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    Table of Contents

    1.

    Paper One: Social Capital as a Basis for Collective Actionthe Case ofEnvironmental Activism in Two Towns in Serbia

    S.2-18

    2.

    Paper Two: ta spreava graane Srbije da preuzmu aktivnu ulogu ureavanju ekolokih problema?

    S.19-43

    3.

    Paper Three: Transformation of Governance Regime in Serbia: Public

    Participation in Environmental Decision Making

    S.44-67

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    Paper One:

    Abstract in Serbian:Socijalni kapital kao podloga kolektivnog delovanja

    sluaj ekolokog aktivizma u dva grada u Srbiji

    Paper in English:

    Social Capital as a Basis for Collective ActiontheCase of Environmental Activism in Two Towns in

    Serbia

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    Jelisaveta Vukeli1Faculty of Philosophy

    Belgrade

    Irena Petrovi2Faculty of Philosophy

    Belgrade

    Socijalni kapital kao podloga kolektivnog delovanja sluaj ekolokog aktivizma u dvagrada u Srbiji

    Prema u drutvenim naukama iroko rasprostranjenom shvatanju, socijalni kapitalolakava saradnju graana i na taj nain omoguava efikasnije reavanje zajednikih problemaodnosno postizanje kolektivnih ciljeva (Putnam, 1993,2000). Naime, ako u okviru zajednicepostoji komunikacija, ako su ljudi solidarni i imaju poverenja jedni u druge, moe se pretpostaviti

    da e se lake udruivati i biti uspeniji u reavanju zajednikih problema. S druge strane, u onimdrutvima u kojima ne postoji tradicija graanske saradnje (tj. premoujui socijalni kapital nijerazvijen), tee je ostvariti kolektivno delovanje (Putnam, 1993).

    Cilj ovog rada je da se na temelju rezultata empirijskog istraivanja dva grada u Srbiji sa

    izraenim ekolokim problemima Paneva (N=450) i Bora (N=350) - testira hipoteza opovezanosti socijalnog kapitala i ekolokog aktivizama. Ono to se posebno eli utvrditi jeste

    sledee: koliko je razvijen socijalni kapital u ova dva grada; koliko je rasprostanjen ekolokiaktivizam (imajui u vidu izraenost ekolokih problema) te na koji nain (ne)razvijenostsocijalnog kapitala utie na mogunosti ostvarivanja ekoloki inspirisane kolektivne akcije?

    Kljune rei: socijalni kapital, kolektivno delovanje, ekoloki aktivizam

    Social Capital asa Basis for Collective Action the Case of Environmental Activism in Two

    Towns in Serbia3

    It is often argued that social capital can foster cooperation among citizens and produce moreeffective solutions to collective problems, enhancing attainment of common goals (Putnam,

    1993,2000). Namely, if communication is well developed, if people express solidarity and havetrust with each other, the successful joint work and common solving of problems would be more

    probable. On the other hand, in the societies that lack tradition of cooperative efforts of citizens(the bridging capital is not developed) it is much harder to start a collective action (Putnam,

    1993).

    [email protected],

    [email protected] within the framework of the Regional Research Promotion Programme in the Western Balkans (RRPP),

    which is run by the University of Fribourg upon a mandate of the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation,

    SDC, Federal Department of Foreign Affairs. The views expressed in the paper are those of the authors and do not

    necessarily represent opinions of the SDC and the University of Fribourg.

    mailto:[email protected]:[email protected]:[email protected]:[email protected]:[email protected]:Petrovic.iren[email protected]:[email protected]:[email protected]
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    Based upon the results of an empirical research conducted in two Serbian towns with significant

    environmental issues -Pancevo (N=450) and Bor (N=350) the aim of this paper is to test thehypothesis of connection between the social capital and environmental activism. Answers will be

    searched for to the following questions: what is the level of development of social capital in thesetwo towns, to what extent is the environmental activism developed (taking into consideration the

    seriousness of environmental problems) and in what way the (under)developed social capitalinfluences (impends) the possibilities for environmental collective action?

    Key words:Social Capital, Collective Action, Environmental Activism

    Introduction

    Throughout the Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), the collapse of the state socialism has

    in many cases revealed an alarming state of environment, caused by intensive industrialization

    and urbanization and not supported by proper environmental management. The recently

    established regimes, struggling with the transformation of economy and political institutions, lack

    capacities to deal with serious environmental problems. Thus, ecological issues (considered as

    less important) were shifted into the domain of non-state actors, such as environmental

    organizations. In such circumstances, citizen environmental activism could have played a vital

    role in the environmental renewal. However, empirical findings show that throughout the CEE

    region, the overall level of citizen engagement in this field is rather low (Fagan, 2004, 2005,

    2006, 2010, Cisar, 2008, 2010).

    Environmental sociologists have proposed many different explanations of the

    phenomenon of weak environmentalism in the CEE countries (Fagan, 2004, 2010, Howard,

    2003). The list of possible reasons is quite long, including factors such as the lack of

    environmental awareness, underdeveloped civic culture, unfavorable political opportunity

    structures and deficiency of necessary resources. However, in this article we do not intend to

    examine all possible factors impeding environmental activism in Serbia. Conversely, following

    the general assumptions of the public choice theory (namely - collective action dilemma and the

    impact of social capital exemption), we wish to explore the effects of existing levels of social

    capital on the environmental activism. For these purposes we will analyze the data gathered in

    two case studies conducted in two Serbian towns that face serious ecological issues. Of course,

    we do not imply that social capital is the only or the most important factor influencing the overall

    level of environmental activism in one country (on the contrary, we accept that many other

    factors play significant roles). However, we believe that social capital represents important

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    infrastructure for collective action and a possible solution to the free-riding problem that often

    occurs in relation to environmental issues.

    In the next section we will briefly outline the general theoretical assumptions of the

    rational choice theory, with a special emphasis on the collective action dilemma. Then we will try

    to explain the possible role of social capital in overriding this dilemma. After that, we will

    present our empirical findings and test the hypothesis of the positive correlation between the level

    of ones social capital and ones environmental activism. If the connection proves to be positive,

    we will assume that the undeveloped social capital is one of the factors impeding the

    development of environmental activism and, therefore, making ecological problems persistent.

    The theoretical background of the assumption of existence of a positive connection between

    social capital and environmental activism is the small groups/ social capital exemption to the

    free-riding problem (Ostrom, 2000, Rydin, 1998).

    Collective Action Dilemma and the Environment

    For as long as people have managed natural resources, they have been engaged in

    different forms of collective action. From the joint work on the crop fields to the construction of

    irrigation systems, out of necessity for collective involvement, many different forms of local

    associations and cooperatives were created, thus enabling long term protection of common

    interests. However, in many occasions, people failed to connect and cooperate, with negative

    effect on the environment. As the scholars of rational choice theory argue, this failure was often a

    result of the so called collective action dilemma.

    Skeptical about the possibility of un coerced collaboration, in his famous publication The

    Logic of Collective Action (1965), Mancur Olson developed the zero contribution thesis,

    asserting that unless the number of individuals is quite small, or unless there is coercion or

    some other special device to make individuals act in their common interest, rational, self-

    interested individuals will not act to achieve common or group interests. (Olson, 1965:2).

    Similarly, in the well known Tragedy of Commons (1968), Garret Hardin developed the

    prisoner's dilemma4 assumption, arguing that rational individuals were not likely to cooperate in

    certain settings, even when such cooperation would be to their benefit.

    4Prisoners dilemma is based on the situation of two prisoners locked in separate rooms and offered incentives to share

    guilt, rather than blame each other. Both of them have to decide whether or not to limit his/her own benefits risking that

    other part would not do the same.

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    The underlying assumption of the public choice theory is that individuals cannot

    overcome collective action dilemma without externally enforced rules (Ostrom, 2000). Following

    the classical cost-benefit analysis, Mancur Olson argued that in the situation where everyone can

    benefit from the collective good (it is non-excludable5), where the individual impact is not visible

    and where no sanctions against non-participation exist (or are too costly to impose), a rational

    individual will use the opportunity to free ride on the efforts of others. If the majority decides to

    follow the same logic, eventually there will be no protection of a public good. Thus, there is an

    imminent danger that the common resources will cease to exist because of the insufficient

    maintenance and overexploitation. This problem is well described in Hardins Tragedy of

    Commons (1968).

    Models of environmental activism developed within socio-environmental studies often

    neglect the logic of collective action, suggesting that perceived environmental risks, socio-

    demographic characteristics or environmental awareness (e.g. - people who are environmentally

    aware are more likely to act) provide a satisfactory explanation of this phenomenon (Elliot,

    Seldon & Regens, 1997, Jones & Dunlap, 1992, Rohrschneider, 1990). However, these studies do

    not take into account the calculus of individual decision-making in collective action settings

    (Lubell, 2002). Environmental activism entails a free-riding problem since the benefits of actions

    are generally non-excludable and individual contributions non-perceptible. For example, clean air

    is a typical public good that no one can be excluded from enjoying. Consequently, actions such as

    air pollution abatement will have to deal with the collective action dilemma. This is specially the

    case in the urban areas with numerous and generally atomized population. In the large group

    context (such is the population of one town) where the contribution of anyones actions is

    minimal and not "observable" and shirking almost anonymous, every rational individual will pose

    a question whether it is worthwhile to join in for example to reduce the use of vehicles, give

    money donation to environmental organizations or take part in the environmental demonstrations.

    Following the prepositions of public choice theory, in these circumstances environmental

    activism is very unlikely to happen (Rydin, 1998). However, from time to time people get

    5Common good resources are in most cases non-excludable, meaning that it is impossible or very difficult to restrict

    access to them (e.g. clean air).

