmonthly fees,meetings, and occasionalexhibitsofmembers’work.Upon registration,members receivedaPearlettebadge, andaccording to the “Pearlette League Bylaws,” the regulations printed on the part of thepreaddressedcardthatthepurchaserkept,“Whenmembersoftheleaguegooutwiththeircameras,werequestthatyouwearthebadge.Thiswaywethinkthatyouwillenjoytheacquaintanceofotherfriendsofthehobby[shuminotomo]withwhomyoucantalkaboutthe Pearlette and about photography.”30 Membership was thus defined by commonconsuminghabits,notbyformalface-to-faceassociation.

FIGURE4.2PrepackagedmembershipcardforthePearlettePhotographyLeague.Oncethepreaddressedcardreachedtheleague’sheadquartersatKonishiRokuinNihonbashi,theownerbecameamember.Source:Kishi,Kameratsukaikatazenshū,71.

FIGURE4.3Pearlettecameraandbox.Source:Kishi,Kameratsukaikatazenshū,6.

FIGURE4.4CaseoptionsforthePearlettecamera.ThePearlettecamerademandedfrequentupdatingandaccessorizing.KonishiRokuofferedseveraldifferentcasesandstrapsthatPearletteownerscouldpurchase,suchasthese.Source:Kishi,Kameratsukaikatazenshū,28–29.

Kamera kurabu, a monthly photography magazine edited by Suzuki Hachirō andpublished by Arusu, took the informal notion of a “club without meetings” one stepfurther.Kamerakurabuwasoriginallyapublicationfornovicephotographersthatcameasaslimsupplementineachvolumeof thetwenty-volumeseries,ArusuLatestCourses inPhotography(Arususaishinshashindai-kōza),publishedbetween1936and1937.Uponpublicationofthelastvolumeoftheseries,readersandcontributorsalikedemandedthatKamera kurabu be published as an independent periodical.31 As an independentpublication,Kamera kurabu, subtitledPopular PhotographyMagazine (Taishū shashinzasshi), invited readers to submit photographs for a monthly contest.32 I discuss thesignificanceofthiscontest ingreaterdetail inChapter5,butforourpurposeshere, it isthetransformationofsubscribers—anonymoustooneanother—intoclubmembersthatisstriking. In fact, this club-without-meetings format was an important precedent forcommonpostwarconsumerproductadvertisingandmarketingschemes.33

Women’sCameraClubsAbeautifulautumndayin1927broughtmorethanfivehundredwomentotheoutskirtsofKyoto for an outdoor photography competition organized by the Kyoto Vest Club incommemorationofitsincreasedmembershipandthefoundingofitsWomen’sDivision.34ThepathsoftheArashiYamaandHieizandistrictswerefilledwithcamera-totingwomensnapping photos. An exhibition of the award-winning photographs was to follow inKyoto’s TakashimayaDepartment Store. The contest allowed submissions and awardedprizes in three areas: art photography, landscapephotography, andportrait photography.For the portrait portion of the competition, the sponsors provided several models,including two actresses from the film company Nikkatsu and four fromMakino. Twoyearslateron20January1929,twentywomencarryingtheirbelovedcamerasgatheredinthefreezingcoldoutside theHachimanShrinefor thefirstphotographyshootorganizedfor theWomen’s Division of the Kyoto Photography League of Kyoto. Six years laterKondōSugarecallstheeventwithsomeembarrassment:There was a row of about twenty of us, and considering it was the first time around, the shoot was a success. Icompletelyforgotaboutthecoldandwhateverelseandbecamelostinclickingtheshutter.Well,asfortheresults—whether I should show the pictures or whether they were out of focus—thinking about the pictures now, I getcompletelyembarrassed.Asalwaystheywereprettyawkward.ButthatphotoshootbringsbacksomanymemoriesthatevennowIhavetosmile.35

Outdoor photo shoots (yagai satsuei kai) had become a common occurrence amongcamera-club participants by the 1920s. What makes these two particular events lesscommonisthattheywerespecificallyorganizedforfemalephotographers.By1930,therewerewelloverfivehundredclubsthroughoutJapanandthecolonies,butonlyahandfulwere specifically for female photographers and only one offered membership to bothsexes.

Unliketheirmalecounterparts,veryfewfemalephotographersoftheprewarperiodareknowntoday.Evenless isknownaboutwomen’scameraclubsof theperiod.Onesmallexhibitionin1993representedanefforttogenerateinterestinthisobscurehistory.Forjustundertwomonths,theShōtōMuseumofArtinTokyoheldaspecialexhibition,NojimaYasuzōandtheLady’sCameraClub.36Ofthefifty-threeprintsincludedinthecatalogue,

thirty-twoareportraitsofwomendonebyNojima.Thecuratorexplainsthatthereislittleworkbymembersoftheclubrepresentedintheshowbecausesomuchofitwasdestroyedorlostinthehecticyearsduringandafterthewar.ButonewondersifNojima’sportraitswerenottherealdrawtotheexhibition.UnderthetutelageofNojima,afoundingeditorof the high-art photo magazine Kōga and well-known photographer himself, severalwomenformedtheLady’sCameraClubin1937.Thiswasnoordinarygroupofwomen;mostwerehighlyeducated,hadlivedabroadforsomeyears,andwerewell-knownartistsor professionals in their own right. Among the members were Tsuchiura Nobuko, anarchitectwho hadworked in theUnited States for three years;MatsunagaTatsurue, anaspiringartphotographerwho,becauseshewasawoman,wasunabletoattendtheTokyoTechnical School of Photography and became one of Nojima’s most trusted assistants;MizoguchiUtako,apioneerinthefieldoftechnicaldataprocessing;TominagaYoshiko,apainter;andKurodaYoneko,amountainclimber.UnderthecopresidencyofNojimaandhiswife,Inako,theveryprestigiousLady’sCameraCluboperatedlikemostcameraclubsduringthisperiod,holdingmonthlymeetingsandoccasionalexhibits.Even less is known about other women’s clubs. Osaka’s Uzuki Club was one such

institution founded in April 1932 with the informal backing of Konishi Roku’s OsakaBranch,wherethemembersmetmonthly.Likemostcameraclubsfromthisperiod,UzukiClub published its bylaws and summaries of its meetings and activities in a popularphotographymagazine,Shashingeppō.Andalsolikemostcameraclubs,theUzukiClubmembers democratically elected their officers, held monthly competitions, andparticipatedinoutdoorphotoshoots.Byallappearances,theclubfunctionedinthesamemannerasanyotherclub.Onemajordifference,however,washowtheclubrepresenteditself (and was represented) in written coverage of its events. Readers were constantlyreminded that, even though itwas a camera club just like anyother,UzukiClubwas aclubforwomen.Forexample, incommentingon theclub’s firstexhibition inTokyo,atKonishi Roku’s exhibition space in Nihonbashi, one writer suggested, “Looking at theoverfiftypiecesonview,it’sobviousthattheyarewomen’sphotographs.Theyaremadewiththedelicatesensitivityofawoman,andmanyof theimagesaresomehowsoftandgentle.”37Morethanthreethousandpeoplevisitedtheexhibitionoverafour-dayperiod.While amateur photo exhibitions were a common affair, perhaps the sight of thesedistinctlyfemininephotographsbroughtthecrowds.38Amongtheclub’smembershipwasYamazaki Yasuzō, who acted as the club’s in-house judge for the monthly photocompetitions. Each month this expert ranked the members’ photographs and awardedprizes.AtoneAprilmeetingearlyintheclub’shistory,heremarked,“Ifwerankyou[asphotographers] from elementary-school children to university students, you havewonderfullydeceivedusandarealluniversitystudents.”39Apparentlythedeceptionlayinthefactthateventhoughtheyweresoskilled,thesephotographerswerewomen!AswillbediscussedinChapter5,oneofthemostimportantwaysthattheworldofamateurandhobby photographywas legitimatedwas in the ranking of and commentary on amateurphotographsbyjudgessuchasYamazaki.

MakingSenseofClubBylawsThe miscellany section of monthly photo magazines, like Shashin geppō’s “Zappō,”providedtheforumwhereclubsmadetheiractivitiespublic.Theregularcolumndevoted

toJapan’searlypopularcameraclubsprovidesmorethanaquantitativeunderstandingofclubs and members; tedious though it may be to read today, it also offers a nuanced,qualitativeviewintotheactivitiesofcameraclubsduringtheperiod.Thecolumnwasthemainvenue forphotoclubs topublishnewsof theirevents,members’photographs,andalongsidethese,theratherinnocuous-lookingclubbylawsthateachclubdulypublishedinoneofthemonthlymagazines.40Throughthesebylawswecanexplorethebroadersocialandculturalmeaningsofclublifeintheearlytwentiethcentury.Bylawsofferrichdetailsregarding the intendedaimsandactivitiesofeachclub; theydefined thepurposeof thegroup, described activities, detailed membership restrictions and fees, and outlinedproceduresforelectionofofficers.Thecustomofpublishingbylawslikelystemmedfromlocalordinancesthatrestricted

associationalactivitiesinimperialJapan.AssociationallifeinmodernJapandevelopedinapoliticalclimateofofficialsuppressionandscrutinyofpublicgatheringsofanysort,notunlikethescrupulouslawsoftheTokugawaperiodthatrestrictedformationsofhorizontalalliances, as discussed by Ikegami.41 Elements of the Law on Assembly and PoliticalAssociation (Shūkai oyobi seishahō) promulgated in 1889, which limited the right ofpolitical assembly only to men eligible to vote and specifically targeted oppositionpolitical parties and the emerging labormovement,were reenacted in the PublicOrderPoliceLaw(Chiankeisatsuhō)of1900andremainedineffectinvariousregulationsandordinancesthroughtheendofthePacificWar.Forexample,EdwardNorbeckrecountsthestoryofanAmericanfriendwhotried tostartaTokyobranchofPhiBetaKappain theprewarperiod:Control by the Japanese government over associations, however,was alwaysmaintained, and it grew increasinglystrictinthetwentiethcentury.Bythe1920sallorganizationsweresubjectedtotheclosestscrutiny.DouglasHaring,inapersonalcommunication,described thedifficultiesshortlybefore1920ofAmericanswhoattempted to formaclubofPhiBetaKappamembers in theTokyo-Yokohamaareawithan ideaofestablishing thesociety inJapanesecolleges.Houndedbythepolice,theyfinallyabandonedtheeffort.42

From the turn of the nineteenth century, ordinances clearly specifying areas wherephotographicactivitieswereprohibited,suchasinmilitarilysensitiveareas,wereanotherlikelycauseforclubssubmittingtheirbylawstoapublicforum.Photographymagazinesand hobbyists’ how-to books frequently published maps and updated lists of so-calledprohibitedzones(yōsaichitai).43

For the purposes of this study, the contents of these seemingly unremarkable bylawsofferarareglimpseintotheconnectionsbetweenassociationallifeandaestheticpracticesintheearlypartofthetwentiethcentury.Mostpublishedbylawslookverysimilartooneanother, although there is some variation, especially if the club has a singularphotographic interest, for example, in portrait or landscape photography.TheAppendixoffers a translation of the Masaoka Photography Club Bylaws (Masaoka Shakō KaiKiyaku),a representativesetofclubbylawsfromtheearlyTaishōperiod.TheshakōofMasaoka Shakō Kai combines the character for utsuru (to take a photograph) and thecharacterformajiwaru,whichisthekōofkōryû(socialexchange,mingling).Thisspecificcombinationofcharactersismostlikelyaplayonthemorecommonshakō,inwhichshameans“society,”andtogetherthetermmeans“socializing.”

SocialityandtheCameraClub

Bylawsusuallystatedthekindsofphotographerswhowereinvitedtojointhatparticularclub.Forexample, theMasaokaPhotographyClubwasopen to thosewhowere simplyinterested in photography (see Appendix, Article II). Other clubs were restricted tocommercial photographers, such as the Dalian Photography Club, or to photographerswithaspecificinterest,suchasthePortraitPhotographyResearchSocietyofJapan,aclubthatconcentratedsolelyonportraiture.Generallyspeaking,however,clubswereopentocameraenthusiastsofalllevels.Termscommonlyusedtorefertophotographersincludedshirōtoshashin-ka(amateurphotographer),shashinkōzuka(photographyenthusiast),andgorakushashin-ka(hobbyphotographer).Oftenthetermshirōto(amateur)wascombinedwith dōkō (common interest) to form shirōto shashin dōkō-ka (those with a commoninterest inamateurphotography).IntheprefacetothebylawsfortheSingaporeCameraClub,publishedinShashingeppōinDecember1921,theorganizersstatethattheclubwasfounded for Japanese residents (zairyū hōjin) with a common interest in amateurphotography.44 Though the bylaws themselves do not list Japanese nationality as aprerequisiteforjoiningtheclub,itisclearfromtheprefacethattheclubisforJapanesecolonial residents who are camera enthusiasts. One set of bylaws that does stipulateJapanesenationalityasarequirementformembershipwastheQingdaoPhotographyClub,establishedin1915.ArticleIIstatesclearly,“ThisclubisorganizedforJapanesepeople[hōjin] with an interest in photography.”45 The sex of potential members was rarelymentionedasarestriction,butitissafetoassumethatthevastmajorityofmembersweremen.Womendidjoinclubs,buttheseclubswerespecificallyorganizedforwomen(e.g.,theUzukiClubofKansaiandtheLady’sCameraClubofTokyo)orwomen’sbranchesofmajormen’sclubs(e.g.,theKyotoVestClubWomen’sDivision).TheHimawariClubofTokyo,establishedin1921,clearlyspecifiesinitsbylawsthateithermenorwomenwerefree to join theclub,but thiswasextremelyunusual:“Onebecomesamember,whethermaleorfemale,ontheconditionthattheindividualisintroducedbyanactingmember.”46

The purpose and goals of the club were almost always stated in the bylaws. Forexample,theMasaokaPhotographyClubwasorganizedtostudyphotographyaswellastopromotefriendship(shinboku)amongmembers (seeAppendix,Article II).These twoelements—studyandfriendship—werefundamentaltoalllocalclubs.InArticleIIIofitsbylawsfromNovember1918,theKaiPhotographyClubofYamanashiprefecturestates:“The purpose of this club is to promote friendship among members and to studyphotographictechnique.”47Inadditiontofosteringcamaraderie,thecameraclubservedasavenuefortheseriousactivityofstudy(kenkyū).TheŌtaHotResearchClubofIbaragiprefectureestablished itsclubwith thegoalofstudyingartisticphotography, though thebylawsmakenospecificmentionofhowthisgoal is tobeachieved.48Someclubs, liketheKarafuto(Sakhalin)HobbyPhotographyResearchSociety,usedmonthlyfeesinparttoprocure relevantbooksandmagazines formembers toperuseduringmeetings.49TheTeikyūClubofOsakaprovidedunusuallyspecificarticlesdelineatingthenatureofstudy.Section4of theTeikyūClubbylaws,“ItemsRelating toStudy,” included the followingfivearticlesdealingwiththeclub’sstudyactivities:ArticleXV Eachmonththeclubwillselectanappropriatedaytostudyphotography.ArticleXVI Theclubwillstudythefollowingtwoareasofphotography:

1.Outdoorphotography2.Portraitphotography

ArticleXVII Tostudyphotography,theclubwillinvitesuitablecommercialphotographersorjudgestoleadusthoroughlyintheirareasofexpertise.

ArticleXVIII Tostudyportraitphotographywewilloccasionallyopenthestudiowheretheclubmeetsandpracticewithsuitablemodels[moderu].

ArticleXIX Inordertopaythevariousfeesforfieldtripsandmodels,additionalfees,overandaboveregularclubfees,willbecollectedfromthememberswhoparticipateinthatparticularmeeting.50

TheShandongPhotographyResearchSocietyofferedextremelyspecificareasofstudyfortheirmembers.ArticleIIIofitsbylawsstatesthatinordertoproperlylearn,memberswilllearnaboutthefollowingphotographictechniquesthroughdirectexperience:“(1)howtouseacamera; (2)howtopreparechemicals; (3)howto takeoutdoor, indoor,andnight,and other kinds of specialized photographs; (4) proper composition for portraits andlandscapes; (5) how to make enlargements; (6) how to print photographs; (7) how tointensify plates and film; (8) how to prepare special prints; (9) how to alter plates andfilm;(10)howtocolorprints;(11)othertechniquesasrequiredbythemembers.”51Thesecond article states that all members have access to the darkroom and any necessaryequipment, suchascameras,paper, andchemicals, locatedat theMizutaniPhotographyStudio, where the club holds its meetings. Some clubs simply relied on the moreexperiencedmembers of the club to lead the study portion of regularmeetings.Othersinvited guest speakers to discuss the latest techniques. For example, the bylaws of theKyokutōFriendsofPhotographyClubofSuzaka-chō,Naganoprefecture,stipulatethatinorder to learnaboutartphotography, theclubwould“occasionally inviteanauthority intheworldofphotographytoconductstudy[withtheclub].”52

In addition to the study of photography, Article III of the bylaws for the DalianPhotography Association, organized by and for commercial photographers working innortheastChina, listed“thepromotionof friendshipamongmembers”as its firstgoal.53Perhaps the recurrenceof theseelementswasdue inpart to akindofuniformity in theformallanguageofbylaws.Butitalsopointstotheintendednatureoftheclubasvenuefor both the high-mindedpursuit of knowledge and the less outright purposeful goal ofrelaxed socializing—the literal meaning behind the standard characters for kurabu, asmentioned previously. Howard Chudacoff discusses the importance of middle-classassociationslikefraternalordersanddidacticassociationsinfosteringconvivialrelationsamong members in early twentieth-century America: “The most important function ofthese organizations [fraternal orders]was their encouragement tomiddle-classmales toenjoy the company of men like themselves, away from domestic pressures andresponsibilities.”54 This was certainly the case inmodern Japan. Outdoor photo shootswere not frequent affairs; nevertheless, many club bylaws mention them at least as aregularannualevent.Clubcomradeswouldgatherata local trainstationandjourneytothesuburbsoranearbyruralareaforadayofphotographingandpicnicking.MembersoftheMasaokaPhotographyClubarrangedoneoftheirregularmonthlymeetingsandtheirannualoutdoorphotoshootforthesamedayinMay1921intheareaaroundtheHagurotrain station in Ibaragi prefecture.55 A summary of the proceedings of that day wasreported in the September 1921 issue of Shashin geppō. The contributormentions thatbecauseofrainfallnotmanymembersturnedout,butthosewhodidthoroughlyenjoyedthemselves.Theytookpicturesuntilthreeo’clockintheafternoonandthentookthetrain

to Kasama, where they disembarked to pay their respects at the Kasama Inari Shrine.Fromtheretheywenttoalocalteahousetoconvenetheirregularmeetingandtodiscusstheprints fromthepreviousmonth.The field trip focusedonphotography,but the traintravel, the shrine visit, and the refreshments at the teahouse provided ample time tosocializewithoneanother.

TheClubasPromoterofPhotographyMostbylawsstatedthatoneoftheprimarygoalsinforminganassociationwastopromoteandfurtherpopularizephotography.MembersoftheMasaokaclubsharedinthetripartitegoalsofpromotingfriendship,studying,andpopularizingphotography(shashinnofukyū).As in relation to study, clubbylaws tend tobe somewhatvagueon theactualmeansofpopularizing.Mostclubs,however,sponsoredatleastoneannualpublicexhibitionofthemembers’work.ArticleXIXoftheTeikyūClubbylawsstatesthattheclubwillorganizeonespringandonefallexhibitioneachyearthatisopentothemembersoftheclubandthe general public.56 According to the bylaws for the YDC Photography Club, a cluborganized for amateur photographers at theYokohamaDockCompany, the clubwouldcurate four exhibitions annually, one each in February,May, August, and November.57Presumably, a public, accessible showing of club members’ work (for example, at acamera shop or, better yet, at a department store) would serve as inspiration for theaudienceeither to takeupacamera themselvesor toattendmoreexhibitions.OneclubtookitsmissiontopopularizesoseriouslyastosponsoranexhibitiontitledExhibitiontoPopularize Knowledge of Japanese Photography (Kokusan Shashin Chishiki FukyūTenrankai)(Figure4.5).58Thegoalsofthisexhibition,organizedbytheKobeSocietyofCommercial Photographers and held on the sixth floor of the Kobe MitsukoshiDepartment Store, were to display to the general public (ippan taishū) the followingpoints:Hownecessaryandhowvaluablephotographyis

Thesimplicityoftakingskillfulphotographs

TodisplayportraitphotographyfromthethreecitiesofKyoto,Osaka,andKobe

Toshowthecurrentadvancedstateofdomesticallyproducedcamerasandphotographicmaterials59

Inadditiontoshowingthelatestphotographictechniques,suchasmicroscopicandx-rayphotography,thecuratorssetupanactualphotographystudiowherephotographersusedrealmodels(manekin-jō, literally,“mannequingirls”)andexplainedstepbystephowtotakeaproperportrait(Figure4.6).Somanypeopleattendedtheselivedemonstrationsthatoneobservernotedalltheheadsinfrontofhimwere“likeablackmountain[kuroyamanogotoki]” (Figure 4.7).60 In addition to showing how to take a photograph,much of theexhibitionwas devoted to how to pose subjects for a photograph—what people shouldwearandhowtheyshouldsit.Anothersectionoftheshowdisplayedportraitphotographyfrom photographers in the three cities. The curators mention that there were so manyexcellent photographs, despite the restriction that all submissions had to bemade withdomestically produced products, that it was truly difficult to make enough space. Thispointwasstressed toshowjusthowfaralong thedomestic industryhadcomein recentyears.61

FIGURE4.5“ExhibitiontoPopularizeKnowledgeofJapanesePhotography,”Kobe,1934.TheexhibitionwasorganizedbytheKobeSocietyofCommercialPhotographersandheldonthesixthflooroftheKobeMitsukoshiDepartmentStore.ReprintedwiththepermissionofKonicaMinolta,Inc.Source:Shashingeppō39,no.7(July1934):773.

FIGURE4.6“ExhibitiontoPopularizeKnowledgeofJapanesePhotography:ModelandStudio(DisplaybyKonishiRoku,OsakaBranch),”Kobe,1934.Inadditiontoshowingthelatestphotographictechniques,curatorssetupanactualphotographystudiowheremanekin-jōservedasmodels.ReprintedwiththepermissionofKonicaMinolta,Inc.Source:Shashingeppō39,no.7(July1934):774.

FIGURE4.7“ExhibitiontoPopularizeKnowledgeofJapanesePhotography:MannequinGirlandPresenterduringaDemonstrationintheSpecialStudio,”Kobe,1934.Theexhibitionfeaturedlivedemonstrations,suchasthisone,astep-by-stepdemonstrationofhowtotakeaproperportrait.ReprintedwiththepermissionofKonicaMinolta,Inc.Source:Shashingeppō39,no.7(July1934):774.

UrbanandProvincialCameraClubsHistoriansofphotographytendtolocatethemostactivecentersofphotographicpractice,includingclubformation,inJapan’smajorurbanareas.Manyoftheclubactivitieslistedin magazines like Shashin geppō at the beginning of the Taishō period were, in fact,centeredintheseareas.ScholarsofassociationsinWesternEuropeandtheUnitedStateslinkclubformationwitha“newinvolvementinurbanindustrialsociety[that]seemedtobringwith it a new need to create institutions on an intermediate level, larger than thefamily, yet smaller than the state.”62 Lynn Abrams states, “Sociologists have longrecognized the connection between urbanization and the development of voluntaryassociations.Joiningaclubwasnotalwaysapoliticalstatementbutcouldbeareactiontothe psychological stress imposed by the comparative anonymity of urban industrialsociety.”63 Social scientists see the club,whether fraternal or recreational, as “not only[giving]theindividualsasenseofbelonging,butitalsoplaysarolemediatingchangeinahighlymobilesociety,”arolethathelpedruralimmigrantstransitionintotheirnewlivesinindustrializingcities.64WhethercameraclubsinJapanhelpedeasethetransitionoftheindividualintoanalienatedurbansettingisnotentirelyclear,butthepopularityofcameraclubs among Japanese city dwellers is undeniable.The surveys conductedby theAsahiNewspaperCompanycertainly indicate that thegreatestnumberofclubswereactive inthe largest urban centers. Nevertheless, camera clubs operated throughout all of Japan,even in its most remote regions. While the urban immigrant experience may help us

understandtheroleofcameraclubsinlargecitiessuchasTokyoandOsaka, itdoesnotspeaktotheexperienceofclubmembersin,say,ToyamaorFukuoka.Aswehaveseen,clubactivitieswerenotlimitedtothemajorurbancentersofTokyo,Osaka,andNagoyabutwerealsoconspicuousinprovincialcitiesandtownsinoutlyingprefectures,Japan’srecentlyacquiredcolonial territories,andevenabroad in theUnitedStateswhere recentJapaneseimmigrantslivedinenclavecommunities.InadditiontoclublistingsforTokyo,Nagoya, Kyoto, Kobe, andOsaka, a number of provincial clubs are represented in theShashin geppō “Miscellany” column for 1913, including clubs from Niigata, Fukuoka,Tokushima,Kumamoto,Nagano,Tottori,Saga,Toyama,Chiba,Shizuoka,Seattle,Dalian,andSingapore.65

While urban club formationmay have acted as an ameliorative to ease the tensionsengendered by a highly mobile society, provincial clubs may have acted to asserttraditionalsocialbondsinanewcontext.Indescribingtheevolutionofassociationallifeacross time, anthropologist Robert Anderson differentiates between premodernassociations, which are defined by paternalistic, guildlike organization, and modernassociations, which are characterized by rational and bureaucratic modes of operation.AccordingtoAnderson,modernassociations,whileintroducing“rational-legalmodes,”aconceptIdelveintomorecloselylater,mayactuallyworktoreinforcesocialstratificationat the local level by restricting membership to certain groups: “Far from modernizingtraditional communities, rational-legal associations by themselves seem to actuallyenhancethecapacityofoldcommunitiestopersiststructurallysecure.”66Giventhatclubschargedmonthly fees and required ownership or at least access to pricey commodities(cameras, plates, film, anddeveloping supplies), camera clubs inprovincialJapanmorethanlikelywererestrictedtoaselectfewandmaintainedanexclusivitythatreaffirmedthepowerofelitesinlocalcommunities.Mostoftheseclubsheldpublicevents,exhibitions,or field trips that welded a cultural front onto an already highly visible economic andpoliticalstatus.Thepeopleinvolvedinprovincialcameraclubactivitieswerelikelytobelocalpowerbrokers,and thisnewformofsodalitygave themyetanotheropportunity torepresenttheirelevatedstatustotheirneighbors.

CameraClubsas“Mini-Republics”Whileitisimportanttorecognizetheprovincialcameraclubaspotentiallypromotingthereinforcement of elite male sociability, camera clubs were also institutions that uphelddemocratic principles. Besides adaptation to urbanization or reassertion of traditionalsocialrelations,cameraclubsconsistentlyassertedintheirbylawsastridentprotectionofwhatLynnAbramsidentifiesas“individualmeritandequalitybeforethelaw.”67ThoughthespecificcontentofclubrulesrevealstheaimsandactivitiesofparticularcameraclubsaroundJapananditscolonies,thesamebylawstakenasanoverallformalsoinstitutedthelegal bureaucratic element of the modern association.68 Anderson argues that with themodernization of political institutions in democratic societies, sodalities increasinglyadoptedelectoralandbureaucraticnormsandprocedures.Hecontinues:This new quality of associations may be characterized as rational-legal… . A rational-legal association possesseswritten statutes clearly defining the membership, participant obligations, leadership roles, and conditions ofconvocation.Itnormallypossessesalegallyrecognizedcorporateidentity.Itisrationalinthesensethatasabodyitisgearedtoefficiencyinmakingdecisionsandtakingaction,particularlyasleadersare,inprincipleatleast,impartiallychosenbyelectionofthemostqualifiedtotakeoffice.Itislegalinthesensethatcomplianceindecisionsandactions

issanctionedbytheimpersonalforceoflaw.69

Aswe have seen, Japanese camera clubs follow very closely this rational-legalmodel.Most clubs not only produced written sets of statutes but also abided by democraticelectoralnormsinchoosingofficersaswellasinawardingprizes.Ineverysetofbylawsexamined, the procedure for the election of club officers is clearly outlined in separateclauses.Forexample,ArticleVIoftheMasaokaPhotographyClubbylawsstipulatesthattheclubmemberswillelecttwoofficers,whosetermsarelimitedtooneyear,tomanagetheaffairsof theclub.TheDalianPhotographyAssociationoutlined inmoredetail thanmostclubstheelectionandresponsibilitiesofofficers:ArticleV Theassociationwillplacethefollowingofficers:

President(1)Vicepresident(1)Secretary(1)Consultants(severalpeople)

ArticleVI Theofficerswillbeelectedeachyearforatermofoneyearatthespringgeneralassembly;buttheycannotbereelected.

ArticleVII Thepresidentistherepresentativeoftheassociationandwillmanagetheaffairsoftheclubinthefollowingareas:Itemsrelatingtotheenforcementoftheassociation’sbylawsItemsrelatingtoeachmember’sinquiriesItemsnecessaryfortheexecutionoftheassociation’sgoals

ArticleVIII Thevicepresidentassiststhepresident,andinthecaseofspecialcircumstancesforthepresident,thevicepresidentwilltakeover.

ArticleIX Thesecretaryisresponsiblefortheaccounts,generalaffairs,andothersuchmatters.70

Interestingly, the club invoked term limits for officers, possibly to ensure that mostparticipatingmemberswouldhavetheopportunitytoleadthegroupatsomepointduringtheirmembership.

Manyclubsalsoincludedclausesintheirbylawspermittingtheremovalofamemberduetounseemlybehavioruponamajorityvoteatageneralmeeting.Directlyafterstatingthe policies on electing club officers, Article XII of theHishū Friends of PhotographyClubbylaws specifies twooffenses forwhich amember canbe removed from the clubthrougharesolutionpassed in thegeneralassembly:“(1)anyonewhodeviatesfromtheintentionsoftheclub,or(2)anyonewhodoesnotpaythefeesforsixmonthsormore.”71The Shandong Photography Research Society would remove members with a simplemajorityvote for failing topaymembershipduesor for “sullying thehonorof theclub[kainotaimenwoyogoshi].”72Thesekindsofarticlespubliclyrepresentedthelegalisticaspect of the club, inwhich compliancewith club rules is supportedby the impersonalforceoflaw.73

Thecentralparticipatoryritualofthecameraclubwasthemonthlyphotocompetition.Thebasic formatof thecompetition,anactivityoutlined inmostbylaws,was thateachmember brought in prints produced since the previous meeting (for example, seeAppendix,ArticleVIII).Eachmonth,clubofficerstypicallyannouncedaparticularthemefor the nextmonth’s competition.When themes were used, they were often somewhatamorphous, such as “still life” or “portrait.” More specific themes included “dusk”(yūgure), “vehicles” (kuruma), “people selling things” (monouru hito), “rivers” (kawa),

and “rural dwellings” (inakaya).At the beginning of eachmeeting,members displayedtheir prints for the monthly photo competition. After each presentation, membersdiscussed, critiqued, and finally voted for the best prints for that month. Some clubsawardedprizes,otherspublishedthenamesofthephotographersandtheirwinningphotosalongwithasummaryoftheregularmeetinginoneofthemonthlyphotomagazineslikeShashin geppō, and still others displayed the best prints in some public place (aphotography studio or community center) until the nextmeeting. In its bylaws ofMay1922, the Karafuto Hobby Photography Research Society clearly states the technicalrequirementsofphotographssubmittedtothemonthlycontestinaseparatesectiontitled“DetailedRegulationsforSubmissionsattheRegularMeeting.”74Membersweretobringatleasttwoprintsofanysizewithallofthetechnicaldetailsclearlywrittenonthebackoftheprint.Photographssubmittedtoonecompetitioncouldnotberesubmitted.

