CONTENTS, PAGE

NOTES OF THE WEEK . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 5

CURRENT CANT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2s FOREIGN AFFAIRS. By S. Verdad . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 GUILD SOCIALISM-VI. INDEPENDENT OCCUPATIONS . . . . . . 29 THE BLACK CRUSADE-II. By Marmaduke Pickthall ... 31 THE LATEST FORM OF POISONOUS HATE. By Anthony M.

Ludovici . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32

INDIAN PATRIOTISM AND A FESTA. 34 FREETHINKING. By M. B. Oxon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 j PRESENT-DAY CRITICISM . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 A SIXTH TALE FOR MEN ONLY (concluded). By R. H. Congreve 37

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NOTES OF THE WEEK. WE cannot think that Lord Roberts and the National Service League are wise in attempting to destroy the Territorials. It is ‘open to publicists like ourselves to decry the Territorials as much as we please. They were none of our creation, and from the first we foretold that they were doomed to fail. W h a t sort of an idea was it that led the founders of the force to attempt to set the Humpty-Dumpties of the County Lieutenants on their wall again, and to ignore the County Councils? If there was to be a volunteer army, territorial in fact as well as in name, the obvious mould for its formation was the system of County and Borough Councils all ready made and awaiting some office of service to the nation in addition to the offices they perform for them- selves. I t would have been no more ridiculous to en- trust semi-military duties t o County Councils than it is to entrust to them the organisation of the police; and it would have been a hundred times less ridiculous than to unearth the Lords Lieutenants and to set these per- fumed mummies in control. The Whitehall bureaucrats who imagine that a volunteer army of citizens is in these days to be raised by London and county dandies, and officered by bank clerks and bullied by the cadets of sweating employers, a re much misinformed on the change tha t municipal government has already made in local spirit. Never, we believe, will any citizen army be raised again in England, unless use is made primarily and directly of the county and borough councils. Local government has come to stay; local sentiment will in- crease a s the boundaries of the nation spread beyond men’s grasp; and, as we urged when first the notion of the Territorials was mooted, without local spirIt ex- pressing itself through a local and recognised channel, a citizen army is impossible.

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.*. 39 VIEWS A N D REVIEWS. By A. E. R. THE PSYCHICAL TREATMENT OF INSANITY. By Alfred Randall 40

. . . . . . . . . REVIEWS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 MUSIC ND MUSICIANS. By John Playford . . . . . . . . . 43

Frank Betts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 PASTICHE. By Arthur F. Thorne, (Trans.) Hester Brayne,

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR from Lewis and Lewis, B. Hastings, Margaret Bertram Hobson, Marie Brahms, James Timewell, Arch. Gibbs, Perceval Turner, A Detester of Meredith, F. D. Spencer, Douglas Fos Pitt, James G. Denniston, Press-Cutter, A. E. R., H. Croft Miller, H. H. Pryde, Morgan Tud, P. Selver . . . . . . . . . . . . 45

But Lord Roberts, the National Service League, the “Daily Mail,” and the host of other critics of the Terri-. torials have no excuse for turning round on their own creat ion Or if they have an excuse in the manifest failure of the force, they are the last people in the world who can honourably make use of it. W h a t is it of which they complain in the Territorials that was not put into the organisation by themselves? Nobody else but these and their friends were permitted a single word in the constitution of the new body. I t was in vain that we and others brought privately and publicly to the notice of Lord Haldane and his colleagues the criticisms which Lord Roberts and the rest are now expressing. They conveyed their incredulity with their compliments, and proceeded with their hopeless task of modelling a citizen army on the obsolete plan of entrusting its con- trol to functionaries. And now that their plan has failed, they are looking about to find a scapegoat. We repeat tha t it is not decent of the founders to cry “Stinking fish ! ” of the Territorials. If the fish stink, it is they themselves who have produced the conditions under which this result has been brought about. The only people who can legitimately complain of the failure of the Territorials-and without by any means rejoicing in it-are, first, those who foresaw and foretold the failure, and secondly, the nation at large whose blind advisers, exercising neither reflection nor foresight, have landed us into this pretty state. I t is scarcely likely that much notice will be taken of the critics to-day who were the creators of yesterday-. The general public showed little interest in the Territorials when they were first constructed on a wrong model. ’They show even less in the demonstrations O€ Lord Roberts and the rest that, after all, they were right.