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    involved in environmentally inspired actions. In the next section, we will try to explore one of the

    possible exemptions to the general theory of collective action.

    The Social Capital Exemption to Collective Action Dilemma

    We will open this section with two short stories. The first one occurred a while ago. In the

    building where I used to live, an enthusiastic housekeeper, supported by few elderly tenants,

    initiated a large week-end clean-up of the courtyard. It was a lovely Saturday morning, ideal for

    outdoor activities. I was on the door step, going out to meet some friends (shirking the announced

    clean-up activity), when a neighbor knocked on the door informing me that the action is about to

    start. Two or three neighbors stood behind him with the strict looks on their faces, prepared to

    tell off anyone who dared to avoid the cleaning event. Feeling a bit ashamed, I had no other

    option but to drop running shoes and take broom in my hands. Probably most of the readers had a

    similar experience and accompanying dilemma whether to join in or to evade, and finally give in

    to the pressure.

    The other story is about the event that occurred a few months ago. The Ministry of

    Environment had initiated a large campaign with the catchy motto Lets clean Serbia! The goal

    of this initiative was to mobilize a large number of people to clean Serbias most polluted places.

    Despite the massive TV campaign, lots of commercials and celebrities involved, and well

    informed and generally supportive audience, the turnout was rather disappointing. Only the core

    members of environmental organizations and very limited number of volunteers got involved. As

    it could be expected, the results were poor.

    Both cases are the examples of environmentally inspired collective actions. While in the

    first case the outcome was quite successful, in the later the overall level of engagement and

    consequent environmental improvement was unsatisfactory. The obvious question to ask is why

    the first case was a success story and the second one a failure? How come that the actors in one

    situation overcame the collective action problem while in the other they did not? Finally, these

    examples lead to a more general question - what can motivate / push people to overcome Olsons

    problem and to avoid Hardins tragedy?

    In her renowned piece Governing the Commons (1990), Elinor Ostrom analyzed the

    conditions in which the tragedy of commons could be avoided. Under certain institutional

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    arrangements, she argued, groups can use and maintain a common resource on their own that

    is, without interference from external authorities (1990: 184). She describes how in small-scale

    communities, where individuals frequently communicate and interact with each other, rich social

    networks can be built in order to overcome collective action problems. The ways in which

    information, relationships and trust are articulated through social networks, and the extent and

    density of these networks are of particular importance. Norms of reciprocity and interpersonal

    trust developed within these networks work as specific glue, keeping people together in joint

    actions. Besides that, a desire of an individual or group to maintain their reputation in a close-knit

    social context may lead to the development of a specific behavior and thus facilitate cooperation.

    In addition, repeated interaction and communication in small-group settings allows individuals

    and groups to monitor one another and to execute sanctions on non-cooperative behavior.

    Going back to the examples given at the beginning of this section, we can draw a

    conclusion that the jeopardized reputation in the first case (because the avoidance of duties would

    be visible to the other members of community), was what finally stimulated participation.

    However, in the second case, there was no strong small - group pressure to join the collective

    activity. Atomized individuals without links within the wider community did not participate,

    because their omission could neither be monitored nor sanctioned. The key difference was made

    by the social bonds that made free-riding visible and enabled sanctioning.

    As Putnam (1993) notices, the existence of social capital can facilitate the achievement of

    certain common goals that in its absence would not be possible. Further on, when individuals are

    able to overcome the collective action problem in small settings, they may also be able to deal

    with more complex dilemmas. Following Putnams (1993, 2000) and Ostroms (1990, 1996)

    claims about the potential for social capital to embed participation practices, some authors

    emphasize the role of social capital as a mechanism for maintaining community involvement

    and problem solving over time and on a larger scale (Brown & Ashman, 1996).

    A growing body of literature shows the positive impact of social capital on

    environmental activism (e.g. on the level of group membership, number of donations given for

    environmental causes, number of complaints on environmental issues to authorities, level of

    participation in public meetings and demonstrations, and signing petitions) (Birner & Wittmer

    2003; Lubell 2002; Snderskov, 2008.; Wakefield et al. 2006). Other researchers found that

    social capital could increase participation in public-private environmental programs where

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    participation is not mandatory, thus raising the effectiveness of such programs (Lubell, 2004,

    Lundquist, 2001, Krishna & Uphoff, 2002, Cramb, 2005, 2006, Kollmuss & Agyeman, 2002,

    Edwards & Onyx, 2002, Wakefield et al, 2006, Sonderskov, 2008 etc.).

    Nevertheless, one important distinction has to be made. Although both the bonding and

    the bridging type of social capital6can induce higher levels of environmental involvement, only

    the bridging type of social capital proves to have positive environmental impact on the whole. As

    the research of Rodrguez & Pascual (2004) points out, the bonding social capital does not lead to

    higher levels of overall cleanliness, since it often imposes negative externalities on outside

    communities. While the bonding social capital can bring about environmental changes in the

    local settings, thus stimulating NIMBYsm (potentially to the expense of other local

    communities), the bridging social capital could bring benefits to the general state of environment.

    As we have seen so far, exceptions to the logic of public non-participation tend to occur in

    the small-group settings, where the potential participants know each other, have some respect and

    self-esteem to lose, and where internal pressure to comply with group interests is strong. In these

    circumstances, the increased possibility of monitoring and punishing free-riding behavior may

    make participation more likely. In an environmental context, these forces may lead to the higher

    ability of local residents and neighborhood associations to form relatively effective cleaning

    campaigns or, for example, to oppose development proposals. However, small group pressures

    usually induce only the localized action, which, as previously mentioned, brings improvements

    only to the local environment, but not necessarily to the environment taken as a whole. Only

    when local groups are linked with each other (thus building the bridging social capital) the

    general improvement of environment can be expected.

    Empirical Findings - Case Studies of Pancevo and Bor

    More than two decades after the collapse of the state socialism, the countries in the

    Central and Eastern Europe still have to deal with serious consequences of 40 years of

    irresponsible environmental management. In Serbia, the negative impact of the socialist period

    was further aggravated by the transitional economic crisis and NATO bombing in the 1990s. The

    6The bonding social capitalrefers to ties within relatively homogenous social groups (e.g. family, friends, neighbors)

    while the bridging social capitalrefers to the connections between heterogeneous social groups or communities.

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    main environmental problems in our case studies are the consequences of exactly this critical

    combination of the socialist legacy (large industrial sights placed very near the residential areas,

    outdated technology and lack of care for the environment) and the negative effects of transition,

    economic recession and war.

    The data presented in this article were collected in the course of a wider research aiming

    to explore the main characteristics of public participation in environmental decision-making in

    two Serbian towns Bor and Pancevo7, both towns facing persistent and alarming ecological

    problems. In both communities, citizens opinion is grasped through the questionnaire research

    techniques on the representative samples (Pancevo N=450 and Bor N=350).

    Pancevo and Bor are chosen for the case studies as renowned ecological hot spots,

    facing alarming problems of air, water and ground pollution. In each of the local communities the

    main polluters are positioned in the close vicinity of town centers and residential areas. The most

    important ecological problems in Pancevo (located near Belgrade) stem from the huge, 50 years

    old, petro-chemical complex with outdated technology. Bor is a peripheral town (located in east

    Serbia) with a giant metallurgy complex (RTB Bor) constructed during socialism with

    technology now rather obsolete, thus producing considerable pollution (e.g. high emission of

    SO2). In both localities, the natural environment and public health are under serious threat. In

    such conditions, a certain level of citizens environmental activism is necessary for any serious

    attempt to improve the overall state of the environment.

    Environmental Activism in Pancevo and Bor

    Environmental activism represents a political act of individuals and/or groups with the

    intention to influence public policies in the area of environmental protection. In our research this

    concept was seen as the engagement in the following activities: participation in public meetings,

    lectures and educative seminaries on environmental issues, petitioning, participation in protests,

    boycotting, donating money to environmental organizations, campaigning and meeting local

    politicians (Table 1.).

    7The research was conducted by the Institute for Sociological Research, Faculty of Philosophy University of Belgrade,

    within the Regional Research Program Promotion, funded by University of Freiburg, Switzerland. The field research was

    conducted in Pancevo by the end of 2010 and at the beginning of 2011 in Bor.

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    Table1.Environmental activism in Pancevo and Bor

    Activities Town Often Occasionally Rarely Never

    Lectures and educative seminaries on

    environmental issues

    Pancevo 2.5 7.5 12.5 77.4

    Bor 1.2 6.2 20.4 72.3Signing petitions Pancevo 11.5 17.4 13.6 57.5

    Bor 6.4 11.3 23.8 58.6

    Participation in protests Pancevo 5.9 12.0 16.1 66.1

    Bor 2.0 7.0 17.0 74.0

    Boycott of ecologically irresponsiblecompanies and their products

    Pancevo 3.2 4.6 7.7 84.5

    Bor 8.2 8.5 10.3 73.0

    Financial support for environmental

    organizations

    Pancevo 1.4 2.3 7.4 88.9

    Bor 0.6 3.5 9.4 86.5

    Participation in environmental campaigns Pancevo 3.6 9.9 9.0 77.4

    Bor 9.2 12.8 10.8 67.2

    Meeting local politicians Pancevo 0.9 2.9 4.1 92.1

    Bor 1.2 2.9 4.7 91.3

    Table 1 reports the levels of personal participation in various forms of environmental activism. The

    findings indicate that more than two-thirds of respondents from both towns have never participated in

    any of the listed activities. The average respondent both form Bor and Pancevo was most likely to sign

    a petition (about 40% in both towns). On the other hand, in activities such as meeting local politicians

    or giving financial support to environonmental organizations, around 90% of respondents have nevergot involved.