Inadditiontofosteringacompetitivespiritamongmembers,themonthlycontestturnedmembers into judges. Though some clubs invited experts to judge the monthlycompetitions (such as the Teikyū Kai and Uzuki Club), most clubs relied on a moredemocraticprocessofdiscussionfollowedbyavote.Forexample,ArticlesVIIIthroughXIII of the Masaoka Photography Club bylaws deal with the inner workings of themonthlymeeting.Moststriking,andunusualforthefairlypredictablecontentofbylaws,isArticleXI,whichstatesthatmembers“havethefreedomtocriticizethesubmissions,”regulatingpotentiallyantagonisticbehaviorthat,perhapscontrarytotheprevailingnotionsoffriendlinessandopenparticipation,wasanecessaryfunctionoftheaestheticsocialityofthecameraclub.

Bylaws,then,gavemembersarighttovotebutalsomadethemaccountabletotheclub,both inapecuniary senseandasa representativeof theclubbeyond theconfinesof itsactivities. This kind of legalistic understanding of rights and responsibilities wassignificantlymore liberal than Japan’s electoral systemof the sameperiod. In 1900 thenationalgovernment loweredthetaxqualificationforvotingfromfifteenyento tenyenper household, which, in effect, doubled the electorate from 1 percent of the malepopulation to 2 percent.Not until 1928was suffrage exercised universally by Japanesemen.Members,then,likelyenjoyedrightsinclubsthattheydidnothaveinthepoliticalsphere as citizens.Writing about associational life among the bourgeoisie in Germanyduringthelastdecadeofthenineteenthcentury,LynnAbramsnotes,“Politicallyaffiliatedassociations aside, voluntary clubs in theWilhelmine era had a freedom not granted toindividuals.”75 In particular, Abrams argues that voluntary associations represented abreak from an authoritarian past associated with the church and the guild.76 Voluntaryassociations embraced modern, democratic concepts and “in political terms theassociations have been described as ‘mini-republics,’ preparing the ground for middle-class participation in democratic government.”77 Before 1928, Japanese camera clubsmirroredAbrams’s“mini-republics,”wherepartialcitizens,notyetfull-fledged,wereableto exercise rights not yet granted in national politics. The club became a rehearsal forcitizenshipinparticipatorydemocracy.

Thisisevenmoresothecaseforwomen’scameraclubs.Japanesewomendidnotearntherighttovoteuntil1946.In1888,womenwerebarredfromlocalpoliticalparticipationwhen “laws regardingmunicipal government established that only an adultmale could

qualify as a ‘citizen’ [kōmin]—literally, a ‘public person.’”78 Indeed, with the Law onAssembly and Political Association of 1890, which was further strengthened with thePublicOrderPoliceLawof1900,womenwerebarredonthenationallevelfrom“joiningpoliticalassociationsand fromsponsoringorevenattendingmeetingsatwhichpoliticaldiscussionoccurred.”79But in camera clubs,womenhad both the right to vote and theresponsibilityofmembership.Thoughsomeofthelargerclubshadauxiliarydivisionsforwomen, there were very few clubs that accepted female members. Tokyo’s HimawariClub,mentionedbrieflypreviously,istheonlyclubIhaveseenthatallowedeithermenorwomensolongastheywereintroducedbyastandingmemberoftheclub.InthebylawsfortheUzukiClub,publishedintheJune1932issueofShashingeppō,onearticlestatesthattherewillbetwoofficerswhoareelectedforsix-monthterms.80UzukiClubalsoheldregularmonthlycontestsandvotedonthebestphotographs.Despitebeingledbyamanintheirevaluationofphotographicwork,membersstillhadtherighttovote.

Camera clubs popularized the fine arts for a growingmiddle class of largely white-collar men and some women, but they also were spaces where modern subjects couldexercise governance in a significantly more liberal way than they were otherwisepermittedascitizens.Byholdingelections,guaranteeingfullvotingrights,andprotectingthe right to “critique,” camera clubs were a place where ordinary Japanese peoplerehearseddemocraticrightsthattheycouldnotexerciseinfulluntilafterthePacificWar.Furthermore, artistically inclined clubs, like the aesthetic networks of Tokugawa Japan,offeredmiddle-classculturalproducerslocalizedand,perhapsmoreimportant,politicallyneutral,spacestoexerciseliberalideals.IntermsofabroaderviewofJapan’stwentiethcentury, looking at the specific ways that culturally oriented voluntary associationscombined artistic activities with democratic procedures helps us better understand theflourishing of democratic movements in the postwar period. Without exposure to andexperiencewithdemocraticformsofparticipationintheprewarperiod,therecouldbenolasting foundation, politically or culturally, for the accelerated adoption of democraticidealsafterthewar.

5

MAKINGMIDDLEBROWPHOTOGRAPHY

TheAestheticsandCraftofAmateurPhotographyWhile participating in camera clubs allowed for the experimentation with democraticforms of organization, taking and making photos brought the concepts and practicesrelatedtothefineartstoawiderpublic.Butwhatsortsofpicturesdidhobbyiststakeandwhy?

Throughout the early 1930s, Japanese theorists of modernist photography lambastedhobby photographers for clinging to pictorialism, geijutsu shashin (literally, “artphotography”), what they saw as an outdated aesthetic repertoire and characterized asimitative of painting.Modernist critics publishing in small enclave journals held hobbyphotographyanditsderivativeaestheticprojectresponsiblefordegradingthepotentialofphotographytostandindependentlyamongthefinearts.Asphotography’spopularizationproceeded,modernists frequently andwithmounting vigor condemned all photographicimagery out of line with the prevailing modernist aesthetics of realism, montage, andconstructivism.The intellectual legacyof thiscriticismcontinues toshapeourhistoricalunderstanding of Japanese photographic practice from the first half of the twentiethcentury.Modernisttheoriesofaestheticstendedtostriptheactofproduction—thetakingandmakingofphotographs—fromphotographyandinsteadfocusedalmostexclusivelyonthe resulting image. The narrow focus on modernism and more specifically on themodernist image has occluded disparate photographic practices that, in contrast,prioritizedthecraftofimagemaking,inparticulardarkroomtechnique,asfundamentaltotheaestheticsofphotography.

As I argued previously, themost dedicated of amateur photographers, the hobbyists,heralded the space of the darkroom as the laboratory for their creations. Mastery oftechnical skill was a fundamental goal, a key to the enjoyment of photography. Andhobbyists unabashedly embraced technique (the process), not only content (the finalimage),ascentraltotheiraestheticpractice.Thoughmodernistcriticsclaimedamateurstobeimitative,amateursthemselvesexploredmanylexiconsofphotographicrepresentation.Theaccomplishedamongthemwerefluentnotonlyinthevisuallanguageofmostgenresof photographic representation but in the various mechanical and chemical techniquesrequiredtocreatesuchimages.Inkeepingwiththeirenthusiasmfortechnicalmasteryandbravado,hobbyiststendedtochoosetechniquesthatdemandedthemostoftheirdarkroomskills—skillsthatmodernistsclaimedmadeamateurimageslooklikepaintings.

Thedisparatewaysthatmodernistsandhobbyistsformulatedtheaestheticstandardsoftheirarttellusasmuchaboutthestandardsofphotographicbeautyprizedbyeachgroupas they do about the socialmakeup of its practitioners.Modernists tended to elaborateaesthetic standards in thecontextof exclusive journals, smallone-manexhibitions, and,mostdefinitively,manifestos.Incontrast,amateurs,especiallyenthusiastichobbyistsandthe popular photography press, drew upon contest results, popular exhibitions, and thecomments of judges and editors on selected photographs for publication to articulatestandards of photographic beauty. My focus here is to expose the formation of the

aestheticsofhobbyphotography,theforgottenelementofphotographicproductioninthefirsthalfofthetwentiethcentury.Itisinthespiritofbalancingthehistoricalbooks,then,thatItakeseriouslytheaestheticsofhobbyphotography,basingmyconclusionsontheirwork andwriting rather thanon theprevalent attitudes toward amateurs and theirworkfoundinmodernistwritingofthetimeorinthephotographiccriticismoftoday.

DefiningGeijutsuShashinAlthough debates about the viability of photography as an independent art form tookshape at the turn of the century, this discussion remained confined to the elitephotographers who could afford both the time and money necessary to participate inphotographyasanartisticpursuit.Oneoftheearliestandmostinfluentialarticulationsoftheaestheticsofartphotographythatreachedthemiddle-classphotographerwasFukuharaShinzō’sdefinitionoutlined inhisApril1926article“TheWayofPhotography,”whichappeared in thefirst issueofAsahikamera, themagazine thatquicklybecame themostwidelyreadjournalamongamateurphotographersduringtheperiod.1Fukuharasoughttoapplythelanguageofhigh-artaestheticproductiontopopularphotographicpracticeandwas a central figure in the popularization of high-art idioms among amateurphotographers.Hewasoneoftheleadingorganizersbehindthecentenaryanniversaryoftheinventionofphotographyin1925andremainedanardentproponentofphotographyasapopularartform.Thesignificanceof“TheWayofPhotography”notonlyrelatestoitscontentbutalsostemsfromwhereitwaspublishedandthepopularaudiencetowhomitwasdirected.Itbecamethemanifesto,theaestheticrulebook,foramateurphotographers—themajority of readers ofAsahikamera—whowere drawn to Fukuhara’s persuasivepoeticsaswellashisexperienceasanamateurphotographer.

In forceful prose, Fukuhara argues that the world of light (hikari no sekai) is theaestheticbasisofgeijutsushashin.Hisemphasisonlightanditseffectsonphotographicaestheticsstandinmarkedcontrasttopreviousformulationsofphotographicbeautybasedontheidealsofpainting.2Fukuhara’sparticulartheoreticalinterventioncentralizeslightasthe unchanging truth of photographic art and positions photography in the realmof thefineartsasanindependentlymeaningfulpracticeratherthanasastrictlyimitativeone.Hecomparesthefundamentalaestheticexperienceofphotography,butdoesnotsubsumeit,to other forms of artistic production such as music, haiku, and painting.3 Thephotographer’s job as an artist is to absorb and then express theoverflowing emotionalresponse tonaturebyusing thecontrastof lightandshadowinaphotograph(similar tousinglanguageforhaikuandapencilfordrawing).4

Amore comprehensive definition of the termgeijutsushashin can be found in SaitōTazunori’s how-to book, How to Make Art Photographs (1932). Saitō explains thatgeijutsu shashin is a relatively recent translation from English, tracing the originalmeaning to the phrase “pictorial photograph.” He uses both the katakana expressionpikutoriarufuotogurafuandtheEnglishphrase“pictorialphotograph”inthetext.5Classicpictorialism used techniques such as painting on the negative or positive andmaterialssuch as soft-focus lenses and textured papers to create a romantic image.6 Saitō’sconception,however,isbroaderandreflectsthatthetermwasusedthroughoutthe1920sand1930s.HetracestheoriginsoftheearliestpopularusageoftheterminJapanesetothe

TaishōperiodwiththepublicationofthehighbrowphotographyjournalsGeijutsushashinin1919andGeijutsushashinkenkyū in1920anddelineatesfourdifferentapproachestothe aesthetics of pictorialism. In the first, the photographer expresses his subjectmatterpoeticallybyemployingasoft,descriptivetechniquethatproducesatimeless,sentimentalmood,orwhathereferstoaslyricalexpression(jojōtekihyōgen).7Thesekindsofpicturescreateavisualpoemthroughtheeffectiveuseofnōtan,ortonality,that“praiseslifeandglorifiesnature.”8 Impressionistic expression (inshōteki hyōgen), the second kind of artphotograph, also captures the requisite sentiment of geijutsu shashin. In this case,however,Saitōemphasizes the imprecisenatureofhumanvisionas thestartingpointofimpressionistimages.Inimpressionisticphotography,artistsrejectmechanicaldetailandinsteadusesoft-focuslensesorout-of-focustechniquestocapturetheapproximatenatureoftheobject’sform,color,ormovement.9Bothoftheseapproacheshaveadistinctsetoftechnicalandcompositionalattitudesbutshareinthephotographer’sdesiretoexpressanindividualresponsetothesubjectmatterandasingularmotivationtocapturebeauty.10

Realistic expression (shajitsuteki hyōgen), Saitō’s third category, takes an objectiveapproachtoimagemakingmadepossiblebytheprecisionofmodernlensesinwhichthe“individuality of the photographer is subdued in order to master the photographicobject.”11 Realist expression “exposes nature as it really is. In other words, it is anobjectivewayoflookinginwhichthatwhichcausesthephotographertobemovedisofminimal significance in the productive attitude. It is an attitude that tries to express, asmuchasispossible,natureasitisseendirectly.”12

Constructivist expression (kōseiteki hyōgen), the fourth category and the one mostclosely associated with contemporary trends in high modernism (what Saitō and otherphotographicwritersreferredtoasshinkōshashin)adoptsacooler, intellectualstance topicturemaking,emphasizinglineandmasswhilerejectinganemotional,literaryvision.13Geijutsu shashin, then, was a broad term in Japanese that encompassed not only theclassic pictorialmodes of photographic representation but also styles usually associatedwithhighmodernismandeventheavant-garde.

While the lyrical andexpressionistmodesofgeijutsushashin continued to be amongthemostfrequentlysubmittedstylesofreaders’contest-winningphotographspublishedinAsahikamerauntil1941(Figure5.1), there is adefinite, if subtle, shift toward realisticexpressionfromthemid-1930s.Increasingly,photographsliketheonesshowninFigure5.2appearaswinningsubmissions.Thoughmodernistcriticsargued to thecontrary, theaestheticsofhobbyphotographywasanythingbutastaticbastionoftraditionalimagery.Amateurs experimented with many styles, and amateur taste evolved. Thoughconventionalpictorialismdefinitelywonout,itisimportanttoemphasizethatthemeaningof“conventional”wastransformedbytheworkofactiveamateurphotographers.

FIGURE5.1Readers’winningsubmissionsforAsahikameraMonthlyPhotoCompetition,DivisionOne,April1928.Judgesfavoredthelyricalandexpressioniststylesofgeijutsushashinin1928.Source:Asahikamera5,no.4(April1928):373.

FIGURE5.2Readers’winningsubmissionsforAsahikameraMonthlyPhotoCompetition,DivisionsTwoandThree,September1938.Judgesshifttowardphotographsusingrealisticdepictionby1938.Source:Asahikamera26,no.3(September1938):533.

TheModernistAttackontheAestheticsofGeijutsuShashinInMay1926,MurayamaTomoyoshi,oneofthepremierfiguresoftheavant-gardegroupMavo,describedtherelationshipoftheavant-gardeimageandeverydaylifeinanarticleforAsahikamera,“TheNewFunctionofPhotography.”14Inthisshortarticle,Murayamadelineatesfourrecentphotographictrends,eachofwhichhecharacterizesbytheworkoffourphotographers:EmilOttoHoppé(1878–1972),FrancisBruguière(1879–1945),ManRay(1890–1976),andElLissitzky(1890–1941).Whileeachoftheseartistsexemplifiesaspecific trend in photography, Murayama is most interested in demonstrating whetherthesetrendsoperateassociallyengagedartformsandcanthustakephotographyintothefuture on its own terms. For Murayama, Hoppé’s work is the least engaged and ElLissitzky’sworkisthemost.Forourpurposes,Murayuama’snegativeappraisalofHoppéismostillustrative.Hoppé’sworkwasextremelywellreceivedandwellknowninJapan.FukuharaShinzōarrangedthefirstJapaneseexhibitionofHoppé’sphotographsin1923,andHoppé’sworkwasmuchtoutedinthe1927InternationalPhotographySalonheldinTokyo by the Asahi Newspaper Company. According toMurayama, artists like Hoppéregard thecameraasamachine that almostmagically turns reality intoart (genjitsuwo

“geijutsu-ka”).15For theseartists, thecamera isa tool thatenables theartist to“create”art. A photograph cannot stand on its own terms but must be willed into art. Themanipulation of such techniques as the soft-focus lens and textured papers, however,forcesthegeijutsushashinphotographertomisrepresentreality.Thus,suchanapproach,byfarthemostpopularapproachforhobbyists,hasnorelationshiptoeverydaylife.Themost valuable contribution this kind of photography offers is its ability to comfort andamuseviewers,especiallyintheformofportraiture:“Icanonlythinkofgeijutsushashininwhich reality ismisrepresented simplybya soft-focus lens,or inwhich shadowsarearranged so that the horizon line is placed higher than usual, as somehow extremelytrifling. If one were to see this [style] as a painting, it would be an impressionistpainting.”16

Evenmorebitingwas InaNobuo’sattackongeijutsushashin. Ina,aneditorofKōgaand leading high-modernist theorist of photography, wrote the now canonical article“Return to Photography,” published in the inaugural issue ofKōga inMay 1932. Ina’smanifestocallsforphotographersto“breakawayfromartphotography!...Tobreakfreefromeveryconceptionofart and todestroyall idols!”17 In trying tomakephotographyinto art, hobbyphotographers rely on—imitate—other art forms,most notablypainting.Aswehaveseen,how-towriterslikeSaitōTazunorifeltmorethancomfortableemployingthelanguageofpaintingandpoetrytosettheaestheticstandardsofgeijutsushashin.ForIna,however,imitationistheverytechniquethatbarsphotographyfromitsfullstatusasanindependentfineart:Whenmonkeys ape humans, they definitely do not becomemore human-like.On the contrary,when they imitatehumans, they becomemost “monkeylike” [saru rashiku naru]. Photography, too,when it imitates “art,” definitelycannot become “artistic.” The concept of “art” itself is constantly in the process of changing.Yesterday’s “art” isalreadynottoday’s“art.”Whenphotographyimitates“art,”itisalreadyyesterday’s“art”thatisimitated.18

Ina pointed to impressionism as the painterly style thatmost art photographers tried tocaptureintheirlandscapesandportraits.Withmottoessuchas“theblendingoflightandshadow”or“theharmonyof lightanddark,” the imitativephotographeraims to imitateimpressionistpainting.19

Ina,however, sought todefineanewbreedofphotographer,onewhowillfullybrokeaway from tradition and imitation. As rhetorical strategy, this construction of geijutsushashinasimitationandmainstreamallowsInatoestablishthenewphotographerasthesole legitimate heir to a modern photographic aesthetic. He furthers his critique byrelegatingpractitionersofimitativegeijutsushashintothestatusofthe“humbleslavesofpainting” (kaiga no “kensonnaru” dorei) who insist on following the “path towardpainting”(kaigaenomichi).20Inthismockingaccountofgeijutsushashin,photographersaretheblindfollowersofafictitiousfaith,or“Way”[michi].Thelanguageofthe“Way”referstoanentirehistoryofartpracticeandtransmissioninJapanesecultureinwhichamaster trains his disciples, a tradition that for Ina reeked of outdated, conventionalmethods no longer appropriate to photography, “the child ofmechanical civilization.”21Moreimportant,Ina’ssardonicremarksaboutgeijutsushashinasapracticethatfolloweda “Way” were, in fact, a not-so-veiled critique of Fukuhara’s “Shashin-dō” discussedpreviously.22

In How to Make Art Photography, Saitō seems to defend against the criticism of

geijutsushashinasconventionalandimitative.Heseesthemodernisttrendsimplyasthat,ahighly fashionable trend.Furthermore, it is a trendwithin theoverall fieldofgeijutsushashin,oranapproachthatemergedfromwithingeijutsushashinitself.23Heclaimsthatthese new photographers are mistaken if they think that geijutsu shashin is simply anoutdated mode or an old style (kyūgata) of photographic expression.24 With regard toimitationinphotographicpractice,Saitōlookstothephotographer’smotivationintakingandmakingpictures.If themotivationemergesfrom“theexcitementandsuddennessofemotioninone’sheart,”thenthephotographercanandshoulduseanyandallmethodstoexpress that in an artisticway, even if the final image results inmimicry.25 In fact, hearguesthatitisdifficulttodiscernthedifferencebetweenimitationthatcomesfromapure(junsui) and innocent motivation and impure (fujunbutsu) mimicry that has beenconsciouslyplagiarized(hyōsetsu).26Ifimitationemergesfromapuremotivationtocreatea picture based on the individuality of the artist, then it deserves our praise; but theconsciouslyimitatedimagedemandsourderision.27

PopularizingtheGeijutsuShashinApproach

MONTHLYPHOTOGRAPHYCOMPETITIONSTheimagesinFigure5.1(1928)andFigure5.2(1938)appearedinAsahikameraas thewinnersofthemonthlyreaders’contestsponsoredbythemagazine.Sincethepublicationof the magazine beginning in April 1926, the editors called for readers—unknownamateurs of all levels—to submit their work, selected the best from among thesubmissions,and thenpublished theresults in thefollowingmonth’s issue.Theworkoftheseunknownartistsfilledthepagesbetweentechnicalarticles,exhibitionreviews,andproduct advertisements. Each month, eager amateur photographers submitted theirphotographsinthehopesofhavingtheirimageschosen,adistinctionthatconferredsmallprizemonies and publication of theirwork in the journal.Because theywere a regularfeatureof themagazine from the start, thesevenuesof competitionandcritiqueofferedmore than recognition and rewards; they also set the ground rules formaking tasteful,beautiful pictures. This was one arena in which the specific aesthetics of amateurphotographyweredelineated.

Asahikamerawas not alone among photography journals, popular and elite alike, insponsoring monthly readers’ competitions. Popular magazines like Shashin geppō,Shashin shinpō, Kamera, and Fuototaimusu all held their own versions of monthlycompetitions.28 The more exclusive, high-end journals, likeGekkan Raika (Leica) andShashin saron (both published by Arusu) also published readers’ photographs everymonth.29 EvenKōga, known at the time as the highest of the highbrow photographicmagazines,calledforphotosubmissionseachmonthinits“CallforPhotographicPrints.”However, nearly all of thephotos chosenby the editors ofKōgawere imagesmadebyluminarieslikeKimuraIhei,NojimaYasuzō,HanayaKanbei,andYasuiNakaji.30

Readers of Asahi kamera were invited to submit images to the editorial staff, whowouldsiftthroughthesubmissions,makeselections,andawardprizes.“The150thAsahikameraMonthlyCall forPrizePhotographs,”31 tuckedawayat thebackof the journal,wasthesamebasicadvertisementthatAsahikamerausedeverymonthfortheentirerun

ofthemagazinebefore1941.Readerssubmittedtheirworkonanythemetooneofthreedivisionsforconsiderationbytheeditorialstaffofthejournal.32DivisionOnewasaimedat the extreme beginner (goku shoshinsha), whowas asked to submit contact prints nolargerthan9×14cm(hagaki-han).Onceaperson’sphotoswereselectedthreetimesinDivision One, the individual was barred from submitting work to that division again.DivisionTworequiredprintsthatemployedenlargementandwerelargerthan12.0×16.5cm(kabine-han).Inaddition,photographerswhosubmittedenlargementswererequiredtoattachthecontactprinttothebackofthephotosotheeditorscouldcomparetheoriginalshotwith the final print, helping them judge the quality of the photographer’s printingtechnique.DivisionThree,calledtheMonthlyCompetition(ReikaiKonkūru),wasforthemost advanced amateurs among the readers. They were to submit their work to thePhotographyCommittee,whichwouldmaketheselections.Rulesforsubmission,requiredinformation,andwhere tosendtheprintsarealsoclearlystatedin theadvertisement.Inboldface, the advertisement warns photographers to submit only work that has notpreviouslywonprizesorbeenshownpublicly.

Asof1938,thefirst-,second-,andthird-placewinnersofeachdivisionwereawardedcash prizes (Division One: five, three, and two yen, respectively; Divisions Two andThree:ten,five,andthreeyen,respectively).Allselections,includinghonorablemention,receivedsouvenirmedals.Inadditiontotheprizes,thephotographer’snameandthetitleof each winning image were listed in the “Announcement of Winning MonthlyPhotographs” and recorded prominently in the table of contents.All of the images thatplacedandsomeofthehonorablementionsfromDivisionsTwoandThreewerefeaturedasfull-pagelayoutsinthefrontpagesofthemagazine,afterthetableofcontentsandfirstsetofads.ThewinnersandselectionsforDivisionOneweretypicallypublished,twotothreeonapage,towardthebackofthemagazine.

The rules for submission to the different divisions clearly established a ladder-of-advancementethosforreaders.Theideathatonceyouhavewonrecognitionthreetimesfor your beginner photographs inDivisionOneyouwouldno longer be eligible in thatdivision meant that you had improved; you were now too good to be called “extremebeginner.”Andamongthethreedivisions,thewordsakuhin,or“workofart,”isusedonlyinreference to themostadvancedimages,DivisionThree, implyingthatevenbeginnerswillsomedaycreatesakuhin,notmereinga(photographicprints).Indeed,DivisionThreeistheonlydivisionwithaseparateandratherexclusive-soundingname,ReikaiKonkūru,or“MonthlyCompetition.”TheFrench-inspiredkonkūruprovidedacosmopolitan touchthatthesynonymouswordkyōgi(competition)apparentlydidnotpossess(similarlysaron[salon, exhibition] seemed more suitable for elevated work than the synonymoustenrankai [exhibition]). Even the prizes conferred differential status to beginners andadvancedpractitioners,wherebyafirst-placeselectioninDivisionOnewasonlyworthyof the same yen amount as a second-place prize inDivision Two or Three.Where thewinningimageswerefeaturedandhowlargetheyweredisplayedalsohelpeddelineatethebeginnerfromtheadvancedamateurs.

FUKUHARASHINZŌANDTHEPOPULARIZATIONOFGEIJUTSUSHASHINAs Saitō points out indirectly in his definition, the term geijutsu shashin was used

originally to refer to the aesthetics of high-art photography. Elite photographers whodominatedtheworldofgeijutsushashinfrom1910throughtheearly1920swroteessaysfor small art journals like Shashin geijutsu and displayed their work in prestigiousexhibitions and club shows. Geijutsu shashin was the exclusive aesthetic lexicon ofamateurphotographers,whoduringthisperiodcameprimarilyfromtheupperechelonsofJapanese society. By the late 1920s, however, with the spread of photography amongmiddle-classmen, popular photographymagazines regularly featured accessible articlesthat explored the aesthetics of geijutsu shashin. Fukuhara Shinzō’s writings, including“TheWayofPhotography,”werethemostprominenttoarticulatetheaestheticvocabularyofgeijutsushashin to agrowingphotographingpublic.AndFukuhara’s experienceas awell-knownpracticingphotographerandasaleadingbusinessmanputhimintheuniquepositiontotaketheleadinpopularizinggeijutsushashin.AfterFukuharareturnedtoTokyoin1913fromtheUnitedStatesandEurope,wherehe

studiedpharmacologyandpursuedhisinterestsinphotography,hetookovertheday-to-daymanagementofhisfamily’scompany,Shiseidō,whenhisfatherretiredandneitherofhis older brothers was found fit to run the company.33 Under Fukuhara’s leadership,ShiseidōbecameJapan’smost innovativecosmeticscompany.Heestablishedoneof thefirst research labs in the industry andwas among the earliest to focus on the value ofdesigntoadvertising,settingupthecompany’sdesignsectionin1916.HeopenedoneofTokyo’smost acclaimed public art galleries in the company’s headquarters inGinza in1919 and one of the earliest full-service beauty salons in 1922. In the world ofphotography, he established his own publishing company, ShashinGeijutsusha, and thehighbrow photo journal Shashin geijutsu in 1921. He was also an accomplished artphotographerandin1922publishedhisphotographsfromhistimeasastudentinParisinParisandtheSeine.HefoundedtheNihonShashinKai(JapanPhotographicSociety)in1924andbecameitsfirstpresident,apositionhehelduntilhisdeathin1948.34

Fukuhara’sroleinbridgingtheworldsofretailingandartwasauniqueoneanddeeplyinformed his later work in the world of popular photography. His activities as aphotographerandpublisherfrom1910throughthe1920spositionedFukuharaasaleaderin the exclusive circles of high-art photography.But his role as an innovative leader inretailing provided him with a keen understanding of the consumer market. With thisuniquecombinationofbusinessacumenandcreativity,alongwithadeepcommitmenttothearts,specificallygeijutsushashin,Fukuharaturnedhisattentiontopopularizingtheartof photography among a broader base of consumers. More specifically, his closeassociationwiththeAsahiNewspaperCompanyfromthemid-1920stookFukuharafromthe realm of high-art photography to middlebrow popularizer of geijutsu shashin, inparticular as one of the leading organizers behind the elaborate events celebrating thecentenary anniversary of the invention of photography in 1925.Though he had alreadywrittenagreatdealonphotographicaestheticsforhishighbrowjournalShashingeijutsu,hegreatlyexpandedhisreadershipamongamateursandhobbyistswiththepublicationof“TheWayofPhotography.”

“SELECTEDBYSUZUKIHACHIRŌ”Amateurs submitted their work toAsahi kamera and other magazines not only for thechancetobepublishedbutalsotoreceivetherathercandidcritiquesandcommentsthat

themagazines’editorsdoledouttoanyandalltakers.Criticismwasofferedheuristically,judgesandeditorsclaimed,toaidthehobbyist,whethernoviceoroldhand,inimprovinghis technique and training his eye. These competitive venues offered more thanmomentary recognition and meager prizes; they also established what it meant inphotographic terms to make beautiful photographs. Since the magazines publishedamateur images everymonth, readers quickly learned what pleased contest judges andmagazineeditors.Commentarypublishedalongsidewinningphotographsservedasakindof aesthetic textbook that set forth the rules and limitations of acceptable photographicstyleandform.Oneofthemoreuniquecolumnspublishedfromthemid-1930swasKamerakurabu’s

“SelectedbySuzukiHachirō”(SuzukiHachirō-sen),amonthlyfeatureinwhichadvancedhobbyistssubmittedworktobeselectedforpublicationbyeditorSuzukiHachirō.Alongwith Fukuhara Shinzō, Suzuki Hachirō (1900–1985) was a key figure in popularizingphotography,particularlyadvancedphotographic technique, formiddle-classenthusiasts.Suzuki,alsolikeFukuhara,wasawell-knownphotographer,35butitwashisroleaseditorand how-to writer for Arusu Publishing that brought his experience to middlebrowconsumers,whowerehungryforwell-writtentechnicaladviceandclearinstructionfromanexpert.Bytheendofhis life,hehadwrittenmorethanfortyinstructionalbooksandnumerous articles. After struggling for several years as a commercial photographer,Suzuki returned to Arusu Publishing in 1936 to become the editor ofKamera kurabu,whoseintendedaudiencewasbeginnerandintermediatehobbyists.Hewasalsotheeditorand author of the ten-volume seriesTheArusuCourse inPopularPhotography (Arusutaishūshashinkōza),asubscriptionseriesthatcameoutoveratwo-yearperiodstartingin1937, which includedKnowledge of the Camera and How to Choose One, discussedpreviously.36

Forthefirsttwoyearsofpublication,beforeSuzuki’sarrival,Kamerakurabuwaslessamagazinethanapamphlet,measuringonly19.0×12.7cmwithfifteentotwentypagesoftextandphotos.AseditorofKamerakurabu,Suzukinotonlyoversawtheproductionoftherevampedmagazinebutalsoactedasjudgefortheadvanceddivisionofthemonthlyphotographic prize, which was added to the magazine’s monthly format in 1937. Thecompetition,knownby thegenericname“MonthlyPhotographyCompetition,”had twodivisions,muchliketheAsahikameracompetition.DivisionOnewasforbeginners,andselectedworkwas published in a special column eachmonth, “BriefComments on theMonthly Division One Selected Prints,” that included comments from the magazine’sstaff.37 Suzuki himself made the selections for Division Two, intended for new artistswhose“ambitionitistosucceedintheworldofartphotography”(Figure5.3).38Winnersof Division Two had the privilege of having their work published in the pages of themagazine and their names printed in the special section “Selected by SuzukiHachirō.”Clearly, having Suzuki’s name associatedwith one’s photographmeant asmuch as thepublication,prizemonies,andmedals(offeredtofirst-,second-,andthird-placewinners).Indeed,ArusucontinuallycapitalizedonSuzuki’sname.Inasupplementaladvertisementfor Arusu Fine Grain Developer from around this period,39 Suzuki offers an extendedtestimonialontheefficacyofthedevelopingpowder(Figure5.4).Inextra-large,boldfaceprintontheright-handsideoftheadis“ProfessorSuzukiHachirō’slong-awaitedformulafor the latest developer.” Suzuki’s selections for themonthly contest tend to fall under

Saitō’s definition of realistic expression, or pictures that “show nature as it really is.”Thoughsubmissionstootherpopularphotographymagazinesstillincludedthelyricalandimpressionistic approaches, Suzuki seemed to pick only realistic images. Many of thewinningphotographsareofnaturalphenomena, suchasclose-upsofplantsand insects,but there are alsomany shots of people outdoors, not conventional portraits but actionshotsofpeoplewalkingandworking.