+ * * But there is another reason why the National Service

League is not wise in criticising at this moment the Territorial Army. For the present there is no alterna- tive to it ! I t was policy, perhaps, when the Territorial scheme was first propounded to abuse the Militia and to pour scorn on the Volunteers ; for the Territorial Army was waiting t o take their place. But if the Territorials are now criticised out of existence, as they show every sign of being (the establishment is over 50,000 short), what substitute do Lord Roberts and his friends imagine that they can a t once provide? I t is a fool’s

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paradise in which they are living if they imagine that Compulsory Universal Service is within speaking dis- tance of realisation. Not even the Conservative Party in opposition dare put this item on its programme. In Australia, as everybody knows, the Labour Party had t o be bribed to accept the responsibility of a similar measure, and heavily enough they will have to pay for it. But in England, neither the Liberal, Conservative, nor Labour Party has either the public confidence or the private courage t o accept such a responsibility. Rut if these caucus-experts, so capable of foisting on the nation Bills that the nation does not want, dare none of them venture officially to whisper Compulsory Service, what chance is there of an alternative to the Territorials for a t least some time to come? In de- stroying the Territorials, therefore, before a new scheme can possibly be made acceptable, the National Service League is throwing away dirty water before it has ensured for itself clean. Whatever may be said. and however truthfully it may be said, of the Terri- torials, the plain fact is that for the present i t is the Territorials or no thing.

* * * Lord Roberts, however, cannot comprehend why, if

the Territorials have been proved a failure, the nation does not instantly rise a s one man to demand Com- pulsory Universal Service. To a patriot such as him- self, who has probably never indulged an unpatriotic thought, who, almost alone among statesmen, has never once set ambition or money o r jobbery before duty, it is incomprehensible that the people should apparently be so wrapped up in idleness and selfishness as to prefer ease not only to honour but, as he believes, to safety. To the apprehensive patriot's mind England appears to be in the utmost peril, with powerful enemies preparing to pounce upon her, and her own people lapped in lotus-dreams. But the explanations of the disquieting phenomenon are not f a r to seek. They can be and have many times been pointed ou t in these very columns-where, of course, Lord Roberts and his friends, for all their patriotism, cannot rise to reading them. What are they? I t is absurd to conclude that a nation that has fought the world has turned pacifist and quietist in a single generation; nay, in less, for every grocer and tallow-chandler was prepared to help six of his fellows to kill a Boer only twelve years ago. Writing as natural historians only, and not as pro- pagandists, we can confidently affirm that Englishmen as a whole are as bellicose to-day a s ever they were. To a man they still delude themselves that they are the fighting equal of any six of any other nation. I t is not, therefore, to the influence of civilised ideas that we need look for an explanation of the national averse- ness to military service. Nor need we look, we think, to the rise in the Press of the professed pacifists. Of a19 the humbugs with which a capitalist nation is rightly cursed, the pacifists of our day are the next greatest t o the purity reformers. I t is easy enough to see why these lickspittles desire peace : it is that their capitalist patrons may pursue their profiteering with universal impunity. Pacifism is only sincere when it aims as strenuously a t the victories of peace as soldiers aim a t victory in war : victories of society over the domestic enemies of the human race, poverty, ugliness, hypocrisy, and disease. But have these causes been advanced during the reign of our English pacifists? They have accepted peace, not as what it is, a privilege, and, therefore, as carrying with it an obligation, but as a right without duties, a condition requiring no discipline, no effort, 110 great human fruits. W e make no mistake in saying that, apathetic as the nation may be towards the army of war, its attitude towards the majority of the conventicles of pacifism is contempt. And if anything was needed to be added to it, the addition has been made by the pacifists, who, after turning up their eyes, are now throwing u p their hats for one of the bloodiest plunder- ing massacres Europe has ever seen.

But if the explanation of the national apathy in face of an advertised national peril is not to be found in racial transformation or in the influence of the Pod- snaps, where is it t o be found? To judge by his recent speech a t Manchester, Lord Roberts and his friends will take a long time in discovering it; for at present they are on the wrong track. They are seeking for the cause in the faults of the British working classes. Reading between the lines of Lord Roberts' speech, i t is easy enough to discover tha t in his private circle, in the London clubs, and in the governing classes generally, the view is expressed (and we know it is) that the working men of this country, and they only, are to blame for the failure of the Territorials and far the refrigerated condition of National Service. W h a t else is implied in Lord Roberts' appeal t o workmen t o sink their class grievances in the interest of the nation as a whole? W e have always maintained that the effect of plutocracy is to engender contempt for wage slaves among the governing classes; and here it IS manifested as plainly a s a courageous man like Lord Roberts dare show it. His appeal t o workmen to sink their social grievances in the national cause is proof positive that he imagines that the workmen need rousing to appreciation of the national welfare. Not the governing classes, be it marked. I t is naturally assumed that theirs is the larger patriotism which readily thrusts private considerations aside when the national good demands it. But the workman, on the other hand, selfish, narrow- brute that he is, puts his own petty grievance first and the nation nowhere. Et is obi-ileus, we say, from the tone of Lord Roberts' address that he is laying the blame on the faults, as he conceives them, of the working classes. I t is they who refuse to make the Territorials a success; it is they n-ho decline to demand national military training. Consequently i t is they who are so unenlightened, selfish, and unpatriotic that England will be left de- fenceless on the day of Armageddon.

