outside of life: traditions of infant burial in ireland from cillin to cist - nyree finlay

Outside of life: traditions of infant

burial in Ireland from cillin to cist

Nyree Finlay

Abstract

The infant forms an ambiguous class of individual, located on the periphery of normal lifecycle events. This is often reflected in the character and choice of burial location. During the Historic period in Ireland the separate burial of unbaptised infants reused earlier monuments, particularly those with Early Christian associations. These cillini (children's burial grounds) were frequently situated in marginal locations and their identification with the host site often enhanced their ambiguous and liminal character. A review of the prehistoric evidence also suggests the differential treatment of infants during the Neolithic-Early Bronze Age, in particular the location of infant burials in the passages of two later Neolithic sites at Fourknocks, Co. Meath. The reuse of earlier megaliths for infant burials may reflect the reinvention of these sites in the contemporary mythological landscape at a latter stage in their own monumental lifecycle.

Keywords

Ireland; infant; separate burial; cillfn; Fourknocks; reuse of megaliths.

in an unkempt space of dank, clinging grass, with stones scattered over it here and there. There he said, the islanders had been accustomed to bury suicides and unbaptized children; a sad association, I thought, of those who had known nothing and those who had known too much of life.

(Flower 1985 (1944): 85, 86)

Introduction

As a result of gender archaeology, there has been a focus on definitions of the child and a general concern with elaborating elements of the lifecycle (e.g. Lillehammer 1989; Derevenski 1997; Rega 1997). Central to this has been the acknowledgement that age as well as gender has a crucial part in the social construction of difference. Interest in the infant as a separate category of analysis has followed; in particular, there has been an emphasis on the identification of infanticide and the interpretation of infant burials (Scott

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408 Nyree Finlay

1992). To date, in Britain, discussion has been focused primarily on Roman evidence (e~g. Lee 1994; Mays 1993; Scott 1990; Watts 1989). There is, however, a broader corpus of material that can be used to explore the treatment of the infant in death and more specifically its liminal place in the lifecycle.

This paper is concerned with the relationship between the category of infant and the choice of burial location, and whether connections can be made between the human lifecycle and those of burial sites and their meaning in the contemporary landscape. Two case studies drawn from the historic period and the Neolithic-Bronze Age locate discussion by focusing on the evidence for the differential treatment of the infant.

The opening quote is taken from a description of the burial of a stillborn on Great Blasket Island off the west coast of Ireland during the 1940s. It serves to encapsulate the ambiguous category of the dead infant. Deviating from normal life-course events the treatment of the infant in death often mirrors that of other categories of individuals who are excluded from the usual pattern of mortuary treatment and corpse disposal. Hence the use of the same location for infants and suicides. By focusing on infants as one potential category of 'other', I shall argue that the liminal character of those outside of traditional rites of passage is reflected in burial practices and that this tends to reinforce their marginal status. The infant is perhaps the most accessible of such ambivalent individuals, which makes them an ideal subject to begin to identify differential treatment and its broader landscape dimensions.

Ireland has a long tradition of separate burial for unbaptised children. The historic, folklore and archaeological dimensions of their differential treatment makes for interesting reading and is a valid subject of enquiry in its own right. Moreover, an examination of the character of these sites can inform our understanding of the prehistoric record. I shall argue that there are valid parallels that can be drawn in relation to the prehistoric reuse of existing monuments, and a similar pattern in the historic use of such sites for the burial of children. Both appear to share a concern with the treatment of those for whom the rites of passage differ from conventional treatment in death and this is reflected in terms of the reuse and appropriation of sites as a place of burial. What follows is by no means a definitive statement on traditions of infant burial; rather, this is very much a preliminary engagement with the subject. The main purpose is to draw attention to the potential of looking at the treatment of different categories of individual in terms of the lifecycles of both people and sites.