FIGURE5.3.WinnersofKamerakurabu’sSixthMonthlyPhotoCompetitionandof“SelectedbySuzukiHachirō,”July1936.WinnersofDivisionTwo,selectedbySuzukiHachirō,hadtheirworkpublishedinthepagesofthemagazine.HavingSuzuki’snameassociatedwithone’sphotographmeantasmuchasthepublication,prizemonies,andmedals.Source:Kamerakurabu2,no.7(July1936):56.

FIGURE5.4AdvertisementforArusufinegraindeveloper,ca.1938.Extra-large,boldfaceprintontheright-handsideoftheadproclaims,“ProfessorSuzukiHachirō’slong-awaitedformulaforthelatestdeveloper.”Source:Foundpamphlet,ca.1938.

MARKETINGGEIJUTSUSHASHINWhilepopularizerslikeFukuharaandSuzukiendorsedthevocabularyofgeijutsushashinforthemiddle-classphotographer,thecameraindustrypromotedphotographictechniquesthatrequirednotonlyartisticvisionandtechnicalskillbutalsotheuseofspecializedandoften expensive products. The marketing of these products did not rest solely onadvertisementsandwindowdisplays.Inadditiontotheseconventionalmeansofpublicity,the camera industry promoted its products in thousands of contests it sponsored inmagazinesitpublished.40Aswehavealreadyseen,manyofthesecontestsaskedreaderstosubmittheirphotographicworkforevaluationandpossibleselectionandpublicationbyeditors.Butitwastheconteststhatrequiredparticipantstoemployaparticulartechnique,such as enlargement, or to use a particular kind of paper that were the most widelypublicized and exerted the most influence on the aesthetic choices of hobbyists. Forexample,YamaguchiShōkaiofNagoyaheldacontestin1925inwhichparticipantswererequiredtouseoneofthreeenlargers—theVictor(forthehighestquality[sai-kōkyū]),theSwan (for intermediate use [chūkyū]), and the Queen (the popular model [minshūteki])(Figure 5.5). The full-page announcement serves the dual purpose of advertising thecontestinformationandsellingtheproduct.Mostimportant,however,istheclaiminthead that genuine geijutsu shashin must be made with an enlarger: “Photographic art isexpressedwithenlargement….Enlargeyourpictureswithoneofourthreeenlargers.”41In this case, the layout and design of the contest announcement mimic a productadvertisement, and the contest itself is simply a clevermarketing ploy. Contestants arerequired to use the very products that they hope to win. Another contest from 1925requiredcontestantstosubmitenlargementsprintedonBayer’sHBromideprintingpaper

importedbyMisuzuShōkai.Thepromotionclaimedthatthesuccessfulgeijutsushashinisproduced half by the skill of the photographer and half by the choice in photographicmaterials.42Thecontest-cum-advertisementgoesontoproclaimthatthefavoredpaperofartphotographersisBayer’sHBromide.43Afterthedetailsofthecontestarelaidout,thesecond page of this two-page ad uses the more conventional copy-heavy approach toadvertisement,unlikethepreviousannouncementforenlargersthatincorporatedcutting-edgegraphicdesignandphotography. Insteadof strikingvisual techniques, thisadusespersuasivecopytodrawonthehobbyist’sdesiretobeseenasanartist,claimingthatmost“real”artphotographersusethisproduct.

FIGURE5.5AnnouncementforYamaguchiShōkaiPhotoEnlargementContest,November1925.Thefull-pageannouncementservesthedualpurposeofadvertisingthecontestinformationandsellingenlargers(whichwerealsoprizesinthecontest).Mostimportant,however,istheclaimthatgenuinegeijutsushashinmustbemadewithanenlarger.Source:Kamera6,no.11(November1925):n.p.

Still other competitions drew on the contestants’ sense of national pride in order topromote the sale of domestic goods by requiring submissions to be produced with allJapanese-made products. Figure 5.6 shows an announcement for the Third DomesticProductsCompetition inPhotography from theNovember 1935 issue ofAsahi kamera.While the theme was open, the entries were required to be made with domesticallyproduced plates, or film, and paper. Individual camera companies regularly sponsored

competitionsthatrequiredphotographstobeproducedwiththeirproducts.KonishiRokuwas especially fond of this format. Publicized with the slightly cumbersome heading“PromotionofDomesticProductsGrandPrize—aCall forPhotographs,” in theJanuary1925issueofShashingeppō,thecompetitionrequiredphotographerstouseoneofthreeof their cameras: the Lily, the Pearl, or the Idea. Winners of these contests usuallyacquired cash and/or photographic products and trophies, medals, or cups. Sometimescompaniesawardedotherprizes,asinacontestheldin1936byMisuzuShōkaiinwhichcontestantshadtouseitsPurobirapaper(Figure5.7).Inadditiontolargecashprizesforallof thewinners, the first-placewinner receivedaVictorportable recordplayerwitharecordcase; secondplace, agoldwristwatch; thirdplace, a travel trunk; fourthplace, asilvercigarettecase;andfifthplace,aCitizenchromewristwatch—avirtuallaundrylistofthemostprizedpossessionsforthewhite-collarworkerin1936.

CELEBRITYJUDGESANDTHEPHOTOGRAPHYCONTESTContest-winningphotographsofferedhobbyists,readers,andtheexhibitionaudiencerealexamplesofwhateditorsandjudgesconsidered“good”photographs.Moreimportant,thejudges themselves, often well-known photographers or critics, were used to drawcontestants to particular competitions.44 In cases where contests required the use ofspecificproducts,thesejudgesindirectlybecamecelebrityspokesmenforthoseproducts.But even in cases where no specific products were required, a famous person on theselection committee legitimated the art of amateur photography. Most contestadvertisements prominently displayed the names of the judges.45 Potential entrantsexperienced in theworld of hobby photographywerewell acquainted, at least throughprint, with these judges. Entrants no doubt knew Suzuki Hachirō, the prolific how-towriter and editor ofKamera kurabu. They knew Fukuhara Shinzō, not only from hiswrittenworkbutalsofromhiswell-knownphotographsseeningalleriesandpublishedinbooks.Theinfluenceofthesebearersoftastecannotbeunderestimated.Suchaselectionprocessnotonlyimpartedanauraofcelebritybutalsodrewonthedesireforexpertiseandauthority,sinceentrantsknewtheirworkwouldbereviewedbyprofessionalswhohadthestaturewithinthephotographicworldtomakeeducated,tastefuldistinctionsbasedonvastexperience.

FIGURE5.6AnnouncementfortheThirdDomesticProductsCompetitioninPhotography,November1935.Entrieswererequiredtobemadewithdomesticallyproducedplates,orfilm,andpaper.ReprintedwiththepermissionofAsahiShinbunsha.Source:Asahikamera20,no.5(November1935):618.

FIGURE5.7AnnouncementforMisuzuShōkaiPhotoContest,November1925.Forthiscompetition,contestantshadtouseMisuzu’sPurobirapaper.Inadditiontocashprizes,thiscontestawardedwinnersaVictorportablerecordplayer,agoldwristwatch,atraveltrunk,asilvercigarettecase,andaCitizenchromewristwatch.Source:Kamera17,no.6(June1936):backcover.

Thenamesofthejudgesformanyofthesecontestswereoftenprintedalongsidethelistofprizes.Ina1935contestpromotedintheJuneissueofKamera,theShōwaPhotographyCorporation asked eight people, including Yasukōchi Ji’ichirō (how-to writer) andAkiyamaTetsusuke(editor,how-towriter),NarusawaReisen(Asahigurafueditor),EzakiSaburō(KonishiRokuengineer),andNakayamaIwata(photographer),tojudgeacontestinwhichcontestantswererequiredtouseShōwaplatesorpaperinmakingtheirimages.Experienced amateurs were certain to be familiar with these luminaries of thephotographic world, most of whom were regular contributors either of essays or ofphotographs to the leadingpopularphotographymagazines. In1936, theAssociationofUrban Beauty (Toshi Bi Kyōkai) backed an unusual contest whose theme was “urbanbeauty”(toshibi)and“urbanugliness”(toshishū) (Figure5.8).The judges, too,wereasomewhat unusual grouping, but most were well known to readers of Asahi kamera.Among them were modernist critic and frequent contributor to Asahi kamera ItagakiTakaho;AsahigurafueditorNarusawaReisen;andphotographerKimuraIhei.Inadditiontoearningmonetaryprizesandmedals,photographerswouldhave theirwinningentriesdisplayed at Ginza’sMitsukoshi Department Store. Kimura Ihei was the perfect expert

judge for this contest, since much of his work from this period was consumed withdocumenting urban life, especially the enormous transformations that modernizationbroughttoTokyo’smarginalpopulations.TakakuwaKatsuo,SuzukiHachirō,andKitanoKunio, all writers and editors for various Arusu photographic publications, served asjudges for theArusuCompetition inPhotography for theSupportofDomesticProducts(Kokusan Shinkō Arusu Shashin Dai-Konkūru) in 1938, a contest advertised in Asahikameraintendedtobolsterthenationalpolicyofsupportingdomesticproductionagainstthe influx of imports (Figure 5.9). In boldface type down the right-hand side, theannouncementproclaimsthattosupporttheproductionofdomesticgoodsis“TheGreatWork of the PhotographicWorld inThis Time ofCrisis…From the beginning,we areproudtoofferArusuPhotographicChemicals,apurelydomesticproduct.Bymakingthisyour favorite product, you correctly follow the national policy of promoting domesticproduction.”46 Indeed, the government started to impose restrictions on the sales ofimported cameras and photographic products. By sponsoring a contest that promoteddomesticallyproducedproducts,thecameraandlight-sensitivematerialsindustriesfellinlinewithgovernmentorders,eventhoughsuchobediencecausedeconomichardshipforthecompanies.47

FIGURE5.8CelebrityjudgeslistedprominentlyinannouncementforAsahikamera’sPhotosofUrbanBeautyContest,September1936.ThejudgeswerewellknowntoreadersofAsahikamera.AmongthejudgesweremodernistcriticandfrequentcontributortoAsahikamera,ItagakiTakaho;Asahigurafueditor,NarusawaReisen;andphotographerKimuraIhei.ReprintedwiththepermissionofAsahiShinbunsha.Source:Asahikamera22,no.3(September1936):550.

In addition to using the tactic of inviting famous photographers to judge contests,marketers lured hobbyists to participate in contests, and ultimately to consume moregoods, by displaying winning photographs in formal public exhibitions. In December1921,theMitsukoshiVestCameraClubattheMitsukoshiDepartmentStoreannouncedits“Call for the First Competition in Photography” in Mitsukoshi, the store’s monthlypromotionalmagazine(Figure5.10).Thecompetitionincludedbig-namejudges,andthewinning photographs would be exhibited at the Nihonbashi branch of Mitsukoshi andpublished in themagazine.Thisparticular example allowsus to see a typical courseofcontestevents,fromtheinitialcontestannouncementtothepublicationofwinningresults.

The judges included aprofessor fromTokyoBijutsuGakkō (TokyoSchoolofArt); thechief photographerofMitsukoshi’s photographydivision; the editor in chief ofShashinshinpō;theownerofMaekawaPhotographyStudio;TakakuwaKatsuo,editorinchiefofKameramagazine;andAkiyamaTetsusuke,editorinchiefofShashingeppō.Allentrieswere to be taken with a Vest Pocket Kodak camera, one of the more popular itemsavailableat thestore’scameracounter.IntheMarchissueofMitsukoshi,ashortarticle,“ExhibitionoftheWinningVestCameraPhotographs,”accompaniesreproductionsofthewinning images as well as a nice shot of the exhibition space itself (Figures 5.11 and5.12).Accordingtothearticle,fromamongovertwenty-sixhundredentries, twenty-onewereselectedforprizes,fiftywereselectedas“Excellent,”andaboutonehundredwerechosenfor“HonorableMention.”48Allof thosechosenwereexhibitedat thestore.Theformal exhibition and the publication of winning images were added incentives thatappealedlesstopecuniarymotivationsandmoretoacontestant’sdesireforrecognition.

FIGURE5.9Celebrityjudgessupportthenationalpolicyofbolsteringdomesticproduction,September1938.TakakuwaKatsuo,SuzukiHachirō,andKitanoKunio,allwritersandeditorsforvariousArusuphotographicpublications,servedasjudgesfortheArusuCompetitioninPhotographyfortheSupportofDomesticProducts.Source:Asahikamera26,no.3(September1938):A69–A70.

FIGURE5.10AnnouncementfortheMitsukoshiVestCameraClubFirstCompetitioninPhotography,December1921.Inadditiontoincludingbig-namejudges,thewinningphotographswouldbeexhibitedattheNihonbashibranchofMitsukoshiandpublishedinMitsukoshimagazine.Source:Mitsukoshi11,no.12(December1921):n.p.

FIGURE5.11“ExhibitionofWinningVestPhotographs,”February1922.ThephotographswereexhibitedatMitsukoshiDepartmentStore.Source:Mitsukoshi12,no.3(March1922):33.

FIGURE5.12“Prize-WinningVestPhotographsExhibitedatMitsukoshiDepartmentStore,”February1922.Source:Mitsukoshi12,no.3(March1922):35.

FukuharaShinzōwasoneofthemoreprominentjudgesforcontestsduringtheperiod.Ina1930examplesponsoredbyAsahikamera,Fukuhara’saestheticexpertisewascalledon to judge a contest that asked photographers to deploy “graphic patterning” in theirsubmissions.Afterthejudgesdecidedonthewinningdesigns,MatsuyaandMatsuzakayaDepartmentStoreswouldusethepatternsintheirnewyukatalines49—anearlyexampleof“tie-in”marketingtechniques.Thecontestannouncementclaimsthatoneofthebiggestproblemsfacingphotographyin1930ishowtogetphotographersto“bringtheso-calledhobbyofartphotographyoutoftheivorytowerandmakeitmorepractical.”50Thejudgesincluded well-known writers, musicians, painters, editors, and professors. Anotherthematic contest for hobbyists that asked contributors to try their hand at commercialphotographywasadvertisedintheApril1936issueofAsahikamera,inwhichparticipantswereasked tosubmitadvertisementphotographs forcigarettes.Thephotographerswereobliged to use one of nine cigarette brands in their submission: “We’re looking forphotographs thatcapture the refreshmentandatmosphereofsmokinganduseastill-lifephotographincorporatingcigarettes”(Figure5.13).51

FIGURE5.13Announcementofcontestforcommercialphotographyadvertisingcigarettes,April1936.Participantswereaskedtosubmitadvertisementphotographsofcigarettes,usingoneofninecigarettebrandsintheirsubmission.Source:Asahikamera21,no.4(April1936):n.p.

MakingMiddlebrowAesthetics

CRAFTINGAESTHETICSPersuadedbytheeloquentarticulationsoftheoryaswellastheprizemonies,recognition,and goods that contests offered, hobbyists embraced techniques that conformed to theaestheticstandardsofgeijutsushashin.These techniques reliedheavilyonmanipulationand handwork in the image-making process.Manipulation included such techniques asenlargement,paintingorcoloringthenegativeorthepositiveprint,andtheuseofdelicateoil-transferprocedures,allofwhich,asChristianPetersonargues,“requirednotonlygreatmanualdexteritybutsignificantrestraintandresponsibilityonthepartofthephotographeraswell.”52Thoughallofthesetechniqueswerewidelywrittenaboutandadvertised,themostpopularbyfarthroughoutthe1920sandearly1930swerethebromoilandbromoil-transferprocesses, introducedbyE.J.Wall in1907.Figure5.14showsanexampleofabromoilprintdonebyFuchigamiHakuyō(1889–1960),norankamateur,butIuseitheretoillustratethetechnicalqualityofthebromoil.[The bromoil technique] began with a regularly printed enlargement [rather than working on the negative, forexample].Theprintwaschemicallytreatedtobleachawayandphysicallyswelltheimagearea.Torestorethepicturethephotographerthenbrushedonanoil-basedink,whichadheredonlytotheimagearea.Successfulimagesrequiredskillfuluseofthebrush,agenuineartist’stool.Bromoiltransfersrequiredputtingthebrush-developedprintthroughapressincontactwithanothersheetofpaper,whichbecamethefinalprint.53

How-to books on art photography typically featured several chapters on the bromoilprocess, and popular photography magazines regularly published articles on the samesubjectthroughoutthe1920sandearly1930s.54Forexample,inShashingeppō,Konishi

Roku’s photo magazine, the bromoil and bromoil-transfer techniques were covered inevery issue every month from 1923 to 1926. Of the 177 photographs exhibited in theHonorable Mention section of the Twenty-First Kenten Exhibition of 1932, 161photographswerebromoilorbromoil transfers.55Obviously,bromoilwas theprocessofchoiceforamateurphotographers.56

FIGURE5.14“Untitled,”FuchigamiHakuyō,Bromoil,1930s.Source:Tōkyō-toShashinBijutsukan,Nihonkindaishashinnoseiritsutotenkai.

Thepopularityofmanipulativeprocessescannotbeexplainedsolelyby theappealofthe aesthetic implications of the resulting image or the coercive strength of the cameraindustry.57 Manipulative processes allowed hobbyists not only to express themselvescreatively but, more important, to display technicalmastery over a complex apparatus.Geijutsu shashin, when properly executed, “offered visible evidence of the process ofcreationinthemarkofthetool.”58TheseareJohnBrinckerhoffJackson’swordsfortheappealofthecraftsmanstyleamongearlytwentieth-centurymiddle-classAmericans,butthey apply equally well to the predominance of the geijutsu shashin aesthetic amongJapan’smiddleclassinthe1920sand1930s.Jacksoncontinues,If some of the esthetic manifestations [of the arts and crafts movement] were inept, the true importance of themovementlayinthenew,orrevived,dignityitgavetowork—workdonebyhand,byworkmennotinthefactorybutinthehomeorshop:forthevalueofthiskindofworkwasnotproductionintheindustrialsense,butself-expression

andself-justification….Theconsequenceofthebeliefwastheconvictionthattheveryprocessofworkwasnolessbeautiful,nolesssignificant,thanthefinishedarticleitself.Theconvictionderivedinpartfromanestheticreactionagainsttheslickandimpersonalaspectsofthemass-produceditem.59

Inthegeijutsushashinmovement,too,thefocusonprocess—sometimestotheneglectoftheresultantimage—becameacentralcomponentoftheaestheticsofartphotography.Inthefaceofanever-increasinglymechanizedmiddle-classlife, thecreationofgeijutsushashin allowed a space for handwork and a craftsman’s sensibility. Indeed, as StevenGelber argues, hobbies, especially productive ones like arts and crafts style furnituremaking,arebothanextensionofandbufferagainstindustrialization:Asanextension[productivehobbies]neededtoreproducethebeliefsandbehaviorsnecessaryforthecontinuationofcapitalism.As abuffer theyneeded togiveparticipants a senseof relief andperhaps empowerment in the faceofcentralizedproduction.Notonlywerethesetwofunctionsfarfromincompatible,theywerevirtuallytwosidesofthesamecoin.Sincethehobbywasdoneathomeinfreetime,itwasunderthecompletecontrolofthehobbyist.Itwasinotherwords,areembracingofpreindustriallabor,are-creationoftheworldoftheyeoman,artisan,andindependentmerchant.Bythesametoken,becauseitwasthere-creationofathoroughlycapitalistworld,theunderlyingvaluesofthatworld—frommarketeconomiestotheworkethic—werecolonizingthehome.Asdisguisedaffirmation,hobbieswereaTrojanhorsethatbroughttheideologyofthefactoryandofficeintotheparlor.60

ThoughIwouldarguethatanypracticesotightlytiedto“athoroughlycapitalistworld”could not also be under the “complete control” of the practitioner, Gelber’s point thatproductive hobbies served to restore the value of handwork, evenwithin the context ofmoderncapitalism,iscertainlygermanetoourdiscussionofamateurphotography.Indeed,art photography amounted to what Christian Peterson has called a “technological folkart.”61PetersonreferstothewordsofAdolfFassbender,aleaderintheAmericanpictorialmovement, to illustrate theconceptofartphotographyasacraft, a skill cultivatedovertime that allowed the artist to overcome the limitations of mediocre photographicmaterialsandless-than-idealphotographicconditions:“ThephotographicArtist,”accordingtoAdolfFassbender,“isamanwhohascompletecontroloverhismedium;aperfect technicianwho is able to create at will, who can changewhere light and lens failed, wherematerial wasinsufficientandvalueupset.”Handmanipulationcouldrescuefaultynegativesandovercomephotography’sthenlackofcolorandthree-dimensionality.Fassbenderknewthatphotographicequipmentalonewasincapableofcapturingthephotographer’s impressions of a scene. And since the medium was, in his words, “one mistake after another,”pictorialistsneededtheskillstorevamp,repair,remake,andrecycletheirpicturesinordertomakethemartistic.62

The home darkroom, then, became more than an improvised scientific laboratory; itbecame a space where photographers combined an emotive response to nature with askillful rendering of complicated darkroom procedures (using costly materials andequipment,ofcourse).63

TakakuwaKatsuo,likeFukuharaShinzōandSuzukiHachirō,wasanothercentralfigurein thepopularizationofhobbyphotography.UnlikeFukuhara,however,whatTakakuwaadvocatedwashobbyphotographyasminshūgeijutsu (folkorpeople’sart).Takakuwa’spopularizing began in earnest in 1920 with the publication of his best-selling how-tomanual,TechniquesofFilmPhotography(Fuirumushashinjutsu,1920),whichsoldmorethanonehundredthousandcopies,issuedinmorethan146editionsby1924.Thoughhewas an editor forKonishiRoku’sShashingeppō from1910 to 1920, in 1921,with thebackingofArusu,hestartedhisownpopularphotographymagazine,Kamera,whichranfromApril1921untilDecember1940.In“Lookingat theInaugural Issue,”Takakuwa’smission statement, he makes it clear that this magazine is different because it is

specifically for the amateur photographer (kōzushashinka).64 Takakuwa assures readersthatKamerawouldremainimpartial,unlikeotherphotographymagazines,andwouldnotbecomeamouthpieceforthecameraindustrytoadvertiseitswares,thougharticlescouldcover“trulygoodproducts.”65

Inhiscallfortheexpansionofhobbyphotography,Takakuwabroughtaclassanalysisrare among photographic commentaries. In an exchange with Ichikawa Eisaku thatappeared in the pages of Shashin geppō throughout 1920, Takakuwa articulates hisconceptualizationofshumishashin(hobbyphotography).Thehobbyphotographermakespicturesfirstandforemostbecauseheenjoysit,notbecauseheintendstomakeaworkofart.However,as thehobbyistbecomesmoreadept,hisworkbecomesmoreskillfulandtherefore more worthy of artistic merit. A shumi shashinka differs from a bijutsushashinkaintermsofhisintentions,66butalsointermsofthelimitsuponhisfreedomtocreate andmake pictures. Thebijutsu shashinka is bound by an aesthetic tradition thatcompelshim tomakecertainkindsofpictures,usingaccepted styles andcompositions.But thehobbyist is unfetteredby such limitations: “Hobbyphotographyhasno formortraditionand iscompletelyfree; there isnoneed tobeparticularaboutcomposition;wehavebeenliberatedfromallrestraintsandobligations.”67Moreover,theshumishashinkaand the bijutsu shashinka differ greatly in terms of the circles inwhich they travel. InresponsetoIchikawa’sconfusionaboutwhyhobbyandartphotographerscontinuetobedistinguished from one another, Takakuwa explains with an amusing analogy that thedistinctionismaintained,infact,bybijutsushashinkathemselves:Iftoday’sartphotography[bijutsushashin]istheartofthenobility[kizokugeijutsu],thenhobbyphotography[shumishashin] is the people’s art [minshū geijutsu]. If today’s bijutsu shashin, made with its tradition, forms, printingmethods,etc.,isafeastwithtwosidedishes[ninozentsukigochisō],thenhobbyphotographyisasimpledishatachophouse[nawa-norenshikinoippinryōri];thissuitsthetasteofworkersdressedinhappicoats,andthereareeventimes when a solemn gentleman dressed in a Prince Albert coat frequents such a restaurant. For those who passthroughthecurtainof thechophouse, there isnodistinguishingamongthepeoplebasedonrankorwealth,but thetakersofthetwo-side-dishfeastlimitittothemselves.68

Here,photographyasanartforthemassesisonethatdoesnotlimitthecreativeinstinctofthephotographerbyburdeninghimwithrulesandhideboundtradition.Anyonecantakeaphotograph;andthisisthepowerofphotography,notonlyasamarketingploybutalsoasameansofpopularizingartisticpracticeamongordinarypeople.

THEAMATEUR’SREJECTIONOFMODERNISMFuchigamiHakuyō’swonderfully kinetic bromoil “ATrainRushing” (Resshabakushin;Figure 5.15) first appeared as the opening gravure image in theOctober 1930 issue ofAsahikamera.Fromthemomentitwaspublished,thisimagehassymbolizedthemasteryof photographic form exhibited in Japanesemodernism of this period. Today, “ATrainRushing” regularly appears in exhibition catalogues and histories of modern Japanesephotography as the pinnacle of modernist photographic aesthetics.69 In 1936, KimuraKiyoshi contributed a cartoon toAsahi kamera that lampooned this by-now-archetypalimage of Manchurian modernism. In “The Conductor’s Speech” (Shashō-san no ben),which appeared in the December 1936 issue, the conductor grasps an overzealousphotographer (Figure5.16). Juxtaposed, these two imagesofferaglimpse into theoftenambivalent affiliation between the aesthetic ideals of modernist photography and the

practicalsensibilitiesofhobbyphotography.

FIGURE5.15“ATrainRushing,”FuchigamiHakuyō,Bromoil,1930.Source:Asahikamera10,no.4(October1930):349.

Asdiscussedpreviously,high-modernist theoristsandcommentatorsopenlyexpressedtheir antipathy toward amateur aesthetics. Thoughmany historians have commented onthisantagonism, few, ifany,have takenseriouslyhobbyphotographers’deepfamiliaritywith and attitudes toward modernism. Hobbyists, while quite knowledgeable about thelatest trends inmodernist photography, partly because theworkofmodernistswaswellexhibited and regularly featured in popular photography journals, expressed their ownambivalence about the modernist project. This is not to say, however, that hobbyphotography was simply a response to modernism; rather, hobbyists of the 1920s and1930s,whowereskilledinthetechniquesofmanygenresofphotographicrepresentation,rarely chose to work with modernist modes of representation. This choice reflects arejection ofmodernism’s often quite explicit commentary onmiddle-class art, lifestyle,and consumption. The aesthetic choices made by hobbyists, themselves members oraspiringmembers of thatmiddle class, affirmed their practical approach to the craft ofphotography,anapproachtypicallyobscuredinhigh-modernistmanifestos.

FIGURE5.16“TheConductor’sSpeech,”KimuraKiyoshi,December1936.“I’llgrabyourlegstightlyassoonaswegettothecurve!”Source:Asahikamera22,no.6(December1936):970.

CartoonsliketheoneshowninFigure5.16pokedfunat themostcherishedformsofmodernistphotography.Inonefrom1936,aphotographer’s“ArtisticConscience,”asthepieceisaptlytitled,placeshimingreatdangerasheliesdowninthemiddleofabustlingdowntownstreetinordertogettheperfecthigh-angleshotofaskyscraper(Figure5.17).Theoblique-angleshot—perhapsmostmemorablydeployedbyAlbertRenger-Patzschin“BlastFurnaces”inhisbookDieweltistschön[TheWorldIsBeautiful,1928]—becameoneofmodernism’smostsymbolicforms.Thepagesofhigh-endjournalslikeKōgaandGekkanRaikafeaturedtheworkofRenger-Patzschadmirers,whotookdizzyingshotsoffactorychimneysandtoweringskyscrapers,forexample,liketheimageinFigure5.18,ashotbyAsanoYōichi.Perhapsmoredaringthanthephotographerwhotookthepictureisthemansittingontopofthetoweringchimney.InaNobuodescribedtheuseofoblique-angle shots as one of the four approaches to modern photography.70 In the cartoon,however,theprizedformalelementofthefinalphotographisexposedasaratherabsurdfollywherebythemeansofcapturingthesceneisobscuredbytheimpressiveness,scale,andsurpriseofthefinalimage.Doubleexposuresandmontagedphotographsarethefocusof humor in two cartoons that appeared in a two-page spread that makes fun of thepopularity of photography, “Shashin wo meguru jinsei” (A Life Surrounded by

Photography). Appearing in the January 1933 issue of Fuototaimusu, these cartoonslampoongenresofphotographythatwerehighlyregardedamongmodernistsofthetime(Figures 5.19 and 5.20). Nakayama Iwata and Hanaya Kanbei each in his own waydeployed this technique in theirwork forKōga.Whilemodernists praised these formalapproachesfortheirabilitytocapturethepaceandconditionsofmodernlifelikenootherart form, thehobbypress andcartoonistsoftenderided such techniques for their overlyaesthetisizedandoftenunrealisticvision.

FIGURE5.17“ArtisticConscience,”SugiuraYukio,1936.Cartoonslikethisonemockedthehighlyvaluedformsofmodernistphotography,suchastheoblique-angleshot.Source:Asahikamera22,no.6(December1936):970.

FIGURE5.18“Tower,”AsanoYōichi,1940.Source:KanagawaKenritsuKindaiBijutsukan,“Nihonnoshashin1930nendai”tenzuroku,n.p.

Editors of popular magazines were sensitive to the sophisticated level of theiraudiences,who, if not familiarwith thewritings of InaNobuoor ItagakiTakaho,werecertainly steeped in the modernist work of photographers like Koishi Kiyoshi, HiraiTerushichi,andŌkuboKoroku,whoseimagesappearedfrequentlyinthepagesofpopularjournals.For thehumorof these cartoons tomake sense, readers had to understandnotonly the techniques behind making such images but the place of modernism in thephotographicworld.Giventhetendencyofthisaudiencetoavoidmakingthesekindsofimagesandthetendencyofjudgesandeditorstorewardtypicalgeijutsushashin,adivideemergedbetweenmodernistmodesofimageproductionandpopularapproachestoimagemaking.Butthepopularrejectionofmodernistaestheticswasnotsimplyablindrefusal;itwas one based on a deep understanding of the techniques and aesthetics ofmodernismitself.

FIGURE5.19“DoubleExposure,”HiraiFusando,1933.Modernistapproachestophotography,suchasdoubleexposures,wereregularlycaricaturedincartoonsthatappearedinpopularmagazineslikeFuototaimusu.Source:Fuototaimusu10,no.1(January1933):87.

FIGURE5.20“WhatIsMontage?,”HiraiFusando,1933.Thestudentinthecartoonaskswhatsortoftreeisthe“montāju”(literally,“monta-tree”),aplayontheJapanesecharacterju(tree).TheteacherexplainsthatthemontājuisamixofseveraltreevarietiesthatoriginallycamefromRussiaandhasrecentlybecomepopularamongthe“modernpeopleofourcountry.”Source:Fuototaimusu10,no.1(January1933):86.