    In order to get a more accurate picture of the overall level of environmental activism in the two

    communities, we have constructed the index of environmental activism8based on the participation in

    the abovementioned activities (Table 2).

    Table 2.Index of environmental activism (%)

    Town

    Index of environmental activism (%)

    Low Moderate High TotalPancevo 66.4 26.4 7.2 100

    Bor 57.6 34.4 8.0 100

    8The index of environmental activism is calculated taking into account citizens' participation in the listed activities

    (participation in public meetings, protests, boycotts, signing petitions, etc) in the last three years.

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    In both towns, more than half of the participants in the survey demonstrated a low level of

    environmental activism, while more than one third (34.4%) of respondents from Bor and more than one

    fourth (26.4%) from Pancevo showed a moderate level of environmental activism. On the other hand,

    less than 10% of citizens in both communities displayed a high level of environmental activism (Table

    2).

    The intended activism (measured in the declared readiness for future participation in the listed

    activities) is also considerably low in both communities. About 85% of respondents from Pancevo and

    75% from Bor do not plan to get engaged in any type of environmentally inspired actions in the near

    future. As the data indicate, despite serious environmental problems, large majorities of citizens in both

    local communities are not active and do not intend to get more environmentally involved.

    Social Capital in Pancevo and Bor

    Although there are many different definitions of social capital, in this article we rely on the

    Putnams formula which equals social capital with generalized trust, norms of reciprocity and networks

    (Putnam, 2000). The rationale for this particular choice of definition is based on the fact it has been

    largely used in empirical researches with well developed research tools (thus enabling comparisons).

    (a) Social trustis a belief that people are generally trustworthy and that most people share the same

    basic norms and act accordingly. Relations of trust make co-operation much easier, since instead of

    having to monitor others, individuals are able to trust them to act as expected. The distinction could be

    made between two types of trust: specific trustwe have in particular individuals whom we know; and

    the generalized trust we have in those we do not know, but which is still there because of our

    confidence in a known social structure. While the specific trust can reduce the problems of collective

    action between people who know each other, the generalized trust can be expected to foster cooperation

    between actors who do not know one another.

    Empirical findings show that more than 60% of survey participants from Bor demonstrate a low

    level of generalized trust in the people in their community, around one third of respondents express

    medium levels of trust, while only 2.8% claim high level of trust. In Pancevo, nearly half of

    respondents (46.7%) stated low level of generalized trust, while about one third demonstrated a

    medium level of trust. In comparison to respondents from Bor, citizens in Pancevo are slightly more

    trustful regarding their community members. However, the overall conclusion is that both communities

    seriously lack generalized trust.

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    (2)Norms of reciprocity give individuals more confidence to invest in collective activities, knowing

    that others will do the same. Reciprocity also increases trust and develops long-term obligations

    between people, which could assist in achieving positive collective outcomes. However, both in

    Pancevo (62.2%) and Bor (54.3%), the majority of the survey participants declared disbelief in the

    existence of reciprocity norms in their communities.

    (3) Networksare usually considered a vital aspect of social capital. They function as channels for

    provision of information and also as means of mobilization, participation and cooperation. Survey

    results suggest that almost two-thirds of the respondents from Pancevo (46.7%) have weak ties; about

    30% establish moderate connections with other community members, while only one-tenth of them

    confirm to have strong ties9. In the case of Bor, particularly interesting is the fact that no one claimed to

    have strong relations with other community members. Moreover, more than two thirds of subjects

    claimed to have weak t ies (69.4%), while less than one third stated to have moderately strong ties.

    As we could see, all the tree components of social capital are underdeveloped in the examined

    communities. In order to obtain a complete picture, we have constructed the composite index of social

    capital10

    Table 3. The index of social capital (%)

    Town

    Social capital (%)

    Low Moderate High Total

    Pancevo 49.7 32.8 17.5 100

    Bor 64.3 27.1 8.6 100

    The results displayed in the table 3 show that the social capital is generally low in both

    communities, although the situation is somewhat better in Pancevo. Almost two thirds (64.3%) of the

    respondents living in Bor and nearly half (49,7%) of those residing in Pancevo declare to have low

    levels of social capital. Further, almost one third (32.8%) of respondents from Bor and slightly above

    one quarter (27.2%) form Pancevo have a medium level of social capital. Finally, high level of social

    capital in Pancevo have 17,5% of respondents which is double the number of the respondents from Bor

    (8,6%) which claim the same amount of social capital.

    9The strength of the networks was measured on the basis of composite index with three levels: weak, moderate and

    strong.10The index of social capital was calculated taking into account citizenstrust, norms of reciprocity and networks. Theindex of social capital is a scale with three levels: low, moderate and high.

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    So far, we have seen that environmental activism and social capital are underdeveloped in

    both communities. The next step is to determine whether there is a positive relationship between the

    two phenomena. We have hypothesized that citizens who have more social capital are also more

    likely to participate in environmental activism. To test this idea we have conducted the correlation

    analysis in which we investigated the interaction of social capital and environmental activism. The

    analysis found the statistically significant association between the variables of social capital and

    environmental activism (the measured correlation coefficient between the two variables is

    (Spearman's rho) 0.311 at the significance level of 0.000). The positive correlation indicates that the

    higher level of social capital is followed by a higher level of environmental involvement. In other

    words, more social capital is related to a higher level of intention to become engaged in

    environmental activities.

    Further, we wanted to investigate whether there is a difference in effect of social capital on

    environmental activism in the two researched communities. For this purpose we have employed the

    two-way between-groups analysis of variance (table 4).

    Table 4.Tests of Between-Subjects Effects

    Data presented in the table 4 show that there are no statistically significant differences inenvironmental activism between Bor and Pancevo (p = .914), meaning that the place of residence does

    not have effect on the level of environmental activism. The results also indicate that there is no

    statistically significant interaction between the social capital and the town variable (p= .320). However,

    at the p=0.00 significance level, there is enough evidence to conclude that there are statistically

    Dependent Variable: Environmental activism

    Source Type IIISum of

    Squares

    df MeanSquare

    F Sig. PartialEta

    Squared

    Corrected Model 1828.338a 5 365.668 10.790 .000 .136

    Intercept 85194.479 1 85194.479 2513.823 .000 .880Social capital 1450.642 2 725.321 21.402 .000 .111

    Town .392 1 .392 .012 .914 .000

    Social capital *Town 77.401 2 38.701 1.142 .320 .007

    Error 11590.521 342 33.890

    Total 134939.000

    348

    Corrected Total 13418.859 347

    a. R Squared = .136 (Adjusted R Squared = .124)

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    significant differences in mean value of environmental activism among respondents with different

    levels of social capital (figure 111

    ).

    Once we have determined that differences in environmental activism exist among the group

    means, post hoc pairwise and multiple comparisons are utilized to determine which means differ. These

    tests systematically compare each of the pairs of groups and indicate whether there is a significant

    difference in the means of each (Table 5). The results indicate that there is a significant difference in

    environmental activism between all three groups (levels) of social capital, meaning that each group of

    social capital is accompanied with a different level of environmental activism.

    11The graph ilustrates how respondents with the higher levels of social capital also tend to be more environmentally

    active. The differences between the Pancevo and Bor samples are not statistically relevant.

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    Table 5.Tukeys HSD test of mean value of the environmental activism for different levels of social

    capital

    Conclusion

    Many different factors shape the characteristics of environmentalism in one country.

    However, this paper focuses solely on the possible effects of social capital on citizen activism in

    environmental issues. The findings suggest that social capital does matter - those individuals who

    have more social capital (stronger social ties, more generalized trust and belief in the existence of

    mutual reciprocity) are also more likely to engage in environmentally inspired action. This allows

    us to assume that one of the reasons of the underdeveloped environmental activism might be the

    lack of social capital. Broken ties, lack of interpersonal trust and disbelief in readiness of the

    others to follow the norms of reciprocity, impede people to join collective initiatives. Lack of

    trust automatically raises the risks / costs of participation, since people believe that they could

    easily be betrayed and left alone. On the other hand, the underdeveloped interpersonal and

    intergroup networks and isolation do not offer adequate mechanisms neither for mobilization for

    environmental causes, nor for proper monitoring and sanctioning of free riders. Additionally, as it

    could be expected, in the context of inefficient state mechanisms for environmental management,

    the lack of citizen environmental activism reduces possibility of systematic environmental

    change.

    (I) Social capital (J) Social capital MeanDifference

    (I-J)

    Std.Error

    Sig. 95% ConfidenceInterval

    Lower

    Bound

    Upper

    BoundLow Medium -2.8226

    * .70158 .000 -4.4741 -1.1711

    High -6.5564* .97857 .000 -8.8599 -4.2529

    Medium Low 2.8226* .70158 .000 1.1711 4.4741

    High -3.7338* 1.05400 .001 -6.2149 -1.2527

    High Low 6.5564* .97857 .000 4.2529 8.8599

    Medium 3.7338* 1.05400 .001 1.2527 6.2149

    Based on observed means.

    The error term is Mean Square(Error) = 33.890.

    *. The mean difference is significant at the .05 level.

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    However, any generalizations of these findings, due to the rather limited samples, have

    certain limitations. Nevertheless, the results highlight the importance of social capital when

    trying to understand why citizens might or might not get engaged in environmental protection. In

    addition, the limitations of this analysis provide a fertile ground for future research based on

    larger samples and more refined statistical techniques (which surpasses the scope of this text).

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    Paper Two:

    Abstract in English:What prevents Serbian citizens from taking more active

    role in solving environmental problems?

