HA BITA T INTL. Vol. 16. No. 2. pp. 53-63.1992. 0197-3975/92 $5.00 + 0.00 Printed in Great Britain. (CJ 1992 Pergamon Press Ltd

New Directions for Urban Development in

Rapidly Urbanising Countries The Case of Zimbabwe

K.H. WEKWETE University of Zimbabwe, Harare, Zimbabwe

CONTEXT

There are 16 minicipalities and town councils in Zimbabwe with a total of 1,673,057 people, which constitute 22% of the country’s population (1982 Census). Another 264,468 people live in the smaller urban areas (located in rural district council areas), which brings the total to 1,937,525 or 26% of the country’s population. With an annual rate of population growth of 3-4%, there are significant changes which have already occurred in the population structures since the 1982 Census. Table 1 shows the population in major towns in 1961- 1962, 1969 and 1982. In both inter-censal periods, the average rates of population growth have been relatively high, in most cases higher than the national average. In the case of the two major towns, Harare and Bulawayo, the rates have been 4.15 and 4.10%, respectively. The growth of smaller towns has been even higher, as is shown in Table 2. (The 1982 Census definition of an urban area is based on a minimum population of 2500.)

Since the 1961-1962 Census, the number of small towns has grown in all the eight provinces. The total population of small towns has grown from 59,995 in 1961-1962 to 264,468 in 1982. This growth has been enhanced since 1980 by the implementation of the growth centre policy (Wekwete, 1987). The policy has involved major public sector investments in infrastructure development in up to 55 designated centres. The development of small urban centres however has been problematic because although their population makes them qualify as ‘urban’, there has been no formal bestowment of urban status, which has meant their administration has continued to be under the jurisdiction of rural district councils.

Population projections show that the population in urban agglomerations is likely to grow to about 6 million by the year 2005 (Fig. 1). The projected growth is likely to be a product of natural growth in the urban areas, and most significantly a result of rural urban migration. Due to land pressure in the rural communal areas, there is likely to be a major drift of the young population to the urban areas in search of employment. This is likely to pose a major challenge in the planning and management of urban growth. The population in all the major urban agglomerations is likely to double in the next 20 years, placing a strain on service provision, particularly on housing. This paper will examine the practice of urban planning and management in Zimbabwe, particularly since the attainment of independence in 1980. The structures for management will be critically examined and some possible solutions for the future posed.

HA6 16:2-E 53

54 K. H. Wekwete

Table I. Populationinmajorrownsin 19~5-1962, 1969andI982;andpopulationgrowth 196/-I962 to I969and I969 to I982

Major towns Population (X 1000)

1961-1962 1969

310 386 211 245

I5 39 46 43 46 21 31 1Y 25 2tr 20 IO II X I3 5 10

I1 7 9 7 X 6 4 2 4

1982

Average population growth rate (% per annum)

1961-1962/69 1969182

Harare Bulawayo Chitungwiza Gweru Mutare Kwekse Kadoma Hwange Masvingo Chinhoyi Redcliff Marondera Chegutu Shurugwi Kariba Victoria Falls

656 414 172 79 70 48 45 39 31 24 22 20 20 13 I2 x

3.15 2.20

2.65 1.00 6.00 3.75 0.05 I.25 7.95 Y.85 6.55 2.70 2.05

-5.70 I I .hO

4.15 4.10

20.70 4.20 3.30 3.30 4.55 5.25 7.YO 4.70 0.25 4.95 6.50 3.65 9.20 6.80

Total 715 884 1673 3.05 5.05

Table 2. Development of smaller towns 1961-1962 to I982, by province

Province Number of towns* Urban populations

1961-1962 1969 1982 1961-1962 1969 1982

Manicaland Mashonaland Central Mashonaland East Mashonaland West Matabeleland North Matabeleland South Midlands Masvingo

Total

1 2 5 1 4 9

- - 3 5 8 12 2 2 3 1 2 4 1 2 5 1 3 5

12 23 46

3950 7640 5520 19,230

17,920 34,860 4760 6060 2455 4090

15,710 18,460 9680 17,300

24,243 51,457 10,795 66,210 12,341 15,473 45,185 38,764

59,995 107,640 264,468

*Towns here defined as urban agglomerations with a population of not less than 2000 people

CONCEPTS

Urban planning and management - a conceptual framework

Although there is an obvious relationship between planning and management in a conceptual sense, a major problem exists in the practice of reconciling the two. This is because the two have been separated and different structures have emerged for their sustenance. The traditional planning cycle has a built-in management component from the initial identification of problems right through to monitoring and evaluation. It is assumed that management is responsible for initiating and controlling operations.