Geijutsushashin,notonlyasfinalproductbutalsoastotalprocess,providedamateurswithanaesthetic language thatmatched theirmiddle-class ideals; anactiveplace in theworld of consumerismbefitting their newfound incomes; and an absorbing activity thatplaced value on craftsmanship. The popularity and commercial elements of hobbyphotography,however,stoodindirectoppositiontothevaluesofmodernism.Modernistscarvedouttheirniche,infact,byattackingthefundamentaljoysofhobbyphotography—itsgrowingpopularity,itsconventionalaesthetics,anditsdeepconnectionstotheindustry.Nevertheless,bytheendofthe1920sgeijutsushashinhadbecomeawide-scale,popularartmovement,thanksinnosmallparttotheinventivewaysthatthephotographicindustry

anditscoterieofexpertstappedintotheidealsandaspirationsofanexpandingaudienceofmiddle-classconsumers.

EPILOGUEThe1903releaseofJapan’s firstdomesticallyproducedcamera,KonishiRoku’sCherryPortablecamera,madewithanimportedlensandassembledpiecemealfrompartscraftedbytraditionalcabinetmakers,markedthefirststeptowardtherealizationofthecompany’sgoalin1925toplaceacameraineveryJapanesehousehold.1Thoughthisgoalwouldnotbe realized until the boom years of high-speed economic growth in the early postwarperiod,thefoundationforthemassconsumptionofmass-producedcameraswasfirmlysetin the prewar period by the pioneers of the photographic industry like KonishiRokuzaemonhimself.Moreimportantthantheactualnumberofphotographyconsumersand products were the patterns of production, marketing, and consumption establishedduringthisformativeperiod.

Producers of cameras and light-sensitive materials went beyond conventionaladvertisingandpackagingtomarkettheirgoodstotherisingmiddleclassbytappingintovalues associatedwith a new ethic regardingwork and leisure. Spectacularly appointedshow windows, expertly judged photography contests, and enlightening how-to bookswere calculated to draw on the values of educated taste, healthy competition, and self-cultivation—valuesheldinhighregardbythenewandaspiringmiddleclasses.Cameraswere sold as essential accoutrements of the middle-class lifestyle and as the mostappropriatemeanstodocumentandrepresentthatlifestyle.

For men, in particular, mastery of the photographic apparatus—from purchasing theappropriatecameratoprintingoutimagesontheappropriatepaper—markedmembershipin a techno-cultural elite. Photographers who demonstrated skillful photographictechniquewererewardedinmanyways.Theywonprizesincontests,andtheirworkwaspublished in popular magazines. Less tangible incentives came in the way thatphotography,withitsparticularemphasisonhandworkandpainterlytechniques,allowedfor the mark of the individual artist on the final image. Despite rigidly standardizedaesthetics, amateur photographic practice offered photographers the semblance of totalcontrolovertheprocessandmeansofrepresentation,akindofcontrollargelyabsentfromtheirworkplaces.

...

On29January1942,KonishiRokuzaemon,thefounder’ssonandsecondpresident,diedatsixty-four.Hisfuneralwasheldthreedayslater,andmorethanthreethousandpeopleattended. His passing marked a new phase in the leadership of Konishi Roku and thecompany’sproductiveroleintheJapaneseeconomyduringthewar.2Thecompanyrapidlyturnedfromproducinggoodsfortheconsumermarkettofocusingonmunitionssupplies,in particular, aerial cameras and light-sensitive materials. In April 1942, all factoryworkers at Konishi Roku’s various plants were conscripted into military service. Theycontinued to work in the same basic capacity but were now in service of the state,producing aerial cameras for the navy’s air fleet. In 1943, by order of the state, allproducers of photographic goods were either dissolved or amalgamated into othercompanies.Onlythreemakersremainedoperative—KonishiRoku,FujiShashinFuirumu(today’sFujiFilm),andTōyōShashinKōgyō.In1943,KonishiRoku’sretailbusinesswasorderedtoclose.In1944,KonishiRokurelocatedtheremainderofitsTokyofacilitiesand

workerstovariouslocalesintheKantōregiontoescapetheincessantfirebombing.

Ontheconsumptionside,hobbyistswerefeelingwartimedeprivationsasearlyas1937.Shortages of leather, paper, and metal had begun to drive up prices of domesticallyproduced cameras. InSeptember of that year, the import and export of all cameras andlight-sensitive materials, except in special cases, were prohibited by law.3 Increasedrestrictionsonwhereyoucouldandcouldnottakephotographs,alreadyineffectsincethenineteenthcentury,placedevenmorelimitsonaccesstooutdoorphotographingandwereissued almost monthly beginning in 1937. Pictures taken from one hundred meters orhigher,suchasfromthetopofOsakaCastle,wereprohibited.By1940,theheightlimithadbeenloweredtotwentymeters,andthatyearovertwohundredpeoplewerearrestedfor violation of this ordinance. Taxes on cameras, which were regulated as luxurycommodities, skyrocketed. In January 1943, the sales tax on cameras increased by 30percentandonaccessoriesandothermaterialsby80percent.

In an effort to conserve paper and ink products, the state strictly controlled thepublicationofallprintedmatter.FromlateDecember1941,shortlyafterthebombingofPearlHarborandtheexpansionofthewar,thestatecanceledorconsolidatedallpopularphotography publications (there were more than twenty). Shashin geppō and Shashinshinpō were canceled. The remaining publications, like Asahi kamera, Fuototaimisu,Kamera,andKamerakurabu,wereconsolidated intooneof threephotography journals:Shashinbunka (PhotographicCulture),Hōdōshashin (NewsPhotography), andShashinNippon (Photographic Japan). These magazines still concentrated on photography, butmost of the content promoted thewar effort with the use of photographic illustrations.Becauseoftherestrictionsonthesaleanduseoflight-sensitivematerials,especiallyfilmandpaper,monthlyphotographycontestsdisappearedfromthepagesofthesemagazines.Many professional photographers and well-known modernists continued to work ascontributors to the three state-run propaganda journals, as this was the only avenue toaccessofphotographicmaterials.

The wartime shortages and restrictions brought amateur photographic activity to avirtualstandstill.Thiscessationofactivities,thoughnearlycomplete,wasrelativelyshort-lived, however.Thehiatus that thewar imposedon the production and consumptionofphotographic goods was simply that: a brief break in a long-term trend of increasedproduction,diversification,andconsumptionofproductsmadedomestically.Whileretailconsumptionvirtuallydisappeared,productionofcamerasandlight-sensitivematerialsforuse by themilitary continued through the end of thePacificWar and rapidly increasedimmediatelyupontheoccupationbytheUSarmedforcesinAugust1945.By1952,whenJapan’sgrossdomesticproductreachedthehighestprewarlevels,cameracompanieswereproducingclosetofourhundredthousandcamerasannuallyfortheconsumermarket,wellabovethehighestprewarnumbers.4Theproductionofcamerasin1957wasnolessthan470timesthatof1946,andalargeproportionofthoseproductswereexportedthroughouttheworld, including to theUnited States andWestern Europe.5 The number of cameracompaniesdramaticallyrosefrom82facilitieswith4,812workersin1948to606facilitieswith32,545workersin1958.6

Consumptionofphotographicgoodsandthepublicationofphotographymagazinesalsoquicklyreboundedafterthewar,whentheprohibitiononthepublicationofphotography

magazineswaslifted.TheeditorsofKamerasolicitedphotographsfromamateursfortheirmonthlyphotographycompetitioninJanuary1946,whenpublicationresumed.7TheNudePhotography Competition, held inMay 1948, saw the return of thematically organizedphotography competitions.8 To make submissions to those competitions, amateurphotographerswereable togetextremelydifficult-to-come-byphotographicproductsontheblackmarket.For example, in1946, amateurs in searchof anew (probablyaused)cameraandfilmcouldprocureaKonishiRokuBabyPearlcamerafor1000yen;arolloffilm for 40 yen; developer for 2000 yen a bottle; and, a developing tank for 150 yen.9How-to literaturewas revived aswell.Whilemany of the newly available publicationswere simply reprints of prewar best sellers, new series from Arusu and Genkōshaappearedasearlyastheearly1950s.

IntheintroductiontoMitchakunojitsigi(PracticalPrintingOut,1954),TanabeYoshiodescribesthejoysoftaking,andespeciallymaking,photographs:The number of postwar cameramen, even compared to the height of activity in the prewar period, is said to haveincreasedseveral timesover.But thisonlyaccounts for thenumberofamateurswho takepictures.Thenumberofthosewhoengageinso-calleddarkroomworkontheirown—developing,printing,andenlarging—hasnotincreasedas rapidly.However, everyone recognizes that the truly enjoyable aspect of photography for the personwho doesbasicallyallthephotographicworkonhisownarethestepsaftertakingthepicture.Ithinkeveryonecanimaginetheappealofmakingpicturesbyyourself rather thansimply lookingat thoseyouhave takenafterhaving turned themovertosomeoneelsetodevelop.10

This brief passage reveals, at least anecdotally, the continued popularization of theconsumption of photography that had begun in the prewar period.Butmore important,Tanabe captures, in a rather simple way, the attitude that I have tried to recapturethroughoutthisbookofthetruehobbyisttowardtakingandmakingpictures,anattitudethatwasshapedbyamateursandtheindustryduringtheprewarperiod.Darkroomworknecessitatedproducingsomethingonyourownandunderyourowncontrol—valuesthathow-to writers had extolled for decades and that referenced the idealized lifestyles towhichmosthobbyistsaspired.

APPENDIX

MasaokaPhotographyClubBylawsArticleI ThisclubisnamedtheMasaokaShakōKai,andtheofficeis

locatedinsidetheŌuchiPhotographyStudioinMasaoka-chō,Tamachi.

ArticleII Thisclubisorganizedforpeoplewhoshareinthehobbyofphotography,andithasthegoalsofpopularizingandstudying[thepracticeof]photographyandpromotingfriendshipamongmembers.

ArticleIII Thosewhowouldliketobecomemembersofthisclubmustbeintroducedbyamemberandreceivetheassentofallothermembers.

ArticleIV Membersmustpayamonthlyfeeoftwentysen.ArticleV Themember’sfeeswillbeusedprimarilyforthemaintenanceof

theclubandforprizemoney.ArticleVI Thememberswillelectonepresidentandonevicepresident.

However,thetermofofficeisforoneyear,andattheendofthetermofficerswillrotate.

ArticleVII Theofficerswillmanagetheregularaffairsoftheclub,suchasthecollectionandcustodyofthemembers’fees,changesinmembership,andnotificationofregularmeetings.

ArticleVIII Everymonththeclubwillholdaregularmeetingtodiscussandvoteonsubmittedprints;and,ifcircumstancespermit,theclubwillholdanoutdoorphotoshoot.

ArticleIX Theclubwillchoosefromamongtheselectedprintsthosethatwillreceivehonorablementionandthosethatwillreceiveprizes.

ArticleX Thesubmissionsmustbecabinet-sizedprintsorsmallerandofthemember’sowncomposition.

ArticleXI Membershavethefreedomtocriticizethesubmissions.ArticleXII Attheendofeachregularmeeting,printssubmittedinthe

previousmeetingwillbereturnedtotheexhibitor.Theclubwilldisplaythewinningprintsintheoffice.

ArticleXIII Theofficerswillannouncethefollowingmonth’sthemeateachregularmeeting.

ArticleXIV Memberswhowishtowithdrawfromtheclubmustsubmitanoticeofwithdrawaltotheofficers.However,memberswhohavewithdrawnwillnothavethefeestheyalreadysubmittedreturnedtothem.

ArticleXV Eachyeartheclubwillholdonegeneralmeetingtoannouncethefinancialstatement,oneannualphotographyexhibition,andoneparty(sawakai).

Concluded

April1920

MasaokaPhotographyClub1

Note1.“Zappō,”ShashinGeppō25,no.6(June1920):57–58.Bylawstranslatedbyauthor.

NOTES

Introduction1.ElizabethBrayer,GeorgeEastman:ABiography(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1996),481.

2.Ibid.,479.

3.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō25,no.5(May1920):48.

4.Brayer,Eastman,481.

5.Ibid.

6.Ibid.

7.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō25,no.5(May1920):47.ThatportraitofEastmanwaspublishedasagravureinthisissue.

8.TheriseofartisticphotographyfromthelatenineteenthcenturyparallelstheriseoftheacademicfieldofanthropologyandtheuseofphotographyinanthropologicalstudiesofJapanesecolonialterritories.Outsidethehistoryofthedevelopmentofartphotography,researchontheproductionofphotographicknowledgeregardingJapan’simperialpossessionsisarapidlygrowingbodyofscholarshipwithinthestudyofthehistoryofJapanesephotography.Forexample,seePaulD.Barclay,“PeddlingPostcardsandSellingEmpire:Image-MakinginTaiwanunderJapaneseColonialRule,”JapaneseStudies30,no.1(2010):81–110;DavidFedman,“TriangulatingChōsen:Maps,Mapmaking,andtheLandSurveyinColonialKorea,”Cross-Currents:EastAsianHistoryandCultureReview1,no.1(2012):205–234;IizawaKōtarō,“Jinruigakushanokameraai:ToriiRyūzō,”inNihon-shashinshioaruku(Shinchōsha,1992),91–102;GyewonKim,“UnpackingtheArchive:Ichthyology,Photography,andtheArchivalRecordinJapanandKorea,”positions18,no.1(Spring2010):51–87;SatōKenji,“Ehagakinonakanojinruigaku,”inKankōjinruigaku,ed.YamashitaShinji(Shin’yōsha,1996),45–53;KaF.Wong,“EntanglementsofEthnographicImages:ToriiRyūzō’sPhotographicRecordofTaiwanAborigines(1896–1900),”JapaneseStudies24,no.3(2004):283–299.

9.MikikoHirayama,“‘Elegance’and‘Discipline’:TheSignificanceofSino-JapaneseAestheticConceptsintheCriticalTerminologyofJapanesePhotography,1903–1923,”inReflectingTruth:JapanesePhotographyintheNineteenthCentury,ed.NicoleCoolidgeRousmaniereandMikikoHirayama(Amsterdam:HoteiPublishing,2004),98.ThisdebateisthoroughlycoveredintwopiecesbyIizawaKōtarō,“Nihonno‘Geijutsushashin’gahajimatta,”inKameraomoshiromonogatari,ed.AsahiShinbunsha(AsahiShinbunsha,1988),48–53,and“‘Geijutsu-ha’to‘Kikaitekishabutsu-ha,’”in“Geijutsushashin”tosonojidai(Heibonsha,1986),24–33.SeealsoKanekoRyūichi,“TheOriginsandDevelopmentofJapaneseArtPhotography,”inTheHistoryofJapanesePhotography,ed.AnneTuckeretal.(NewHaven,CT:YaleUniversityPress,2003),104–113.

10.Fromtheturnofthecentury,revolutionaryprintingtechnologiesallowedforthereproductionofphotographsinnewspapersandmagazinesonamassscale.Foradetaileddiscussionoftheadvancesinreprographictechnologiesandhowthoseadvancesignitedthepublicationofimagesinmagazinesandnewspapers,seeJohnClark,“IndicesofModernity:ChangesinPopularReprographicRepresentation,”inBeingModerninJapan:CultureandSocietyfromthe1910stothe1930s,ed.ElsieTiptonandJohnClark(Honolulu:UniversityofHawai’iPress,2000),25–49.

11.Hirayama,“‘Elegance’and‘Discipline,’”101.

12.SeeespeciallyIizawa,“Geijutsushashin”tosonojidai;andKaneko,“JapanesePhotographyintheEarlyTwentiethCentury,”inModernPhotographyinJapan,1915–1940,ed.AnselAdamsCenter(SanFrancisco:TheFriendsofPhotography,2001),n.p.,and“Nihonpikutoriarizumushashintosonoshūhen:Kakōsaretakindai,”inNihonkindaishashinnoseiritsu:KantōdaishinsaikaraShinju-wanmade,1923–1941–nen,ed.KashiwagiHiroshi,KanekoRyūichi,andItōShunji(Seikyūsha,1987),9–38;seealsoKaneko,“TheOriginsandDevelopmentofJapaneseArtPhotography,”100–141;PhilipCharrier,“NojimaYasuzō’sPrimitivistEye:‘Nude’and‘Natural’inEarlyJapaneseArtPhotography,”JapaneseStudies26,no.1(2006):47–68;FukuNoriko,ShinzoandRosoFukuhara:PhotographsbyGinzaModernBoys1913–1941(SEPIAInternationalIncorporated,2000);OzawaKenji,ed.,Nihonshashinsenshū,vol.2,Geijutsushashinnokeifu(Shogakukan,1986).

13.Kaneko,“TheOriginsandDevelopmentofJapaneseArtPhotography,”102.

14.IizawaKōtarōetal.,eds.,Nihonnoshashinkabekkan:Nihonshashin-shigaisetsu(IwanamiShoten,1999),46.

15.Ibid.,47.

16.ForthesignificanceofthisjournaltomodernisminJapanesephotography,seeIizawa,Shashinnikaere:“Kōga”nojidai(Heibonsha,1988).Iizawa’sbookincludesreprintsofsomeofthemagazine’sseminalarticles,photographs,andanextendedhistoryoftheentireKōgaenterprise,includingbiographiesofthemaincontributors:Nojima,Nakayama,

Kimura,andInaNobuo(1898–1978).In2005,IizawaandKanekoeditedaslightlyalteredversionof“Kōga”nojidaiwithtwonewanalyticalessays,oneeachbyIizawaandKaneko,inNihonnoshashin-shinoshihō,bekkan:Kōganokessakushū(KokushoKankōkai,2005).

17.InajoinedNojima,Nakayama,andKimuraontheeditorialstaffbeginningwiththesecondissue.

18.KerryRoss,“ReturningtoPhotography:InaNobuoandRealPhotographyin1930sJapan”(Master’sthesis,ColumbiaUniversity,1997),10–11.

19.GenniferWeisenfeldhasshownhowcompanieslikeKaoandShiseidōwereinstrumentalinusingphotographytohelpcreatethecontextforJapanesevisualmodernity.SeeespeciallyWeisenfeld,“‘FromBaby’sFirstBath’:KaōSoapandModernJapaneseCommercialDesign,”ArtBulletin86,no.3(2004):573–598,and“SellingShiseido:CosmeticsAdvertising&DesigninEarly20th-CenturyJapan,”MITVisualizingCultures,2010,http://ocw.mit.edu/ans7870/21f/21f.027/shiseido_01/sh_essay01.html.

20.KanekoRyūichi,“RealismandPropaganda:ThePhotographer’sEyeTrainedonSociety,”inTuckeretal.,TheHistoryofJapanesePhotography,191.SeealsoKashiwagiHiroshi,Shōzōnonakanokenryoku:KindaiNihonnogurafuizumuwoyomu(Heibonsha,1987),9–65;HasegawaAkira,“‘Hōdōshashin’noyukue,”inKashiwagi,Kaneko,andItō,Nihonkindaishashinnoseiritsu,161–189;NatoriYōnosuke,IshikawaYasumasa,andNihonShashinkaKyōkai,Hōdōshashinnoseishunjidai:NatoriYōnosuketonakamatachi(Kōdansha,1991).

21.JohnDower,“WaysofSeeing,WaysofRemembering:ThePhotographyofPrewarJapan,”inACenturyofJapanesePhotography,ed.JapanPhotographer’sAssociation(NewYork:PantheonBooks,1971),20.

22.IizawaKōtarō,“TheEvolutionofPostwarPhotography,”inTuckeretal.,TheHistoryofJapanesePhotography,211–212.SeealsoIizawa,Sengoshashinnōto:Shashinwananiwohyōgenshitekitaka(ChūkōShinsho,1993).

23.Foranilluminatingdissectionofthisdebate,seeJuliaThomas,“PowerMadeVisible:PhotographyandPostwarJapan’sElusiveReality,”JournalofAsianStudies67,no.2(May2008):365–394.

24.ThearchivesofKonishiRokuprovidethebasisforanexhaustiveaccountoftheriseofthecompanyandisrichlydocumentedinKonishiRokuShashinKōgyōKabushikiKaishaShashiHensan-shitsu,ed.,Shashintotomonihyakunen(KonishiRokuShashinKōgyōKabushikiKaisha,1973).Comparable,thoughlessvoluminous,companyhistorieshavebeenpublishedforAsanumaShōkai,Canon,andNikon.ForarareexceptiontothischaracterizationinthefieldofAmericanhistory,seeNancyMarthaWest,KodakandtheLensofNostalgia(Charlottesville:UniversityofVirginiaPress,2000).ReeseJenkinsprovidesanin-depthaccountoftheearlyhistoryofthecameraindustryintheUnitedStates,includingKodak,inhisImagesandEnterprise:TechnologyandtheAmericanPhotographicIndustry,1839to1925(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1975).

25.ThecalltoreclaimretailingasapartofhistoricalresearchisinFrankTrentmann,“BeyondConsumerism:NewHistoricalPerspectivesonConsumption,”JournalofContemporaryHistory39,no.3(July2004):386–387.

26.Ibid.,375.

27.HatsudaTōru,Hyakkatennotanjō(Sanseidō,1993);JinnoYuki,Shuminotanjō:Hyakkatengatsukuttateisuto(KeisōShobō,1994);MiyanoRikiya,Etokihyakkaten“Bunkashi”(NihonKeizaiShinbunsha,2002);BrianMoeran,“TheBirthoftheJapaneseDepartmentStore,”inAsianDepartmentStores,ed.KerrieL.Macpherson(UniversityofHawai‘iPress,1998),141–176;YamamotoTaketoshiandNishizawaTamotsu,eds.,Hyakkatennobunkashi:Nihonnoshōhikakumei(Kyoto:SekaiShisō-sha,1999);LouiseYoung,“MarketingtheModern:DepartmentStores,ConsumerCulture,andtheNewMiddleClassinInterwarJapan,”InternationalLaborandWorking-ClassHistory55(1999):52–72.

28.TheexceptiontothischaracterizationistheworkofGenniferWeisenfeldonShiseidōandKaōin“‘FromBaby’sFirstBath’”and“SellingShideido.”

29.Onmoderngirlsandconsumption,seeMiriamSilverberg’sseminaltreatment,“ModernGirlasMilitant,”inRecreatingJapaneseWomen,1600–1945,ed.GailLeeBernstein(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1991),199–213,and“AftertheGrandTour:TheModernGirl,theNewWoman,andtheColonialMaiden,”inTheModernGirlaroundtheWorld:Consumption,Modernity,andGlobalization,ed.TheModernGirlaroundtheWorldResearchGroup(Durham,NC:DukeUniversityPress,2008),354–361,andEroticGrotesqueNonsense:TheMassCultureofJapaneseModernTimes(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,2007);BarbaraHamillSato,TheNewJapaneseWoman:Modernity,Media,andWomeninInterwarJapan(Durham,NC:DukeUniversityPress,2003),especiallychaps.1,2;JanBardsleyandHirokoHirakawa,“Branded:BadGirlsGoShopping,”inBadGirlsofJapan,ed.LauraMillerandJanBardsley(NewYork:PalgraveMacmillan,2005),111–125.Formoderngirlsaslaborers,seetherecentcollectionofessaysinAlisaFreedman,LauraMiller,andChristineYano,eds.,ModernGirlsontheGo:GenderMobilityandLaborinJapan(Stanford,CA:StanfordUniversityPress,2013).

30.Cultural-historicalstudiesofthemodernconsumerinJapanincludePenelopeFrancks,TheJapaneseConsumer:AnAlternateEconomicHistoryofModernJapanCambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2009);AndrewGordon,“Consumption,LeisureandtheMiddleClassinTranswarJapan,”SocialScienceJapanJournal10,no.1(2007):1–21;GenniferWeisenfeld,“JapaneseModernismandConsumerism:ForgingtheNewArtisticFieldof‘ShōgyōBijutsu’(CommercialArt),”inTiptonandClark,BeingModerninJapan,75–98.

31.Indeed,themarketingofphotographyintheearlytwentiethcenturyhelpedconsolidatetheprevailinggenderedstereotypesaboutproductionandconsumption:“womenaspassiveconsumersandmenasproducers.”SeeRogerHorowitzandArwenMohun,“Introduction,”inHisandHers:Gender,Consumption,andTechnology,ed.RogerHorowitzandArwenMohun(Charlottesville:UniversityofVirginiaPress,1998),2.ThisbookismeanttoofferaglimpseintothehistoricalconstructionofthatstereotypeinJapan.

32.ChristopherBreward,TheHiddenConsumer:Masculinities,FashionandCityLife,1860–1914(Manchester,UK:ManchesterUniversityPress,1999),3.

33.SociologistRobertStebbinsexplainsthatahobbyis“seriousleisure”becauseitisa“specializedpursuitbeyondone’soccupation,apursuitthatonefindsparticularlyinterestingandenjoyablebecauseofitsdurablebenefits,”andthatpeoplewhopracticehobbies“areseriousaboutandcommittedtotheirendeavors,eventhoughtheyfeelneitherasocialnecessitynorapersonalobligationtoengageinthem.”Stebbins,Amateurs,Professionals,andSeriousLeisure(Montreal:McGill-Queen’sUniversityPress,1992),10.Formoreonthehistoryofseriousleisure,seeStevenGelber,Hobbies:LeisureandtheCultureofWorkinAmerica(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1999).

34.RecentstudiesincludeDavidAmbaras,“SocialKnowledge,CulturalCapital,andtheNewMiddleClassinJapan,1895–1912,”JournalofJapaneseStudies24,no.1(Winter1998):1–33;Francks,TheJapaneseConsumer;MarkA.Jones,ChildrenasTreasures:ChildhoodandtheMiddleClassinEarlyTwentiethCenturyJapan(Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversityAsiaCenter,2011);JordanSand,HouseandHomeinModernJapan:Architecture,DomesticSpace,andBourgeoisCulture,1880–1930(Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversityAsiaCenter,2003);MiriamSilverberg,“ConstructingtheJapaneseEthnographyofModernity,”JournalofAsianStudies51,no.1(February1992):30–54;TiptonandClark,BeingModerninJapan;andYoung,“MarketingtheModern.”

35.GenniferWeisenfeld,Mavo:JapaneseArtistsandtheAvant-Garde,1905–1931(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,2002),14–16.TheTokyoSchoolofFineArts,whichopenedin1887,establisheditsPhotographyDepartmentin1915.

36.JoanRubindefinestheterm“middlebrow”throughahistoriographicaccountingasthe“unprecedentedrangeofactivitiesaimedatmakingliteratureandotherformsof‘high’cultureavailabletoawidereadingpublic.”Rubin,TheMakingofMiddlebrowCulture(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1992),xi.

37.Ibid.,xvi.Photographyexpertsfunctionedaspromotersandarbitersofphotographicbeautyandtasteinthesamewaythat“new-middle-classreformersarticulatedavisionofsocietyinwhichtheyfunctionedastheprincipalpromotersofnationalprogress.”Ambaras,“SocialKnowledge,”2.

38.SusanPorterBensondemonstrateshowUSdepartmentstoresinthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturiescombinedinnovativeretailstrategiesandcustomerserviceswithspectaculararchitectureandattractivedisplaytofacilitatethespreadofconsumptionamongnewsocialgroups.SeeBenson,CounterCultures:Saleswomen,Managers,andCustomersinAmericanDepartmentStores1890–1940(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1986).

39.PierreBourdieudiscussesthedistinctionbetween“occasional”and“dedicated”photographersin“TheCultofUnityandCultivatedDifferences,”inPhotography:AMiddle-BrowArt,trans.ShaunWhiteside(Stanford,CA:StanfordUniversityPress,1990),13–72.

Chapter11.LoriAnneLoeb,ConsumingAngels:AdvertisingandVictorianWomen,quotedinBreward,HiddenConsumer,

101.

2.Accordingtonationalsurveysonhouseholdaccountingforsalariedworkersfor1926–1927,Kakeichōsahōkoku(AReportontheSurveyofHouseholdAccounting)conductedbytheNaikakuTōkeiKyoku(TheCabinetBureauofStatistics),26.47percentofworkers’monthlyincome(32.91yen)wasspentonfood,another13.82percent(17.18yen)onclothing,and4.85percent(6.03yen)onleisureexpenditures.Thesearethemonthlyaveragesforallsalariedworkerswhowerepollednationwide.Thesurveyalsolistsseparatelytheaveragesforfourcategoriesofsalariedworkers(kyūryōseikatsusha):civilservants(kankōri),bankersandcompanyemployees(ginkōkaisha-in),teachers(kyōshi),andpoliceofficers(junsa).NaikakuTōkeiKyoku,Kakeichōsahōkoku,dai-nikan:Kyūryōseikatsusha,rōdōshanobujō,1926–27(NaikakuTōkeiKyoku,1927),314–325.Includedinthefoodexpenditures(inshokubutsu-hi)aregrains,fish,meat,chickeneggs,beans,driedgoods,cow’smilk,seasoning,andmealdeliveryservice(demae).Thisfiguredoesnot

includethecostofwhatistermed“luxuryexpenditures”(shikō-hi),whichincludetobacco,alcohol,andsnacks.Clothingcosts(hifuku-hi)includeclothingandpersonaleffects.Thoughdetailsofthecostsoffoodandclothingarelistedinseparatecolumnsinthereport,leisureexpenditures(shūyōgoraku-hi,literally,“cultivationandleisureexpenses”)arenotspecified.Otherformsofconsumptionareitemizedseparately:“entertainment”(enkai);“gifts”(zōtō);“travelexpenses”(ryokō-hi),whichincludesthesubcategoriesof“recreation”or“picnics,”and“other.”Notlistedseparately,andthusmostlikelythekindsofexpensesassumedunderthecategory“cultivationandleisureexpenses,”arethecostsofsuchthingsashobbies,movietickets,andreadingmaterials—thestuffofcontemporaryleisure-timeconsumption.

Themonthlyfiguresforlaborerspolledinthesamesurveyare32.64percent(29.82yen)forfood,12.99percent(11.87yen)forclothingandpersonaleffects,and3.57percent(3.26yen)forleisure.Ibid.,326–329.Togetasenseofthevalueoftheyenatthetime,hereareafewpricesfromaround1926(100sen=1yen):200millilitersofmilk=8sen;1.8litersofsoysauce=72sen;100monme(1monmeequalsapproximately3.75grams)ofchickeneggs=40sen;1shō(1shōequalsapproximately1.8liters)ofazukibeans=32sen;100gramsofmiddle-gradetea=50sen(in1924);10kilogramsofwhiterice=3.20yen;1student’suniform=35sen;1pairoftabi(Japanesesockswithsplittoes)=67sen;custom-madesuit=30yen(1921);museumentrancefees,1adult=10sen(1922);movieticket,1adult=30sen(1921);1Iwanamibunkobon(paperbackbook)=20sen;monthlyradiobroadcastfees=1yen.PricescitedfromShūkanAsahi,ed.,Nedan-shinenpyō:Meiji,Taishō,Shōwa(AsahiShinbunsha,1996).

3.TheothervolumesinthisseriesareUtsushikatanodai-ippō(HowtoTakePictures:TheFirstStep,2);Kamerawotsukaikonasukotsu(TheKnackofHowtoUseaCamera,3);Utsushikatanodai-nihō(HowtoTakePictures:TheSecondStep,4);Tadashiiroshutsunokimekata(HowtoDecideontheCorrectExposure,5);Darenimodekirugenzōnoyōryō(AnyoneCanDoIt:TheEssentialsofDeveloping,6);Fuirumutofuirutaahayawakari(AQuickGuidetoFilmandFilters,7);Yakitsukekarahikinobashimade(FromPrintingtoEnlarging,8).

4.SuzukiHachirō,Arusutaishūshashinkōza:Kameranochishikitoerabikata(Arusu,1937),28.

5.Ibid.,29.

6.Ibid.,30.

7.Ibid.,31.

8.Ibid.

9.Ibid.,28.InJapanesethephraseis“kazariyorimojushitsuwotore.”

10.Ibid.,27.

11.Ibid.,37.

12.Ibid.,38–39.

13.Ibid.,37.Suzukiusesthewordsenpai,whichIhavetranslatedas“experiencedcolleague,”butinthiscase,itlikelyreferstoafriendorcolleaguewhoisamoreadvancedphotographer.

14.Ibid.

15.Ibid.,40.