    Paper in Serbian:ta spreava graane Srbije da preuzmu aktivnu ulogu u

    reavanju ekolokih problema

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    Jelisaveta Vukeli1

    Filozofski fakultet

    Beograd

    ta spreava graane Srbije da preuzmu aktivnu ulogu u reavanju ekolokih problema? 2

    ApstraktNamera ovog rada je da, s jedne strane, ukae na razmere u kojima se graani Srbijeukljuujuu reavanje naraslih ekolokih problema te da, sa druge, izdvoji kljuneprepreke (presvega sagledane iz perspektive samih graana) koje stoje na putu veem angaovanju u ovojoblasti. U radu se oslanjamo na rezultate anketnog istaivanja ekoloke svesti i prakse koje jesprovedeno prolea 2010. godine, na reprezentativnom uzorku graana Srbije (N=1952). Nalaziistraivanja pokazuju da je pretpostavka informacionog deficita koja se uvreila kako u

    javnosti, tako i u relevantnim dravnim politikama, pogrena, te da se za osnaivanje ekolokeparticipacije graanau obzir mora uzeti sloen kompleks prepreka koje oteavaju pro-ekolokodelovanje.

    Kljune rei ekoloki aktivizam, ekoloka svest, informacioni deficit, prepreke proekolokomdelovanju, Srbija

    What prevents Serbian citizens from taking more active role in solving environmental

    problems?

    Abstract This paper has an aim to show, on one hand, the level of Serbian citizen involvement inthe processes of solving the increasing environmental problems and, on the other hand, to showthe key obstacles (seen from the standpoint of citizens themselves) that impede their moresubstantial engagement in this area. The work relies upon the results of the survey research of theenvironmental awareness and practices, performed in spring 2010, on a representative sample ofSerbian citizens (N=1952). The findings of the Survey show that the information deficithypothesis, that has become widely accepted both by the general public and in the relevant statepolicies, is actually unsustained, and therefore that for the empowerment of the environmentalpublic part icipation a complex set of obstacles that impede the pro-environmental activism is tobe taken into account.

    [email protected]

    2 Rad je pripremljen u okviru Regionalnog programa podrke istraivanjima u oblasti drutvenih istraivanja na

    Zapadnom Balkanu (RRPP), koji vodi Univerzitet u Friburgu, uz finansijsku podrku vajcarske agencije za razvoj isaradnju (SDC). Miljenja izneta u ovom radu su miljenja autora i ne predstvaljaju nuno miljenja SDC nitiUniverziteta u Friburgu.

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    Key words environmental activism, environmental awareness, information deficit, obstacles tothe pro-environmental behaviour, Serbia

    Uvod

    Savremeno drutvo se suoava sa rizicima o kojima nije moglo ni da se sanja samo

    nekoliko generacija unazad. Bojazan od havarija nuklearnih reaktora, strah od potonuaitavih

    gradova usled podizanja nivoa mora, zabrinutost zbog genetske modifikacije hrane ili tetnosti

    sunevog zraenja, deo su nae svakodnevice. Uz to, dananje ekoloke pretnje odavno

    prevazilaze lokalizovane probleme loih sanitarnih uslova, nehigijenske vode za pie ili

    zagaenog vazduha, koji su odlikovali prve faze industrijalizacije, i dostiu planetarne razmere.

    U tom smislu, globalne klimatske promene se postavljaju kao osnovna paradigma kroz koju se

    moraju promiljati ekoloki problemi 21. veka.

    Zaeci ozbiljnijeg drutvenog bavljenja ekolokim pitanjima mogu se locirati u kasne

    ezdesete godine XX veka, kada moderni pokret zelenih stupa na politiku scenu zapadnih

    drutava. Prvi zahtevi da se stane na put rapidnom pogoravanju stanja ivotne sredine potekli su

    iz graanskog drutva, kao deo inicijative obinih ljudi suoenih sa nuspojavama industrijskog

    razvoja. Kritike i negodovanja koja su dopirala iz razliitih delova drutva naunici, ekoloki

    aktivisti i mediji su pretoili u manje vie jedinstvene zahteve ekolokog pokreta. Ovi zahtevi supostupno nali put do donosilaca odluka i uli u redovne politike insititucije, postajui tako

    sastavni deo javnih politika, strategija i akcionih planova. Uvianje injenice da se ni jedna

    zemlja ne moe izolovano boriti protiv problema okruenja, uticalo je, u poslednje etri decenije,

    i na jaanjemeunarodnih napora da se usklaivanjem pravnih okvira, kao i postavljanjem jasnih

    ciljeva (kao to je smanjenje emisije CO2) i akcionih planova, zajedniki deluje na usporavanju i

    preokretanju negativnih trendova. Nekada kao deo socijalistike Jugoslavije, a danas samostalno,

    Srbija je u manjoj ili veojmeri bila ukljuena u meunarodne napore da se iznau reenja za

    nagomilane ekoloke probleme. Iako je tokom socijalistikog perioda imala, makar na papiru,

    dosta napredno ekoloko zakonodavstvo (Lili,2010) i od poetka bila uesnica meunarodnih

    ekolokih inicijativa, Srbija se, od kraha socijalizma kroz period tranzicione recesije, ekonomskih

    sankcija, krize i ratova, te meunarodne izolacije, iskljuila iz ovih napora. Ekonomski oporavak

    i politiki prioriteti nacionalne obnove su u velikoj meri skrajnuli sve ostale vane drutvene

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    ciljeve. Tek nakon 2000. godine, sa jasnijim zacrtavanjem evropskog puta Srbije, te ubrzanog

    usvajanja tekovina Evropske unije, ekoloka pitanja dobijaju svoje mesto u politikoj agendi.U

    fokus javnosti je ulo izuzetno loe ekoloko stanje u Srbiji. Zagaenje vode, vazduha i tla je

    izuzetno velikogobima, tehnologija je dotrajala, odlaganje otpada neregulisano, a alternativni

    izvori energije gotovo u potpunosti neiskorieni (Clarke, 2002, Strategija, 2009). Neki od

    uoenih problema su nasleeni iz socijalistikog perioda, drugi su nastali usled NATO

    bombardovanja (recimo zagaenje osiromaenim uranijumom), dok su trei posledica

    preuzimanja konzumerskih tekovina Zapada (gomilanje ambalanog otpada, rast aerozagaenja

    kao posledica uvoza velikog broja polovnih automobila itd). Lista problema se tu nikako ne

    zavrava. (Izvetaj o stanju ivotne sredine u Srbiji). Pored reavanja nagomilanih lokalnih

    problema, Srbija se paralelno mora suoiti i sa globalnim izazovima, to zahteva ubrzano

    razvijanje strategije savladavanja posledica klimatskih promena. U borbi sa naraslim ekolokimproblemima koja predstoji, a kroz uvoenje mehanizama participacije u odluivanju u ovoj

    oblasti, znaajnu ulogu dobijaju i sami graani.

    U tom pogledu, namera ovog rada je da, s jedne strane, sagleda naine i razmere

    ukljuivanja graana Srbije u reavanje ekolokih problema, te da, s druge strane, razmotri

    prepreke koje im u tome stoje na putu. Za te potrebe, osloniemo se na podatke prikupljene u

    velikom anketnom istraivanju3koje je Institut za socioloka istaivanja Filozofskog fakulteta u

    Beogradu sproveo prolea 2010. godine.

    Ekoloki problemi u Srbiji - perspektivagraana

    Izvesno znanje o postojanju ekolokih problema i o njihovim posledicama pre svega na

    zdravlje, ali i na druge aspekte ivota, smatra se vanom osnovom za ekoloko delovanje

    (Hannigan, 1996). U tom smislu, prvo to smo eleli da ispitamo je da li, i u kojoj meri, graani

    Srbije raspolau saznanjima o ekolokim pretnjama koje se nalaze u njihovom neposrednom

    okruenju. Prikupljen anketni materijal nedvosmisleno ukazuje na to da su graani Srbije

    upoznati i veoma nezadovoljni stanjem u kome se nalazi ivotna sredina, kako na nivou cele

    3Reje o pionirskom nastojanju da se istrai stepen razvijenosti ekoloke svesti i participacije u Srbiji. Istraivanje je

    bilo anketnog tipa i realizovao ga je tim Instituta za socioloka istraivanja Filozofskog fakulteta u Beogradu maja

    2010. godine. Uzorak je reprezentativan (N= 1952), ispitanici su odabrani metodom sluajnog uzorka. Meu

    respondentimaje 53,3% enai 46,7% mukaraca, odnosno 54,8% stanovnika gradova i 45,2% stanovnika seoskih

    naselja, to dobro odraava polnu strukturu i urbanizovanostsrpskog drutva.

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    Srbije, tako i u njihovoj lokalnoj zajednici. U tom pogledu, najloije je ocenjen stepen korienja

    alternativnih izvora energije, te prakse skladitenja industrijskog otpada, kao i stanje deponija i

    regulisanja otpadnih voda. Kao najvei problem se najee pojavljuje neadekvatno otklanjanje

    vrstog otpada i stanje deponija, to navodi svaki peti ispitanik. Ovakve (subjektivne) ocene

    korespondiraju (objektivnim) nalazima Izvetaja o stanju ivotne sredine u Srbiji (2009), koji

    upravo kao najznaajnije ekoloke probleme navodi neadekvatno upravljanje otpadom (slabu

    pokrivenost teritorije organizovanim odnoenjem smea, veoma mali broj sanitarnih deponija

    koje odgovaraju postavljenim standardima itd.), te izuzetno malu iskorienost energije iz

    obnovljivih izvora. Takoe, prema miljenju ispitanika, stanje ivotne sredine u Srbiji je mnogo

    loije (34%) ili loije (42%) u odnosu na zemlje zapadne Evrope, dok je sl ino ili neto loije u

    odnosu na druge bive socijalistike zemlje i zemlje u regionu (to takoe odgovara objektivnim

    pokazateljima4

    ). Pored toga, ne samo to smatraju da je stanje ivotne sredine veoma loe,graani su svesni i da ono ne ostaje bez posledica na njihovo zdravlje. Prema njihovoj proceni,

    zagaenje ima osrednji (37%) ili veliki uticaj (35%) na njihovo zdravlje.