* + * Great soldier and patriot as Lord Roberts is, he is

unfortunately, like most of our soldiers and saiiors, a5 devoid of knowledge of the working classes as any Webbian bureaucrat. Guiltless themsell-es of the per- fidious tricks of the political governors and economic task-masters of our wretched proletariat, they ascribe to the latter the faults of which the former a re the pre- potent predominant cause. Nobody would expect of Sindbad with the Old Man of the Sea upon his back alacrity in offering his services in the defence of his country. We might almost say that his services would not be worth the acceptance, even if they were offered. The parallel between his situation and the situation of the English proletariat is as exact as a n allegory can make it. Immersed in noble dreams of duty, national service, national honour, Lord Roberts and his fellow-patriots a re totally unaware that when they address the working men of England they are addressing men-sunk in slavery; and when they hob- nob with politicians and employers they are hob-nobbing with the most subtle, selfish, and powerful slave- owners history knows. Wve protest that we are not allowing ou r pen to run away with us. W e are as concerned about England and as prepared to make sacrifices for England as Lord Roberts himself. But the truth should be known to him as it is t o us that the finest race of yeomen in the world lies now under the charge of national cowardice, in consequence of a system, deliberately maintained by the wealthy classes, under which they a re unable to call a week's supply ~f food their own. I t is amazing that, after all these years of writing, Lord Roberts and his colleagues should not be aware of the facts of the social case. The politicians know them; so do the employers and the Press, who unctuously attend in Lord Roberts' train. They, the scoundrels, are well aware that, f o r the first time in our history, a t least fifteen milliion adults live in weekly peril of the sack and pauperism; and they intend, with the aid of Lord Roberts, t o keep them in that condition.

2 7

The condition, however, is obviously not one in which spirit of any kind can be expected to be shown. Lord Roberts complains, and, from his point (of view, rightly complains, that the working classes show no spirit for national defence. But we complain th:,, they show just a s little for defence even nearer home. Step by step, in relentless succession, headed only too often by English noblemen, but followed by English and Jewish plutocrats, the system of capitalism has descended upon the working classes with almost no resistance. The cottage garden has gone, the free allotment has gone, the commons have gone, the home is going, and soon the children will be taken at birth by the State because their parents can n o longer pro- vide for them. W h a t is there left? The choice before a man of working for dwindling wages and working for his keep in a Government labour colony. Yet t o this state the working classes are being brought, a s we say, with almost no resistance on their part. Lord Roberts talks OF their pre-occupation with personal and class grievances. I t is a flattering misrepresentation of their actual condition. They are pre-occupied with nothing so exalted as the condition of their class, o r even as their own welfare the week after nest. Their sole pre-occupation is with the week’s security repre- sented by the week’s wages. Anybody, for all they care, can look after the rest. Lord Roberts will surely realise, when this is pointed ‘out to him, tha t his com- plaint and our complaint are one and the same, H e from his soldier’s standpoint sees the nation prostrate before the enemy without; we, from ours, see it prostrate before the enemy within. But much a s \Ive might be induced to fear a German invasion (if we had not our noble Labour Party t o protect us), we con- fess that we fear the triumphant capitalist still more. This barbarian is upon u s ; lie is ravaging the country, violating women, murdering children, and starving and slaughtering hundreds of men daily. In the midst of this civil war, what is Germany to the English working man? Would a German invasion make life more peril- ous than it now is? Could our paupers conceivably look for a shorter period of security than the day or week that now blesses them?