16.Ibid.,43.

17.InadditiontoSuzuki’sKamerachishikitoerabikata,thefollowingisasmallsamplingofotherpopularhow-tobooksthatdelineateshoppingfororchoosingacameraasoneofthefirststepsintakingandmakingphotographs:KitanoKunio,“Kameranoerabikata,”inHyakumanninnoshashinjutsu(Kōgasō,1940),41–43;MiyakeKokki,“Kameranosentaku,”inShuminoshashinjutsu,86thed.(Arusu,1923),14–31;NaritaRyūkichi,“Nanikakameratorenzuwoaganametara[sic]yoika?,”inShashininganotehodoki(Hakubunkan,1929),68–71;RokugawaJun,“Kamerasentakunohyōjun,”inRoshutsunohiketsu:Kamerayomihon,4thed.(Bunkyōsha,1936),30–31;SawaKurō,“Kogatakameranosentaku,”inAmachuashashinkōza,vol.9,Kogatakamerashashinjutsu(Arusu,1937);TakakuwaKatsuo,“Shashinkinoshuruitoōkisatosonosentaku,”inFuirumushashinjutsu,146thed.(Arusu,1924),13–25;YasukōchiJi’ichirō,“Kameranosentaku,”inYasashiishashinnoutsushikata(Arusu,1937),35–37;YoshiokaKenkichi,“Kameranosenteinohyōjuntonarumono,”inShashinjutsunoABC,2nded.(Seikōkan,1933),36–42.

18.Someauthorsseparatethestepofchoosingacamerafromthatofactuallybuyingone,asdoesSuzuki,butmosttreat“choosing”and“purchasing”asthesamestep.

19.Onimagesofthefemaleconsumer,seeSilverberg,“TheModernGirlasMilitant.”Foraperceptivediscussionofthewaysinwhichautomobilesweremarketedtomaleconsumers,seeSeanO’Connell,TheCarandBritishSociety:Class,GenderandMotoring,1896–1939(Manchester,UK:ManchesterUniversityPress,1998).

20.Suzuki,Kameranochishiki,27.

21.YomiuriShinbunshaBenri-bu,ed.Shōhinyomihon(ChikaranoNihonsha,1937),preface,n.p.

22.Ibid.,42.

23.Ibid.,232.

24.Ibid.,182.

25.Ibid.,284.

26.Ibid.,285.

27.Brayer,GeorgeEastman,481.

28.“Īsutoman-shikangeikai,”Shashingeppō,25,no.5(1920):47.BornSugiuraRokusaburōin1847toaricemerchant’sfamilyinKoishikawa,RokusaburōwasapprenticedtothepharmaceuticalhouseKonishiyaRokuzaeTenafterhisfatherboughtsharesintheenterprisein1858.Afterservingfifteenyearsasanapprentice,RokusaburōadoptedthetradenameKonishiRokuzaemonandopenedalithographicandphotographicsupplyimportshop,SekibanShashinZairyō-shō,inInarichō.In1876,hebecamethesixth-generationsuccessortotheRokuzaemonnameandmovedhisbusinesstoNihonbashi.Fromhisrathermodestbeginningsasanimporterofchemicals,Rokuzaemontransformedhisbusinessintoavastcorporationworthover4millionyenin1936andJapan’spremierproducerofbothcamerasandlight-sensitivematerialsbeforetheendofthesecondSino-JapaneseWar.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,13–26,438.

29.“Īsutoman-shikangeikai,”48.

30.Brayer,GeorgeEastman,481.

31.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,280.

32.“Īsutoman-shikangeikai,”48–49.

33.MiriamSilverberg,“RememberingPearlHarbor,ForgettingCharlieChaplin,andtheCaseoftheDisappearingWesternWoman:APictureStory,”positions1,no.1(Spring1993):42–46.

34.Theretailendofthebusinesswentthroughseveralnamechanges,thoughthealterationswererelativelyminor.TheshopwascalledKonishiRokufrom1873untilitbecamealimitedpartnershipcompany(gōshikaisha)in1921andwasthereafterknownasKonishiRokuHonten.Thecompanythenbecameajointstockcompany(kabushikigaisha)in1937.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,304–305,437–438.MostscholarsrefertothecompanyduringtheprewarperiodasKonishiRoku.Forthisreasonandforthesakeofclarity,IhaveadoptedKonishiRokuwhenreferringtotheshopfromanyperiod,exceptwhenthedetailsdemandotherwise.ThecompanychangeditsnametoKonicain1987andhasmorerecentlymergedwithMinoltain2003andnowiscalledKonicaMinolta.“CorporateInformation:MoreaboutHistory,”KonicaMinolta,accessedJuly28,2013,http://www.konicaminolta.com/about/corporate/history_timeline_3.html.

35.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,39.

36.Rokuzaemonstatedthatthepurposebehindestablishingtheproductionplant,a660–squaremeterlaboratory-likefacility,wasto“offerhigh-quality,affordabledomesticallyproducedlight-sensitivematerialstophotographers,whichinturnwouldcontributetothenationbydrivingoutimportedgoods.”Ibid.,133.

37.OnemeasureoftheincrediblesuccessthattheSakurabrandhadachievedwithinthreedecadesfromitsinceptionwasthatby1935Rokuōshaemployedoveronethousandmenandwomeninafacilityofoverthirtythousandsquaremeters.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,376.

38.ThearchetypalMeiji-periodshopwasbuiltinthedozō-zukuristyle,literally“madefromearth”style.Dozō-zukuriisanarchitecturaltermforawarehousemadeofthicklyplasteredearth.Thoughtheshogun’sgovernmentofficiallyforbadetownspeoplefromusingthedozō-zukuristyleduringtheTokugawaperiod(1600–1868),manydidsoanyway,anditwaswidelyadoptedinespeciallydensesectionsofEdo(today’sTokyo).Dozō-zukuribecamethemostprevalentformofshoparchitectureinTokyo,especiallyafterthecityenactednewfire-preventioncodesin1881thatrequiredallbuildingstobeconstructedofeitherstone,brick,ormud.KawahigashiYoshiyuki,“Misezōnofukyūto‘Zōnomachi’noseiritsu,”inKenchiku-shinomawaributai:Kindainodezainwokataru,ed.NishiKazuo(Shokokusha,1999),129–143.Forabriefdiscussionoftherapidincorporationofdozō-zukuriaftertheenactmentofthe1881fire-preventionregulations,seeTakayanagiMika,Shōuindōmonogatari(KeisōShobō,1994),32–33.

39.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,254.IndescribingtheemergenceofthecultureofAmericandepartmentstores,SusanPorterBensonarguesthatthedepartmentstoredrewonearlynineteenth-centuryretailprecedents,liketheurbanspecialtystoreandthesuburbangeneralstore,butthatthescaleofoperationoflatenineteenth-centurydepartmentstoresrequiredinnovativewaystoattractandthensellproductstocustomers.Suchnewinstitutionscombinedinnovativeretail

strategiesandcustomerserviceswithspectaculararchitectureandattractivedisplay.Benson,“‘AHomogeneousBusiness’:OrganizingtheDepartmentStore,”inCounterCultures,31–74.Inadditiontothestunningnewshopandafocusonattractive,up-to-datedisplay,KonishiRokuincorporatedmanyinnovationsintheday-to-dayrunningofretailoperationsandcustomerservice,discussedlater.

40.Detaileddescriptionsofthenewshopcanbefoundin“KonishiRokunoshinchikurakusei,”Shashingeppō21,no.6(June1916):56–59;andKonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,253–254.

41.IshiiKendō,Shinpotekikei’eihōkourishōtenhanjōsaku(1909),quotedinTakayanagi,Shōuindō,106.Foraconciseoverviewofthisliterature,seeTakayanagi,Shōuindō,105–112.

42.InthecaseoftheAmericandepartmentstore,showwindowswereadoptedinthemid-nineteenthcenturyand“weredressedwithanartisticeye,asmanagersrenouncedthetraditionalpracticeofcrammingwindowswithvastquantitiesofunrelatedmerchandiseandinsteadpresentedsmallerlotsofitemsinapleasingandestheticway.Fortheboredoridle,window-shoppingbecameawelcomediversion.Paradingupanddownthestreets,womenexaminedthegoodsdisplayedaswellastheirownreflectionsintheplateglassandthemirrorscannilyplacedtopandertotheirvanity.Theystoppedtodiscussthemerchandiseandthequalityofthedisplayswiththeirfriends,theirloiteringinpublicspacelegitimizedbyitsassociationwithconsumption.”Benson,CounterCultures,18.

43.Takayanagi,Shōuindō,100.Therehadbeenmanyattemptsthroughoutthelatenineteenthcenturytoproducehigh-qualityplateglassinJapan,butnoneweresuccessfuluntilShimadaMagoichimanufactureditin1903inOsaka.Seeibid.,101–102,forstatisticsontheimportingofplateglasstoJapan.

44.TakahashiJunjichirō,Mitsukoshi300–nennokei’eisenryaku:Sonotokikei’eishawananiwoketsudanshitaka(SankeiShinbunsha,1972),94.Theworld’sfirstescalatorwasintroducedatthe1900World’sFairinParis.

45.LouiseYoungpresentstheescalatoronthesameorderwith“thelatestscientificgadgetsandelectricalmachinery,”suchasventilationsystemsandbathroomfacilitiesthat“transportedshoppersintoamechanizedutopia.”Young,“MarketingtheModern,”64.InCounterCultures,Bensonarguesthattheescalatorhadbecomeanecessityinordertomanagetheflowoffoottraffic:“Transportationwithinthestorebecameanevermorepressingissueassellingdepartmentsspreadtoupperfloors.Elevatorshadmarkedasignificantadvanceoverthestaircase,buttheycouldnotmovecustomersinacontinuousflowandatbusytimesbecamebottlenecks….Theadvantagesofmovingstaircaseswereimpressive:onecouldtransportasmanypeopleinanhourasfortyelevators”(39).

46.“KonishiRokunoshinchikurakusei,”56–57.

47.Ibid.

48.SeeHatsuda’sHyakkatennotanjōforafulldiscussionoftheoriginsofdepartment-storedisplaymethodsindomesticandinternationalexhibitions.Forananalysisofthemodernretailanddisplaymethodsandthedevelopmentofa“masculineformofshoppingenvironment,”seeBreward,“TheSpectacleoftheShop:ProvisionfortheMaleConsumer,”inTheHiddenConsumer,100–151.

49.“Freeentry,”or“therighttolookaroundthestorewithouttheobligationtomakeapurchase,”isaphraseusedtodescribetheretailstyleofdepartmentstoresandotherretailshopsthatemergedinthemid-nineteenthcenturyintheUnitedStates.SeeBenson,CounterCultures,19–20.

50.Takayanagi,Shōuindō,126.Za-uriistheJapanesetermfor“sittingsales,”andchinretsuhanbaiisthetermfor“displaysales.”ForabriefdiscussionoftheadaptationofdisplaysalesatMitsukoshi,seeTakahashi,Mitsukoshi300–nen,59–62;andHatsuda,Hyakkatennotanjō,83–90.

51.EtsuistheChinesereadingforthecharacterkoshiin“Mitsukoshi.”

52.TakahashiYoshio,Hōkinoato(Shūhōen,1932),quotedinTakayanagi,Shōuindō,126.

53.MembersoftheTokugawafamily,particularlythelastshogun,wereamongKonishiRoku’smostillustriousregularcustomers.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,105.

54.Ibid.,311.

55.Shashingeppō,17,no.4(April1911).

56.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,261.Theearly-modernformofbookkeepingwascalleddaifukuchō.AccordingtotheOxfordDictionaryofEconomics,double-entrybookkeepingis“thesystemofkeepingaccountsinwhich,asacheckonaccuracyandconsistency,everypaymentappearstwice,indifferentaccounts,onceasacreditandonceasadebit.Thusasaleappearsasacreditforthedepartmentmakingitandadebitforthecustomer,whileapurchaseappearsasadebitforthedepartmentmakingitandacreditforthesupplier.Double-entrybookscanifdesiredberepresentedinasingletable,usingrowsforcreditsandcolumnsfordebits.Asacheckondouble-entryaccounts,everydebititemmusthaveacorrespondingcredit,andthetotalsofallcreditanddebitentriesmustbeequal.”“Double-entrybookkeeping,”A

DictionaryofEconomics,3rded.(OxfordUniversityPress,2002),OxfordReferenceOnline,accessed1August2005,http://www.oxfordreference.com/views/ENTRY.html?subview=Main&entry=t19.e887.

57.JillMcKinnon,“TheHistoricalandSocialContextoftheIntroductionofDouble-EntryBookkeepingtoJapan,”AccountingBusinessandFinancialHistory4,no.1(1994):183.AccordingtoMcKinnon,thismethodofaccountingwasfairlylimitedtothelargemerchanthousesanddidnotapplytoruralmerchants.McKinnon’sarticleoffersabriefbutusefuldescriptionofearly-modernaccounting,orthedouble-classificationsystem,“whichdifferedinkind,thoughnotinpurposeorintention,fromWestern(originallyItalian)double-entrybookkeeping”(184).

58.Takayanagi,Shōuindō,118.

59.Ibid.

60.WesternaccountingmethodswereintroducedtotheJapanesereadingpublicbyFukuzawaYukichiwithhis1873translationofH.B.Bryant,H.D.Stratton,andS.S.Packard’sBryantandStratton’sCommonSchoolBook-Keeping(1871)andtonationalbankemployeeswiththetranslationofAlexanderShand’sTheDetailedMethodofBankBookkeeping.WithFukuzawa’stranslationaveritablepublishingboominaccountingtextbookseruptedthroughoutJapan.Takayanagi,Shōuindō,124;andMcKinnon,“Double-EntryBookkeepingtoJapan,”192.OtherretailoperationsturnedtoWesternformsofbookkeepinginmanagingtheirfinancesfromthelatenineteenthcentury.TheMitsukoshiDepartmentStoreadopteddouble-entrybookkeepingin1893,asdidtheDaimaruDepartmentStorein1908.Takayanagi,Shōuindō,124–125.

61.Nihonshashinshōgyōtsūshin,5February1951,quotedinKonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,261.

62.Ibid.,209.Mitsukoshisimilarlyrestructureditsworkforcein1894,andDaimarudidsoin1907.Takayanagi,Shōuindō,123.

63.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,209–210.

64.TheformaladoptionofthesenewtermsinthecompanyrulesmayhavebeeninfluencedbythelanguageusedintheCommercialCodeof1899,which,amongotherthings,“detailedthelegalrequirementsfortheformationandliquidationofjointstockcorporations,therightsanddutiesoftheorgansofthecorporations(directors,auditorsandthegeneralmeeting),andtheexternalreportingrequirements.”McKinnon,“Double-EntryBookkeepingtoJapan,”194.Apparently,thoughthenamesofpositionshadchanged,workerscontinuedusingkozō,tedai,andbantōinverbalexchangesuntilthebeginningoftheTaishōperiodin1912.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,209.

65.SakamotoFujiyoshiarguesthatJapan’sfirstmoderncompanyruleswereinstitutedatMitsubishiKisenKaishain1875.SakamotoFujiyoshi,Nihonkoyōshi(ChūōKeizaisha,1977),124.

66.Thefulltextofthe“ShopRules”isprovidedinKonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,209–214.

67.Ibid.,211.

68.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,212.

69.Knownbymanyappellations(gekkyū-tori[monthlysalaryreceiver],yōfukusaimin[suitedpaupers],kyūryōseikatsusha[apersonwhomakesalivingwithamonthlysalary],koshiben[lunch-bucketman],etc.),thewhite-collarlaborforceencompassedabroadrangeofworkers—civilservants,teachers,policeofficers,companyemployees,retailworkers—allofwhomcollectedtheirsalariesonce,sometimestwice,amonth.Fordiscussionsofthevariouswordsusedtoindicatethewhite-collarlaborforceandthedisparitiesamongthoseworkers,seeMaedaHajime,Sararimanmonogatari(TōyōKeizaiShuppanbu,1928);inEnglish,seeEarlKinmonth,“Afterward:TheSarariman(SalaryMan),”inTheSelf-MadeManinMeijiJapaneseThought(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1981).Infact,itwasthisverybroadrangeofworkandthedisparitiesinpaythatmadeitdifficultforsocialscientiststoclassifywhite-collarworkersasa“class”andimpededactivistsintheorganizationofthesalariedlaborforce.KitaokaJuitsu,“Kyūryōseikatsushamondaigaikan,”inKyūryōseikatsushamondai:Dai2kaishakaiseisakukaigihōkokusho,ed.ShakaiRippōKyōkai(ShakaiRippōKyōkai,1933),1–5.TheJapanesegovernmentstartedtopaymonthlysalariestobureaucratsfromthebeginningoftheMeijiperiodwhenmanyEuro-Americanemploymentpracticeswereincorporated.Theprivatesectorsoonfollowedsuit.Sakamoto,Nihonkoyōshi,55.

70.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,210.From1919,thedailyhoursofoperationwerefrom8:00a.m.to6:00p.m.allyear.Ibid.,357.

71.InoueSadatoshi,“Kyūryōseikatsumononotsūkinjikanoyobikyūjitsu,”inShakaiRippōKyōkai,Kyūryōseikatsushamondai,88.

72.Ibid.,90–92.

73.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,212.From1919,regularshopholidayswerethefirstandthirdSundayofeachmonth,NewYear’sDay,andO-bon.Ibid.,357.

74.Inoue,“Kyūryōseikatsumononotsūkinjikanoyobikyūjitsu,”88.

75.Ibid.

76.UndertheMeijisystemofemploymentattheshop,onceanapprenticefinishedhiscompulsoryeducation,hemovedontothesecondfloorofKonishiRoku’sheadquarters,whichwasadormitoryforapprentices,andbeganhisformaltraining.Inadditiontoroomandboard(theyreceivednosalary),apprenticesreceivedasmallallowancefortheirtwice-yearlytripshomeduringtheNewYear’sandO-bonholidays.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,209.

77.Ibid.,212.

78.Thisolderformofemploymentwasknownasdetchiseido.Takayanagidividesthetypicalemploymentstructuresforlargeretailoperationsintothreetypes:shikisebekka-sei(systeminwhichyoungapprenticesreceivelodging,clothing,andallowanceinexchangefortheirlabor);sumikomubekka-sei(systeminwhichemployeesreceivesalaryandlivewiththeowner);tsūkinbekka-sei(systeminwhichemployeereceivesasalaryandcommutestowork).Takayanagi,Shōuindō,123.

79.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,212.

80.Ibid.,312.KonishiRokuhistoriansplacethisdiscussionundertheheading“EfficiencyPromotedbyWesternSuitsandShoes,exceptfortheTenshu,”andtheyattributetheincreaseinstaffandtherecapturingoflostrevenuefromtheearthquakeduringthetwelvemonthsof1925totheefficiencygainedbyemployeesdonningWesternsuitsandshoes.

81.Yomiuri,Shōhinyomihon,285.

82.MiyakeKokki,Shuminoshashinjutsu,8thed.(Arusu,1919),235–243.Miyake’spublishercontinuedthetraditionofprovidingmoreexhaustivelistingsofshops(discussedlater),whenitbeganpublishingitsArusushashinnenkan(ArusuPhotographyAnnual)in1925andregisteredthenames,addresses,andphonenumbersofmanyretailphotographyshopsinthemajorcitiesthroughoutJapananditscolonies.

83.Thenumberofshopsbywardareasfollows:Asakusa-ku,20;Shitaya-ku,8;Nihonbashi-ku,17;Kanda-ku,18;Kyōbashi-ku,20;Shiba-ku,19;Kōjimachi,11.TakakuwaKatsuoandNakajimaKenkichi,eds.,Arusushashinnenkan,1926–nenpan(Arusu,1926),52–56.ThetotalnumberofshopsrecordedforTokyoprefecture(Tokyo-fu)was217andwithinthatforTokyoCity(Tokyo-shi)was168.

84.Thisisnottosaythatasphotographictechnologiesadvancedoverthedecades,chemistrywasnolongerakeyelementinthephotographicprocess.Infact,darkroomchemistrywasakeyelementinthemakingofphotographsthattheindustrysoughttoselltohobbyists.

85.ThecameracountersatbothMitsukoshiandShirokiyawereincludedinthe1926editionofTakakuwaandNakajima,Arusushashinnenkan.

86.TheprimeronthehistoryoftheJapanesedepartmentstoreisHatsuda,Hyakkatennotanjō.Jinno’smonographShuminotanjōdocumentstheinnovativeroleofMitsukoshiincateringtoandcreatingmiddle-classconsumptionandtaste.YamamotoandNishizawa’seditedcollectionHyakkatennobunkashiincorporatesanarrayofculturalhistoricalmethodstodocumentJapan’sconsumerrevolution.ForaconcisearticleinEnglishontheemergenceofthemodernJapaneseretailindustry,seeYoung,“MarketingtheModern,”52–70.

87.Miyake,Shuminoshashin,236.

88.Mitsukoshi10,no.4(1920):33.

89.Ibid.

90.Mitsukoshi12,no.5(1922):14–15.

91.Mitsukoshi12,no.8(1922):9.

92.Ibid.

93.Mitsukoshi10,no.8(1920):9–10.Ingeneral,Mitsukoshi’scamerapriceswereveryhigh,butevenso,theseparticularcameraswereextremelyexpensive.

94.Mitsukoshitaimusu5,no.1(1907).

95.Mitsukoshi1,no.6(1911):9.

96.“Ichi-jikanshashinnokaishi,”Mitsukoshi1,no.6(1911):6.

97.Mitsukoshi12,no.1(1922).Forexample,itcostfifteensentodeveloparollofvestcamerafilmandanotherfivesentomakeprints(eightpictures).Customarily,professionalcamerastudiosprovideddrop-offdevelopingservicesasasidelinetotheirportraitbusiness.PersonalcommunicationwithKanekoRyūichi,April2002.

98.Ihaveseennorecordthatenumeratesused-camerashopsinTokyo.Pawnshopsalsodealtinthecameratrade.Forexample,tuckedawayinthebackoftheMarch1938issueofAsahikameraisaninconspicuousadforAkabaneShichiya(AkabanePawnShop).Asahikamera26,no.3(1938):A86.

99.Suzuki,Kameranochishiki,47–48.

100.Kamerakurabu2,no.7(1937).Othershopsusedsimilarmarkingsystemstocategorizetheusedproductsintheirads.Forexample,Ginza’sKaneshiroShōkaiofferedabitmoredetailabouttheconditionoftheirsecondhandgoods:“‘Shindō’:aproductthatisthesameasanewoneandhasbeenusedforlessthantwomonths.‘Tsugishin’:nexttonewandhasbeenlightlyusedforpractice.‘Jōko’:thenextafter‘tsugishin.’‘Chūko’:theso-calledchūkoisaproductthatisintactandinwhichthesurfaceisnotunsightly.‘Ko’:aproductthatfollowsthepreviouscategory,whichisnotintactandthesurfaceisslightlyworse.”Asahikamera21,no.4(1936):A22.

101.Asahikamera26,no.3(1938):A30.

102.Fuototaimusu13,no.3(1936).ThesameadalsoappearedinKogatakamera6,no.1(1936).

Chapter21.“PhotographicCentenaryCommemoration”isthesomewhatcumbersometranslationgiventothetitleofthe

anniversarycelebrationbytheeditorsofAsahigurafu,whowereamongthemainsponsorsoftheevent.SeeNarusawaReisen,ed.,“Asahigurafu”shashinhyakunen-saikinen-gō(AsahiShinbunsha,1925)n.p.(lastpage).

2.BernardE.Jones,ed.,EncyclopediaofPhotography(1911;repr.,NewYork:ArnoPress,1974),376–377,158.In1829NiepcemadearrangementstoexchangeinformationwithDaguerre,whohadalsobeenworkingonasimilarprocess.Niepcediedin1833,butDaguerrecontinuedtheirworkandin1839publishedtheprocessthatnowbearshisname.

3.NarusawaReisen,“Shashinnohatsumeinohanashi,”in“Asahigurafu”shashinhyakunen-saikinen-gō,2–3.

4.AlltwelvelecturesweregivenontwoeveningsattheShōkōShōrei-kaninMarunouchiandwereopentothepublic(themalepublic).Onthefirstevening,November10,inadditiontoFukuhara’slecture,thefollowinglectureswerepresented:NagaiMasaaki,doctorofpharmacologyandscientist,“Nihonnosaishonoshashin-shi”(Japan’sFirstPhotographer);MoriYoshitarō,TokyoBijutsuGakkō,professorofphotography,“Shashinnohatsumeitosonoseichō”(TheDiscoveryandGrowthofPhotography);NakajimaMatsuchi,photographer,lectureonearlyphotography;EgashiraHaruki,KonishiShashinSenmonGakkō,professor,“Tennenshokushashinnohanashi”(ADiscussionofColorPhotography);EzakiKyoshi,NihonShashin-shiKyōkai,director,“Shōzōshashinnioiteeigyōshashinkaninozomu”(TakingPortraitswiththeAimofBecomingaStudioPhotographer).Onthesecondevening,November11,thefollowinglectureswerepresented:OgawaTadamasa,photographer,“Nihonsaishonoshashinkai”(Japan’sFirstPhotographicAssociation);AkiyamaKeisuke,KonishiShashinSenmonGakkō,TokyoShashinKenkyūKai,professor,“Nihonniokerushashinnoenkaku”(TheHistoryofJapanesePhotography);KamataShūji,TokyoKōtōKōgeiGakkō,professor,“Nichijōseikatsutoshashin”(PhotographyandEverydayLife);IchiokaTajirō,scientist,“Shashinkōgyōnohanashi”(ADiscussionofthePhotographyIndustry);KonishiShigenori,KonishiShashin-kan,curator,“Shashinnohonshitsutosonoshimei”(TheEssenceandMissionofPhotography);andHiranoKazutsura,photographer,nodescriptionprovided.Ibid.,4,7.

5.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,321.

6.Shashingeppō30,no.11(November1925):preface,2.

7.Shashingeppō34,no.6(June1929),n.p.

8.Shashingeppō30,no.6(June1925),n.p..TheOctoberissuethatsameyearfeaturesanotheradforthePearlette,thistimeinthehandsofakimono-cladbeauty.Thecopymentionsthatthecameraisperfectforbeginnerswhowanttotakefamilyphotos.Marketingphotographyasafamily-friendlyactivityisdiscussedlater.

9.ShūkanAsahi,Nedan-shinenpyō,87,208.

10.IizawaKōtarōassertsthatthenewconsumersofphotographyafterWorldWarIcamefromthemiddleclasseswhoownedcamerasbutdidnothaveadarkroomintheirhomesandthustooktheirexposedfilm,plates,orpackstophotographyshopsfordeveloping.“Geijutsushashin,”80–81.Thoughhow-towritersfrownedupontheideaassacrificingthefundamentalenjoymentofhobbyphotography(darkroomwork),theyoftensuggestedtohobbyistswhoweretoobusytodeveloptheirownfilmthattheyentrustittoareputableshop.SeeMiyake,Shuminoshashinjutsu,10.

11.ItōHidetoshi,“Shashinminshūkanitaisuruikkōan,”Shashingeppō28,no.1(January1923):50.KonishiRokuproclaimedinanadseveralyearslaterthatthefoundationofthe“democratizationofphotography”wasthePearlette.Shashingeppō34,no.5(May1929):preface,1.Interestingly,thephraseisplacedinquotesinthead,perhapsin

referencetoItō’sarticle.

12.FukuharaShinzō,“Shashin-dō,”Asahikamera1,no.1(April1926):30.

13.“Tettoribayakudarenimodekite,darenimoomoshirokumirarerunogawagashumishashindearu.”TakakuwaKatsuo,“Shashin-shiIchikawa-kunnikotaeteshumishashinnotachibawoakirakanisuru,”Shashingeppō25,no.10(October1920):668.See“Amachuanojidai:Shashinzasshinoshintenkai,”asectioninIizawa’s“Geijutsushashin,”forahelpfuloutlineofthepositionsofTakakuwaandFukuharaindebatesaroundthenatureandgoalsofamateurpracticeduringtheTaishōperiod.

14.ArjunAppaduraireferstothecommodificationofknowledgeasthe“trafficincriteria,...[the]buyingandsellingofexpertiseregardingthetechnical,social,oraestheticappropriatenessofcommodities.”Appadurai,“Introduction:CommoditiesandthePoliticsofValue,”inTheSocialLifeofThings,ed.ArjunAppadurai(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1986),54.

15.BothItagakiTakahoandInaNobuo,twooftheearliesttheoristsespousingadistinctlymodernistapproachtophotographicaesthetics,embracedmachineaestheticsasthemostappropriatemeansofexpressionintheageofindustrialcapitalism.SeeespeciallyItagakiTakaho,“Kikaitogeijutsutonokōryū,”inKikainometoroporisu,vol.6,Modantoshibungaku,ed.UnnoHiroshi(Heibonsha,1990),originallypublishedinShisō,September1929;andInaNobuo,“Shashinnikaere,”Kōga1,no.1(May1932):1–13.

16.Yasukōchi,Yasashiishashinnoutsushikata,12.

17.Yoshioka,ShashinjutsunoABC,2.

18.InhisstudyofFrenchphotographicpracticesofthe1960s,Photography:AMiddle-BrowArt,Bourdieufoundthatoccasionalphotographers—literally,peoplewhotakepicturesonlyoccasionally—documentfamilyevents,socialgatherings,orvacations.Forthisgroupofphotographers,“photographicpracticeonlyexistsandsubsistsformostofthetimebyvirtueofitsfamilyfunctionorratherbythefunctionconferreduponitbythefamilygroup,namelythatofsolemnizingandimmortalizingthehighpointsinfamilylife,inshort,ofreinforcingtheintegrationofthefamilygroupbyresserting[sic]thesensethatithasbothofitselfandofitsunity”(19).Theprivate,informalimagesproducedbyoccasionalphotographersworkedtosustainthefamily,especiallyinthecontextofthemassivemobilizationofpopulationsfromcountrytocity,whenconnectionstothefamilybecameincreasinglydistant.Evenpicturestakenonvacationserveasmemorialstoaparticularlyspecialorsignificantmomentinafamily’shistory.

Incontrasttooccasionalphotography,Bourdieudefines“dedicated”(hobby)photographyas“ardentpracticewhichprivilegestheactofproduction[and]naturallygoesbeyonditsownproduct,inthenameofthequestfortechnicalandaestheticperfection”andaspracticethat“alwayspresupposessomethingthatisbothmoreanddifferentfromasimpleintensificationofoccasionalpractice.”Hereferstodedicatedphotographersregularlyas“deviants”and“fanatics”becausetheyrejecttheaestheticstandardsestablishedforconventionalimages(38).

19.TheKodaksystemcouldbesaidtobethemodelforthemorerecenttsukai-sute(disposable)systemthatmadeahugeimpactoncameraconsumptionduringthe1990s.

20.Iizawa,“Geijutsushashin,”80–81.Inhisarticleonthemarketingofphotographyduringthe1970sinEurope,DonSlaterusessalesstatisticstoarguethatsellingfilm,notcameras,tooccasionalphotographersiswheretherealprofitofthephotographymarketexists.Slater,“MarketingtheMedium,”inTheCameraWorkEssays,ed.JessicaEvans(London:RiversOramPress,1997),178–181.

21.SociologistRobertStebbinsdefines“seriousleisure”(hobbies)asactivitiesthat“developspecializedskills,rewardperseverance,integrateparticipantsintoaspecializedsubculture,andprovidethemwithbenchmarksbywhichtheycanmeasuretheirachievements.”Stebbins,Amateurs,Professionals,quotedinGelber,Hobbies,11.

22.HistorianStevenGelbertracespopularandscholarlydiscoursesonhobbiesasleisure-timeworkin1930sAmericainhisarticle“AJobYouCan’tLose:WorkandHobbiesintheGreatDepression,”JournalofSocialHistory24,no.2(1991):741–766.AccordingtoGelber,hobbies,orproductiveleisure,incorporatedaworkethicthatwasconsistentwiththemaintenanceofindustrialcapitalismbutalsooffereditsparticipantsthepsychologicalrewardsofwork-likeactivitiesinatimeofunemploymentorcompensationforalienatingworkintimesofemployment.Gelber,Hobbies,11.