When we examine urban planning and urban management the practice reflects a generally disjointed picture, particularly in developing countries. Urban planning or town planning has tended to be narrowly associated with urban land use planning, preparation of layout plans and development control. It has been perceived as part of the ‘engineering’ function shaping the physical fabric of

New Directions for Urban Development in Rapidly Urbanising Countries 55

/ /

/

1’ /’

hnmunal and areas

Jrban agglomerations

Small scale commercial fgarming areas

Fig. I. Population development in major land use areas 1961-2005 (medium alternative). Sources: 1961162 Census; 1969 Census; 1982 Census (adjusted population); 1982-2005 Projected

Population (medium alternative).

towns and settlements. This is a traditional image inherited from early 20th century practices in developed countries. Urban planning is therefore con- ceptualised narrowly as physical planning and, in most cases, is guided by a statutory framework.

On the other hand, urban management has developed as a much broader activity taking into account all the sectoral activities which are undertaken by a local authority, including town planning itself. Urban local authorities have evolved a departmental (sectoral) structure whose powers are closely linked to the elected or appointed authority. An important feature has been financial management and managing centre-local relationships.

In most cases, systems of planning and management have evolved side by side, sometimes complementing, but in most cases conflicting. Whereas, for most capital cities, grandiose plans have been reported (even by some eminent and international consultants), the local management structures have not been able to implement them. Planning has continued to reflect a futuristic, idealist perspective whilst the overall management perspective has been battling with basic problems, e.g. provision of housing and services on a daily basis. Invariably there has been some ‘planning’ in terms of management, but it has tended to be ad hoc and highly incremental.

It seems, therefore, that a major challenge of the future is reconciling planning and management in terms of their operations. Meaningful urban planning and management will have to adopt a holistic conception taking into account political, economic and social factors. This means reviewing the traditional image of planning and restructuring the highly fragmented management structures prevailing for most city governments.

Literature on urban planning/management has been more explicit of the underlying problems in developed countries, particularly in the 1970s with the incorporation of ideas on corporate planning and management. More recently, there has been a lot of attention paid to the role of the State and local State (Dear and Scott, 1982; Cockburn. 1977; Paris, 1982). The literature on developing nations has tended to be patchy on conceptual aspects. Attention has been paid to specific sectors and problems. In the 1960s and 1970s attention was paid to housing, particularly of low-income earners. This was closely linked to the issue of the informal sector and concern for employment. Such sectoral and sectional emphases have created distorted images and have not improved our understanding of plan~~ing/lnanagement issues generally. In most cities of the developing countries. sectoral initiatives have ultimately failed because of their partial nature and poor management capabilities locally.

Another major problem of urban planning/management has been the poor linkages developed with national and regional planning efforts. Cities have been planned more or less separately without taking into account key fundamental economic factors. City budgets have, in most casts, been prepared separately from national budgets which has created obvious problems in terms of implementation and national economic management. In some countries little attention has been paid to the challenges of urbanisation: hence the general lack of urban development policies. In the 1960s and 1970s. the conventional wisdom was that developing countries must concentr~lte their efforts on rural develop- ment. Although it has yielded some results, the strategy overlooked key rural- urban relations and the fundamental role which urbanisation has continued to play universally in economic development.

Urged plun~~i~l~ nnd ~~~~l~~~e~~~ni p~~i~t~~.~~ in ~~~~lb~~b~~}~~ - nn ~~~.~~~~i~~~~ [~ve~v~e~

In this discussion we separate urban planning and urban management along the lines of argument provided earlier. Urban planning will be viewed as town planning along the traditional lines of providing layouts for various forms of development and controlling the fabric of the built environment. Urban management will be viewed as the broad organisational activities of local authorities in the provision of a variety of services. This involves the important interface of political-bureaucratic interaction (elected officials relating to appointed officials).