Traditions of separate burial

The provision of separate burial grounds for unbaptised infants and children was well established in Ireland from the medieval period onwards, and continued in some areas well into this century and recent memory. The unbaptised child was not eligible for burial within the consecrated ground of the churchyard and as a result a number of alternative burial localities developed to cater for this group of ambiguous bodies. According to Roman Catholic beliefs, these infants were destined to spend perpetuity in limbo, and the liminal state of the infant soul was mirrored in the spiritually marginal location of their burial. Separate burial grounds for children are known in Irish by a number of names -



Outside of life: traditions of infant burial in Ireland from cillifn to cist 409

cillin/killeen, calluragh, ceallu'nach. Ultimately, these derive from the Latin Celia - little church or oratory; the name lisheen is also used and reflects the presence of these sites in ringforts (O Su'illeabhaiin 1939; O'Sullivan and Sheehan 1996). Children's burial grounds are marked on the first edition Ordnance Survey maps of Ireland, dating from the mid- nineteenth century, and sites can be identified from their place-name elements, as well as from the visible archaeological remains of small grave markers.

The tradition of separate burial was extended to other categories of individual, especi- ally those who deviated from the norm, either by virtue of their different life history or, more frequently, by the nature of their death. Categories of individual for whom separate burial would be appropriate include stillbirths, cases of suicide such as that referenced in the opening quotation, shipwrecked sailors, unrepentant murderers and their victims, strangers and those with different religious beliefs (Fanning and Sheehan 1983). The mentally ill and those dying from famine or contagious disease were often treated differ- ently in death. The separate burial of women, while identified in place-name evidence, is not frequently recorded and would appear to relate primarily to single-sex religious orders in the early Irish church (Hamlin and Foley 1983).

Until recently, cillini have been a neglected component of the archaeological record, with the deposits at many sites being bulldozed or removed during land clearance without detailed archaeological excavation. Due to the continued use of some of these sites up into the 1960s, the excavation and examination of infant burials is often a sensitive subject. To date, cillin deposits have primarily been examined as a result of excavation focused on earlier monuments (Fanning 1981; Sheehan 1994; White Marshall and Walsh 1998). Several recent studies have begun to reveal the considerable research potential of looking at these sites in their own right (Crombie 1988; Dennehy 1997; Lynch 1998).

It is impossible to estimate the original density of cillini, as it is to establish the detailed chronology of their use. Cartographic evidence can be used to document the changing configuration of recorded sites and patterns of their abandonment during the last century (see Fig. 1). Recent research by Emer Dennehy in Co. Kerry has demonstrated the potential of this: she suggests that during the 1840s there were probably several within each parish, although it is debatable whether this approached an original density of one per townland.1 Most sites were associated with some form of territorial boundary, be it a field wall, corner or area of marginal land (Dennehy 1997). A similar pattern was noted for Co. Galway, where most were located close to townland boundaries (Crombie 1988). Many cilltni are located on marginal land at unenclosed raised outcrops, while others are to be found at abandoned church sites, early ecclesiastical enclosures as well as several other categories of reused monuments. Dennehy identified no consistent patterning in relation to the shape, size and orientation of sites in Co. Kerry. This was largely a product of the reuse of existing sites which determined the physical character of the cillil. The cillini do tend to cluster within discretely defined areas, particularly within larger enclosed sites such as ringforts. Grave markers are a common element; when present, these comprise rows of rough stone markers, c.0.2 m in height, often orientated in a north-south direc- tion (see Plate 1). Waterworn pebbles, particularly of quartz, are also a common feature (O'Sullivan and Sheehan, 1996).