23.AnalternativereadingofthiscartooncouldrefertoanarticlefromAsahikamerathatranjustfivemonthsearlieronusingpatternsincommercialphotography.Whatisrepresentedinthecartoonasafailurecouldbeanaestheticachievementinadifferentcontext(andinthehandsofa“skilled”photographer)oracommercialsuccess,forexample,forashampooadvertisement.KobayashiHidejirō,“Shashinmōyō,sonosatsueihō,”Asahikamera9,no.3(March1930):276–283.

24.ThecommentthatyoungpeoplemostlycometotheshopasaformofentertainmentisevidencethatKonishiRokuactivelysoughttocreateitsshopasavenueforaleisure-timeexperiencethatdidnotnecessarilyhavetoendinthe

purchasingofgoods.

25.“Amachuawokataru:Zairyōya-sannozadankai,”Asahikamera21,no.4(April1936):637–638.

26.Ibid.

27.Ibid.,643.

28.Ibid.

29.Ibid.

30.“Shashinjosei-gunkōshinkyoku,”Asahikamera19,no.1(January1935):49–54.

31.TsurudonoTeruko,“Shashinnotanka,”in“Shashinjosei-gun,”52–53.

32.SugiwaraKiyoko,“Fujintoshashin,”in“Shashinjosei-gun,”49.

33.YamadaYaeko,“Shashintoikuji,”in“Shashinjosei-gun,”50.

34.KimuraShizuko,“Shashinnotanoshimi,”in“Shashinjosei-gun,”49.

35.MiriamSilverbergplotsthenegotiationsofthecaféwaitresscaughtinthemireofanexpandingcultureofconsumptionanderoticisminheressay“TheCaféWaitressServingModernJapan,”inMirrorofModernity:InventedTraditionsofModernJapan,ed.StephenVlastos(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1998),208–225.

36.Bromideshopsaresmallshopsandstallsthatsold(andstilldo)photosandpostcardsportrayingactors,singers,sportsstars,andpopidols.“Bromide”referstothe“bromidepaper”usedindevelopingphotographs,evenwhensuchpaperisnotused.

37.YomiuriShinbunsha,ed.,Eigahyakumonogatari:Nihoneigahen1921–1995(YomiuriShinbunsha,1995),26–27.MiriamSilverbergopensheressayonthemoderngirlwithreferencetothisfilm.ForSilverberg,thefilm’stitleoffersauseful,analyticaldevicetointerrogatepopularrepresentationsofthemoderngirlincontrasttothelivesofrealmoderngirls.Silverberg,“ModernGirlasMilitant,”240.ThecinematictitleisalsoreminiscentofthetitleoftheautobiographyofthefemalepoliticalradicalKanekoFumiko,Nanigawatakushiwosōsasetaka,writteninprisonbeforeherexecutionforplottingtoassassinatetheemperorin1926.Foraconcisebiographyandatranslationofaportionofherautobiography,seeMikisoHane,ReflectionsontheWaytotheGallows:VoicesofJapaneseRebelWomen(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1988),75–124.

38.YamakawaasparaphrasedbySilverberg,“ModernGirlasMilitant,”248.

39.InarichaccountofthecarinBritishsociety,SeanO’Connellexposesthedeeplyrootedculturalattitudesaboutgenderthatdefinedpeople’sverynegativeideasaboutthefemaledriver,ideasthatcontinuetoinfluenceopinionstoday(despitethecontinued“facts”producedbyinsurancecompaniestothecontrary).O’Connell,“‘AMythThatIsNotAllowedtoDie’:GenderandtheCar,”inTheCarandBritishSociety,chap2.

40.JordanSand,“AtHomeintheMeijiPeriod:InventingJapaneseDomesticity,”inVlastos,MirrorofModernity,198.

41.JudithWilliamson,“Family,Education,Photography,”inCulture/Power/History:AReaderinContemporarySocialTheory,ed.NicholasDirks,GeoffEley,andSherryB.Ortner(Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress,1994),236.Williamsonbreaksdowntherelationshipbetweenthefamilyandphotographyintothreeparts—identification(mediaandadvertisingrepresentationsencourageidentificationwithidealfamilytypes),consumption(familiesconsumerepresentationsofthemselvesinformalstudioportraits),andproduction(familiesproduceinformalimagesofthemselveswiththeirowncamerasandfilm)(237).

42.”Shashinshuminokatei-kamotaisetsudearu.”NagaiSaburō,Arusushashinbunkō:Kateianshitsunotsukurikata(Arusu,1939),4.

43.Yasukōchi,Yasashiishashin,4–5.

44.YanagitaYoshiko,“Hahatoshitemitashashin,”in“Shashinjosei-gun,”52.

45.Ibid.

46.Withregardtothemissingfatherinfamilyphotos,Williamsonoffersthiscomment:“PerhapsthemostinfluentialfamilyimageinourculturehasbeenthatoftheMadonnaandchild;fatherwasabsentlongbeforehehadtoholdthecamera.”Williamson,“Family,Education,Photography,”237.

47.Sand,“AtHomeintheMeijiPeriod,”197–207.

48.Ibid.,206.

Chapter31.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,278.

2.Theoneexceptiontothisgeneralizationistheastoundingcollectionofhow-tobookspublishedthroughoutthetwentiethcenturyhousedattheJapanCameraandOpticalInstrumentsInspectionandTestingInstitute(JCII)Library,whichisassociatedwiththeJCIICameraMuseuminTokyo.

3.IizawaKōtarōtakesuptheissueofhobbyphotographybrieflyinonesectionofhischapteronamateurphotographyin“Geijutsushashin.”Evenso,itisonlyinthecontextofestablishingthesomewhattechnologicallyoverdeterminedpointthatthehandheldcameraandrollfilm,whichallowedphotographerstoimmediatelycapturemomentsofeverydaylife,producedtheaestheticsofthesnapshot.Andtotheextentthatheconcentratesatallontheordinaryhobbyist,Iizawaismostinterestedinexploringtheveryimportantpointofhowtheamateuraidedandabettedthepopularizationofart.Hedoeslistsomeofthekeyhow-totextsfromtheTaishōperiodbut,again,onlytoillustrate,withsomewhatuniqueexamples,thepointoftherapidexpansionofamateurphotographythatoccurredduetothepopularizationofsmallcamerasandrollfilm.Iizawa,“Amachuanojidai,”in“Geijutsushashin,”76–103.

4.Itaketheterm“photographable”fromPierreBourdieu,whousesitinthisway:“Evenwhentheproductionofthepictureisentirelydeliveredovertotheautomatismofthecamera,thetakingofthepictureisstillachoiceinvolvingaestheticandethicalvalues:if,intheabstract,thenatureanddevelopmentofphotographictechnologytendtomakeeverythingobjectively‘photographable,’itisstilltruethat,fromamongthetheoreticallyinfinitenumberofphotographswhicharetechnicallypossible,each[social]groupchoosesafiniteandwell-definedrangeofsubjects,genresandcomposition.”Bourdieu,Photography,6.

5.StevenGelberdiscussesthewaysinwhichhobbieswereunderstoodinAmericancultureasalegitimationofleisure-timepursuits“byfillingsomepartofnonworktimewithproductiveactivity.”Gelber,Hobbies,19.

6.EarlKinmonthdescribestheplightofthehighlyeducatedmiddle-classman,seekingadvancementinsociety,whospendsseveralyearspursuingadegreeonlytofindthattherearetoofewemploymentopportunitiesinthewhite-collarsector:“Between1919(Taishō8)and1929(Shōwa4)thenumberofmalegraduatesfromnationaluniversities,privateuniversities,andprivatecollegestripled,sothatinsteadoftheapproximatelysixthousandwhosoughtplacementduringtheheightoftheWorldWarIboom,thereweremorethanseventeenthousandseekingplacementastheeconomyplungedintothemostsevereportionofthegenerallydepressedinterwaryears.Thisaverageannualgrowthrateinexcessof11percentwasseveraltimesthegrowthrateoftheeconomyandwassoonreflectedintheplacementratesofgraduates.Thepercentageofuniversityandcollegegraduatesreportedashavingfoundworksoonaftergraduationdeclinedfromapproximately80percentin1923(Taishō12)to50percentin1929(Shōwa4)andtoabare36percentin1931(Shōwa6).”Kinmonth,Self-MadeMan,288.

7.Hirsohima-shiShakaiKa,ed.,“Kyūryōseikatsushaseikatsujōtai,”inRōdōshaseikatsuchōsashiryōshūsei:KindaiNihonnorōdōshazō1920–1930,vol.2,Kyūryōrōdōsha,ed.NakagawaKiyoshi(Seishisha,1994),1.

8.Ibid.,34.

9.Forheadsofhousehold,thetwenty-sixmostpopularhobbies,indescendingorder,werereading(309),baseball(264),fishing(234),Go(207),music(174),Japanesechess(shōgi,160),gardening(124),sport(103),cinema(93),tennis(90),Nohsongs(82),ikebana(63),drama(53),shrinevisitation(37),travel(34),sumowrestlingspectatorship(31),calligraphyandillustration(shoga,31),Japaneseflute(30),literature(bungei,29),billiards(27),walking(23),photography(21),drinking(19),raisingchickens(17),needlework(16),andcommercialentertainment(kōgyōmono,16).Manyhobbieswerereportedonlyonce,forexample:balladssungtosamisenaccompaniment(nagauta),Chineseclassics(kanbun),study,playingcards,violin,architecture,candymaking,beekeeping,goldfish,andshellfishgathering.Ibid.,35.

10.In“Kyūryōseikatsushamondaigaikan,”theintroductiontoaseriesofessaysdocumentingthematerialconditionsofsalariedworkerspublishedin1933,KitaokaJuitsudescribestheeconomicsituationofmostsalariedworkerswiththecolorfulandpopularphraseoftheday,“suitedpaupers”(yōfukusaimin;4).Thoughjobstability,education,andsocialstandingwerehigh,wageswerecomparativelylow,especiallyforthemiddleandlowerechelonsofsalariedemployeessuchaspoliceofficersandschoolteachers(6).Forexample,Kitaokacomparesthewages/salariesofintellectualworkerstothoseofphysicallaborersandfoundthatfull-timeelementaryschoolteachersearned750yen/month;metalworkers,850;machinists,835;andshipbuilders,650(15).Hence,Kitaokaregardstheclassofsalariedworkersashybrid,partiallybourgeois,andpartiallyproletarian(10).ItislargelyinresponsetothetighteconomiccircumstancesinwhichmostreadersfoundthemselvesthattheYomiuriNewspaperbeganpublishingitscolumn“HandyNews,”theencyclopediaofshoppingforeverydayproductsdiscussedpreviously.

11.Determiningthenumberofhow-tobookspublishedduringthe1920sand1930sposesmanyproblems,nottheleastofwhichistheabsenceof“how-to”asapublishingcategory.Anothermajorobstacleisthefactthathow-tobooks

appearedwithinmanydifferentcategories.However,averyroughestimatebasedonthenumberoftotalpublicationsforthecategoriesinwhichhow-tobooksappearedinShuppannenkan(Publishers’Annual)isthatthetotalnumberofsuchbooksamountedtoroughly5percentofannualsalesduringtheyears1926–1945.

12.ThiscookbookiscitedinKatarzynaCwiertka,“HowCookingBecameaHobby:ChangesinAttitudetowardCookinginEarlyTwentieth-CenturyJapan,”inTheCultureofJapanasSeenthroughItsLeisure,ed.SeppLinhartandSabineFrühstück(Albany:StateUniversityofNewYorkPress,1998),47.

13.MinamiHiroshi,ed.,Kindaishominseikatsushi,daigokan:Fukushoku,biyō,girei(San’ichiShobō,1986).Volume5ofKindaishominseikatsushialsoincludesseveralarticlesandexcerptsfromhealthandbeautymanuals,suchasDonatanimowakaru:Yōhatsunomusubikatatoshikinookeshō(Shibundō,1928)byHayamiKimiko,theauthorof“Utsusarejōzu:Koredakenokokorogakegataisetsu,”Asahikamera19,no.1(January1930),oneoftheonlyphotographichow-toarticleswrittenbyawomanfromthisperiod.Thisvolumealsoincludesseveraletiquettemanualsfromthetime.OthervolumesinMinami’sseries,whilenotsocentrallyfocusedonhow-tomanuals,includethemasexamplestoexploreotheraspectsofmodernliving.Volume9,Ren’ai,kekkon,katei,includesaseriesthatappearedinFujinnotomocalled“Jochūnotsukaikata,”anarticleondealingwithmaidsfrom1912.Jūtakunosōjihōhō,ahow-tomanualonhousecleaning,andKagunoerabikatatotsukaikata,aguidetochoosingandusingfurniture,bothfrom1938,appearinvolume6,Shoku,jū.

14.JordanSandtracesthemarketingofdomesticity,asbothscientificmanagementofthehomeandthemoreaffectiveartsofdecorationanddesign,inpopularwomen’smagazinesfromtheTaishōperiodin“TheCulturedLifeasContestedSpace:DwellingandDiscourseinthe1920s,”inBeingModerninJapan,99–118.

15.Interestingly,therearenoexamplesofthesekindsofbooksintheMinamiHiroshivolumes,noteveninthevolumeonleisure(volume8,Yūgi,goraku),whichincludeslocalsurveysonleisure,materialsrelatedtoradiolistening,andcataloguesofrecordtitles.

16.EikoIkegamiwritesaboutearly-modernvariantsofthe“how-to”bookinherdiscussionofassociationalpoliticsamongaestheticcommunitiesandtheriseofcommercialprinting,inBondsofCivility:AestheticNetworksandthePoliticalOriginsofJapaneseCulture(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2005),esp.chaps.11,12.

17.Unlessotherwisenoted,thefollowingsummaryofpublicationdataisderivedfromNihonShashinKyōkai,eds.,Nihonshashin-shinenpyō(Kōdansha,1976).

18.Notincludedinanyofthesenumbersaremagazines,pamphlets,productmanuals,andshashin-shū(photographiccollections).Theshashin-shūwereespeciallynumerousduringthelateMeijiandTaishōperiods;manymemorializedvictoriousbattlesoftheSino-andRusso-JapaneseWars,theemperorandhisfamily,GeneralNogiMarusuke,majorfloods,andearthquakes.ThenumberofcollectionsbyleadingphotographersbeginstotakeoffduringtheTaishōperiodaswell.Alsonotincludedinthesenumbersaretheproductcataloguesproducedbythevariousphotographiccompanies.

19.TheNihonshashin-shinenpyōincludesonlyamerefractionofseriestitlesinitslistings.

20.Iizawareferstohow-tobooksas“amachuamukenoshashinjutsukeimōsho[booksontheadvancementofphotographictechnologyfortheamateur].”Iizawa,“Geijutsushashin,”86.Unfortunately,keimōshodoesnotappearasacategoryforpublicationsduringtheseyears.Thevariousscholarswhodescribethehow-tobooksreprintedinMinamiHiroshi’sKindaishominseikatsu-shiusenoconsistentgenrenameforthemanualsreproducedtherein.Forexample,YanagiYōkousessuchtermsasdokushūsho(self-improvement/studybooks),shidōsho(guidebooks),andjitsuyōnyūmonsho(practicalintroductorybooks).YanagiYōko,“Kaidai:Fukushoku,”inKindaishominseikatsu-shi,daigokan:Fukushoku,biyō,girei,ed.MinamiHiroshi(San’ichiShobō,1986).

21.Shashinjutsuissometimesrenderedaskamerawūku(camerawork)inkanaprintedalongsidethecharacters.SeeRokugawaJun,Roshutsunohiketsu,139.

22.Again,thereisnoformalcategoryof“how-to”inShuppannenkan,hencemyhesitancyinusingit.Itisinterestingtonotethatthephrase“how-to,”meaningapopularfieldofinstructionalwriting,doesnotevenappearintheEnglishlanguageuntilthe1950s.TheOxfordEnglishDictionaryonlineoffersthisdefinition:“How-to:9.Followedbyaninfinitive:Inwhatway;bywhatmeans.howtodo=thewayinwhichoneshould(ormay)do;alsoellipt.,ashowto,andoftenusedattrib.,as‘how-to’discourse,‘how-to-do-it’manual,etc.;also(intitlesofbooks,etc.)followedbyaverb.”

23.YoshikawaHayao,“Teseikameragakataru30nenmaenoamachuashashinjutsu,”Asahikamera20,no.3(September1935):349–352.

24.Ibid.,349.

25.Ibid.,352.Therecipereadsasfollows:“Tomakeacamera,takeamagnifyingglasswithafocallengthofabout10centimeters.Anatom-sizedpack[aplateformatmeasuring4.5×6.0inches]isfine.Don’tusethepackholder;I

thinkitiseasiertomakethefittingdirectly.Forthecase,whichshouldbeaboxtype,it’sbetterifitisnotafoldingcase.Fortheshutter,useaplateoftinandputaholeinitoflessthan3millimeters.Ifitismadesothatitcanbepulledbyarubberband,thenyouwillbeabletoachieveaspeedofsomewherebetween1/25thofasecondand1/50thofasecond.Ofcourse,youpainttheinsideofthecamerawithblackinkorindiaink.Asfortheviewfinder,getanappropriateoneataphotoshopandattachittothetopofthecamera.Ifyoumakeitsothatitcanbeclearlyfocused,itwillbequiteuseful.”Ibid.

26.IshiiKendō,Shōnenkōgeibunko:Shashinnomaki(1902;repr.,Hakubunkan,1918),37–39.Shashinnomakiwasoneoftwenty-fourpracticallearningvolumesforchildren.OthervolumesincludedTetsudōnomaki(Railway,volume1),Suidōnomaki(Waterworks,2),Denwanomaki(Telephone,5),Tokeinomaki(Watch,15),andKenchikunomaki(Architecture,24).Accordingtothedescriptioninanadvertisementfoundintheseventeentheditionfrom1918,thesevolumeswereintended“toexplainindetailthepracticalaspectsandtheglory[seika]ofsciencethroughstep-by-steppracticalinstructionandtheobservationofpresentconditions.”

27.Whatwastrueforamateurandprofessionalphotographerswasalsotrueoftheindustryattheturnofthecentury.KonishiRokumanufactureditsearliestcamerasbypiecingtogetherseparatelyproducedandimportedparts.Typically,lenseswereimported.Butthecompanysubcontractedtoacabinetmaker(sashimono-shi),HasegawaRinosuke,whoproducedthewoodenboxesfortheboxcameras,andtoametalcaster(imono-shi),OmoriTakezō,whomadethemetalparts.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,36.FormoreontheearlyphotographicindustryinMeijiJapan,seeLukeGartlan,“SamuelCockingandtheRiseofJapanesePhotography,”HistoryofPhotography33,no.2(2009):145–164.

28.Yoshikawa,“Teseikamera,”352.

29.ThoughYoshikawafigurestheturntoconsumerisminphotographyarecentphenomenon,Ishii’saccountofphotographyforboysfrom1902describesayoungboyneedlinghisfatherforanewcamera.Theboyfirstbecameinterestedinphotographybyreadingallthebooksonthesubjectthathecouldfind.Hisenthusiasmgrows,andhedecidesthatheneedsacameratopracticallytestthetheorieshehasreadaboutinbooks.Heaskshisfathertobuyhimacheapcamera.Theboy’sfatherrefuses,sayingthatacheapcameradoesnotmakeforagoodtoyandthattheboywillonlywanttobuyanewoneinashorttime.Aswesawinthepreviouschapter,thisexchangecallsattentiontothecycleofdesireandconsumptionthatbecametheoilinthemachineforsuccessfulcameracompaniesfromtheturnofthecentury.Ishii,Shashinnomaki,31–33.

30.MashikoZenroku,“Teseikameranogisei,”Asahikamera22,no.3(September1936):970.

31.InaninterviewheconductedwithJoanneLukitschfrom1987,JohnTaggarguesthatwiththeexpansionofphotographyinEuropeandtheUnitedStatesinthelatenineteenthcentury,thoughthemeansofphotographicrepresentationspread,“themeansofproduction[did]not.Ofcoursetheimmediatemeansofproduction[did],butthiswastheveryprocessbywhichphotographyunderwentitssecondindustrialrevolutioninthe1890s,producingmassivemonopolieslikeEastmanKodak.Soontheonehand,themeansofproductionwerecertainlynotdemocratised:handingthingsover,aswithpersonalcomputers,meantyetgreaterconcentrationofownershipofthemeansofproductionandamoredeeplyentrencheddivisionofknowledge.Amateursdidnotknowhowtotakeacameratobitsifitwentwrong,orhowtomaketheirownfilm,orevenhowtoprint.Suchknowledgeswereyetmoreconcentrated,investedandprofessionalised.”JohnTagg,“PracticingTheories:AnInterviewwithJoanneLukitsch,”inGroundsofDispute:ArtHistory,CulturalPoliticsandtheDiscursiveField(Minneapolis:UniversityofMinnesotaPress,1992),90.

32.Miyake,Shuminoshashinjutsu,6–7.

33.Oneofthedistinguishingmarksofthenineteenth-centuryportraitphotographerwashishands-ontrainingunderthetutelageofapracticingprofessional.Thoughmanuscriptscirculatedamong,andwereevenwrittenby,someofJapan’searlyprofessionals(mostnotablybyUenoHikoma,whopublishedavolumeonthecollodionwet-plateprocessinhisthree-volumetextonchemistryof1862,Seimikyokuhikkei),mostphotographywaslearnedpractically,inthecontextofthecommercialportraitstudio.Thisremainedtheformalmethodoftrainingprofessionalphotographersuntilthefirstphotographyschoolsanddepartmentswereestablishedinthelate1910sandearly1920s.Astheamateurmarketbegantotakeshapefromthelastdecadeofthenineteenthcentury,informationaboutphotographictechniquesbegantocirculateinamoreregularized,lesspersonalmanner.Books,journals,andpamphlets—nowmass-producedonmodernprintingpresses—describingthedry-plateprocessandtheproperuseofproductssoonreplacedhandwrittenandwoodblock-printedmanuscriptsdetailingthedaguerreotypeprocessand,later,wet-plateprocesses.

34.OneexceptionthatIhavefoundisanotherarticlebyYoshikawaHayao,“Kameranote-irewadōsurebayoika,”inMatsuno,Shotōshashinjutsuhyakkō,28–30.Yoshikawa,thewriterwhogaveinstructionsonhowtobuildahandmadecamera,offerssimplemaintenancetipssuchashowtocleanthelensproperlyandhowtoverysimplyandcarefullycleantheinsideofthecamera.

35.ThehistoryofleisuremotoringinGreatBritainresemblesthechangesinhobbyphotographywithregardtotheuser’scommandofthemotoritself.Earlyenthusiastswererequiredtobeminimallyfamiliarwiththeinnerworkingsof

theirrespectivemachines.SeanO’ConnelldescribesthetrialsandtribulationsofEngland’sfirstpleasuremotoristsforwhom“everyjourneyinvolvedthestrongpossibilityofabreakdownorpuncture….By1914themotoristcouldexpecttobewithinreachofagarageorrepairshopwithatleastrudimentaryknowledgeofmotormechanics.But,itwasnotuntiltheinter-waryearsthattheycouldbetrulysanguineaboutundertakinglengthydrivesintheruralareasofBritain.Intheseyearscarsbecamemorereliable,garagesmorenumerous,andtheAAandRAC‘getyouhome’services,completewithnetworksofapprovedmechanicsandphoneboxesfortheuseofmembers,becamemorewidespread.”O’Connell,TheCarandBritishSociety,82.

36.ChrisRojek,“Leisureand‘TheRuinsoftheBourgeoisWorld,’”inLeisureforLeisure,ed.ChrisRojek(London:MacmillanPress,1989),109.Rojekargues,“Insomeareasofleisure(forexample,sport,music,photography)thereisastrongpressureonparticipantsto‘reachprofessionalstandards’”(109).

37.Yoshioka,ShashinjutsunoABC,1.

38.Ibid.

39.Yasukōchi,Yasashiishashin,12.

40.Yoshioka,ShashinjutsunoABC,13.

41.Ibid.,113–115.

42.YasukōchiJi’ichirō,“Kantannaanshitsuwotsukuruniwa,”inMatsuno,Shotōshashinjutsuhyakkō,86.

43.Thisisoneexampleofhow-towritingonphotographyconvergingwithhow-towritingonthehome,bothdisplayinganalmostobsessiveconcentrationonhygiene(eisei).

44.Narita,Shashininganotehodoki,182.

45.Forexample,seeibid.

46.Yasukōchi,“Kantannaanshitsu,”84.Oneshaku,alsoknownasa“Japanesefoot,”isequalto30.3centimeters.

47.RokugawaJun,Roshutsushōkai:Shashinjutsu12kagetsu,(Kyōbunsha,1936),304–305.ThisbookwasreprintedfourtimesinaperiodoffourmonthsfromJunetoOctober1936.

48.Nagai,Kateianshitsu,6.

49.SuzukiHachirō,Shashinshippaitosonogen’in(1924;repr.,Arusu,1926),4.

50.Rokugawa,Shashinjutsu12kagetsu,359.

51.Iizawaseesenlargementandthesmall-modelcameraasthetoolsthathelpedspreadamateuractivitiesintheperiod.Iizawa,“Geijutsushashin,”83.

52.“Kogatakameradeōgatashashin.”Yoshioka,ShashinjutsunoABC,295.“WhenyoulookatGermanphotographicjournalsandbooks,therearesomeveryinterestingslogansthatusenicewordplay….Butamongthemthemosttypicalis‘KleinAufnahmen…grosseBilder’[sic].InJapaneseitmeans,paradoxically,‘abigprintfromasmallshot,’butitcomesfromthepopularityoftheenlargingprocess”(ibid.).

53.Ibid.,296.

54.“Kokusanshōkandai-kenshōshashinbōshū,”Shashingeppō31,no.1(January1925):prefatoryadvertisingsection.

55.Suzuki,Shashinshippai,8.

56.Miyake,Shuminoshashinjutsu,7–11.

57.Ingeneral,how-towritersaddressreadersasamaleaudience,usingsuchaddressesasshokun(gentlemen),shokei(fellows),andwaka-danna(youngmen).Someauthorsspecificallyrefertotheoccupationsorsocialpositions,typicallyreservedformen,oftheirreaders.Forexample,inShuminoshashinjutsu,Miyakespecificallyreferstoofficeworkersandstudentsasthephotographerswhohavenotimetodeveloptheirexposedfilmandplates(10).

58.Sakuraisthebrand-nameofmanyofKonishiRoku’saccessoriesandproducts.

59.Moreover,thedisembodiedimagesoftenincludejustaglimpseofthecuffofaWesternshirtandsuit,asintheimageinFigure3.12,anotherreferencetothekindsofmentowhomcameracompaniesandpublishersmarketedtheirproducts—clerksandofficeworkers.

60.Socialandculturalhistoriansoftechnology,particularlyinthefieldofAmericanhistory,haveuncoverednotonlyhowgenderinformstheproductionandconsumptionoftechnologyinsocietybutalsohowhistorianshaveprivilegedahistoryofproductionoverconsumption.Forinterestinghistoriographicperspectives,seeRuthOldenziel,“MantheMaker,WomantheConsumer:TheConsumptionJunctionRevisited,”inFeminisminTwentieth-CenturyScience,

TechnologyandMedicine,ed.AngelaN.H.Creager,ElizabethLunbeck,andLondaSchiebinger(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,2001),128–148;andStevenLubar,“Men/Women/Production/Consumption,”inHisandHers:Gender,Consumption,andTechnology,ed.RogerHorowitzandArwenMohun(Charlottesville:UniversityofVirginiaPress,1998),7–37.

61.How-towritersalsodevoteagreatdealofattentiontoteachingphotographershowtotakepicturesofwomen.Titleaftertitleoffersthehobbyisttipsonproducingsuperlativephotographicportraitsofwomen.Typicaltitlesincludevariationson“Onnanoutsushikata”(TakingPhotographsofWomen)and“Onnanohyōjō”(Women’sExpressions).

62.Hayami,“Utsusarejōzu”;andChibaNoriko,“Utusarerukatanookeshōtokitsuke,”Asahikamera10,no.1(January1930):48–51.

63.Hayami,“Utsusarejōzu,”48.

64.Ibid.,49.

Chapter41.AversionofChapter4appearedas“‘LittleWorksofArt’:Photography,CameraClubsandDemocratizing

EverydayLifeinEarlyTwentieth-CenturyJapan,”JapanForum25,no.4(December2013):425–457.

2.TokyoAsahiShinbunsha,ed.,Nihonshashinnenkan(AsahiShinbunsha,1925),32;andIizawa,“Geijutsushashin,”109.

3.Ikegami,BondsofCivility,9.

4.Ibid.,33.

5.Ibid.,366–367.

6.Outsidethewealthofworksonthehistoryoflaborunions,theemergenceofmodernvoluntaryassociationsinlatenineteenth-andearlytwentieth-centuryJapan,thoughclearlyasignificantaspectofmodernsocialorganization,hasbeenlittleresearchedineitherJapaneseorEnglish.EdwardNorbecklamentedin1967that“welackessentialinformationonmanyaspectsofruraland,particularly,urbanassociations,includingtheirinternalstructure,theirproceduresofoperation,andtheirrolesinlocalandnationalpolitics.”Norbeck,“AssociationsandDemocracyinJapan,”inAspectsofSocialChangeinModernJapan,ed.R.P.Dore(Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress,1967),185.HashizumeShin’yalooksatthearchitecturalanddesignelementsoftheclubhouseinJapanfromtheMeijiperiodinKurabutoNihonjin:Hitogaatsumarukūkannobunkashi(Kyoto:GakugeiShuppansha,1989).EdwardNorbeckisthemostprolificscholarinEnglishonthesubjectofvoluntaryassociationsinJapan,inparticulartheirrelationshiptotheemergenceofdemocracyinthecountrysideduringtheearlypostwarperiod.SeeespeciallyNorbeck,“AssociationsandDemocracyinJapan,”and“CommonInterestAssociationsinRuralJapan,”inJapaneseCulture:ItsDevelopmentandCharacteristics,ed.RobertJ.SmithandRichardK.Beardsley(Chicago:Aldine,1963).DonaldRodenexploresthevitalityofbu-seikatsu(clublife)amongmalestudentsatelitehigherschools,preparatoryschoolsforJapaneseimperialuniversities,intheearlytwentiethcenturyinSchoolDaysinImperialJapan:AStudyintheCultureofaStudentElite(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1980),113–122.DarrylFlahertylooksattheroleofvoluntarylawyers’associationsintheformationofJapanesepoliticalpartiesin“OrganizingforInfluence:Lawyers’AssociationsandJapanesePolitics,1868–1945”(PhDdiss.,ColumbiaUniversity,2001).Japanesepressclubshavealsobeentheobjectofinquiry.See,forexample,LaurieAnneFreeman,ClosingtheShop:InformationCartelsandJapan’sMassMedia(Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress,2000);andWilliamdeLange,AHistoryofJapaneseJournalism:Japan’sPressClubastheLastObstacletoaMaturePress(Richmond,Surrey,UK:JapanLibrary,1998).Despitethesestudies,researchonrecreationalclubsisstillscant.

7.Hashizume,KurabutoNihonjin,42–46.

8.ThisNihonShashinKaiisnotthesameasthelater,artisticassociationofthesamenamethatFukuharaShinzōfoundedin1924andisstillactivetoday.Anearlierandlessformalgatheringseemstohavebeguninthemid-1870sundertheauspicesofSamuelCocking.Gartlan,“SamuelCocking,”160–161.

9.Kaneko,“JapanesePhotography,”firstpageofnonpaginatedtext.SeealsoOzawaTakeshi,Nihonnoshashinshi:BakumatsunodenpakaraMeiji-kimade(NikkorClub,1986),142–147.