+ * *

We ai-e not maintaining that our proletariat u-ould Se indifferent to an invasion of England. Fa r from it. Mr. Blatchford is as extreme in his present opposition towards a citizen army as he was when he was raising Cain in the “ Daily Mail ” in abuse of Germany. Neither he nor any other Englishman would prefer a German invasion even to a continuance of pauperism. Logically, the choice is obvious; but actually it could not be made by normal. men. But, on the other hand, we would not care to undertake the task of persuading the workmen tha t an invasion is imminent until it is upon us ; or to make the smallest effort bo prepare themselves for i t ; or to place real confidence in the whole pack of the existing governing classes. W h y will it prove a difficult task to convince the people that they are in peril? Not because they have been lulled into security, but because insecurity has become their norma: state. I t is hard tu get up among people accus- tomed t o face the prospect of the sack a t the week’s end a sustained apprehension of a German sack at the month’s end. Seeing’s believing, they say. I t may be true, it sounds to them probable enough, but meantime the buzzer is sounding and the boss is looking. Again, it is useless to expect of men denied the exercise of initiative in daily life initiative in national and com- munal life. They have simply no notion of it. ‘The exercise of initiative implies the exercise of responsi- bility; but the proletariat of this country have plainly no responsibility whatever. Clerical fatheads and moralising dolts are fond of attempting to stuff the workman with a sense of power and responsibility ; b u t actually if a wage-slave acts responsibly he finds him- self in prison or in the workhouse. Over nothing but the expenditure of his little leisure and less wages has the average workman any real control whatever; and

these a re rapidly being taken o u t of his hands to be spent for him by canting reformers and Mr. Lloyd George’s commissioners. ?‘he condition induced by acting under orders from birth to death, from waking to steeping, ought not t o be past the surmise of even the woodenest. I t does not require much psychology to prophesy that after twenty years of this, a man will be as incapable of initiative a s a pithed frog. To ex- pect of a class of these creatures the initiative of a class of yeomen, economically secure if only of a crust, is tu expect grapes of thorns. Again, we repeat that we have as ,much ground of complaint as Lord Roberts. I t is, in fact, the same ground. IF he finds them deaf t o his entreaties, impenetrable to his reproaches and leather-hided tu his’ fears, what does he think we have found them? Only a little less inaccessible than the governing classes themselves. Fo r while it is true that responsibility is meaningless to the proletariat i t is no less true that national responsibility is meaningless to the governing classes. Governing classes ! They do not govern, they only employ. National responsibility ! Their only difference from their wage-slaves is that, they identify the nation with themselves. When the wage-slaves ask in astonishment a t the word : W h a t is the nation? the governing class can truthfully reply : The nation, c’est moi ! I t is a tragic spectacle, and both Lord Roberts and THE NEW AGE are tragic figures. We stand in the gulf between the benumbing rich and the benumbed poor. Lord Roberts blames the poor, we blame the rich. But we think we have the better ground; for the rich, a t any rate, have some kind of responsibility but the poor have none.

* - E +

Lord Roberts in the same speech besought the workers not to strike for their civil rights on the eve of a national peril. But is this soldierly advice? If Lord Roberts were leading Labour instead of being led by the nose by capitalists would he accept it himself? If anybody cares t o read the history of the Roman Re- public the historic fact is demonstrated that the Ple- beians rose to effective citizenship by striking on the eve of battle and by no other means. According to Livy, the Plebs “complained that whilst fighting in the field for liberty, and empire they were oppressed and enslaved by their fellow-citizens at home. ” Address- ing the Senate on the subject of land reform Canu- leius, a tribune, used words tha t might and ought to be used by ou r Labour leaders to-day : “ If anyone is going to obstruct these measures, you may talk about wars and exaggerate them by rumour, but no one is going to give in his name, no one is going to take up arms, no one is going to fight for domineering masters with whom they have in public life no partnership.” Our Labour leaders do indeed say this, but they do not mean i t and cannot or will not carry it out. But the Roman Plebs meant it and did carry it out , with results that Lord Roberts, a t any rate, knows. I t is simply not playing the game to deny to the workmen the only powers they can conceivably exercise of an effective character : in peace they can strike, hut only at their own peril : in war, however, they can strike at the peril of what is called the nation. We do not believe that a t such a moment our working classes will strike. On the contrary, they will be volunteering to fill the shambIes of any battlefield where England is said to be a t stake. But that is not what would satisfy Lord Roberts. W h a t would satisfy him is that our people should prepare by training for war. Thmey will not do it, and our governing classes a re too supec t to be able to make them. The failure of the Territorials and the still-born state of the National Service Scheme are proofs that already the “ enrolment of the Plebs )’ has ceased until grievances are settled. Every type of genuine reformer, artistic, religious, educational, medi- cal, has in the end come to this : that until poverty is abolished he can do nothing. In proportion as OUT soldier leaders become intelligent as well as sincere inn their desire for a national army thzy will join with us in making a nation first.