The limited excavation of cillini has revealed evidence for the use of stone-lined graves as well as timber coffins (Crombie 1988; Sheehan 1994). At Ilaunloughan, an island site,



410 Nyree Finlay

Figure ] Ballybowler South Td. (Co. Kerry). Example of the location of disused children's burial grounds marked on the second edition nap (1894-8, sheet 43). Extract from Ordnance Survey 6 Inch Survey C (1894-8), Permit No. MP003099.

infant coffins were made from Scots Pine (White Marshall and Walsh 1998). Poor bone preservation and the lack of grave goods makes dating problematic. The stratigraphy at the excavated sites usually offers little beyond the tentative phasing of deposits and crude estimates for the number of burials, for bone preservation is poor and not all graves are denoted by markers. Excavations at the early ecclesiastical enclosure at Reask, on the Dingle peninsula, found that only a discrete area beside the original oratory was used for children's burials, the rest being used for tillage (Fanning 1981). Here, small, rough, cist- built graves (0.5 m by 0.3 m) were present. No bone survived; the only grave goods recovered were a small anthropomorphic stone figurine and a series of flat puirthini' stones, similar to jackstones used in a throwing game.

Excavation has confirmed folklore traditions that such sites were also used for other types of individuals. Children up to the age of 6 have been recovered from excavations at Caherlehillan, Co. Kerry (Sheehan pers comm.) and adults have also been found, for example at Aughinish Castle, Co. Limerick (Lynch 1998). At the latter, the use of an aban- cloned tower house on an island suggests that these individuals may also belong to a deviant category or were the victims of famine (Lynch ibid.). In general we must be cautious in ascribing all the adults found at cilli'ni to a deviant status of 'other' merely by association. Most of the sites have a protracted history which often makes establishing the phasing of deposits difficult. Many are located in former church sites where the original

ct o th e adut ba m have b s w dI



Outside of life: traditions of infant burial in Ireland from cillin to cist 411

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Plate 1 Kildreenagh (Cool East Td. Co. Kerry), rows of grave-markers in this children's burial ground radiate out from the ogham stone visible to the left. (Photograph courtesy of John Sheehan.)

The location of sites in the landscape and their relationship with other monument types is the main feature of interest here. Cilli'ni divide into three broad categories: those with no known associations with earlier monuments; a second class within abandoned churches, including sites associated with early ecclesiastical monuments or other religious features such as holy wells, cross slabs and leachta (shrines); finally, there are the sites with other monument associations such as megaliths, fulacht fiadh (burnt mounds), ringforts and tower houses.

Little is known of the first category of sites as to date cillini have not been subject to excavation in their own right, although many of these may indeed be located on earlier monuments (Fanning and Sheehan 1983). The second class of sites share religious associations that would add sanctity to the burials being interred. The liminal categorization of the infants as being beyond the spiritual boundaries of the church is reflected in the physical placement of the cilli'n either outside the church enclosure - when it is still an active monument - or, in more recent times, when a plot for child burial is established on the north side of the church (0 Siiilleabhaiin 1939). Most sites do not appear to develop by virtue of their physical proximity to the contemporary church, rather the cillTn is situated on an abandoned site with religious connections, as at Reask and Illaun- loughan where it develops beside the oratory and at Caherlehillan (see Plate 2). This factor is important: the abandoned and frequently secluded or hidden site, while often

retaining a tradition of sanctity, is not an active focus for worship in the contemporary ritual landscape.

The creation of a cillin at other classes of monument like megaliths and ringforts can also be related to the folklore identification of these sites as being connected with the



412 Nyree Finlay

Plate 2 Caherlehillan (Co. _- a*Kerry). The cillin graves

cluster around the cross- slabs and corner-post shrine in this early ecclesiastical enclosure (height of largest cross-slab 1.15 m). (Photo- graph courtesy of John Sheehan.)

,~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~9 Z iz

other world. There is a rich folklore concerning 'dead child' traditions of changelings and child murderesses in Ireland (O'Connor 1991). These often have known associations with particular cilli'ni and other site types, for example, ringforts with fairies. In such instances the type of monument is active in creating and transforming the mythological landscape of which the cilli'n became a part. Such folklore identifications have contributed to the survival of sites due to superstitions surrounding their destruction; a similar pattern is noted for Scandinavia (Wicker 1999).