Urbanisation and urban development in Zimbabwe are the products of colonial development policies. At the time of colonisation, there were no functioning indigenous towns and the society was largely agrarian. The emergence of urban settlements was initially linked to the administrative/military outposts of the colonial settler administration. With more economic develop- ment associated with agriculture, mining and industry the larger settlements consolidated their positions, whilst new service settlements emerged to form the lower tiers of the urban hierarchy.

Formal planning of urban settlements is evident in the prevailing gridiron layouts in most of the current towns and cities. Planning was carried out through the authority of the sanitary boards, of which the first one was in Harare (then Salisbury). The sanitary board was the forerunner of the municipal councils which were established with the promulgation of the municipal law in 1897. This was also the basis on which overall municipal management was established.

One of the important features of early planning/management was the institutionalisation of racial segregation in residential development. Yoshikuni (1984) describes Harare (formerly Salisbury) in 1892 as follows:

At the beginning of 1892. less than a year and a half after the occupation,

New Directions for Urban Development in Rapidly Urbanising Countries 57

Salisbury was a frontier camp for paramilitary police, gold prospectors, land speculators and the like. Among many problems which the embryonic town faced was a large number of native servants’ desertions and the scarcity of African labour . .

In 1892, the Salisbury Sanitary Board passed ‘location’ regulations which involved the establishment of separate residential quarters for African labour and the control of their movement (through the pass system). Besides the process of institutional residential segregation (1892-90)) there were other processes underway in land-use planning. There was the subdivision of adjacent agricultural land for urban use. This was the beginning of a major process of alienating land for European residential use, which was eventually consolidated in the provisions for subdivision and consolidation in the current town planning acts.

It was however not until 1933 that town planning was ‘formalised’ through the Town Planning Act (Wekwete, 1987). Powers were given to urban municipalities to prepare land-use plans. These statutory plans would form the basis of future urban development. The 1945 Act repealed the 1933 Act and added more features to town planning legislation, including the establishment of a town planning court and appointment of town planners in the main towns of Harare and Bulawayo. The 1945 Act was repealed in 1976 when the Regional, Town and Country Planning Act was passed. It similarly broadened the scope of planning, particularly taking into account the needs of regional planning (Wekwete, 1989).

The provisions for urban planning have not been significantly changed in the process. Fundamentally, the underlying logic of urban planning is that found in most capitalist countries. The State (and municipal local governments) intervene in the land allocation process to ensure ‘efficient’ use and creating conditions to ensure faster reproduction of private capital. The State provides through planning a ‘lead’ in terms of where capital should locate and through zoning and zoning regulations protects the future viability of capital.

Urban planning in Zimbabwe (particularly in municipalities) has remained largely an engineering function. In the municipalities with planning establish- ments they all fall under the City Engineer’s Department. This has greatly limited the scope of urban planning in the overall management process. The main preoccupation for urban planning has been to implement the provisions of the 1976 Regional Town and Country Planning Act. After preparing a physical layout for residential, commercial and industrial use, the next major process for planners is to control development. Section (27) of the Act outlines in detail the procedures for applying for planning permission.

The development control orientation has created relatively ‘neat’ and controlled environments in most urban areas. This has been reinforced by the colonial controls on urbanisation for African rural migrants (Wekwete, 1987). Such controls - Vagrancy Act, native registration, etc. - reinforced the development control philosophy prevailing in physical planning. One of the outcomes has been the evolution of an extensive set of built environment standards (model building bylaws, density and bulk factor regulations) which have made it difficult for low-income urban residents to participate in the urban real estate market. It can be argued that a combination of strict development control and racial segregation have resulted in major urban sprawl, particularly for Harare. All the low-income (former African) residential areas have been located on the peripheral sections of the city, which has a major consequence for public transport provision. Meanwhile, the medium- and high-income residential areas have sprawled on relatively large plots (mostly 1 acre and above) in the northern and eastern sections of the city. In all this has created inefficient land use and has major consequence for future city growth.

58 K. H. Wekwete

The role of urban planning and planners has largely been muted and has tended to respond to the dictates of engineering standards. Thus planning has been seen as a technical function which provides the basis for implementing proposals. There is currently a major impasse in the preparation of urban master plans because the significance of such long-term strategic planning has not been realised. On the contrary, the ‘urban managers’ have preferred to rely on annual budgets and ad hoc receipts of grants from central government. In most towns and cities, a crisis exists about long-term provision of services and infrastructure.