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Current Cant. “ 1 am proud of the clean and independent Press of

to-day. ”-LORD NORTHCLIFFE.

“Never was the generality of fiction purer or more unobjectionable.”---CHARLES GARVICE. _---

‘‘ The day for anything indecent on the music-halls is over, so far as the public taste is concerned.”-ARTHUR BOURCHIER.

‘‘ There were never, surely, such great days as these for a Christian citizen to be aliVe.”---HAROLD ANSON, in the ‘ “ Common wealth. ’ ’

“ I wake in the morning with a joy I have not known for years to think that we may, in a few weeks, have the cross over St. Sofia and Constantinople.”-THE DEAN OF LINCOLN.

‘( The time is ripe to take another census of the religious

“The materialistic side of the age is seen in the im- patient advocacy by clergy of Utopian schemes of social reform. ”-The ‘‘ Church Gazette.”

life of London ‘ ’-The ‘ ‘ Tablet. -e--

“ The depressing feature of the religious life of Scot- land to-day is the drift of young men away from the Church.”-The “ Sunday at Home.”

‘“There should be pity and mercy for the prostitute, none for the brothel-keeper.”-The “ Spectator.”

--I-

“ There is no truth in the rumour that the King means to sever his connection with the turf. . . He attends races, as he does so many things, from a sense of duty.”

London Mail.”

‘’ Even the ‘ man of gold ’ needs to acquire polish before

I ‘ Federalism is a check upon Socialism.”-“ Morning

he can shine in Society.”-The Tatler.” __--

Post. ”

“ The War Office has done what it can to recognise the religious claims of the Sabbath by ordering that when Sunday rifle practice is held there should be Divine Ser- vice.”-Colonel SEELY.

“ It has been the traditional policy of OUT party to support all measures €or the benefit of trade unions, even when brought in by our opponents.”-B. R. BARTLEY DENNISS, Unionist M.P.

“ Everyone connected with the administration of the law is perfectly well aware that flogging is more deterrent than any other form of punishment.”-The “ Academy.”

“ A good caning at the commencement of the youth’s criminal career would undoubtedly help to set him upon the path of reformation.”-Sir THOMAS CROSBY.

--e-

“ Quick locomotion, cheap travel, and the holiday craze which is now bordering on insanity, have fostered a dis- content. . . .”-GEORGE R. SIMS.

“ In the November ‘ Strand ’ Britain’s greatest adver- tisers ask you to read their announcements: In them they tell the story about their goods truthfully and sin- cerely.”-Advert. in ‘‘ News and Leader.”

“The people of this country, in spite of Carlyle’s opinion to the contrary, are not lacking in intelligence.” -F. BENNETT-GOLDNEY, Unionist M.P.

“ No less happy is His Majesty’s decision to resume the religious connection between King Henry VII’s chapel and the Order of the Bath; the service announced to take place next autumn will add fresh dignity to the Order by the outward and ceremonial recognition of the Supreme Being.”-The “ Standard. ”

Foreign A f f a i r s . By S. Verdad.

THE correspondents sent to the front by newspapers all over Europe are “bottled up” at various points, chiefly Mustafa Pasha and Stara Zagora, where they can see nothing of the operations. Only one or two men, such as Mr. Donohoe, of the “Daily Chronicle,” and Mr. Ashmead-Bartlett, of the “Daily Telegraph,” have managed to send through first-hand accounts of a portion of the fighting around Lule Burgas, but only a portion. Lieutenant Wagner, unfortunately, does not seem to be entitled to so much confidence as his mes- sages would a t first sight seem to warrant. The Bul- garians, according to him, have annihilated the Turkish forces at least three times within the last nine days, so that the invaders should really have reached Con- stantinople long ago. I t must be remembered by the interested readers of Lieut. Wagner’s messages in the “Daily Mail,” among whom I number myself, that all his communications are sent from the Bulgarian head- quarters, and are consequently subject to censorship. His accounts are picturesque, no doubt; but the in- stance I have mentioned above indicates that they are not entirely trustworthy.