Another aspect to consider, in addition to the spiritual or folklore dimensions, is the condition of the host site and its own cycle of use. It is interesting to note that the creation of a cilli'n marks a later reuse of a site once it has been abandoned or fallen into disuse. The cilli'n represents a new focus of activity that is often a distinct departure from the original function of the host site, for example the use of fiulachtfiadh and tower houses as foci for infant burials. In many cases the original meaning and function of the site would be

part of folk tradition, either forgotten or rewritten as part of the mythological landscape. It would appear that the host sites were selected because of their marginal location in the

contemporary landscape. The fact that these sites are themselves an ambiguous category




of monuments may also have had meaning and is analogous with the nature of the inter- ments.

The presence of a cillin does not make the site one of renewed or focused ritual activity. The character of these sites and the type of burial deposits does not encourage visita- tion as an active act of remembrance. Folklore evidence and testimony on the use of sites confirms the discreet nature of the burial. In recent memory, this was conducted by male members of the family, usually the father, and burial would take place at night with little or no ceremony (Sugrue 1993, cited in O'Sullivan and Sheehan 1996). In general the death would not have been marked by a wake and the event would have been dealt with quickly and discreetly.

To summarize, cillini are both physically and spiritually liminal in the landscape. The abandoned character of the host site or its marginal location is central to its reuse as a burial ground for infants. This physical liminality takes a number of forms and the location and character of the host site is an important determinant, enhancing the ambiguity and otherness of the burials.

Patterns of infant burial in the Neolithic and Bronze Age

Examining the traditions of infant burial in prehistoric Ireland is more problematic, being complicated by the diversity of burial rites, issues of chronology and other archaeological factors, namely preservation, recovery and identification. It is unfortunate that in many accounts infant remains are not properly aged. There has also been a tendency to include infants within a broader category of child, which tends to obscure potential distinctions in mortuary treatment on the basis of age. Moreover, the accuracy of the actual identifications, where remains have been retained to enable reassessment, are also somewhat questionable (O Donnabhain and Brindley 1989/90; Power pers comm.). Nevertheless, despite these caveats, there is some evidence to suggest the differential treatment of infants and the reuse of earlier monuments as a focus for their separate burial.

The case of Fourknocks

Fourknocks, Co. Meath provides some of the best evidence for looking at the differential treatment of infants (see Fig. 2; Hartnett 1957, 1971). Fourknocks I comprises a small late Neolithic passage tomb with three chambers and a series of decorated stones. The mound of Fourknocks II, lOOm to the east, is a more complex site. Here a rock-cut ditch encloses a megalithic passage and a rock-cut trench apparently used as a pyre site and a ring ditch with central cairn (see Fig. 2). Gabriel Cooney (1992) has discussed both sites in relation to the differential treatment of adults and children in Irish Neolithic mortuary practices. He identified the following pattern based on lifecycle stage, location of the remains and mode of disposal:

children - peripheral location - inhumation

adult - central position - cremation



414 Nyree Finlay

Figure 2 Plans of Fourknocks I and II, Co. Meath (after Hartnettthic 1957).

aist of nt ro c ku reas

cally late phase ofactivity han most f the adul crematios. The prmary burilydeposit

passage s t a oo srie dinte tUrnBurial WW ae5 1 | \

number f elemets sugsV httepsaedpst eedsubd whichquetdionsth

Fournock I M orncs 11

Figure 2 Plats of Fourknocks I and I I, Co. Meath (after Hartnett 1957).