The provisions for urban management are contained in the Urban Councils Act (Chapter 214) (preceded by the Municipal Laws (1897) and Municipal Act (1930). The Act lists 53 powers, which range from provision of services, facilities and powers for general administration. Besides the Urban Councils Act, there are many other forms of legislation which impinge on urban management - Public Health Act, Shop Licenses Act, Survey Act, etc. Such legislation relates to activities of local authorities and also are a reflection of centre-local relations.

Municipalities are constituted through elected local governments on whom central government bestows a range of powers. The functions and powers prescribed in legislation are allocated and delegated to department heads and standing committees of council. The city is divided into wards from which the councillors are elected. The elected council constitutes an elected authority headed by a mayor.

The basic role of municipalities is to provide services to the urban population. To that extent, the council is divided into committees which are responsible for a range of activities. The role of these committees relate to the activities of the administrative departments led by appointed officers. The most common committees are General Purposes Committee, Finance Committee, Town Planning and Works Committee, Health Committee and Housing Committee. In turn, the most commonly found departments in Municipalities are: l Town Clerk (Chief Executive) Department l Town Treasurer (Finance) Department l Town Engineer (Works) Department l Health (Medical Officer) Department l Community Services and Housing Department. The larger municipalities will have more departments and most likely more

committees. Each department falls under the jurisdiction of a standing committee which deliberates on matters of that sector on behalf of council. It is the committee which reports to council, after receiving advice from the technical officers.

Urban management is therefore centrally located in the interaction between the elected authority and the appointed officers. Both have to deal with the public in direct and indirect ways. The councillors are accountable to their wards, from whom their political tenure depends, whilst the officers have to deal with the public, particularly in the areas of planning and delivery of services. Urban management also refers to mediating in the activities of both the private sector and central government by the local authority.

The linkage between management and town planning is in terms of the latter operating as a function of (part of a department) the engineering activity. The local government system is paramount in the management of the urban economy. This is potentially positive in terms of ensuring public participation but has had a negative impact in terms of short-term ‘politicising’ as opposed to long- term ‘strategic planning’. There is therefore an urgent need to review the role of planning and development in urban management.

New Directions for Urban Development in Rapidly Urbanising Countries 59

Organisational structures for urban planning and management - the case of Harare

It is argued in this paper that organisational structures tend to be disjointed and do not augur well for effective management. Harare City Council has seven committees (Fig. 2). These standing committees deliberate on a variety of matters on behalf of council. One major problem is the overlap which exists between the various committees. All the committees directly relate to the Finance and Development Committee, which ultimately approves their revenue and capital estimates. Overlaps exist between the housing, health and com- munity services and the town planning and works committees. Such duplication of functions can lead to delays in decision-making and increase the municipal bureaucratic chain.

Another problem with a committee system is that, although it ensures the primacy of the elected local authority, it reduces the effectiveness of depart- ments who have to wait for ‘clearance’ from council before implementing what are sometimes routine decisions. This is sometimes even more problematic when a new council is elected and the councillors are in a familiarisation stage.

Figure 3 shows the departmental structures of the municipality, with a specific focus on the department of works where planning is housed. There are six departments, each headed by a director. The Town Clerk’s Department is the Chief Executive Department and provides a secretariat for council deliberations. However, the practice of corporate planning is relatively undeveloped as the departments tend to operate sectorally. It is only in the annual budget that effective corporate management emerges, because all the needs eventually have to be prioritised.

The Department of Works, which is arguably the largest in terms of

Fig. 2. Harare City Council - committee system.

Fig. 3. Harare City Council. Source: Department of works’ chart showing organisational structure of the Department drawn in

198.5 - necessary amendments have been made to comply with present structure.

60 K. H. Wekwete

operations, has five divisions with substantial heads. These include City Engineer, City Architect, City Planning and Amenities Manager. The heads report to the Director of Works who, in turn, reports to the Town Planning and Works Committee. Given the dominance of the engineering function (the Director of Works has to be a chartered engineer), this tends to reduce the planning outputs to engineering standards. There is limited socio-economic development work which eventually emerges from the Planning Department.

The Planning and Development Division is divided into four sections: development control; land survey; traffic, transportation and enforcement; master plan and estates. The major role is preparing layouts for development and controlling development in terms of the act and the operating schemes.