10.ThefollowingbriefbiographicalsketchofBurtonandtheoutlineofthehistoryoftheNihonShashinKaicomefromOzawa,Nihonnoshashinshi,142–145.

11.In1901Ozaki,alongwithotherleadingartandliteraryfigures,foundedtheTokyoShayūKai,aphotographyclub,undertheauspicesoftheesteemedliterarysocietyKenyūsha.Iizawa,“Geijutsushashin,”221n1.

12.ThisdebateisthoroughlycoveredintwopiecesbyIizawa,“Nihonno‘Geijutsushashin’gahajimatta,”48–53,

and“‘Geijutsu-ha’to‘Kikaitekishabutsu-ha,’”in“Geijutsushashin,”24–33.

13.Kaneko,“JapanesePhotography,”secondpageofnonpaginatedtext.

14.Forexample,KyotoShashinKyōkai(1902);KobeShayūKai(1902);KitagoeShashinKurabu(Niigataprefecture,1902);NihonKameraKurabu(Osaka,1904);KajimaKōgaKai(Ibaragi,1905);NagasakiKōgaKyōkai(1906);MatsueShayūKai(Shimane,1906);TokyoShashinKenkyūKai(1907);NaniwaShashinKurabu(Osaka,1907);andAiyuShashinKurabu(Nagoya,1912).Foramorecompletelistingofclubsestablishedduringthisperiod,seethechart“Zenkokushashindantaiichiran(Meijichūki-Taishōshonen),”inIizawa,“Geijutsushashin,”39–42.

15.UnlikethemembersoftheMeijigenerationofclubs,photographersofthisgenerationnolongerneededtoprovethatphotographywasanart.

16.Takayama-sei(pseudonym),“Mudai-roku,”Shashingeppō18,no.12(December1913):50.

17.TheEnglishtranslationoftheassociations’nameswasprovidedinthebylawsoftheZenKansaiShashinRenmeipublishedin“Zappō,”Shashingeppō31,no.1(January1926):80.

18.PersonalcommunicationwithKanekoRyūichi,15May2002.

19.Formoreonthepopularizationofartphotographyandtheaesthetictrendspromotedinearlypopularcameraclubs,seeRoss,“‘LittleWorksofArt,’”425–457.

20.Ayearafteritsrelease,thecompanychangedthenameofthecamerafromMinimamuAideyaKameratotheslightlyalteredMinimamuAideaKamera.Forexample,seeadinShashingeppō19,no.9(September1914):prefatorypage15.

21.SakaiShūichi,Raikatosonojidai:M3madenokiseki(AsahiShinbunsha,1997),156.

22.ShūkanAsahi,Nedan-shinenpyō,107.

23.Shashingeppō18,no.1(January1913):supplementalmiddlepage19.

24.“MinimamuShashinKaiKaiinBoshū,”Shashingeppō18,no.9(September1913):supplementaryprefatorypage21.

25.Ibid.

26.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,321.Thecompanyhadalreadyestablishedapatternforasingleproductionfacilitywithitsfactoryforlight-sensitivematerialsin1902.Themovefromsubcontractedproductionofcamerastoaunifiedproductionfacilityin1919setthestageforthemassproductionofcamerasonascaleneverbeforeachievedinJapan(248–249).

27.PārettonotsukaikataisthefirstvolumeofArusu’sKameratsukaikatazenshū,aten-volumeseriesthatdevotesonevolumeeachtotendifferentmodelsofcameras.

28.Inthe1928listingofphotographyclubsmentionedpreviously,2,178peoplehadofficiallyregisteredwiththePearletteShashinRenmei.TokyoAsahiShinbunsha,Nihonshashinnenkan,20.

29.Anotheropportunitywasthechancetohaveone’sworkpublishedinKonishiRoku’sjournalPārettogashū.

30.Shuminotomocouldalsobetranslatedas“friendsofliketaste.”

31.SuzukiHachirō,“AtarashikuumarekawaruKamerakurabu,”Kamerakurabu2,no.9(September1936),n.p.

32.Ibid.AccordingtoSuzukithereweremorethantwentythousandsubscribers.

33.HashizumebrieflydiscussesthewaythatJapanesecompaniesaddressconsumersoftheirparticularproductsandservicesas“members”intheintroductiontoKurabutoNihonjin,10–11.

34.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō32,no.11(November1927):830.

35.KondōSuga,“Fujin-busōritsutōjinoomoide,”in“Shashinjosei-gun,”54.

36.ThefollowingsummaryoftheLady’sCameraClubcomesfromtheprefaceofShibuyaKuritsuShōtōBijutsukan,ed.,Tokubetsuchinretsu:NojimaYasuzōtoRedeisuKameraKurabu(ShibuyaKuritsuShōtōBijutsukan,1993).

37.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō40,no.8(August1935):805.

38.Imagesofpeopleattendingtheexhibitionarehighlightedin“Zappō,”Shashingeppō40no.6(June1935):805.

39.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō37,no.7(June1935):784.

40.Thetermskisoku,kiyaku,andkaisokuareusedinterchangeablytoreferto“bylaws”throughoutthedocuments.

41.Ikegami,BondsofCivility,32–33.

42.Norbeck,“AssociationsandDemocracyinJapan,”192–193.

43.Forexample,seeKatōShinichi,Shashin-jutsukaitei(1904;repr.,KonishiHonten,1912):appendix,unpaginated;Anonymous,“Atarashiiyōsaichitai,”Kamera1,no.5(1922):113–114;TakakuwaKatsuo,Fuirumushashinjutsu(1920;repr.,Arusu,1922):appendix,17–20.

44.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō26no.12(December1921):60.

45.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō20,no.8(August1915):78.

46.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō23,no.3(March1921):75.

47.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō23,no.11(November1918):56.

48.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō23,no.9(September1919):54.

49.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō27,no.5(May1922):63.

50.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō27,no.2(February1922):62–63.

51.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō25,no.9(September1920):73.Thelistreadssomewhatlikethetypicaltableofcontentsforabeginner’show-tobookonphotographictechnique.

52.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō25,no.11(November1920):82.

53.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō34,no.8(August1929):718.

54.HowardChudacoff,TheAgeoftheBachelor:CreatinganAmericanSubculture,(Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress,1999),153.

55.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō26,no.9(September1921):50.

56.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō27,no.2(February1922):62.

57.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō26,no.3(March1921):88.

58.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō39,no.7(July1934):773–774.

59.Ibid.,773.

60.Ibid.,774.

61.Ibid.

62.RobertAnderson,“AssociationsinHistory,”AmericanAnthropologist73,no.1(1971):209–222.ThoughthestudyofJapanesevoluntaryassociationsisstillsomewhatscant,thestudyofvoluntaryassociationsinNorthAmericaandWesternEuropehasproducedanenormousamountofhistoricalandsociologicalscholarship.TheformationofvoluntaryassociationsinlargemetropolitancentersofNorthAmericaandWesternEuropehavelongbeenrecognizedbysociologistsandhistoriansasanadaptivemechanismthathelpedurbanimmigrantstransitionintotheirnewandoftenveryalienatingsurroundingsaftertheymigratedfromthecountrytothecityduringthenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies.See,forexample,OrvoellR.Gallagher,“VolunteerAssociationsinFrance,”SocialForces36,no.2(December1957):153–160;andLynnAbrams,Workers’CultureinImperialGermany:LeisureandRecreationinRhinelandandWestphalia(London:Routledge,1992).

63.Abrams,Workers’CultureinImperialGermany,116.

64.Gallagher,“VolunteerAssociationsinFrance,”153.

65.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō18,no.11(November1913):62–80.

66.Anderson,“AssociationsinHistory,”216.

67.Abrams,Workers’CultureinImperialGermany,116.Inadditiontorecognizingtheroleofurbanvoluntaryassociationsasmediatingtheuncertaintyofmigrationfromcountrytocity,scholarshavefurtherexplainedtheevolutionofcluborganizationinthecontextofthedevelopmentofdemocraticpoliticalinstitutions.Numerousstudieshavelookedatthedevelopmentofvoluntaryassociationsascloselyassociatedwiththedevelopmentofcivicparticipation.See,forexample,GeraldGammandRobertPutnam,“TheGrowthofVoluntaryAssociationsinAmerica,1840–1940,”JournalofInterdisciplinaryHistory29,no.4(1999):511–557;ThedaSkocpol,DiminishedDemocracy:FromMembershiptoManagementinAmericanCivicLife(Norman:UniversityofOklahomaPress,2003);MatthewBaggetta,“CivicOpportunitiesinAssociations:InterpersonalInteraction,GovernanceExperienceandInstitutionalRelationships,”SocialForces88,no.1(2009):175–199.Alongwiththisincreasedmodernizationoftheclubintermsofitsactivitiesandorganizationalstructure,anotherelementofthemodernclubisitscommitmenttoidealsofdemocraticprocessandtransparency.GammandPutnam,“TheGrowthofVoluntaryAssociations,”511.AlexisdeTocquevilleobservedintheearlynineteenthcenturythatvoluntaryassociationsinAmericaactedas“freeschools”totraincitizensintheartof

democracy.Baggetta,“CivicOpportunitiesinAssociations,”175.

68.Anderson,“AssociationsinHistory,”215.

69.Ibid.

70.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō34,no.8(August1929):718.

71.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō25,no.10(October1920):51.

72.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō25,no.9(September1920):74.

73.Anderson,“AssociationsinHistory,”215.

74.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō27,no.5(May1922):64.

75.Abrams,Workers’CultureinImperialGermany,116.

76.Ibid.

77.Ibid.

78.SheldonGaron,MoldingJapaneseMinds:TheStateinEverydayLife(Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress,1997),119.

79.Garon,MoldingJapaneseMinds,118–119.

80.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō37,no.6(June1932):596.

Chapter51.FukuharaShinzō,“Shashin-dō,”Asahikamerazōkan:Nihonnoshashinshininanigaattaka?‘Asahikamera’

hanseikinoayumi(April1978):63.OriginallypublishedinAsahikamera1,no.1(April1926):30–31.

2.ForabriefdiscussionoftherelationshipbetweenpaintingandphotographyinthelateMeijiandTaishōperiods,seeIizawa,“Nihonno‘Geijutsushashin’gahajimatta.”Afullerpresentationoftherangeofdebatesduringthisperiodispresentedinhisbook“Geijutsushashin”tosonojidai.

3.Fukuhara,“Shashin-dō,”63.

4.Ibid.

5.SaitōTazunori,Geijutsushashinnotsukurikata(Genkōsha,1932),6.Throughoutthetwentiethcentury,geijutsushashinhasoftenbeentranslatedas“pictorialphotography”or“pictorialism,”whichinsomecasesisappropriate.But,asIarguethroughoutthischapter,geijutsushashin,especiallyasitisusedbytheearly1930s,isamuchmoreinclusivetermthantheEnglishphraseconnotes.Throughoutthechapter,IusetheJapanesetermgeijutsushashintoavoidconflationwiththecommonconnotationoftheEnglishphrase.InEnglish,“pictorialism”after1910referstophotographicworkthat“valuessoft-focuseffectsandhand-manipulatedimagery.Pictorialistspromotedthestudyoftheestablishedartsandcontinuedtoproclaimtheself-expressivepossibilitiesofphotography….Beautyforitsownsakewaswidelyworshippedbytraditionalpictorialists.”ChristianPeterson,AfterthePhoto-Secession:AmericanPictorialPhotography,1910–1955(NewYork:MinneapolisInstituteofFineArtsandW.W.Norton,1997),18–19.AccordingtoJonesintheEncyclopediaofPhotographyof1911,pictorialcompositionisthe“outcomeofakindofinstinct,anaturalfeelingforwhatisharmonious,tasteful,andpleasing.Whetherthatinstinctcanbecreatedisverydoubtful;butitcancertainlybefosteredandcultivatedbycarefulstudyofNature,andofgraphicrepresentationsofNatureproducedbyotherswhohavethemselvesstudiedandobserved”(137).

6.TheworkofphotographerslikeAlfredStieglitz(American,1864–1946),EmilOttoHoppé(British,1878–1972),andAdolfFassbender(American,1884–1980),aswellasJapan’sFukuharaShinzōandNojimaYasuzō’searlywork,istypicallylabeled“pictorialist.”

7.Saitō,Geijutsushashin,34.

8.Ibid.,33.

9.Ibid.,35–36.

10.Ibid.;onindividualism,seepages22–23;onmotivation,seepages16–18.Themotivationtocapturebeautyischaracterizedbyadesiretomovebeyondsimplyseeing(nagameru)todeeplylooking(fukakumiru)andobserving(kansatsu).

11.Ibid.,31–32.

12.Ibid.,31.

13.Ibid.,37.

14.MurayamaTomoyoshi,“Shashinnoatarashiikinō,”Asahikamera1,no.1(May1926):24–27.ReprintedinaspecialissueofAsahikamera(April1978):64.OnMavo,seeWeisenfeld,Mavo.

15.Murayama,“Shashinnoatarashiikinō,”64.

16.Ibid.

17.InaNobuo,“Shashinnikaere,”Kōga1,no.1(May1932):3.

18.Ibid.

19.“Inshōshugitekikaigawomohōsurukotowomokutekitoshita.”Ibid.

20.Ibid.

21.Ibid.

22.DōistheChinesereadingforthecharactermichior“way.”

23.Saitō,Geijutsushashin,12.

24.Ibid.

25.“Shinkyōkarakanjōnogekihatsutokōfun.”Ibid.,27.

26.Ibid.,26.

27.Ibid.,26–27.

28.Shashinshinpōsponsoredthe“Getsureidia-ichi/dai-nibuōbo”(MonthlyCallforFirstandSecondDivisionPhotographs);Shashingeppō,the“Getsureikenshōshashinboshū”(MonthlyCallforPrizePhotographs);Kamera,the“Maitsukikenshōshashinboshū”(MonthlyCallforPrizePhotographs)from1921;andFuototaimusu,the“FuototaimusuShagetsureishashinboshū”(PhototimesCompanyMonthlyCallforPhotographs)from1924.

29.GekkanRaika(whichbecameKogatakamerain1936)sponsoredthe“Getsureikenshōsakuhinboshū”(MonthlyCallforPrizeWork)from1934.SubmissionshadtobetakenwithaLeicacamera,thoughtherewerenorestrictionsonpaper,printingmaterials,subjectmatter,orsizeofsubmissions.Editorsalsopublishedcommentaryonwinningsubmissions.Shashinsaronhelditsmonthlycontest“Getsureikenshōshashinboshū”andprovidededitorialcommentaryonwinningsubmissionsfrom1933.

30.Therewerenorestrictionsonthekindsofphotographssubmittedoronthematerialscontestantsused.Interestingly,thestaffatKōgaofferedtoreturnallsubmissionswithcommentsifthecontestantsentreturnpostage.Thoughothermagazinespublishedcommentaryonwinningsubmissionsinthepagesoftheirmagazine,KōgaistheonlyjournalIhaveencounteredthatofferedsuchpersonalizedattention,evenforthosewhodidnotwin.

31.Asahikamera26,no.3(September1938):554.

32.Throughouttheperiod1926–1941,thenumberofdivisionschangesoccasionallyfromthreetofourorfive.

33.ThefollowingbriefbiographyisacollationofinformationtakenfromIizawa,Nihonshashinshiwoaruku,160–170;andFuku,ShinzoandRosoFukuhara,8–10.WhenFukuharareturnedtoTokyoin1913,hebecameanactivememberoftheMinimumPhotographyClubandwonthirdplaceforhissubmission,“Senba”(WashingaHorse),whichwaspublishedintheOctober1913issueofShashingeppō.

34.Heheldthispositionexceptforabriefperiodin1944–1945duringWorldWarII,whenthegovernmentdisbandedthesociety.Fuku,ShinzoandRosoFukuhara,9.

35.Suzukiwasrelativelysuccessfulintheverynewfieldofcommercialphotography.In1924,heandseveralotherphotographers,includinghow-towriterSaitōTazunori,startedHyōgensha,apublishingcompanywithtwodivisions:GeijutsuShashinKenkyūBu(ArtPhotographyResearchDivision)andShōgyōShashinBu(CommercialPhotographyDivision).HeteamedupwithKanemaruShigenein1927toestablishKinreisha,oneofJapan’searlieststudiosdevotedentirelytocommercialphotography.Iizawa,Geijutsushashin,101–103.

36.Thesubscriptionincludedalltenvolumes;eachvolumecostoneyenfortysen,plusfourteensenforpostage.ThetenvolumesareKameranochishikitoerabikata(KnowledgeoftheCameraandHowtoChooseOne,1);Kamerawotsukaikonasukotsu(MasteringtheCamera,2);Tadashiiroshutsunokimekata(HowtoDecideontheProperExposure,3);Fuirumutofuirutāhayawakari(AQuickGuidetoFilmandFilters,4);Utsushikatanodai-ippō(TheFirstStepstoTakingPictures,5);Utsushikatanodai-nihō(TheSecondSteptoTakingPictures,6);Darenimodekirugenzōnoyōryō(GuidelinestoDeveloping:AnyoneCanDoIt,7);Yakitsukekarahikinobashimade(FromPrintingOuttoEnlargement,8);Shikinoshashinjutsu(PhotographicTechniquefortheFourSeasons,9);andWatakushinoshashinjutsu(My

PhotographicTechnique,10).

37.Inthemonthlycolumn“Sengaiingahyō:Dokogawaruika”(CommentsonPrintsNotSelected:WhatWentWrong?),FujikiKennosukeincludedseveralexamplephotographsandofferedhiscommentsonsubmissionsnotchosen.Inthefirstofthisseries,Fujikipromisestobefair,togiveonlyconstructivecriticism,andtousethelosingphotographsanonymously.FujikiKennosuke,“Sengaiingahyō:Dokogawaruika,”Kamera2,no.7(July1936):52.

38.Kamerakurabu,2,no.7(July1936):56.

39.Pamphlet,n.d.IfoundthispamphletinsidethecoverofausedcopyofSuzuki’sArusutaishūshashinkōza,9kan:Shikinoshashinjutsu(Arusu,1938).

40.StevenGelberrecountsthesimilarpopularityofcontestsinthemodelairplaneandflyinghobby:“TheuseofairplanesinWorldWarIandLindbergh’s1927trans-Atlanticflightfueledaveritablecrazeformodelairplanes.AtthedawnoftheGreatDepression,modelairplaneshadbecomeamultimillion-dollarbusinesswithabouttwothousandmanufacturers….Forthemostpart,however,non-flyingdisplaykitstookabackseattoflyingmodels.Bythemid-1930s2millionflyingmodelairplaneswerebeingbuilteachyear,aboutaquarterofthempoweredbytinyinternalcombustionenginespioneeredintheUnitedStates.Throughoutthe1930smodelbuildersjoinedclubsandcompetedincontestsundertheauspicesofavarietyofprivateandpublicsponsors.”Gelber,Hobbies,231–232.

41.Kamera(November1925).

42.“Geijutsushashinseikōnoippanwashashinkajishinnoginōniyorukotowaihe,naokatsuippanwashiyōzairyōnosentakuikaniyoru.”Kamera(November1925).

43.“Bromidepaperisapurephotographicpapercoatedwithasensitiveemulsion,composedprincipallyofbromideofsilverandwhitegelatinandsimilartothatoftheordinarydryplateorfilmonlyofmuchlessrapidity,permittingmanipulationbyastrongerlightthanwouldbesafeforplatesorfilms.”HowtoMakeGoodPhotographs(Kodak,ca.1917),130.

44.Gelbercitestheimportantmarketingroleofcelebritiesinendorsinghobbyactivities.Throughoutthe1930s,thePlaygroundandRecreationAssociationofAmericasponsoredregionalmodelplaneflyingcompetitionsand“featuredaeronauticsluminarieslikeOrvilleWrightandCharlesLindbergh,whoassuredmodelbuildersthattheyweredevelopingpracticalskills.”Gelber,Hobbies,232.

45.Evenwhenthenamesofthejudgeswerenotlistedseparately,manyannouncementsclaimedthatapanelofexpertsfromtheworldofphotographywouldjudgethecontest.Forexample,acontestthatrequiredtheuseoftheKurosuFilteranddomesticallyproducedfilmadvertisedintheSeptember1938issueofAsahikameradidnotnamespecificjudgesbutassuredcontestantsthatthejudgingwouldbe“entrustedtoeminentexperts”(Chomeisenmonkaniizoku[sic]su).

46.Asahikamera26,no.3(March1938).

47.Thelaw,YushutsunyūHintōRinjiSochiHō,wasenactedinSeptember1937.NihonShashinKyōkai,Nihonshashin-shinenpyō,186.

48.Mitsukoshi12,no.3(March1922):32.

49.Yukataarelightcottonorlinenkimonowornduringthesummerseason.

50.“Iwayurushumi-tekigeijutsushashinnozōgenotōwodete,shashinjitsuyō-ka.”Asahikamera9,no.3(March1930).

51.Asahikamera21,no.4(April1936):n.p.

52.Peterson,AfterthePhoto-Secession,32.

53.Ibid.

54.Forexample,thefollowingbestsellerseachincludedseveralchaptersonthebromoilprocess:TakakuwaKatsuo’sFuirumushashinjutsu(1920),MiyakeKokki’sShuminoshashinjutsu(1923),andNaritaRyūkichi’sShashininganotehodoki(AnIntroductiontoPhotography,1929).

55.KentenistheshortenednamefortheTokyoShashinKenkyūKai,anannualphotographyexhibitionthatbeganin1910andcontinuestothisday.

56.Iizawaincludesausefulchartonthepopularityofvariousphotographictechniquesin“Geijutsushashin,”46.

57.Norcantheybeexplainedbyescapismortrendyfashion,asIizawaargues.Ibid.,162.

58.JohnBrinckerhoffJackson,“CraftsmanStyleandTechnostyle,”inDiscoveringtheVernacularLandscape(NewHaven,CT:YaleUniversityPress,1984),117.

59.Ibid.,116–117.

60.Gelber,Hobbies,30.

61.Peterson,AfterthePhoto-Secession,109.

62.Ibid.,28.FassbenderquotationscitedfromAdolfFassbender,“UnderstandtheAmateurversustheArtist,”manuscript(FassbenderFoundation,n.d.,unpaginated).

63.InChapter3,Iarguedthatoneoftheappealsofhobbyphotographywasitsimplicitconnectionwiththemodernworldofproductionandindustrialization.Hobbyphotographyandthehomedarkroombroughtideologiesoftheworkplaceandtheresearchanddevelopmentlabintothehome.

64.TakakuwaKatsuo,“Zōkanninozomite,”Kamera1,no.1(April1921):1.Inmuchofhiswritingheusesshumishashinkaandkōzushashinkainterchangeablytorefertotheamateurphotographer.

65.“Shinnoryōhinnarabaōinifuichōshiyō.”Takakuwa,“Zōkanninozomite,”1.Theideathatamagazinewouldactasamouthpieceforparticularcameracompaniesandtheirproductswasajabattheprevailingpopularphotographymagazinesoftheday,suchasShashingeppō,sponsoredbyKonishiRoku,andShashinshinpō,sponsoredbyAsanumaShōkai.Thoughthesemagazinespublishedarticlesonmany“neutral”topics,suchastechniqueandaesthetics,theyalsoregularlyfeaturedextendedarticlesontheirownproductsandonimportedproductssoldintheirshops.

66.Thetermbijutsushashin(literally,“artphotography”)isnottobeconfusedwithgeijutsushashinasIhavebeendiscussingitinthischapter.Thebijutsushashinpractitionerisawell-establishedphotographer,onewhosubmitshisworktothevariousimperialexhibitionsandwhoseworkisknownas“art.”

67.Takakuwa,“Shashin-shiIchikawa-kunni,”667.

68.Ibid.,668.

69.Fuchigami’sphotographhasbeenpublishedinseveralvolumes,includingTakebaJōandMiuraNoriko,eds.,Ikyōnomodanizumu:FuchigamiHakuyōtoManshūShashinSakkaKyōkai(Nagoya:Nagoya-shiBijutsukan,1994);AnselAdamsCenter,ed.,ModernPhotographyinJapan,1915–1940(SanFrancisco:TheFriendsofPhotography,2001);andTuckeretal.,TheHistoryofJapanesePhotography.

70.InaNobuo,“Shashinnikaere.”

Epilogue1.Shashingeppō30,no.1(January1925):prefatorypage10.Theadvertisementinwhichthisgoalwasstatedwasfor

theIdeaNo.1andthePearlNo.2cameras.Itannounced:“TheHighestQualityandtheBestPrices.Itisthesacrificial(gisei-teki)effortofthiscompanytotryasmuchaspossibletobringaboutthedemocratizationofphotography[shashinminshū-ka].Justaseveryhomepossessesawallclockoratableclock,intoday’sworld,thecamerashouldbeseenasoneofthemostessentialpossessionsforeveryhome.”

2.ThesummaryofKonishiRoku’swartimeproductionactivitiescomesfromKonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni.

3.“YushutsunyūHintōRinjiSochiHō.”ThedataontheconsumptionofphotographicproductsduringwartimecomesfromNihonshashin-shinenpyō.

4.TsūshinSangyōDaijinKanbōChōsaTōkei-bu,ed.,Kikaitōkeinenpō,Shōwa27–nen(NihonKikaiKōgyōKai,1948),139.

5.InaNobuo,“Japan’sPhotographicIndustry,”JapanQuarterly5,no.4(October/December1958):511.

6.TsūshinSangyōDaijinKanbōChōsaTōkei-bu,ed.,Kōgyōtōkei50nenshi,Shiryōhen1(ŌkurashōInsatsuKyoku,1961),512.

7.NihonShashinKyōkai,Nihonshashin-shinenpyō,207.OthermagazinesthatbeganpublishingagainafterthewarincludeKōgagekkan(January1947);Asahikamera(October1949);Shashinsaron(June1951);andKamerakurabu,whichrestartedasShashinnokyōshitsuin1949.MariShirayamaetal.,“JCIIRaiburarī10shūnenkinen-ten:Shashinzasshinokiseki”(JCIIRaiburarī,2001),4–11.

8.NihonShashinKyōkai,Nihonshashin-shinenpyō,210.

9.Ibid.,207.

10.TanabeYoshio,Mitchakunojitsugi(Genkōsha,1954),9.

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INDEXAbrams,Lynn,121–22,123,126,200nn62,63,201nn67,75

accountingmethods,30,182nn56,57,183n60

advertisements,38,39,70,111,140,143,167,185n98;forcameras,7,11,36–37,45,46,47,48,59,60,61,62,74,106,107,186n100,187nn8,11,199n20,206n1;forenlargers,88,144,145;ofKonishiRoku,21,22,29,43,45,46,47,48,88,92,93,106,107,110,187nn8,11,206n1;ofphotography’ssimplicity,41,45,48,49;forprintingpaper,144;womenphotographersin,45,46,54,55,56,91.Seealsocommercialphotography

aestheticstandards,177n37,188n18;andcameraclubs,101,105,115,125,127;andcontests,133,141,143,144,146;ingeijutsushashin,9–10,101,105,115,125,127,129–41,143,144,155–66,168;asmiddlebrow,8–10,155–66,177n36;inmodernistphotography,9–10,129–30,132,135–37,160–66,187n15;photographicrealism,5,132,134,135,143;pictorialism,3–4,10,12,129,131,132,135,202nn5,6;relationshiptodarkroomtechniques,9,10,12.Seealsomodernistphotography

AkabaneShichiya,185n98

AkiyamaTetsusuke,103,106,149,151

Anderson,Robert,200n62;onpremodernvs.modernassociations,122,123;onrational-legalassociations,122,123

Appadurai,Arjun,187n14

appliedphotography,42

artgalleries,8,99,140

ArusuPublishing,74,138,158–59,170;ArusuCompetitioninPhotographyfortheSupportofDomesticProducts,150,151;ArusuCourseinPopularPhotography,16,141,178n3,203n36;ArusuLatestCoursesinPhotography(Arususaishinshashindai-kōza),89,90,111;ArusuPhotographyAnnual(Arusushashinnenkan),34,185nn82,83,85;Kameratsukaikatazenshū,199n27;andSuzukiHachirō,16,141–43,178n3.SeealsoKamera;Kamerakurabu

Asahigurafu,42,43,149,150,186n1

Asahikamera,4,5,42,160,169,206n7;advertisementsin,22,39,56,61,185n98;“AmateurPhotographicTechniqueof30YearsAgoasToldbyaHandmadeCamera”,75–77;cartoonsin,50–51,77,78,161,162–63,188n23;Chiba’s“MakeupandClothingforThoseHavingTheirPictureTaken”,94;depictionsofwomenphotographersin,51,56,58;Fukuhara’s“TheWayofPhotography”,131,137,141,202n22;Hayami’s“HavingYourPictureTakenWell”,94;“TheMarchoftheFemalePhotographer”series,57–58,62;Murayama’s“TheNewFunctionofPhotography”,135–36;andphotographycontests,132,133,134,135,137–39,141,142,146,147,149–50,151,154,205n45;“APoemaboutPhotography”,57;“TalkingaboutAmateurs”,51–54;“WomenandPhotography”,58;womencontributors,57–58

AsahiNewspaperCompany,42,43,105,122,135,140

AsahiShinbun,43

AsanoYōichi:“Tower”,163

AsanumaShōkai,5,8,10,52,74,104,175n24,205n65

AssociationofDepartmentStores(HyakkatenKyōkai),32

AssociationofPhotographicSocietiesofEasternJapan(Zen-KantōShashinRenmei),105,199n17

AssociationofPhotographicSocietiesofWesternJapan(Zen-KansaiShashinRenmei),105,199n17

AssociationofUrbanBeauty(ToshiBiKyōkai),149–50

avant-guardephotographers,4,135

BabyMinoltacamera,45,47

BabyPearlcamera,170

Bakumatsuperiod,74

Barclay,PaulD.,173n8

Bauhaus,4

Bayer’sHBromide,144

Benson,SusanPorter:CounterCultures,177n38,181n39;ondepartmentstores,177n38,181n39,182n45;onescalators,182n45

Bourdieu,Pierre:ondedicatedphotographers,48,50,177n39,188n18;onoccasionalphotographers,48,49,62,177n39,188n18;onthephotographable,191n4;Photography:AMiddle-BrowArt,188n18,191n4

Brayer,Elizabeth,1

Breward,Christopher,7,182n48

bromidepaper,144,204n43

bromideshops,58,189n36

bromoil/bromoil-transferprocesses,12,155–57,205n54

Bruguière,Francis,135

Bryant,H.B.:BryantandStratton’sCommonSchoolBook-Keeping,183n60

Burton,WilliamK.,102–3,198n10

cameraclubs,2,8,9,10,11–12,50,198n14;andaestheticstandards,101,105,115,125,127;bylaws,114–19,123–25,126,171–72,199n17,200n40;contestssponsoredby,106,111–12,113,124–25,126,171–72;democraticprinciplesupheldby,99–100,123–27,129;friendshipandstudypromotedby,116–17,118,171;historyof,101–4;kurabu,101–2,117;membership,102–4,105,106,108,109,111,112–13,115–16;numberof,104–5,112;officers,123–24,126;andphotographymagazines,74,104–5;photographypromotedby,118–20,121,171;asrational-legalassociations,122,123–25;urbanvs.provincial,121–23;asvoluntaryassociations,12,101,197n6,200n62,201n67;womenin,57,100,111–13,116,126

cameras:accessories,17,18,41,108,110,169;advertisements,7,11,36–37,45,46,47,48,59,60,61,62,74,106,107,186n100,187nn8,11,199n20,206n1;brands,5–6,17,80;handmadecameras,75–80,193n25;importedcameras,12–13,17,19,35,45,106,150,168,203n29;pricesof,19,35,39,45,81,106,168,169,170,185n93;salestaxon,169;shoppingfor,2,7,10,11,15–18,19,49,51–54,80,81,168,179nn17,18;soft-focuslenses,3,131,132,135.Seealsofilm

camerashops,6,56,91,103;filmdevelopingat,37,49,91,187n10;inTokyo,2,16,20,21,23,33–36,34,36,49,51–54,185n83;used-camerashops,2,16,34,36–39,51–54,185n98,186n100.SeealsoKonishiRoku