    Dakle, moe se zakljuiti da su graani Srbije s jedne strane upoznati sa stanjem u kome

    se nalazi njihovo okruenje, da umeju da identifikuju kljune probleme, kao i da su upoznati sa

    injenicom da se takvo stanje okoline negativno odraava na njihovo zdravlje, a samim tim i na

    ukupan kvalitet ivota. U tom smislu, prvi preduslov delovanja svest o postojanju ekolokih

    problema ipercepcija tih problema kao ugroavajuih je ispunjena.

    Ekoloke vrednosti i stavovi graana Srbije

    Drugi preduslov ekolokog delovanja, koji se esto pojavljuje u literaturi,je odreeni nivo

    razvijenosti ekoloke svesti odnosno prihvatanja proekolokih vrednosti (Ajzen & Fishbein,

    1980, Hines et al, 1986, Burgess et al, 1998, Stern et al, 1999, Kollmuss & Agyman, 2002). Iako

    se ljudi mogu ponaati po ekolokom bontonu jer su na to podstaknuti sistemom ekonomskih

    stimulacija i kazni, generalno se smatra da je za odrivo ekoloko ponaanje neophodno da ono

    bude voeno usvojenim ekolokim vrednostima (Matti, 2008, Dobson, 2003). U tom smislu,

    eleli smo da saznamo u kojoj meri graani Srbije prihvataju proekoloki vrednosni sistem. Ovo

    4 Primera radi, na skali Environmental Performance Index-a 2010. Srbija se nalazi na 29. mestu iza veine

    zapadnoevropskih zemalja, a u grupi u kojoj se nalaze uglavnom sve zemalje iz okruenja

    http://epi.yale.edu/Countries

    http://epi.yale.edu/Countrieshttp://epi.yale.edu/Countrieshttp://epi.yale.edu/Countries
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    pitanje nas je posebno interesovalo jer je u domaim medijima, ali i u zvaninim izvetajima

    nadlenih dravnih institucija, kao i nevladinih organizacija, prisutno shvatanje da je nivo

    ekoloke svesti u zemlji izuzetno nizak, te da to predstavlja osnovnu prepreku za reavanje

    nagomilanih problema u ovoj oblasti. Da li je to ba tako, upitali smo se?

    U kojoj meri su ekoloke vrednosti zastupljene meu graanima Srbije, pokuali smo da

    utvrdimo oslanjajui se na skalu Nove ekoloke paradigme (NEP), jedan u takve svrhe, najee

    upotrebljivanih instrumenata (Dunlap and Van Liere, 1978; Dunlap et al., 2000, Schultz and

    Zelezny, 1999; Stern and Dietz, 1994; Stern et al., 1995, Dunlap et al. 2000; Stern 2000;

    Widegren 1998). Ova skala pokuava da uhvati stepen u kome se prihvataju razliitaverovanja za

    koja se smatra da se nalaze u samom jezgru ekoloke zabrinutosti: percepcija negativnih efekata

    ljudskog delovanja na okruenje, odbacivanje uverenja o izuzetnosti ljudske vrste, uvianje

    postojanja vrste veze izmeu ljudi i ostatka ive i neive prirode, realnost limita rasta usledogranienostiplanetarnih resursa, anti-antropocentrizam, te krhkost balansa koji postoji u prirodi.

    U naem istraivanju, koristili smo skraenu estolanu NEP skalu za koju su razliita

    istraivanja (Pierce et al, 1992, Stern et al, 1999, Dunlap et al, 2000) pokazala da dobro

    reprezentuje osnovnu 12-lanu skalu(Dunlap and Van Liere, 1978).

    Tabela 1 ovde

    Kao to se na osnovu podataka prikazanih u tabeli 1 moe zakljuiti, znaajna veina

    ispitanika se u potpunosti ili delimino (94,4%) slae sa stavom da se balans koji postoji u prirodi

    lako moe naruiti ljudskim delovanjem. Slino tome, natpolovian broj ispitanika (57,3%) ne

    prihvata stav da promene u prirodnoj sredini koje su posledica zadovoljavanja ljudskih potreba

    tek retko nanose ozbiljneposledice okruenju. Najvei deonaih ispitanika (87,9%) je u manjoj

    ili veoj meri svestanda suprirodni resursi ogranieni, dabiljni i ivotinjski svet ne postoji samo

    da bi se njegovim iskoriavanjem zadovoljavale potrebe ljudi (90,8%), te da oveanstvo nije

    stvoreno da bi vladalo ostatkom prirode (60,9%).

    Da bismo dobili sumarnu predstavu o tome u kojoj se meri ukupno prihvata nova

    ekoloka paradigma, formirali smo indeks NEP5 (tabela 2). Kao to se na osnovu podataka iz

    5Indeks je formiran sabiranjem ocena koje su ispitanici davali za svaki pojedinani stav naskali nove ekoloke

    paradigme.

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    tabele 2 da zakljuiti, veoma mali broj ispitanika (4,1%) ne prihvata novu ekoloku paradigmu. S

    druge strane, veina ispitanika, njih gotovo 2/3 (61,4%) uglavnom prihvata stavove koji ine

    integralni deo ovakvog pogleda na svet, dok su stavovi neto iznad jedne treine ispitanika u

    potpunosti uskaeni sa naelimaNEP.

    Tabela 2 ovde

    Prihvatanje ekolokog pogleda na svet predstavlja vanu osnovu za pro-ekoloko

    delovanje (Hines et al, 1986, Stern et al, 2000, Kollmuss & Agyeman, 2002) . Meutim, treba

    imati u vidu da je re o veoma apstraktnom korpusu verovanja, koji je u velikoj meri udaljen od

    svakodnevnih problema i aktivnosti. U tom smislu, kao posrednik izmeu najoptijih uverenja i

    praktinog delovanja, pojavljuje se ekoloka zabrinutost, koja je blia svakodnevnom iskustvu, asamim tim i verovatniji pokreta odreenih oblika delovanja(Stern et al,1999, Steel, 1996, Dietz

    et al, 1995). Imajui to u vidu, ispitanicima smo prezentovali neke od najznaajnijih ekolokih

    problema dananjice, i pitali ih da ocene u kojoj meri ih ovi problemi zabrinjavaju. Neki od

    pobrojanih problema su u manjoj ili veoj meri dao svakodnevice svakog od nas, odnosno mogu

    se lako opaziti u lokalnom okruenju (npr. zagaenje vode, vazduha itd) dok su drugiglobalni po

    svom karakteru (oteenje ozonskog omotaa, nestanak tropskih uma itd.) i udaljeni od

    svakodnevnog iskustva. Kao to je predstavljeno u tabeli 3, nae ispitanike veoma zabrinjavaju

    svi pobrojani ekoloki problemi. Tako, udeo onih koji se ne brinu ne dostie ni 10% ni za jedan

    od pobrojanih problema. Ipak, intenzitet zabrinutosti varira u odnosu na udaljenost problema.

    Briga je manja to su problemi udaljeniji, pa je tako vie od ispitanika (26,3%) tek delimino

    zabrinuto zbog gubitka biodiverziteta, dok svakog petog ispitanika (21,9%) u manjoj meri brinu

    kisele kie ili posledice globalnog zagrevanja. Slino tome, dok zagaenje vode, vazduha i tla

    veoma zabrinjava 41,5% ispitanika, isti nivo zabrinutosti za seu tropskih uma iskazuje 20,8%

    ispitanika, za kisele kie 22% a za klimatske promene 29,3%.

    Tabela 3 ovde

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    U elji da dobijemo celovitu sliku o razmerama brige za ivotnu sredinu, formirali smo

    indeks ekoloke zabrinutosti6. Kao to se moe videti iz tabele 4, nisku zabrinutost iskazuje

    manje od jedne desetine ispitanika, dok je umereno zabrinut svaki esti ispitanik. Nasuprot tome,

    visok nivo zabrinutosti za pretnje koje dolaze kao posledica nagomilanih ekolokih problema,

    odlikuje gotovo tri etvrtine uzorka (74%).

    Tabela 4 ovde

    I trei vaan preduslov za ekoloko delovanje, pored svesti o problemima i prihvatanja

    proekolokog pogleda na svet - ekoloka zabrinutost - je ispunjen. Imajui to u vidu, oekivali

    bismo i znaajan stepen angaovanja ljudi na zatiti i ouvanju prirodnog okruenja. Stoga, u

    kojoj meri su graani Srbije zaista aktivni, odnosno da li njihovo znanje, svest i zabrinutost

    nalaze odjeka u konkretnim aktivnostima, bilo je sledeepitanje na koji smo eleli da saznamo

    odgovor. Ipak, neposredno lino iskustvo i intuicija istraivaa, kao i uvreeno i medijski

    podrano miljenje da su graani Srbije sasvim nesvesni i nesavesni u svom ophoenju prema

    okolini, uneli su dozu skepticizma u pozitivan odgovor na nae istraivako pitanje, koji bi, po

    logici stvari i teorijskim predvianjima, trebalo da usledi. Drugim reima, iako bi po do sad

    prikazanim nalazima, bilo za oekivati da su nai sugraani ekoloki agilni, nismo bili uvereni u

    pozitivne nalaze.