I would like to propose here that a more critical reexamination of the evidence suggest that the mainstay of the infant burials is likely to reflect reusem or at least a chronologiv calty later phase of activity than most of the adult cremations. The primary burial deposits at Fourknocks I comprise a series of cremation deposits with some fragmentary inhuman tions in the side chambers and the passage. All the burial deposits iu the passage were believed by the excavator to be primaryt which would support his interpretation that the

passage was not originally roofed: see Lynch (1973) for an alternative interpretation. A number of elements suggest that the passage deposits were disturbedt which questions the primary status of the infant inhumations. These will tbe dealt with in detail elsewhere (Finlay in prep.)s but include:

f the first of the passage uprights had been broken and re.oved; 2 the back stone of cist IV was placed in front of one of these uprights, suggesting that

the outer area of the passage was disturbed during cist construction; 3 Hartnett (1957: 255-6) states that 'further excavation showed that the cist people had

dug into the upper levels of the passage burials and it was found that the stones of their cist rested on the mixed burnt and unburnt remains' i.e. the so called 'primnary' deposits;

4 Quantities of animal bone including rabbit/hare were found in the passage, suggesting further disturbance.

The precise location of the infants is not detailed in the final report, but most were found in the passage. Furthermore, out of a total of twenty-one children, only three were cremated. The inhurnations comprised sevmen neonates, six infants in their first year, three in their second and a child of about 5 and one of indeterminate age (Fig. 3; Hartnett 1957: 270).

Fourknocks I was remodelled during the Early Bronze Age by the creation of a secondary mantling in the north east of the mound incorporating the area of the megalithic




passage (see Fig. 2). This created a focus for four secondary cists, all containing children (see Table 1), and, in light of the preceding discussion, some if not all of the passage burials could well belong to this phase (Fig. 3). It is also noteworthy that the site would have been in a state of collapse at this stage.

Human bone was found in soil directly above cist II and in the inwashed soil of cist III. Two further child inhumations were present in collapse deposits in the central chamber. This evidence suggests that the mound was a focus for other burials. It is unfortunate that the chronology of the cist burials and the deposition of infants in the passage is at present unknown. Two disarticulate skeletons were found side by side midway along the length of the passage, the skulls faced outwards and beach pebbles were present on either side beside the skulls. This unusual deposit may indicate that the site was also being used for the disposal of other 'deviant' categories of individual.

Fourknocks II is an anomalous multi-phase site. here the stratigraphy of the megalithic passage is also unclear (Hartnett 1971). Adult cremations were confined to the rock-cut

7+ 4 I

5+42 L

8+~~~~:jj~~~I -~~ Inhumation Other Burials Adul H

J2 3 C0rematrChid

FourknocksH I o ~ I Fourknocks 11 |

J U S a Jv_'~~~~~~~~ 1 0cs

Figure 3 Details of the burials at Fourknocks I and II (after Hartnett 1957 and Cooney 1992).

Table ] Fourknocks I: contents of secondary cists (information from Hartnett 1957).

Cist Contents

I crouched inhumation, child, eight years, food vessel. II inhumation of a child of five; this disturbed a child of two. Fragmentary remains of

child, seven years. III crouched inhumation of a two year old. IV empty, disturbed the passage deposits. V empty, disturbed by a later cremation pit deposit.



416 Nyree Finlay

trench. It is interesting to note that the inhumation remains of children occur only in the passage (Fig. 3). All eight were under 5 years; one aged 4, two aged 1 year, one definite neonate and the rest infants (Hartnett 1971: 63). The mound at Fourknocks II was also augmented for cist burials, although here the evidence is only for adult inhumations, two with food vessels.

There are elements of the stratigraphy and character at both sites to suggest that the infant remains are chronologically later than the Later Neolithic cremation deposits, although this remains to be proven by radiocarbon dating. Given the stratigraphic evidence at Fourknocks I this is likely to relate to the Early Bronze Age reworking of the site as a separate burial location for children and specifically infants. It is interesting that only the child of 8 has a vessel, which may indicate age-based distinctions. The greater visibility and larger size of the mound at Fourknocks I[ may have led to its selection for adult burial. Thus, the twinning of the two sites in the Neolithic (Cooney 1997) may have had an equally important if distinct character in the Early Bronze Age. The identification of the sites with children may have continued in folk tradition, for a secondary urn burial at the nearby barrow of Fourknocks III contained the cremated remains of a young child (Hartnett 1971).