W e have simply to take our choice, where war news is concerned, among various plausible lies, for even the diplomatic officials a t the various capitals, on whom I myself chiefly rely, are just now none too well informed. The Turkish authorities are optimistic-they have to be so to the public, or their necks would not be worth in- suring. But there is no doubt from the telegrams which have come to hand that the higher ranks of the Turkish army were in a thoroughly disorganised condition, and so was the W a r Office administration. At Lule Burgas, only some ninety miles from the capital, the troops had no food and very little ammunition. r h e Bulgarians, on the other hand, with a system of organisation which i t would be difficult to praise too highly, had brought unlimited supplies of food and ammunition all the way from their frontier, over Turkish roads from twelve to thirty inches deep in mud, so that a t critical moments they were able to keep pounding away at their enemies without cessation. * * *

As I write the news comes to hand from Constanti- nople that the Government will make a determined effort to bring up its reserves from Asia Minor, as I intimated last week could be done if the Powers held their hand. The military experts a t the Porte believe that not only can the Bulgarian advance be stayed, but also that the lost ground can be regained. I fear, however, it is now too late for this plan to succeed- not because it is in itself impracticable, but because the Powers are likely to interfere in time to prevent its realisation. * * *

Leaving Turkey to her own troubles for the moment, let us try to ascertain what the Powers are doing. Amid a tangle of falsehoods, rumours, proposals, and counter-proposals, one feature of the European situation stands out clearly, and that is the strained relation- ship now existing between Austria and Servia. One of the main reasons why Servia joined the Balkan League was that she wanted a port, preferably on the Adriatic. This means that she would have to annex a portion of Albanian territory, and in that case Austria would be cut off from Salonika, and the Sanjak of Novibazar would be completely hemmed in. Austria, in other words, would find her outlet to the Aegean entirely blocked. * * *

Here, then, is one deadlock. M. Pasitch, the Servian Premier, has declared over and over again that at least one seaport is essential to Servia’s development ; on one occasion he went so far as to say that it was a matter of life or death. Austria, on the other hand, positively refuses to let Servia have a port either on the Adriatic

29

or the Aegean. Italy, for different reasons, is ready to support Austria. I t i s not generally known-I have cer- tainly never seer, the fact stated in any newspaper- that Montenegro is financially assisted by Italy as well as by Russia: not purely for family reasons, not be- cause the King of Italy’s consort is a daughter of King Nicholas of Montenegro, but for the more prosaic reason that Montenegro is likely to be of assistance to Italy when, later on, Italy herself endeavours to secure a foothold in the Balkan Peninsula. * * -E

This is not thc only serious feature of this particular situation. I t is known well enough that Servia has Russia at her back, and that Austria has Germany. The German Ambassadors a t St. Petersburg, Paris, and London h a w made no secret of Germany’s atti- tude : Berlin will support Vienna at all costs, even a t the cost of war. * * *

Anotlier problem is Constantinople. If the Allies take the capital the Turks will at once remove the sacred person of the Padishah to Asia. Two proposals have been put forward or dealing with the awkward problem arising out of such an action. One is that Cons tantinople shall be internationalised and turned into a Balkan Tangier ; another is that the Turks shall be forced by the Powers to come back and take over the little neck of land including Constantinople, after “representations” have been made to Bulgaria that it would be better if she stayed away from that angle of land. There is one grave objection to either of these courses; and its name is Russia. As the supporter of the Slav States, Russia would not object if Constan- tinople fell into the hands of Bulgaria; for it would become Russian in any case sooner or later. But an internationalised Constantinople Russia will no$ tole- rate, and the Powers have already been advised to this effect. Nor does the Tsar’s Government see why the Turks should be invited back to Europe if they are once driven out.

% * X

Great Britain and France have their own interests to consider. Constantinople is one of the most magni- ficent strategical positions in the world ; and, properly fortified, it would be as impregnable as any city can be made. An unusually large number of British war- ships has been sent to protect nationals, and it is said in Paris that this manoeuvre is not due solely to over- precaution.

* Y *

The financial position of the Balkan League remains to be considered. I t will be recollected that just before the war definitely started, Bulgaria made unsuccessful efforts to raise a loan of -@oo,mo in Paris. The sum was small, but the Paris Bourse would have none of it, and the loan fell through. -4 renewed attempt was made, this time for L~OO,OOO, but even this was re- fused. Hence it may be gathered that the financial condition of Bulgaria is not brilliant. Montenegro, n-ithout the help of Russia and Italy, would have been bankrupt a fortnight ago. Servia: the “pig-kingdom ,’ ’ as the Austrians contemptuously call it, is not much better of f ; nor is Greece. I t would help many of the Great Powers to breathe more easily if financial diffi- culties, in the end, caused the break-up of the Balkan League ; for many problems which are now acute would in such a case speedily settle themselves. And yet what a confession of weakness this state of mind repre- sents ! The Powers were unable to stop the war ; and since its commencement they have been flouted by the Balkan States and even by Turkey. Now, when the war seems practically at an end, they are still hesitating about intervention. The difficulty they have to face is that intervention will be essential within the next few weeks ; and, in default of clear ideas and proper leader- ship, the acute questions of the Balkan Peninsula will merely be added t o instead of solved. But the ob- stacles are not insurmountable; and we may l m k to Russia to help us over them.