The activity of town planning is locked up in what could be termed a dominantly ‘development control’ structure. It also has limited powers, given that the City Planner is only a divisional head. The separation of housing and community services has removed a large bulk of ‘planning’ work to a section/ department which is largely administratively oriented. The Directorate of Housing is responsible for the implementation of housing plans, estate management and provision of community services. The original plans originate in the Works Department who prepare layouts and prescribe standards. They however are not responsible for implementation which could account for perpetuation of ‘inappropriate’ standards particularly in low-income housing areas.

Whereas City Planning has to prepare a masterplan as a department/division, the implications of masterplanning (according to the 1976 Regional 7’own Planning Act) imply overall city management. The experience of preparing masterplans reflect these problems. There has been poor commitment on the part of municipalities to provide finance for masterplan preparation. The Harare Combination Masterplan, which was initiated in 1984, has made very limited progress, and one of the problems is the lack of resources and manpower devoted to such planning. There has also been poor involvement of other departments in what should be a city-wide strategic exercise. Therefore, despite the urgency of a long-term plan, the city continues to manage development on the basis of schemes prepared in the 1960s and 1970s.

Although the Department of Physical Planning (central government) is involved in providing advice to municipalities during masterplan preparation, its role has been diminished largely because of the lack of manpower. This has created a major vacuum in urban strategic planning and the challenges of urbanisation are being met on an ad hoc basis. The situation is worse for smaller urban local authorities, who do not even have professional planning staff in post.

Organisationally, there is a need for a major overhaul to make city planning and development less of a development control division, but more of an overall strategic planning and research division. There is a need to establish separate city/town planning departments, possibly amalgamating housing and community services with planning. The link of planning with engineering, although ‘technically’ logical, has reduced the overall scope and effectiveness of planning. There is also a need to strengthen the ‘chief executive’ function which would relate more to strategic urban planning. The current functions of the Town Clerk are very much linked to providing a secretariat to council and coordinating departmental activities.

The argument put forward is not just about expansion of the planning function per se, but more of restructuring management so that it links with planning more effectively. The relegation of ‘town planning’ to development control has created a decision-making vacuum in the urban management structures. The role of the City Engineer should be viewed within the context of the overall city plan and therefore ‘masterplanning’ cannot be an engineering function.

New Directions for Urban Development in Rapidly Urbanisiny Countries 61

THE CHALLENGE FOR THE 1990s

The first major challenge for the 1990s is the need for a national urbanisation policy. Since 1980, the major thrust has been on rural development and references to urban policy have tended to be ad hoc. The problem of a lack of a clearly articulated policy affects resource allocation processes and, in both the transitional plan and the 5-year plan, there is no clear policy towards resource allocation in urban infrastructure and housing.

The second major challenge is the need to restructure urban planning and management. The existing municipal management is sectorally oriented and tends to lack a coherent policy-making body. In the field of housing, different departments have been responsible for specific aspects. The Planning Depart- ment has provided physical layouts, whilst the Housing and Community Services Department has managed the implementation of the various schemes. In practice, there has been no policy-making on housing, which is evident in the ‘silent’ position of the municipality - except on obvious issues like home ownership. To improve the situation there is a need to fuse planning and housing into one major division. This will reduce the ‘engineering image’ of planning and reduce the ‘administration image’ of community services and housing.

This problem is compounded by the fragmentation of planning and housing at national levels. This dichotomy is reflected in the roles of the Ministry of Local Government Rural and Urban Development and that of the Ministry of Public Construction and National Housing. A possible solution is to ‘fuse’ them for the purposes of planning, by considering them as one sector.

The third major challenge is the need to improve the availability of skilled manpower in the fields of planning and housing. This is currently being addressed by the University of Zimbabwe (Department of Rural and Urban Planning) through the new degree in Rural and Urban Planning. On the part of central government and municipalities there is a need to create posts and structures to attract and retain skilled manpower. In most cases, even where posts exist, they have not been filled because their remuneration has not been attractive. In most cases, related planning employment in the private sector has been more remunerative.