    Ekoloko ponaanje

    Da bismo dobili odgovor na pitanje koliko su graani ekoloki aktivni, ispitanicima smo

    predstavili itav niz pro-ekolokih ponaanja, traei da od njih da ocene koliko esto su ih

    praktikovali u poslednje tri godine. No, pre nego to prezentujemo nalaze, treba da napomenemo

    da se ekoloko ponaanje moe javiti u dosta razliitih varijanti. Tako, recimo, neki ljudi

    recikliraju ili kompostiraju, drugi koriste javni prevoz, trei, tzv. lokavore, konzumiraju samo

    namirnice koje su lokalno gajene, etvrti kupuju iskljuivo polovne predmete, peti se hrane

    jedino organskim proizvodima ili uzgajaju voe i povre za sopstvene potrebe. S druge strane,

    ekoloko delovanje se moe praktikovati ne samo kao deo ivotnog stila, ve i kroz politiki

    6Indeks ekoloke zabrinutosti smo formirali sabiranjem ocena koje su ispitanici dali za svaki pojedinani stav kojim

    je merena ekoloka zabrinutost

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    angaman: uee u protestima, potpisivanje peticija, komunikacija sa predstavnicima vlasti,

    kontaktiranje novinara ili pisanje blogova, lanstvo u ekolokim organizacijama itd.

    Uviajui razliite osnove i karakteristike ekolokog ponaanja, Stern (2000) pravi razliku

    izmeu politikog ekolokog delovanja i pro-ekolokog ponaanja. Prvi oblik se moe javiti u

    vidu ekolokog aktivizma koji podrazumeva posveeno uestvovanje u akcijama ekolokih

    organizacija odnosno ekolokim pokretima. Re je o delovanju ekolokih aktivista i lidera koji

    ine jezgro ekolokog pokreta. Pored ove, relativno malobrojne ali znaajne grupacije, Stern

    izdvaja i pojedince koji podravaju ideje ekolokog pokreta, a ije delovanje kvalifikuje kao

    ekoloko graanstvo (environmental citizenship). Ovu vrstu angamana, primera radi, karakteriu

    aktivnosti poput potpisivanja peticija, davanje priloga ekolokim organizacijama, povremenog

    uea u ekolokim kampanjamai protestima itd. Oba oblika delovanja, iako indirektna po svom

    karakteru u odnosu na ivotnu sredinu, mogu imati znaajan uticaj, jer mogu bitno da promenekurs ekoloke politike,postavljajui pitanja ivotne sredine na vrh politike agende.

    U tabeli 5 su prikazani odgovori ispitanika na pitanje koliko esto su u poslednje tri

    godine uestvovali u razliitim aktivnostima koje predstavljaju naine da se, kada je ivotna

    sredina u pitanju, politiki deluje. Kao to se moe videti, velika veina graana nije uzimala

    uee u pomenutim aktivnostima. Tako, 94% ispitanika nije kontaktiralo prestavnike vlasti, 91%

    nije davalo prilog ekolokim organizacijama, 88% nije prisustvovalo ekolokom protestu. Od

    svih nabrojanih aktivnosti, ispitanici su najee potpisivali peticije u poslednje 3 godine je to,

    barem jedan put, uinio svaki etvrti ispitanik (27%). Treba imati u vidu da potpisivanje peticije,

    u poreenju sa ostalim aktivnostima, zahtevaznatno manje vremena i truda i uglavnom ne nosi

    nikakav rizik, kakav recimo moe imati uee u protestima.

    Tabela 5 ovde

    Da bismo stekli uvid u to koliki je udeo ekolokih aktivista, a koliki podravalaca

    ekolokog pokreta (eko-graana) u ukupnoj populaciji, konstruisali smo indeks eko-politikog

    aktivizma7. Dobijene rezultate smo podelili na etiri nivoa (kao to je prikazano u tabeli 6). U

    prvu kategoriju su svrstani oni koji su izjavili da nisu uestvovali ni u jednoj navedenih

    7Indeks ekolokog aktivizma smo formirali na osnovu sabiranjaodgovora ispitanika na pitanje koliko su esto, u

    poslednje tri godine, uestvovali u aktivnostima nabrojanim u tabeli 5.

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    aktivnosti. Njih, kojih je ujedno najvei broj (60%), smo odredili kao ekoloki pasivne

    (neaktivne). U naredne dve kategorije spadaju oni koji su uestvovali u nekoj od aktivnosti. Oni

    sa niskim nivoom na indeksu eko-aktivizma, a takvih je vie od treine uzorka (35%), su blii

    grupi neaktivnih, to znai da su tekpo neki put uestvovali u nekim od pomenutih aktivnosti. Tu

    bismo grupu mogli nazvatipotencijalnim eko-graanima, koji se jo uvek nisu u dovoljnoj meri

    ekoloki angaovali. U treoj grupi, koja zauzima srednji poloaj na skali aktivizma, nali su se

    oni ispitanici koji su izjavili da su se ee angaovali u veem broju aktivnosti u protekle tri

    godine. Tu kategoriju ine eko-graani, odnosno podravaoci ekopokreta. Najzad,

    najmalobrojniju grupu (0,5%) ine eko-aktivisti koji redovno uestvuju u politiki usmerenim

    ekolokim aktivnostima. Mali broj posveenih aktivista ne treba da zabrinjava koliko izuzetno

    veliki broj neaktivnih i tek povremeno angaovanih graana, koji ine95% uzorka. Naime, uspeh

    ekolokog pokreta upravo zavisi od podrke koju on ima u najirim drutvenim slojevima (Stern,2000). Imajui u vidu prikazane nalaze istaivanja, ne udi podatak da ekoloki pokret u istonoj

    Evropi nikako ne uspeva da zadobije iru podrku, dok na masovni odaziv jedino nailaze

    inicijative sindikalnih organizacija (Cisar,2010).

    Tabela 6 ovde

    Pored prethodno opisanog javnog odnosno politikog oblika ekolokog delovanja, Stern

    (2000) izdvaja i proekoloko ponaanje, koje se odvija u okviru privatne sfere i obuhvata ivotne

    stilove koji su usaglaeni sa namerom da se okruenje ouva od daljeg naruavanja. U njih bi,

    primera radi, spadala zelena kupovina (odabiranje proizvoda koji potuju ekoloke standarde

    proizvodnje), selekcija i pravilno odlaganje otpada za reciklau, korienje javnog prevoza u

    svrhe smanjenja zagaenja izduvnim gasovima, uee u akcijama ienja ili ozelenjavanja itd.

    Za razliku od javnog ekolokog delovanja, privatne ekoloke prakse imaju direktan uticaj na

    kvalitet ivotne sredine. Ipak, njihov uticaj je srazmerno mali, odnosno dobija na znaaju tek

    kada se veliki broj ljudi ponaa na isti ili slian nain.

    Tabela 7 ovde

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    Slino kao i kad je u pitanju politiko delovanje, iz tabele 7 se vidi da nai ispitanici, u

    najveem broju sluajeva, ne praktikuju zelene ivotne stilove. Svega 15% ispitnika je barem

    jednom bojkotovalo robu koju su proizvele ekoloki nesavesne kompanije; isti broj se povremeno

    vozi javnim prevozom da bi smanjio sopstveni karbonski otisak, dok je tek svaki esti ispitanik

    neki put uestvovao u ekolokim kampanjama koje su za cilj imale ienje javnih povrina ili

    utedu energije. Selekciju otpada vri tek svaki peti ispitanik, a odvajanje otpada je deo redovne

    rutine svakog etrnaestog ispitanika.

    Svedoanstva ispitanika o tome koliko su puta u poslednje tri godine bili ekoloki

    angaovani otkrila su nam jednu krajnje sumornu sliku. Sa aljenjem smo morali da

    konstatujemo je naa intuitivna pretpostavka o slaboj rairenosti eko praksi bila ispravnija od

    teorijskih oekivanja. U nadi da e se barem u budunosti stanovnici nae zemlje vie angaovati

    na reavanju problema okruenja, pitali smo ih kakvi su im planovi po tom pitanju. Meutim,

    umesto bilo kakvih naznaka poboljanja, budui planovianketiranih samo su potvrdili da se, u

    tom pogledu, bez nekakve spoljne inicijative ili pritiska, nita bitnije nee promeniti. Tako, tek

    svaki 6 ispitanik (16%) nagovetava budue angaovanje u ovoj oblasti, dok najvei broj (84%)

    izjavljuje da ovakva vrsta aktivnosti nije planirana. Od onih koji su dali potvrdan odgovor,

    najvei broj (25,7%) vidi sebe kao uesnika u akcijama ienja javnih prostora, 17% je

    pomenulo uee u nekom obliku edukativnih programa, dok je 7% iskazalo spremnost da se

    ukljui u rad ekolokih organizacija. Jedna treina ispitanika nije navela aktivnost i kojima planira

    da se bavi u budunosti.

    Kao to smo do sad imali prilike da vidimo, graani Srbije uviaju postojanje razliitih

    ekolokih problema kako u svojoj neposrednoj okolini, tako i u Srbiji generalno. Pored toga,

    svesni su da je stanje u Srbiji loije nego u mnogim drugim evropskim zemljama. Takvo stanje

    ivotne sredine ih veoma brine, utoliko vie to smatraju da je njihovo zdravlje i zdravlje lanova

    njihovih porodica time bitno ugroeno. Pored toga, u najveem broju skloni su da prihvate

    stavove koji su odlika novog ekolokog pogleda na svet, koji se razvio iz uvianjainjenice da su

    postojei ekoloki problemi nastali kao posledica nemarnog i neracionalnog odnosa prema

    okolini. Imajui u vidu pobrojano, mogli smooekivati da e segraani Srbije u odreenoj meri

    angaovati na reavanju naraslih problema. Meutim, nalazi naeg istraivanja, kako to smo

    imali prilike da vidimo, pokazuju sasvim drugaiju sliku. Takav podatak iznenauje, jer

    pretpostavljamo da ljudi ipak deluju u skladu sa vrednostima koje su usvojili i preduzimaju mere

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    zatite od pretnji koje dolaze iz okruenja. Zato, pitanje koje se logino odmah namee je- zato

    je to tako? Kakve se to prepreke postavljaju pred ekoloki svesne i zabrinute graane, pa oni

    gotovo nita ne ineda bi neeljeno stanje popravili?Da bismo pokuali da pruimo odgovor na

    to pitanje, u nastavku rada, u fokusu e se nai prepreke koje su sami ispitanici izdvojili kao

    najvanije.