Guild Socialism. VI. Independent Occupations,

THE four questions raised at the end O€ the last chapter cut down to the roots of individual or group indepen- dence. T o many minds this preservation of individual independence in industry is so supremely important that they reject any kind of associated effort that seems, however superficially, to restrict individual liberty. They reject trade unionism on the one hand and the trust on the other. Both forms of organisation, they argue, are destructive of individuality. In like manner the whole Socialist movement falls under their ban, be- cause it would seem that the State, operating in the economic sphere, would be as tyrannical, if not more so, than the individual employer. This vigilant concern for individual liberty is the best guarantee of its unimpaired perpetuity. W e do not deny that in mass production or distribution there is an ever-present danger that the in- dividual may pass into the machine a unique indivi- duality and come out a t the other end a mere type. But that, after all, is not the least of the criticisms that apply to the existing industrial system. There is prac- tically no culture of industrial genius under private capi- talism-certainly there is no systematic culture. Given ten distinctive individualities, without means or influ- ence, how many will live to enjoy the full fruition of their faculties? If only one of them “arrives” it is remark- able ; yet the private capitalist is quick to exploit it : “See,” he says, “ how, under our glorious industrial system, real ability rises to the surface.” But meagre though the harvest of genius or special talent un- doubtedly is, there is this also to be remembered that probably the nine men who never arrived were spiritu- ally and morally the superiors of the successful tenth. How often, for example, do we hear it said of some- body: “He’s a remarkably able man, but much too modest-no push, you know.” By “push,” in this in- stance, is meant the capacity to exploit one’s fellow men. Or, again, how often do we hear it said of the successful man: “Yes, he’s clever enough, but abso- lutely without scruple. ” Or yet again : “He knows how to get the most out of better men than himself.” Or, “ He was ’cute enough to surround himself with clever young lieutenants. ” I t is not necessary to labour the point, which, briefly summarised, may thus be stated : Private capitalism limits the individual interests and, therefore, necessarily crushes all those faculties of mankind that do not definitely minister to those limited interests. Here we come upon one of the fundamental laws of democracy. No system can be truly democratic unless it calls into activity the fair maximum number of faculties inherent in the democracy.

I f we examine closely the habits of many of the democratic leaders, we shall find that they utilise demo- cratic machinery to attain to a certain prominence, and then. having secured their position, they consciously or unconsciously imitate their capitalist masters, taking on the colour of capitalist morality, their object appa- reil tly being to democratise private capitalism rather than to supplant it both in spirit and substance. Thus the “career” of a political democrat differs only in form from the “career” of a Lloyd George or a Bonar Law. I t is not, therefore, surprising that hosts of thoughtful men should watch zealously, if not jealously, lest the new democrat should prove as great a menace to liberty as the old capitalist. Although we do not share their fears, yet it is essential that the guilds should so organise that industrial genius and individual capacities and preferences shall be cultivated and not choked.

I t is clear, then, that the guild must be the instru- ment of emancipation and continuing liberty and not a new tyranny supplanting the old. Before we can pro- vide for those occupations not amenable to guild routine let u s see n-hat they are.

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i. The profession of ideas, as distinct from the actual production and distribution of concrete wealth. Priests and preachers, artists, craftsmen, journalists, authors would come into this category.

ii. Inventors. 111. Groups devoted to the initiation of new ideas

and inventions not yet accepted by their appropriate guilds.

iv. Pure scientists and all those who are devoted to original research.

v. Remaining groups in which the wage-system may persist.

W e deliberately omit from the foregoing the profes- sions of law and medicine, because these occupations are already guilds in embryo if not in fact. At a recent medical congress, Dr. R. Rentoul, of Manchester, actually sketched out a medical guild on principles pre- cisely similar to those advocated by us, and his pro- posals appeared to meet with the approval of his colleagues.