The evidence from other megaliths

Unfortunately, the extent of infant burials at other megalithic sites remains unknown, largely as a result of preservational and excavation bias. At Carrowkeel, for example, frag- ments of foetal and infant bones were found in all the cairns opened by Macalister et al. (1912: 342). While these were reportedly few in number, there is no means of determining whether these were later insertions. Likewise, there is little information on whether the infants found at the Lough Gur megalith (Co. Limerick) were found in the main chamber or outside of the tomb (O Rifordain and 0 h-Iceadha 1955). The infant associated with four other inhumations and a food vessel at Audleystown (Co. Down) is suggestive of a bronze age burial (Collins 1954). Indeed, at Labbacallee wedge tomb (Co. Cork) the presence of a neonate clavicle in the chamber is dismissed as 'the burial of some unbaptised baby at a much later date' (Martin in Leask and Price 1936: 97). Unfortunately, the current absence of absolute dates limits the inferences that can be made. However9 the presence of a neonate in the portico of Poulnabrone portal tomb (Co. Clare) is a dated example of the later use of a megalithic tomb for the disposal of infants. Here, a complete neonate dates to the Bronze Age (3,290 ? 80BP OxA-1904) in contrast to the disarticulated Neolithic skeletons from the chamber which also include two infants (Lynch and 0 Donnabha'in 1994: 6; Hedges et al. 1990: 106).

The evidence from Neolithic Orkney is more conclusive. John Barber (1997) has discussed the later burial of neonates at the Point of Cott, a chambered tomb on Westray. Here four neonates are among the latest burials at the site and are concentrated in the first two compartments. Two further separate burials of neonates in the cairn matrix occurred at a time when the monument was in an advanced state of decay and collapse. It has been suggested that the use of this somewhat derelict site for the disposal of neonates may indicate that some of these infants are, in fact, infanticide victims and that such sites were used for the burial of a specific category of 'unwanted dead' (Barber 1997:




70; Barber and Finlay nd.). Neonate and infant remains were also recovered from the megalithic tombs of Isbister (Hedges 1983) and Quanterness (Renfrew 1979). At Isbister, five of the twenty-two infants are neonates, while ten infants were found at Quanterness. In both cases these remains were recovered from deposits in the chamber that had been subject to considerable bioturbation and later animal disturbance. A neonate was also found in the passage at Tulloch of Assery B, Caithness (Davidson and Henshall 1991: 162) and infant remains are often found in secondary contexts at other tombs, e.g. West Kennett (Thomas and Whittle 1986).

In all the above cases it would appear on stratigraphic grounds at least that there is value in considering many of these infant burials as secondary deposits. This suggests that earlier monuments were a focus for the disposal of infants, particularly towards the latter part of their own lifecycle of use. It is unfortunate that infant remains are rarely considered for radiocarbon dating, so that the chronology of these burials is mostly un- defined. However, there are grounds for considering that many of these episodes of reuse may belong to the Early Bronze Age.

Infants in cists

Alternative means of accommodating the disposal of infants were available in the Bronze Age and several different categories of infant burial can be identified from the corpus of known Irish sites (Waddell 1990). For the sake of brevity these are divided into three categories: apparent 'mother and child' deposits (both inhumations and cremations), separate disposal and, third, mixed deposits - where the infant is associated with a number of individuals.

Examples of 'mother and neonate' cremations are known from a number of sites, such as Dungate (Co. Tyrone), Maganey Lower (Co. Kildare) and Creggan (Co. Antrim). There is some indication to suggest that these may have involved an element of the spatial separation of such cists, for example, at Ballinvoher (Co. Cork), two burials were found in close proximity: in one there were also foetal remains and a boar's tusk. The disturbed remains of a female inhumation were found nearby (O'Kelly and Shee 1974). Likewise a number of the secondary burials at the barrow cemetery at Carrowjames (Co. Mayo) are cremations of adult women with foetal/neonatal remains (Raftery 1941), possibly indi- cating the reuse of the site as a separate burial area. Inhumation burials of women and infants are also known (e.g. Keenoge, Co. Meath; Mount 1997).