    Prepreke pro-ekolokom ponaanju percepcija graana

    Objasniti ekoloko delovanje, odnosno njegov izostanak, nije nimalo jednostavno. O tome

    svedoe i mnogobrojni teorijski pokuaji da se, pristupajui iz razliitih uglova, ovaj fenomen

    objasni od sociopsiholokih teorija koje u fokus stavljaju svest, odgovornost, individualnu

    motivaciju te racionalnu kalkulaciju pojedinaca, preko teorija kolektivne akcije, mobilizacijeresursa, strukture politikih mogunosti, do kulturnih perspekt iva koje naglasak stavljaju na

    socijalnu konstrukciju ekolokih problema te razliite okvire (framing) kroz koje se percipira

    proekoloko delovanje nedostatka resursa (Ne, 2006). Kako prostor kojim u ovom radu

    raspolaemo ne dozvoljava da se ue u razmatranje svih potencijanih inilaca koji, u veoj ili

    manjoj meri, utiu na ekoloko ponaanje i participaciju, ovde smo se ograniili na razmatranje

    onih prepreka koje su sami akteri videli i izdvojili kao problematine. Naravno, to ne znai niti da

    su te prepreke jedine, niti da su najvanije kao ni da se lista faktora koji oblikuju delovanje tu

    zavrava, ali daje nagovetaj o tome ta se sve neposredno nepovoljno odraava na motivaciju

    graana da se na neki nainekoloki angauju. Sledeiu izvesnoj meri podelu koju je dao Blake

    (1999), inioce koji se pojavljuju samim ispitanicima kao teko premostive prepreke smo podelili

    u tri grupe: individualno-psiholoke barijere (npr. specifian temperament, nedostatak

    interesovanja, odreena stanja starost, bolest), praktino-institucionalne prepreke (nedostatak

    vremena, informacija i drugih resursa, kao i potrebne infrastrukture i institucionalne podrke

    odreenim inicijativama), prepreke za kolektivno delovanje koje pojedincu oteavajuju da se

    ukljui u zajednikodelovanje na reavanju ekolokih problema(oseaj line nemoida se neto

    promeni, nepoverenje u institucije, izostanak oseaja line odgovornosti za reavanje odreenih

    problema).

    Individualne barijere

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    svega nezaposlenost), socijalna i politika pitanja i dalje dominiraju. Uvid u nain na koji graani

    rangiraju dravne i lokalne prioritete donekle razjanjava misteriozni izostanak ekolokog

    delovanja u kontekstu prepoznate ekoloke i zdravstvene ugroenosti.

    Institucionalne/praktine prepreke

    Iako lino zainteresovani i zabrinuti, pojednici mogu ostati neaktivni jer im delovanje

    onemoguava nepostojanje neophodne infrastrukture, institucionalne podrke ili odreenih

    resursa (Wall, 1995, Tindall et al, 2003, Blake, 1999). Resurs koji naim ispitanicima, kako

    izgleda, najee nedostaje je - slobodno vreme.

    Nedostatak vremena

    Da nemaju dovoljno (slobodnog) vremena da bi se angaovali u reavanju ekolokihproblema tvrdi ak 54% ispitanika. Nedostatak vremena, kao najee navoeni razlog za

    ekoloki apsentizam, ne govori mnogo. ta se zapravo krije iza nedostatka vremena?

    S jedne strane, teko se moe sporiti injenica da mnoga pro-ekoloka ponaanja

    zahtevaju vie vremena od uobiajenih praksi (selekcija otpada, vonja biciklom itd.). Potom,

    bilo koji vid politikog angamana (prisustvo sastancima, uee u kampanjama ili u protestima)

    svakako oduzuma slobodno vreme. Takoe, ponaati se ekoloki u kontekstu oskudne potrebne

    infrastrukture, iziskuje dodatno vreme i energiju (npr. odlazak do udaljenih reciklanih

    kontejnera, potraga za eko-sertifikovanim namirnicama itd.). Meutim, pored ovih objektivnih

    zahteva za veim utrokom vremena, kada je ovaj resurs u pitanju, u obzir moramo uzeti jo

    jednu injenicu. Naime, iako, naravno, vremena nikad nema dovoljno za sve ono ime bismo

    eleli da se bavimo, ono se za vane stvari ipak nekako pronae. Dakle, nije u pitanju samo

    objektivni nedostatak vremena, ve postavljeni prioriteti. Odgovor nemam vremena je i

    elegantan nain da se kae to mi nije (dovoljno) vano. Ovam zakljuku u prilog govore

    prethodno prikazani nalazi istraivanja po kojima se, na listi prioriteta graana Srbije, ekoloka

    pitanja nalaze na samom dnu. Zaostajui iza urgentnih ekonomskih pitanja (pronalaenja

    (dodatnog) posla te obezbeivanja puke egzistencije u kontekstu visoke nezaposlenosti i

    ekonomske krize), ekologizam se potvruje kao fenomen punog stomaka.U tom smislu, teko da

    e nimalositi graani Srbije za njega imati vremena.

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    Nedostatak informacija

    Informisanost o ekolokim problemima i pretnjama predstavlja vaan preduslov za

    odgovarajue angaovanje. Drugim reima, a kao to to potvruje gotovo jedna petina ispitanika

    (19%), nedovoljna informisanost se postavlja kao znaajnaprepreka za dalje delovanje.

    Kao to se iz tabele 8 da videti, malo iznad jedne treine (36%) ispitanika smatra da je

    dobro informisano o vanim ekolokim pitanjima. S druge strane, znaajna veina (63%) se ne

    smatra dovoljno informisanom.

    Tabela 8 ovde

    Kao glavne razloge slabe informisanosti ispitanici navode nedostatak vremena da se boljeinformiu (32%), nepoverenje u dostupne informacije (27%), nedostupnost informacija (22%),

    kao i linunezainteresovanost za tu vrstu informacija (17%). Odgovori kao da idu u krug: gotovo

    polovina ispitanika (49%) tvrdi da nema vremena odnosno nije zainteresovana ni toliko da se

    informie o pitanjima vezanim za ivotnu sredinu, da bi se, potom, taj nedostatak informacija

    pojavio kao prepreka za angaovanje. Kako god se okrenulo, uprkos tome to se ekoloke

    vrednosti deklarativno prihvataju, a problemi uviaju i zabrinutost postoji, njihovo reavanje se

    definitivno ne nalazi na vrhu liste interesovanja naih ispitanika.

    Nerazvijenost infrastrukture

    Iako nai ispitanici nisu izdvojili nepostojanje infrastrukture kao direktnu prepreku, ona se

    pojavljuje kao znaajan problem onda kada se kao pitanje postavi uee u nekoj konkretnoj

    aktivnosti. Svakako, kada je potrebna infrastruktura lako dostupna, odnosno kada postoji

    institucionalna podrka za obavljanje odreenih aktivnosti, mnogo je lake delovati na poeljan

    nain, nego u situacijamagde takve infrastrukture nema. U svom istraivanju, Derksen i Gartrell

    (1993) su pronali da ljudi koji imaju pristup dobro organizovanim programima recikliranja,

    mnogo ee recikliraju svoj otpad nego to to ine oni koji nemaju pristup tako ureenim

    sistemima. Slina situacija je i sa dostupnoujavnog prevoza, postojanjem biciklistikih staza i

    mesta za parkiranje, kao i sa raspoloivouenergije iz alternativnih izvora itd.

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    U kojoj meri nepostojanje infrastrukture moe da otea razliite ekoprakse, pokazaemo

    na primeru selekcije otpada. Neadekvatno upravljanje otpadom predstavlja jedan od najveih

    problema ivotne sredine u Srbiji.. Poetkom 2000.godine organizovano prikupljanje otpada je

    pokrivalo svega jednu polovinu domainstava, i to uglavnom onih lociranih u urbanim

    podrujima. Situacija je danas neto bolja, pa je pokrivenost oko 60%, sa i dalje izraenim

    problemima u ruralnim oblastima. Pored toga, znaajno nedostaju komunalna vozila za odvoz

    smea, kontejneri, kante, dok je samo jedna od 180 postojeih deponija ureena prema propisima.

    Tek se od prole godine u stotinak optina zapoelo sa organizovanim razdvajanjem otapada,

    najee PET ambalae i papira. U ovoj, 2011. godini planiran je poetak izgradnje Centra za

    sakupljanje i selekciju reciklabilnog otpada. (http://ocistimosrbiju.rs/src/oakciji.htm). Imajui u

    vidu konktekstualni okvir, ne treba da udi to to gotovo 80% respondenata ne praktikuje

    selekciju otpada, dok to esto initek svaki petnaesti ispitanik (tabela 9).

    Tabela 9 ovde

    Najvei broj ispitanika (68,5%) je dao potvrdan odgovor na pitanje: da li biste u

    budunosti selektovali otpad?, ali samo pod uslovom da se za to obezbede neophodni uslovi.