Canon,175n24

capitalism,157–58,187n15,188n22

casualphotographers,10–11,41,46,47,48,49–50,62,177n39,188n18

Chaplin,Charlie,20

CherryPortablecamera,106,167

ChibaNoriko:“MakeupandClothingforThoseHavingTheirPictureTaken”,94

Chudacoff,Howard,117–18

Clark,John,174n10

Cocking,Samuel,198n8

CommemorationLectureSeries,42,43

CommercialCodeof1899,183n64

commercialphotography,4,5,103,115,117,119,141,154–55,188n23,203n35

commodificationofknowledge,11,48,69–70,72–75,187n14

consumerism,4,6–7,12,165,194n29

controlofphotographicpractice,157–58,158,168,170

craftsmanship,12,76–77,130,157–58,165

Daguerre,Louis-Jacques-Mandé,42,186n2

DaimaruDepartmentStore,183nn60,62

DalianPhotographyClub,115,117,124

darkroomtechniques,11,57,58,66,74,82–91,130,158,170,185n84,187n10,205n63;relationshiptoaesthetics,9,

10,12;YasukōchiJi’ichirōon,83,86–87.Seealsobromoil/bromoil-transferprocess;enlargement;manipulativetechniques

deLange,William:AHistoryofJapaneseJournalism,198n6

democratizationofphotography,10,11,45,99–101,187n11,206n1

departmentstores,10,21;artexhibitsin,8;Bensonon,177n38,181n39,182n45;emergenceof,6–7,10;escalatorsin,25,181nn44,45;freeentryto,25,182n49;glassshowcasesin,25,26,27;showwindowsin,24–25,167,181n42;workingtimeat,32.SeealsoKonishiRoku;MitsukoshiDepartmentStore;retailing

domesticphotographyindustry,2,8,11,19,49,99,103,119,120,165–66,169–70,205nn45,65;contestssponsoredby,12,144–46,147,150,151.Seealsoadvertisements;KonishiRoku;marketing

double-entrybookkeeping,30,182nn56,57,183n60

dozō-zukuristyle,23,180n38

Eastman,George:attitudesregardingJapanese,1,2,20;visittoJapan,1–2,19–20,27.SeealsoKodak

EgiShirō,103

EgiShōten,103

EikoIkegami:BondsofCivility,192n16

ElLissitzky,135

Emerson,PeterHenry,103

enlargement,7,12,62,81,88–91,117,155,170,196nn51,52;advertisementsforenlargers,88,144,145;andgeijutsushashin,144,145;MethodsofPrintingEnlargements,78,79;andphotographycontests,138,144,145

EnomotoTakeaki,102

escalators,25,181nn44,45

EverydayCooking:PracticalHomeCooking,72,192n12

ExhibitiontoPopularizeKnowledgeofJapanesePhotography,119–20,121

EzakiSaburō,149

family:inhow-toliterature,59,62–63,64,65,66–67;ikkadanraku(familycircle),59,62;marketingofphotographyasfamilyactivity,59–66,187n8;multigenerationalfamilystructure,63;nuclearfamilystructure,59,62–65,66;Williamsononphotographyand,62,190nn41,46

Fassbender,Adolf,158,202n6

Fedman,David,173n8

film:developmentandprinting,37,49–50,66,74,87–91,94,97,117,143,144,146,170,185n97,187n10,196n57;productionof,6,8,21;saleof,6,39,41,188n20

finearts,45,103,136;popularizationof,8,9,11–12,99,101,105–6,129,131

Flaherty,Darryl,198n6

FreedomandPeople’sRightsMovement,102

Freeman,LaurieAnne:ClosingtheShop,198n6

FRONT,5

FuchigamiHakuyō:“ATrainTrushing”,160–61,206n69;“Untitled”,155,156

FujikiKennosuke,204n37

FujiShashinFuirumu,168

FukuharaShinzō,135,144,158,187n13;ascontestjudge,154;andNihonShashinKai(JapanPhotographicSociety),140,198n8,203n34;ParisandtheSeine,140;asphotographer,140,146,202n6,203n33;aspublisher,140;“RegardingArtPhotography”,42;“Senba”,203n33;andShiseidō,45,140;“TheWayofPhotography”(Shashin-dō),131,137,141,202n22;onworldoflight(hikarinosekai),131

Fuku,Noriko:ShinzoandRosoFukuhara,203nn33,34

FukuzawaYukichi,183n60

Fuototaimusu,4,75,164,165,169

Gage,Lyman,1

Gallagher,OrvoellR.,200n62

Gartlan,Luke,198n8

geijutsushashin:aestheticstandardsin,9–10,101,105,115,125,127,129–41,143,144,155–66,168;constructivistexpression(kōseitekihyōgen)in,132;defined,130–32,135,139;andenlargement,144,145;impressionisticexpression(inshōtekihyōgen)in,132,133,143;Inaon,4,136–37;lyricalexpression(jojōtekihyōgen)in,132,133,143;asmiddlebrowphotography,8–10,177n36;vs.modernistphotography,9–10,129–30,135–37,160–66;Murayamaon,135–36;aspictorialism,3–4,10,12,129,131,132,135,202nn5,6;popularizationof,5–6,139–43,144,158–60,165–66,170,190n3;realisticexpression(shajitsutekihyōgen)in,132,133,134,135,143;Saitōon,131–32,136,137,139,202n10.Seealsoaestheticstandards;cameraclubs;how-toliterature;photographymagazines

Geijutsushashin(journal),132

Geijutsushashinkenkyū,132

GekkanRaika(Leica),75,138,163,203n29

Gelber,Steven:onhobbiesandcapitalism,157–58,188n22;onhobbiesandcelebrities,204n44;onhobbiesandleisuretime,177n33,191n5;onmodelairplaneandflyinghobby,204nn40,44

gender:marketingtomen,7–11,15,41,48,168,176n31,179n19,196n59;marketingtowomen,7,10–11,41,45,54,176n31;masculineidentity,7,8,11,15,66,70,80–81,94,95,96,97;menascameraclubmembers,100–101,116,126;men’sshoppingbehaviors,7,11,15–18,21,24,51–54,182n48;stereotypeofmenasproducers,7,94,176n31,197n60;stereotypeofwomenaspassiveconsumers,10–11,50–51,94,176n31,197n60;womenascameraclubmembers,100–101,111–13,116,126;womenasdrivers,189n39;womenasphotographers,41,45,46,50–54,55,56,57–59,63,65,91–92,93,94,100–101,111–13,116,199n36;womenasphotographicsubjects,197n60;women’sshoppingbehaviors,6–7,10–11,16,18,21,181n42;womenvs.menregardingleisuretime,10–11,94;womenvs.menregardingpoliticalparticipation,125–26

Genkōsha,75,170

Germancameras,17,35,106,203n29

Ginbura,11

glassshowcases,25,26,27

GreatKantōEarthquake,3,27–28,33

GuidetoMerchandise,A,18–19

haiku,131

Hakubunken,74

HanayaKanbei,138,164

handmadecameras,75–80,193n25

HaraHiromu,5

Haring,Douglas,114

HasegawaRinosuke,194n27

HashizumeShin’ya,101–2;KurabutoNihonjin,197n6,199n33

HatsudaTōru,Hyakkatennotanjō,182n48,185n86

HaufuReonaru,56

HayamiKimiko:“HavingYourPictureTakenWell”,94

HimawariClub,116,126

HiraiFusando:“DoubleExposure”,164;“WhatIsMontage?”,165

HiraiTerushichi,164–65

HiroshimaSocialAffairsBureau:surveyofhobbies,70–71,191n9

HishūFriendsofPhotographyClub,124

historiography,3–6

Hōdōshashin(NewsPhotography),169

Hoppé,EmilOtto,135,202n6

Horowitz,Roger:HisandHers,176n31

how-toliterature,2,9,33,57,58,69–97,115,146,149,155,170,187n10,190n2,192n11,193nn20–22,196n43;AnyoneCanDoIt,80;andcommodificationofknowledge,11,48,69–70,72–75;complexityofphotographyin,48–49,50;depictionofwomenin,54,55,91,92,93,94;familylifein,59,62–63,64,65,66–67;MethodsofPrintingEnlargements,78,79;andmiddle-classlifestyle,11,48,70–72;Miyake’sHowtoTakePhotographs(Shashinnoutsushikata),83,84;Miyake’sTechniquesofHobbyPhotography(Shuminoshashinjutsu),34–35,75,78,91;thephotographablein,70,191n4;pricesof,74;asprivatizinglearningprocess,11,71–72;Saitō’sHowtoMakeArtPhotographs,131–32;selectedlistoftitles,72,73;Suzuki’sKnowledgeoftheCameraandHowtoChooseOne,16–18,19,36,80,141,179nn13,17,18;Suzuki’sPhotographicMistakesandTheirOrigins,87,88;Takakuwa’sTechniquesofFilmPhotography,69,158;targetedatmen,7,11,15,48,70,94,196nn57,59;targetedatwomen,70,72;Yasukōchi’sHowtoTakePhotographsEasily(Yasashiishashinnoutsushikata),62,75;Yoshioka’sTheABC’sofPhotographicTechnique,81–82

Hyakumanninnoshashinjutsu(PhotographicTechniqueforOneMillionPeople),55

Hyōgensha,203n35

Ibaragiprefecture,116

IchikawaEisaku,159

Ideacamera,88,146,206n1

IizawaKōtarō,173n8,198nn11,12,14,201n2;onenlargementandsmall-modelcameras,196n51;onexpansionofphotographymarketafterWWI,49,187n10;onhobbyphotography,190n3;onhow-tobooks,193n20;Nihonshashinshiwoaruka,203n33;Shashinnikaere:“Kōga”nojidai,174n16

Ikegami,Eiko,100,114

ikkadanraku(familycircle),59,62

imagesvs.processofimagemaking,12,129–30,155,157,170

imports,30,144,167,180nn28,36,181n43,194n27,206n65;cameras,12–13,17,19,35,45,106,150,168,203n29;enlargers,88;governmentpoliciesregarding,12–13,150,168,205n47;Kodakproducts,2,20,25,35,42,94,95,151,152,153

InaNobuo,174nn16,17,187n15;ongeijutsushashin,4,136–37;onimitation,136–37;onoblique-angleshots,163–64;“ReturntoPhotography”,4,136–37

InoueSadatoshi,32

InternationalPhotographySalonof1927,135

inventionofphotography,41–43,44,131,140,186nn1,2,4

IshiiKendō:CraftsLibraryforYouth:Photography,76,194nn26,29

ItagakiTakaho,149,150,164,187n15

ItōHidetoshi,45,187n11

Jackson,JohnBrinckerhoff:onAmericanartsandcraftsmovement,157

JapanAtelier,4

JapanCameraandOpticalInstrumentsInspectionandTestingInstitute(JCII)Library,190n2

Japanesecolonialterritories,2,112,116,173n8

Jenkins,Reese:ImagesandEnterprise,175n24

JinnoYuki:Shuminotanjō,185n86

Jones,BernardE.,202n5

KaiPhotographyClub,116

KajimaShinpei,103

Kamera,5,37,39,75,145,149,159,169,170

Kamerakurabu,75,111,146,169,199n32,206n7;“SelectedbySuzukiHachirō”,141–43

KameraTenchindō,37

KanekoFumiko:Nanigawatakushiwosōsasetaka,189n37

KanekoRyūichi,174n9,185n97

KanemaruShigene,203n35

KaneshiroShōkai,52,186n100

Kansai,116

Kantōregion,168

Kao,175n19

Karafuto(Sakhalin)HobbyPhotographyResearchSociety,116,125

KatōSeiichi,103

KatōShashinki-Ten,37

KawabataGyokushō,103

KawaharaShashinki-Ten,37,39

KentenExhibition,Twenty-First,155,157

Kenyūsha,198n11

KikuchiDairoku,102

Kim,Gyewon,173n8

KimuraIhei,4,5,138,149,150,174nn16,17

KimuraKiyoshi:“TheConductorsSpeech”,161

KimuraSen’ichi,4

Kinmonth,Earl:onemploymentopportunitiesforuniversitygraduates,191n6

Kinreisha,203n35

KitanoKunio,150,151

KitaokaJuitsu,191n10

KobayashiHidejirō,189n23

Kobe,34,119,122

KobeMitsukoshiDepartmentStore,119

KobeSocietyofCommercialPhotographers,119

Kodak,53,175n24,194n31;founding,1;Kodaksystem,49,188n19;productsavailableinJapan,2,20,25,35,42,94,95,151,152,153;VestPocketcamera,42,94,95,151,152,153

KōdaRohan,103

Kōeidō,36,38

Kōga,4,75,112,136,138,163,164,174nn16,17,203n30

Kōgagekkan,206n7

KoishiKiyoshi,4,164–65

KokusaiHōdōKōgei,4

KondōSuga,112

KondoYaichi:NewGolfTechniques,72

KonicaMinolta,2,180n34

KonishiRoku,5,8,10,52,53,120,149,175n24,180n34,182n53,184n73,194n27,199n26;advertisementsof,21,22,

29,43,45,46,47,48,88,92,93,106,107,110,187nn8,11,206n1;BabyPearlcamera,170;andcameraclubs,106,107,113;CherryPortablecamera,106,167;contestssponsoredby,88,146;departmentstore,21,23,24–29;double-entrybookkeepingat,30;Eastman’svisitto,2,19–20;glassshowcasesat,25,26,27;Ideacamera,88,146,206n1;KonishiRokuzaemon,2,19–21,27–28,31,34,167,168,179n28,180n36;Lilycamera,20,88,146;management,31;MinimumIdeacamera,106,107;duringPacificWar,168,206n2;packaging,21,22;Pearlcamera,88,146;PearlNo.2camera,206n.1;Pārettogashū,199n29;repairservice,80;retailingat,6,10,15–16,20–21,24–25,26,27,29–33,181n39,189n24;Rokuōsha,8,20–21,28;Sakuracamera,45,47;SakuraFilmandPaperProducts,21,22,92,93,180n37;salesstatisticsat,30;“ShopRules”,31–32,183nn64–66;showwindows,24–25;telephoneaccessto,29–30;trademark,20–21,22;workforce,31–33,183n63,184nn76,78,80;workinghours,32.SeealsoPearlettecamera;Shashingeppō

KonishiRokuzaemon,2,19–21,27–28,31,34,167,168,179n28,180n36

KonishiyaRokuzaeTen,180n28

Korea,2

KurodaYoneko,113

KyokutōFriendsofPhotographyClub,117

Kyoto,34,111–12,119,122

KyotoPhotographyLeague:Women’sDivision,112

KyotoVestClub,111–12;Women’sDivision,116

Lady’sCameraClub,112–13,116,199n36

landscapephotography,112,115,117

LawonAssemblyandPoliticalAssociation(Shūkaioyobiseishahō),114,126

Leicacamera,17,106,203n29

LeicaClub(RaikaKurabu),106

Leighton,LordFrederic:TheBath,27

leisuretime,35,59,81,88,91,100,176n33,188n21,189n24,191n5,195n36;ofmiddleclass,4,8,16,35,70–71,81,177n2;womenvs.menregarding,10–11,94

Lilycamera,20,88,146

literaturevs.photography,3

LondonCameraClub,103

Lubar,Steven,197n60

Lukitsch,Joanne,194n31

MaekawaPhotographyStudio,151

manekin-jō,120,121

manifestos,130,131,162

manipulativetechniques:vs.images,12,129–30,155,157,170;paintingonnegatives,3,131,155;soft-focuslenses,3,131,132,135.Seealsodarkroomtechniques;enlargement

marketing,6,16,111,167;tomen,7–11,15,41,48,168,176n31,179n19,196n59;ofPearlettecamera,43,45,46,48,92,93,108,110,187nn8,11;ofphotographyasfamilyactivity,59–66,187n8;“tie-in”marketingtechniques,154;trademarks,20–21,22;towomen,7,10–11,41,45,54,176n31.Seealsoadvertisements

MarubiruAsanuma,52

MasaokaPhotographyClub,115,116,118,123–24,125,171–72

Matsudabrand,17

MatsunagaTatsurue,112–13

MatsuyaDepartmentStore,154

MatsuzakayaDepartmentStore,154

Mavo,135

Maruzen,74

McKinnon,Jill,182n57,183n64

MegataTanetomo,1

Meijiperiod,30,34,59;fineartsduring,8;photographyduring,74,99,102–3,193n18,194n27,198n15,201n2;shopsduring,21,23,24,25,180n38,184n76

MethodsofPrintingEnlargements,78,79

microscopicphotography,120

middleclass,5,9,49,157,165–66,185n86,187n10;employmentopportunitiesforuniversitygraduates,191n6;feminizationofthehome,66;leisuretimeof,4,7,8,16,35,70–71,81,177n2;lifestyle,11,12,16,34–35,48,70–72,80–81,162,167,177n2;masculineidentity,7,8,11,15,66,70,80–81,94,95,96,97;nuclearfamilystructure,59,62–65,66;surveyofhobbiesamong,70–71,191n9;andvoluntaryassociations,100–101,105–6,118,126–27

Miedō,52

MikikoHirayama,3

MikisoHane:ReflectionsontheWaytotheGallows,189n37

MinamiHiroshi:Kindaishominseikatsushi,72,192nn13,15,193n20

MinimumIdeacamera,106,107,199n20

MinimumPhotographyClub(MinimamuShashinKai)(MSK),106,107,108,203n33

MinoltaVestcamera,45,47

MisuzuShōkaiPhotoContest,144,146,148

MitsubishiKisenKaisha,183n65

Mitsui,Baron,1

MitsuiGofuku,25

MitsukoshiDepartmentStore,6,42,182n51,183n62,185n86;cameracounterat,16,34–35,36,49,151,185nn85,93;double-entrybookkeepingat,183n60;Mitsukoshi,35–36,150,152,153;MitsukoshiVestCameraClub,150–51,152,153;photographystudioat,34,35–36;showwindowsat,25

MiyakeKokki:HowtoTakePhotographs(Shashinnoutsushikata),83,84;onMitsukoshi’scameracounter,34–35;TechniquesofHobbyPhotography(Shuminoshashinjutsu),34–35,75,78,91,185n82,196n57,205n54

MizutaniPhotographyStudio,117

modernistphotography,3–5,169,174n16,175n19;aestheticstandardsin,9–10,129–30,132,135–37,160–66,187n15;doubleexposuresin,164;vs.geijutsushashin,9–10,129–30,135–37,160–66;montagein,164,165;oblique-angleshotsin,162–64;asshinkōshashin,4,132

modernityandphotographictechnology,2,7,16,48,108,205n63

Moholy-Nagy,Lazslo,4

Mohun,Arwen:HisandHers,176n31

montage,4,129,164,165

MurakamiShōkai,53

MurayamaTomoyoshi:ongeijutsushashin,135–36

music,131

NagaiSaburō,59,62,87

Naganoprefecture,104,117

Nagoya,34,42,122,144

NakajimaKenkichi:Arusushashinnenkan,185nn83,85

NakayamaIwata,4,149,164,174nn16,17

Nanigakanojowosōsasetaka(WhatMadeHerDowhatSheDid?),58,189n37

NaritaRyūkichi:Shashininganotehodoki,205n54

NarusawaReisen,42,43,149,150

NatoriYōnosuke,4

Niepce,JosephNicéphore,42,186n2

NihonKōbō,4

NihonShashinKai(JapanPhotographicSociety,est.1924),140,198n8,203n34

Nikon,175n24

Nippon,4,5

NojimaYasuzō,4,112,113,138,174nn16,17,202n6

Norbeck,Edward,114,197n6

NudePhotographyCompetition,170

O’Connell,Sean:onattitudesregardingfemaledrivers,189n39;TheCarandBritishSociety,179n19,189n39,195n35

OgawaKazuma,103

OgawaPhotographyStudio,103

ŌkuboKoroku,164–65

Oldenziel,Ruth,197n60

OmoriTakezō,194n27

ŌnoTakatarō,20

Osaka,34,37–38,42,113,116,119,122

ŌtaHotResearchClub,116

outdoorphotography,111–12,116,118,143,168,171;OutdoorPhotographyCompetition,42–43,44

OzakiKōyō,103,198n11

OzawaTakeshi,198n10

PacificWar,4–5,12,114,127,168–69

packaging,21,22,167

Packard,S.S.:BryantandStratton’sCommonSchoolBook-Keeping,183n60

painting:impressionism,136;vs.photography,3,4,129,130,131,136,201n2

Pārettogashū,199n29

Pearlcamera,88,146

Pearlette(Pāretto)camera,58,109,199n27;marketingof,43,45,46,48,92,93,108,110,187nn8,11;PearletteClub(PārettoDōjinKai),111;PearlettePhotographyLeague(PārettoShashinRenmei),106,108,111,199n27;releaseof,41–42,43,45

PearlNo.2camera,206n1

Peterson,Christian,155,158;AfterthePhoto-Secession,202n5

pharmaceuticalmerchants,34,180n28

photograms,4

PhotographicCentenaryCommemoration(1925),41–43,44,131,140,186nn1,4

PhotographicGoods’SuppliersAssociationofTokyo,42

PhotographicResearchSocietyofJapan,42

PhotographicResearchSocietyofTokyo,42

PhotographicSocietyofJapan(NihonShashinKai,est.1889),102–3,104

photographycontests,2,130,204n37;andaestheticstandards,141,143,144,146;announcementsof,144,145,147,148,149–51,152,154–55;ArusuCompetitioninPhotographyfortheSupportofDomesticProducts,150,151;and

domesticphotographyindustry,12,88,144–46,147,149,150,151,170;andenlargement,138,144,145;judges,9,141–43,146,149–51,154–55,167,204n45;MisuzuShōkaiPhotoContest,144,146,148;NudePhotographyCompetition,170;OutdoorPhotographyCompetition,42–43,44;prizes,88,137,138–39,141,142–43,145,146,148,150,151,168,171;rulesforsubmission,138–39;sponsoredbycameraclubs,106,111–12,113,124–25,126,171–72;sponsoredbymagazines,111,132,133,134,135,137–39,141,142,154,170,203nn28–30;winningsubmissions,57,62,111,132,133,134,135,137,138–39,141,142–43,146,148,150–51,152,153,165,168,172,203nn29,30;YamaguchiShōkaiPhotoEnlargementContest,144,145

photographyexhibitions,9–10,42,74,102–3,105,112,113,118–20,130,135,139,156;ofcontestwinners,111,146,150–51,152,153;ExhibitiontoPopularizeKnowledgeofJapanesePhotography,119–20,121;KentenExhibition,155,157;205n55

photographymagazines/journals,2,3,9,11,15,33,74–75,115,129,130,140,164–65,168,205n65;andcamerasclubs,74,104–5;contestssponsoredby,111,132,133,134,135,137–39,141,142,154,203nn28–30;duringPacificWar,4–5,169;andreprographictechniques,174n10.SeealsoAsahigurafu;Asahikamera;Fuototaimusu;Kamera;Kamerakurabu;Kōga;Shashingeijutsu;Shashingeppō

photographystudios,2,3,4,20,27,185n97,203n35;MaekawaPhotographyStudio,151;Mitsukoshistudio,34,35–36;MizutaniPhotographyStudio,117;OgawaPhotographyStudio,103

pictorialism,3–4,10,12,129,131,132,135,158,202nn5,6.Seealsogeijutsushashin

portraitphotography,112,115,116,117,120,121,195n33

PortraitPhotographyResearchSocietyofJapan,115

ProfessionalPhotographer’sAssociationofTokyo,42

projectionprinters,20

propagandaphotography,4–5,169

PublicOrderPoliceLaw(Chiankeisatsuhō),114,126

Publishers’Annual(Shuppannenkan),72,73,75,192n11,193n22

Purobirapaper,146,148

QingdaoPhotographyClub,116

rationality,15,16,48–49,50,81

rational-legalassociations,122,123–25

Ray,Man,4,135

realism,photographic,5,132,134,135,143

Renger-Patzsch,Albert:“BlastFurnaces”/Dieweltistschön,163

reprographictechniques,174n10

retailing,5,6–7,51–57,175n25,177n38,182n48;displaysalesvs.sittingsales,25,27,182n50;freeentry,25,182n49;glassshowcases,25,26,27;atKonishiRoku,6,10,15–16,20–21,24–25,26,27,29–33,181n39,189n24;showwindows,24–25,37,144,167,181n42.Seealsodepartmentstores;marketing

Roden,Donald:SchoolDaysinImperialJapan,198n6

Rojek,Chris,195n36

RokugawaJun:Roshutsushōkai,196n47

Rokuōsha,8,20–21,28

Rolleicordcamera,59,61

Rolleiflexcamera,59,61

Rubin,Joan,9,177n36

Russo-JapaneseWar,76

Ryōunkaku,102

Saigōestate,43,44

SaitōTarō,103

SaitōTazunori:ongeijutsushashin,131–32,136,137,139,202n10;HowtoMakeArtPhotographs,131–32,137;andHyōgensha,203n35;onimitation,137;onmodernistphotography,137

SakamotoFujiyoshi,183n65,184n69

Sakuracamera,45,47

SakuraFilmandPaperProducts,21,22,92,93,180n37,196n58

Sand,Jordan,59,66,192n14

San’eidō,37

SatōKenji,173n8

SekibanShashinZairyō-shō,180n28

Shand,Alexander:TheDetailedMethodofBankBookkeeping,183n60

ShandongPhotographyResearchSociety,117,124

Shashinbunka(PhotographicCulture),169

Shashingeijutsu,139,140,141

ShashinGeijutsusha,74,140

Shashingeppō,27,43,45,103,118,138,146,151,155,158,159,205n65;advertisementsin,29,46,107,187n8,206n1;cameraclubbylawspublishedin,113,115,126,171–72;“Miscellany”(Zappō)section,104,114,122,171–72;duringPacificWar,169;photographsin,20,23,26,74,119,120,121,125,173n7

ShashinNippon(PhotographicJapan),169

Shashinnokyōshitsu,206n7

Shashinsaron,75,138,203n29,206n7

Shashinshinpō,74,104,150,169,203n28,205n65

shashin-shū(photographiccollections),193n18

Shibaurabrand,17

ShibusawaEiichi,1–2

ShimadaMagoichi,181n43

ShirokiyaDepartmentStore,6,185n85

Shiseidō,45,140,175n19

shopping:forcameras,2,7,10,11,15–18,19,23,49,51–54,80,81,168,179nn17,18;GuidetoMerchandise,18–19;men’sshoppingbehaviors,7,11,15–18,21,24,51–54,182n48;windowshopping,11,181n42;women’sshoppingbehaviors,6–7,10–11,16,18,21,181n42

ShōtōMuseumofArt:NojimaYasuzōandtheLady’sCameraClub,112

Shōwaperiod,32,74,191n6

ShōwaPhotographyCorporation,149

showwindows,24–25,37,144,167,181n42

Silverberg,Miriam,189nn35,37,38

SingaporeCameraClub,115

Slater,Don,188n20

socialstratification,122–23

soft-focuslenses,3,131,132,135

sokushacase,17

Stebbins,Robert:onhobbies,176n33,188n21;onseriousleisure,188n21

Stieglitz,Alfred,202n6

Stratton,H.D.:BryantandStratton’sCommonSchoolBook-Keeping,183n60

suffrage,125–26

SugawaraKiyoko:“WomenandPhotography”,58

SugiuraSennosuke,30

SugiuraYukio:“ArtisticConscience”,162–63

SunStereocamera,60

surveys,32,70–71,177n2

Suzaka-chō,117

SuzukiHachirō,158;ArusuCourseinPopularPhotography,16,141,178n3,203n36;ascontestjudge,144,150,151;andHyōgensha,203n35;atKamerakurabu,111,141–43,146,199n32;andKinreisha,203n35;KnowledgeoftheCameraandHowtoChooseOne,16–18,19,36,80,141,179nn13,17,18;asphotographer,141,203n35;PhotographicMistakesandTheirOrigins,87,88;onusedcameras,36,37

Tagg,John,194n31

Taishōperiod,30,59,132,183n64,191n6,192n14;cameraclubsduring,115,121;photographyduring,27,74,132,190n3,193n18,201n2

Taiwan,2

TakahashiYoshio,25,27

TakakuwaKatsuo,150,151,187n13,205n64;Arusushashinnenkan,185nn83,85;onhobbyphotographer(shumishashinka)vs.artphotographer(bijutsushashinka),159–60,205n65;onhobbyphotographyasminshūgeijutsu(folk/people’sart),158–60;andKamera,158–59;onsimplicityofphotography,45,48;TechniquesofFilmPhotography(Fuirumushashinjutsu),69,158,205n54

TakashimayaDepartmentStore,42,111

TakayanagiMika,184n78

TamuraNishindō,53

TanabeYoshio:onjoysofphotography,170;Mitchakunojitsigi,170

TeikyūClub,116–17,118,125

ThirdDomesticProductsCompetitioninPhotography,146,147

Tocqueville,Alexisde,201n67

TokugawaKeiki,27

Tokugawaperiod,27,30,34,100,114,127,180n38,182n53

Tokyo:Asakusa,102,185n83;cameraclubsin,106,107,108,112–13,116,122,126,199n36,203n33;camerashopsin,34,36,51–54,185n83;Ginza,11,34,52,53,140,150,186n100;andGreatKantōEarthquake,3,27–28,33;Kanda,34,37,52,53,185n83;Kōjimachi,34,185n83;Kyōbashi,34,42,185n83;Manseibashirailwaystation,25;Marunouchi,52;Meguro,43,44;Nihonbashi,2,10,16,21,24,25,28,33,34,37,52,108,113,150,152,180n28,185n83;Shiba,185n83;Shitaya,185n83;shoparchitecturein,180n38;Yodobashi-chō,21

TokyoBijutsuGakkō,150

TokyoBroadcastingCompany,42

Tokyoprefecture,185n83

TokyoShashinKenkyūKai,155,157

TokyoShayūKai,198n11

TokyoTechnicalSchoolofPhotography,113

TominagaYoshiko,113

ToriiRyūzō,173n8

TōyōShashinKōgyō,168

Trentmann,Frank,175n25

TsuchiuraNobuko,112

TsukijiKanpanSeizōKeisha,103

TsurudonoTeruko:“APoemaboutPhotography”,57

UedaPhotographyClub(Naganoprefecture),104

UenoHikoma:Seimikyokihikkei,195n33

used-camerashops,2,16,34,36–39,51–54,185n98,186n100

UzukiClub,113,116,125,126

VestPocketKodakcamera,42,94,95,151,152,153

voluntaryassociations,12,118,197n6,200n62,201n67;andmiddleclass,100–101,105–6,118,126–27.Seealsocameraclubs

Wall,E.J.,155

Weisenfeld,Gennifer,175n19,176n28

white-collarlaborforce,31–32,177n2,183n69,191nn6,10,196n59

Williamson,Judith:onfamilyandphotography,62,190nn41,46

windowshopping,11,181n42

Wong,KaF.,173n8

x-rayphotography,42,74,120

YamadaYaeko,58

YamaguchiShōkaiPhotoEnlargementContest,144,145

YamakawaKikue,58–59,189n38

Yamanashiprefecture,116

YamazakiYasuzō,113

YanagiYōko,193n20

YanagitaYoshiko,62

YasuiNakaji,138

YasukōchiJi’ichirō,48,81,149;ondarkrooms,83,86–87;HowtoTakePhotographsEasily(Yasashiishashinnoutsushikata),62,75;“OnMakingaSimpleDarkroom”,86–87

YDCPhotographyClub,118

YokohamaDockCompany,118

YomiuriNewspaper:“HandyNews”,18–19,192n10

YoshikawaHayao,58,75–77,194n29,195n34

YoshiokaKenkichi,48;TheABC’sofPhotographicTechnique,81–82;onenlarging,88;onnaturalorderofphotography,81;onrationalapproachtophotography,81

Yotsuya,37

Young,Louise,181n45,185n86

Yūtsuzusha,103