Examples of separate cist burial for infants and children are less frequent: for example, a neonate at Drung (Co. Donegal) had a separate small cist in close proximity to two cists containing single male and female inhumations (Rynne 1963). There is also an example of a slightly older infant (less than 1 year) being inhumed in a cist, one with a ceramic vessel at Carrowntober, Co. Galway (Waddell 1990: 92) and a cremated infant with a vessel at Coolmore, Co. Kilkenny (ibid.: 101).

More common are the multiple associations of infants with other cremated remains (e.g. Rathmoon; Kilmore and Halverstown; Waddell 1990). There is no apparent patterning: in most cases the adults cannot be sexed and infants associated with both males and females are known. At Edmondstown (Co. Dublin), infants were found in pit burials with adults and in some cases solely with other children (Mount and Hartnett 1993).



418 Nyree Finlay

Cremation offers a different set of contexts for the treatment of infants in death. There is the period between death and the cremation, the visibility and inclusion of the infants in the pyre, or their separate incineration, as well as the collection of the cremated bone and its final incorporation into a cist or pit grave.

Despite the caveats associated with the examination of these infants, there is some patterning to suggest potential elements of differential treatment. One of the main limbi tations when examining the Bronze Age evidence is whether differences in the burial rite within and between sites reflect chronological or societal distinctions. Alternatively, these burials may be evidence of distinctions being made around the life course. In the 'mother and child' examples, it may seem a safe assumption that the burial of an adult female with a foetus/neonate represents death in labour or obstetric complications during or shortly after birth. Unfortunately, the biological relationship between the mother and child is seldom questioned archaeologically and, more rarely, subject to independent verification by absolute dating. If we accept for the sake of argument that most of the above are genuine associations, then a general concern with reproduction may have been actively stressed, with women subject to burial on account of their reproductive status. Unfortu nately, given that many of these are cremations, we will never be able positively to confirm a direct association. Nevertheless, the recurrent association of women with cremated neonates may indicate this. In the cemetery sites infants and children do appear to be under-represented in terms of life-expectancy estimates (Mount 1997). Given taphonomic factors it is difficult to ascertain whether this reflects genuinely different patterns of disposal, of which the reuse of monuments is one dimension.

In a hierarchical society where social distinctions are made along status, gender and age lines, successful reproduction of the lineage and female fecundity would have been central concerns, and ones that may have been actively manipulated in funerary contexts. At present, the evidence from the cemetery sites does not allow for us to examine this in more detail. Given the potential distinctions that may be elaborated with regard to the treatment of the infant in death, it is essential to separate the infant from the general category of child and focus on the age and potential status distinctions that are being made.

The incorporation of infants into existing monuments was one method of corpse disposal; other options were available. If distinctions were actively being stressed around the lifecycle then the separate burial of infants in earlier megaliths may have had specific meaning, perhaps referencing the mythological or ancestral status of these monuments, particularly at sites such as Fourknocks where the focus of burials is in the passage: itself a threshold between the domain of the living and the ancestral dead.

Outside of life:- discussion and conclusions

The category of the infant is culturally specific and has a range of different meanings depending on the social context (Scott 1992). Until accepted into society, the infant often has no social persona and forms an ambiguous class of individual. This paper has considered that the location of the infant on the periphery of the normal lifecycle events has an archaeological expression in terms of the choice of burial location.

In the case studies discussed above, there is nothing in the nature of the burials or the context of these sites per se that alludes to an unnatural death for these infants, it is ore




the broad categorization of infants as a separate category of 'others' that is of concern, for this is what may have facilitated differential burial irrespective of the actual cause of death. Infanticide is an emotive subject that is clearly coloured by the sensationalism of Victorian accounts of the disposal of infants in the burgeoning urban centres (Rose 1986; Kelly 1992). It can take a number of forms, from the deliberate murder of the child shortly after birth (neonaticide), to more passive forms of neglect over a protracted period (Scheper-Hughes 1989). It is almost impossible positively to identify infanticide archaeologically, although it is often inferred from demographic and contextual evidence (Smith and Kahila 1992). What is important to consider, regardless of actual cause of death, is the conceptual location of the infant and its somewhat liminal status in the lifecycle. I have argued that this can be identified in the character of the burials and the choice of burial location.