    Negativni odgovori su bili posledica miljenja da je tako neto suvie komplikovano (6%),

    oduzima vreme (3,8%) ili prostor (1,1%), dok svaki peti ispitanik ne zna odgovor, odnosno ne

    razmilja o tome. Kao to se moe zakljuiti, nepostojanje odgovarajue infrastrukture

    predstavlja veliku prepreku za uspostavljanje ekoloki poeljnih praksi.

    Dileme kolektivnog delovanja apsentizam i lina odgovornost

    Pored individualno-psiholokih potekoa, s jedne, i praktinih prepreka, s druge strane,

    nai ispitanici su navodili i ogranienja koje bi se mogla svrstati u kategoriju tzv. dileme

    kolektivne akcije (Olson, 1965). Prema pretpostavkama teorije kolektivnog delovanja, pojedinci

    su, voeniusko linim interesima, skloni da se ne ukljueu one kolektivne poduhvate u kojima

    im neposredni (lini) troak deluje vei od potencijalne (kolektivne) dobiti. Vodei se ovom

    logikom, pojedinac se nee angaovati u onim sluajevima kada smatrada apstinencija neebiti

    primeena niti sankcionisana; potom onda kada misli da se poduhvat moe realizovati i bez

    njegovog doprinosa (pojedinani uticaj je srazmerno mali); kao i kad nema poverenja da e se

    drugi ukljuiti u zajedniku akciju (u kom sluaju bi onbio jedini koji je uzalud troio sopstvene

    http://ocistimosrbiju.rs/src/oakciji.htmhttp://ocistimosrbiju.rs/src/oakciji.htmhttp://ocistimosrbiju.rs/src/oakciji.htmhttp://ocistimosrbiju.rs/src/oakciji.htm
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    resurse). Ukoliko ovakav nain razmiljanja, poznat jo i kao fenomen besplatnog jahanja

    (free-riding) odnosno dilema zatvorenika (prisoners dilemma), sledi dovoljno veliki broj ljudi,

    neminovno dolazi do onoga to je Hardin (1968) nazvao tragedijom kolektivnih dobara (Olson,

    1965, Hardin, 1968, Ostrom, 1990). Zbog specifinog svojstva veine prirodnih dobra da se,

    nezavisno od doprinosa, pojedinci ne mogu iskljuiti iz njihovogkasnijeg korienja, pomenuta

    tragedija predstavlja stalnu pretnju kada je ivotna sredina u pitanju. Primera radi, iz uivanja

    blagodeti istog vazduha ne mogu se iskljuiti ak ni oni pojedinci koji su svesno doprinosili

    aerozagaenju(Ostrom,1990).

    No, vratimo se sad naim ispitanicima. Meu onima koji se u budunosti nee ekoloki

    aktivirati, svaki osmi je kao kljuan razlog naveonedostatak vere u to da svojim angaovanjem

    moe bilo ta znaajnije da uini. Ovakvo oseanje line nemoi moe biti posledica nekoliko

    razliitih okolnosti. Jedna od njih je nedostatak poverenja u podrku nadlenih institucija i drugihrelevantnih aktera u realizaciji postavljenih ekolokih ciljeva.

    Slabo poverenje u institucije sistema je zajednikoobeleje veinebivih socijalistikih

    zemalja, a Srbija po tom pitanju nikako nije izuzetak (Mihailovi et al, 2006). Nepovoljno

    institucionalno okruenje se negativno odraava na oseaj line moi da se neto promeni. Ako

    ne postoje mehanizmi koji bi podrali inicijative koje dolaze od pojedinaca, najverovatnije je da

    takve inicijative nee ni zaiveti. Imajui to u vidu, nae ispitanike smo zamolili da ocene u kojoj

    meri veruju u informacije koje im o stanju ivotne sredine pruaju nadlene institucije. Tako, u

    podatke o zagaenjukoje prua Vlada poverenje ima 7% ispitanika, u informacije koje dolaze od

    predstavnika lokalnih vlasti veruje 9%, dok izvetaje nadlenih dravnih ustanova kao pouzdane

    ocenjuje 8,5% ispitanika. Jedna treina veruje podacima ekolokih organizacija, a svaki esti

    ispitanik ima poverenja u medijsko izvetavanje o ovim temama. S druge stane, Vladi nimalo ne

    veruje 58% ispitanika, lokalnim vlastima 54%, nadlenim institucijama 54% itd. Kao to se lako

    da zakljuiti, nepoverenje viestruko prevazilazi veru u nadlene institucije, pogotovo kada su

    dravni organi u pitanju. Takva situacija svakako predstavlja oteavajuu okolnost za uee

    graana koji ne mogu da se oslone na institucije koje bi, inae,trebalo da budu kljuan saveznik

    u zajednikojborbi protiv ekolokih izazova.

    Za ekoloko graanstvoje, pored prihvatanja odreenih proekolokih vrednosti i stavova,

    kljuanoseaj line odgovornostida se neto na tom planu uradi. Ponaanje ekolokog graanina

    je, po definiciji, voeno unutranjom moralnom motivacijom koja se zasniva na visokom

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    vrednovanju ivotnog okruenja (Hines et al, 1986, Dobson, 2003). Imajui u vidu znaaj oseaja

    line odgovornosti kao okidaa delovanja i prevazilaenja dileme kolektivne akcije, ispitanike

    smo pitali ko, po njihovom miljenju, najvie zagaujeSrbiju, a ko njihovu lokalnu zajednicu.

    Prema proceni ispitanika, Srbiju najvie zagauju na prvom mestu industrija (44%), odmah zatim

    svakodnevne prakse graana (29%), saobraaj (18%) i, na kraju, energetska prostrojenja

    (elektrane, termoelektrane) koja navodi 8% ispitanika. Na lokalnom nivou, kao najvei

    zagaivai naprvo mesto izbijaju sami graani (56%), potom saobraaj (22%), a zatim i fabrike

    (15%) i energentska postrojenja (5%).

    Da svakodnevni obrasci ponaanja obinih ljudi imaju znaajne posledice po okruenje

    smatra vie od polovine ispitanika (58%). Ovu tvrdnju delimino prihvata neto iznad jedne

    petine anketiranih (22%) dok se sa tim ne slae 13%, a odgovor ne zna 7%. Meutim, linu

    odgovornost priznaje manje od 1/3 ispitanika (28%). S druge strane, izvestan uticaj linih navikai ponaanja na okolinu uvia neto iznad polovine ispitanika (51%), dok 11% ne smatra da

    svojim nainom ivota bitnije remeti ekoloke prilike u lokalnom okruenju.

    Videli smo koga nai ispitanici vide kao glavne krivce. Evo za koga oni smatraju da bi

    trebalo vie da se angauje na reavanju ekolokih problema u Srbiji. Pre svega su to nosioci

    razliitih oblika i nivoa vlasti: vlada i nadlena ministarstva (49%) i lokalne vlasti (9%), potom

    slede graani (20%), a onda i komunalna preduzea (12%) i ekoloka udruenja (8%).

    Ovi nalazi bi se najjednostavnije mogli izraziti na sledei nain: drugi (neki tamo

    graani i predstavnici vlasti) su krivi. Lina krivica se znatno ree uvia i priznaje. To dalje

    znai da ti drugi (najpre predstavnici vlasti a potom i graani) prvi treba da se angauju.

    Meutim, u okolnostima gde seretko ko osea lino krivim, a posledino i dunim da se ukljuiu

    saniranje posledica kolektivnog ekolokog nemara, Hardinova tragedija zajednikih dobara

    postaje sasvim izvesna.

    Zakljuak

    Iako su nauna istraivanja daleko odmakla od prvih pokuaja tumaenja veza izmeu

    ekoloke svesti i adekvatnog ponaanja, nainjenih tokom sedamdesetih godina XX veka, javne

    politike usmerene na ukljuivanje ire populacije u reavanje ekolokih problema se uglavnom i

    dalje oslanjaju na jednostavan model tzv. informacionog deficita, u ijoj osnovi se nalazi

    pretpostavka o linarnom i neometanom napredovanju od ekolokog znanja, ekoloke svesti i

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    zabrinutosti do pro-ekolokog ponaanja (Kollmuss & Agyeman, 2002). Ovaj model

    pretpostavlja da ekoloko obrazovanje gotovo automatski rezultuje proekolokim ponaanjem,

    odnosno da je nedostatak relevantnog znanja i svesti kljuna prepreka za uspostavljanjeispravnih

    obrazaca odnoenja prema ivotnoj sredini (Burgess et al, 1998).

    Kao to smo imali prilike da vidimo, iako graanima Srbije ne manjka ni svesti ni

    spoznaje o ozbiljnosti ekolokih pretnji, njihov angaman je gotovo ravan nuli. Nalazi naeg

    istraivanja takoe su pokazali da se na putu od ekoloke svesti do ekolokog ponaanja nalaze

    mnogobrojne prepreke: od individualno-psiholokih, preko praktino-institucionalnih do tzv.

    dilema kolektivnog delovanja. Da bi se postojee prepreke prevazile a graani podstakli na

    uee u reavanju ekolokih problema, u obzir se mora uzeti upravo ovaj sloen kompleks

    meuuslovljenosti i barijera na koje nailaze pojedinci onda kada pokuaju da se ekoloki

    aktiviraju. Podsticanje vee ekoloke participacijegraana, presvega kroz razvijanje adekvatnihinstitucionalnih shema, te obezbeivanje neophodne infrastrukture, uz konstantan rad na eko-

    edukaciji i skretanju panje na individualnu odgovornost, od kljunog je znaaja. Jer, bez kritine

    mase eko-graana, ne moe se oekivati uspeh u borbi sa nagomilanim ekolokim problemima.

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