The fourth major challenge in the 1990s is the issue of promoting the urban economy. In recent years, it has been argued that the future lies with the ‘informal’ sector and that planners must work hard to understand it and incorporate it into their solutions. This has been advocated for both the employment and housing sectors (IL0 studies). The problem with the ‘new’ wisdom has been the tendency to overemphasise the role of the sector and sometimes a failure to realise that the success of the ‘informal’ sector depends on the formal sector. The challenge into the 1990s has been to adopt a holistic perception. There is a need to review the land-use planning and guidance system. Stimulus must be provided to the private sector to be actively involved not only in the ‘informal’ sector but in the formal sector. The State and Municipal Governments must be wary of abandoning responsibility for the ‘informal sector’, which is nothing but a basic response to adverse economic conditions.

Whereas governments in developed countries can abandon responsibility to a well organised and highly capitalised private sector, this is not the situation in developing countries. In the field of housing, for example, there are no speculative developers providing rented accommodation and therefore municipalities cannot simply adopt home ownership or self-help policies. There is a need for a flexible response to the major problems resulting from accelerated urbanisation. We would therefore argue for forging the combined force and effect of government and market processes to guide urban development.

62 K.M. W’ekwere

The final major challenge is the need to strengthen public participation in the process of urban development. In most situations, urban residents are objects for policies; they are not active participants in policy formulation. In Zimbabwe, there has been a slight improvement in local participation since 1980. This has been largely through the process of democratising municipal representation and elections. However, there is still a poor participation in and understanding of planning and management issues among the majority of low-income urban residents. There is still no effective participation in Master and Local Plan preparation.

There is a need to utilise the local ward levels as the basis for policy formulation. Low-income urban residents need to be given the confidence to participate in urban affairs because many still perceive ‘home’ as the rural areas and the urban residence as ‘work’. This has its rationale and usefulnes, but increasingly, with more home-ownership schemes, participation in future urban development is crucial. Besides what are termed ‘the major challenges’, there are many other related issues which need to be addressed concurrently - transport, infrastructure provision, recreation, etc.

CONCLUSIONS

This paper has highlighted a common conceptual problem of relating urban planning to urban management in most developing countries. This is typical of Zimbabwe, where policy formulation at municipal level reflects problems in terms of coordination and marshalling resources for implementation. There is need for reform in how urban management structures function. Municipal departments tend to be geared to day-to-day administration, but lack a strategic component in terms of planning and management. Each department prepares capital and revenue estimates for the annual budget but there is a general lack of a long- and medium-term perspective.

Important changes have taken place in Zimbabwe since Independence (1980), but there is also much evidence of continuity. This has ensured the smooth running of the towns, but poses major problems for the future. In the field of housing, for example, conventional policies are unable to cope with the demand for housing which currently exists. There is a need to review the broader policy issues of urban land-use planning and built environment standards. Besides housing, there is also the need to address problems of service and employment provision. This has been hampered by the lack of a corporate approach to planning and management.

The role of central government in the future planning and management of urban growth is of crucial importance. It is only through the framework of an urbanisation policy that individual towns and cities will be able to cope with the challenges of the future. The role involves a continued support through public sector investment programmes, particularly to develop infrastructure. The need for linking the central government role with that of the private sector has already been highlighted.

In the final analysis, effectiveness of urban planning and management will depend on the effectiveness of national and regional planning. The towns cannot be planned in isolation, particularly where the majority of the population is rural. There is always an important dynamic operating between rural and urban areas which needs to be carefully managed. The overall performance of the national economy ultimately determines the functioning of the urban economy - new investments in commerce and industry usually occur in buoyant economies.

New Direciions for Urban ~ev~~op~ent in Rapidly ~rb~~is~ng countries 63

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Cockburn, C., The Local State, Pluto Press, London, 1977.

Dear, M. and Scott, A.J., Urbanisation and Urban Planning in Capitalist Society. Methuen, London, 1982.

Harare City, Harare Combination Master Plan Reports (mimeo) 1985-1988.

Paris, C., Critical Readings in Planning Theory. Pergamon Press, Oxford, 1982.

Wekwete, K.H., Development of urban planning in Zimbabwe - an overview. Rural and Urban Planning Occasional Paper, University of Zimbabwe, 1987.

Wekwete, K.H., Physical planning in Zimbabwe - a review of the legal, administrative and operational framework. Third World Planning Review, 1989.

Yoshikuni, T., The origins and development of the Salisbury Municipal Location: a study of municipal control of African workers in colonial Harare 1892-1923, Henderson Seminar Paper. Department of History, University of Zimbabwe, 1984.