Paradoxically cillini are a visible, but yet concealed presence in the landscape. This ambivalent state between the known purpose and function of these sites, exemplified by their place-name associations and demarcation on maps, is mirrored in the frequently marginal and liminal locations in field corners, by road sides as well as in abandoned monuments and disused buildings. The simplicity and frequent absence of grave-markers serves to emphasize the anonymity of the infants and individuals interred within, turning the sites into passive memorials rather than places of active remembrance.

Thus, while the historic context of the cillin can be located within specific religious proscriptions, the sites also served a wider function for the disposal of other categorically different groups in society. At a more pragmatic level, they no doubt also catered for those who could not afford conventional burial, as well as those not deemed worthy of it. In many instances, the secluded location of the sites and the tradition of night burial would be secretive enough to cater for disposal of those instances of infanticide that undoubt- edly did occur.

For the Neolithic-Bronze Age examples, a pattern of the later reuse of megalithic tombs for infant burials can be identified. At Fourknocks I, it has been suggested, many infant burials in the passage relate to a period of redefinition of the site as a burial locale primarily for children in the Early Bronze Age. The use of the passage for neonate and infant burials is itself significant. The passage is a liminal entity that can be read as a portal to the ancestral other world. The provision of a megalithic passage at Fourknocks II mirrors that at Fourknocks I in both orientation and design, creating a 'pastiche megalith' (Cooney 1997: 18). The reinvention of tradition at Fourknocks and the reuse of sites for infant burials occurs at a time when the meaning of the sites is being actively manipulated and trans- formed. Similar processes have been identified elsewhere during the later stages of megalith biographies (see Hingley 1996; Holtorf 1998).

In terms of some of the outstanding issues regarding the later insertion of infant remains, the dating of such practices could be determined by a targeted programme of radiocarbon dating. This would clarify the chronology of such behaviour and it would help decipher whether conceptual distinctions were being made between infants and other individuals. This would also aid in the interpretation of different contexts of infant burials between those in cremation cemeteries and those in reused megaliths. More importantly, there is a clear need to isolate the infant as a separate category of analysis, and distinguish the treatment of neonates from that of older infants and children. The category of child is insufficient to determine the various nuances of differential treatment being made around the lifecycle.



420 Nyree Finlay

In conclusion, the use of sites as burial grounds for infants, and other ambiguous categories of individual, leads to a reworking of both the meaning and memory of the orig-, inal monument. Here the mythological landscape may be as important as the physical remains. The folklore associated with the cillini stresses the sanctity of the infants by association with formally sacred sites, whether Early Christian or the more pagan connections at prehistoric sites. Such associations served to enhance the liminal location of the site, as well as the character of the infants, as betwixt and between this world and the next. At Fourknocks I and II the use of the passage for infant burials encapsulates the ambiguous character of these infants within the monument itself. It may well be that the prehistoric reuse of earlier megalithic sites reinvented the meaning and mythology of these monuments in a similar manner to the cillini at a time when the mainstay of mortuary practices, and perhaps conventional beliefs, was focused elsewhere.

Acknowledgements

I wish to thank Roberta Gilchrist for inviting me to write this paper. I am indebted to John Barber for developing my interest in infant burials several years ago. I am also grates ful to the anonymous referees for their constructive comments and to Jane Hawkes, Catryn Power and Peter Woodman for discussion and John Sheehan for information and the plates. Extract from The Western Island or The Great Blasket by Robin Flower (1985) by permission of Oxford University Press.

Department ofArchaeology National University of Ireland Cork

Note

1 Townland is a sub-division of land within a parish.

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