i. Nothing could be more fatal to intellectual liberty and progress than to subject intellectual life to the routine of any human machine. The spirit, like the wind, bloweth where it listeth; to capture i t and cage it would be the maddest conceivable enterprise. But we have already transferred from the State to the Guild sick and unemployed benefits as well as old age pensions. I t follows, therefore, that those standing out of guild organisation are barred from these and other benefits. A man, therefore, who deliberately leaves his guild to become a priest, preacher, artist, craftsman, or journalist must depend upon voluntary support of some sort for his maintenance. But his appeal is obviously to a much more opulent circle than is possible to-day, when the vast mass of the population is living at the bare subsistence standard. The increase in consump- tive capacity of the guild workers is presumably that they purchase those things they need, and amongst them, of course, would be access to ideas, to litera- ture, and to such religious observances as they most desire. They can have, in reason, what they want, be- cause they can give economic effect to their demands. Thus the continuance of the religious congregation is rendered more secure, providing the religious prin- ciples enunciated appeal to sufficiently large numbers. The dominance of the prosperous deacon or rich church subscriber gives way tro the dominance of an enriched congregation. In like manner, there must certainly be an increased demand for works of art, either the original or fine reproductions, whilst crafts- manship will be at a premium because improved good taste will call for good work, either in architecture, furniture, fabrics, or what not. I t is true that, in this sense, the craftsman may find it advantageous to re- main inside his guild because the demand for his work will be greater inside than outside. But being debarred from the economy of large production and having only one pair of hands, he may prefer an independent life, relying upon his reputation and skill to secure his financial requirements. Nor do we see any reason why he should not combine independence with affiliation to his guild. Suppose a young carpenter to develop into a carver of high ability. In his early years he has carved for pleasure or experience, but earning his pay by obedience to the call of his guild. Gradually his name and fame spread and men give him special com- missions-to carve a mantel-shelf, or a chair, or a stair-case. What is there to prevent him getting leave of absence from his guild for a year at a time, but maintaining his membership by paying to the guild whatever dues may be required for sickness, unemploy- ment and told age? Such an amount is actuarially easily ascertained. If he finally prefer to go back to the guild, his vogue having passed, he goes back a valuable man with a valuable experience. In like man- ner, tKe preacher may be temporarily released $or mis- sion work, those interested in the mission maintaining him, but in due course returning to his guild and re- suming his ordinary occupation. 'This would probably apply to many Nonconformist sects, but Roman and

...

Anglican priests would probably build up their own voluntary organisation for their mai*enance.

The journalist occupies a somewhat similar position. TQ do good work he must be his own master. The Quakers are probably right in their affirmation that all spiritual ministry shlould be voluntary and unpaid. I t is certain that the spiritual mission of journalism has declined in inverse ratio to the increasing organisation of paid writers and their subjugation to the com- mercial necessities of Fleet Street. The prostitution of ideas-always the greatest crime known to man- kind-that prevails in the world of journalism to-day has vitiated our national life to a degree far greater than is ordinarily realised.

Nevertheless, there is much work of a routine char- acter necessary to the proper presentation of news and views. The sub-editor may honourably do his work without regard to the particular policy of his publica- tion; but he may not honourably write a word in- consistent with his 'own convictions. We, therefore, find that journalists may be divided into two kinds- (a) Those who write what they must, and (b) those who write what the public wants. The first division are primarily dependent upon their - consciences and !must order their lives accordingly ; the second division depend upon their skill. For such skill there will always be a ready market; but the man who writes in the forum of his own conscience is better circum- stanced if he depends for his livelihood upon some other occupation, or upon the patronage of the few.

The true function *of journalism under the guild system, and when the element of profit has been eli- minated, is now becoming clear. There is the function lof supplying news. The supply of news is gradually becoming the business of the cable and telegraphic organisation. The newspaper-so far as i t is a news- paper-entirely depends upon live wires. The jour- nalists, therefore, who act in the capacity of news pur- veyors must ultimately find themselves linked up with the wires o r the wireless and their future is assured- probably as civil servants.

Now suppose that a coterie of men desire to propa- gate certain ideas and doctrines-political, social, re-

to appoint an editor, to elaborate a policy, to sketch a campaign. They then approach the Printing Guild, give the necessary guarantee and their '' organ " is duly launched. Whether they subsidise their editor o r whether he works voluntarily " for the good of the cause " is entirely the affair of those concerned. The point now to be emphasised is that under the guild system there is ample scope for individual action and for the expression of ideas.

ii. The question of inventions and inventors is so im- portant that we must devote a subsequent chapter to the whole problem.

iii. The initiation of new ideas and inventions not immediately acceptable to the appropriate guilds is im- portant because it is the natural counterpoise to slug- gish administration and conservative methods and ten- dencies. Assume that any particular guild is doing its work smoothly and successfully. I ts animate and in- animate machinery is in good working order and a sense of contentment pervades the whole membership. But human ingenuity knows no limits and the inevit- able invention looms up threatening a mechanical and economic revolution. Visions arise of practically new machinery being scrapped, of existing practice giving way to new, of a new school entering the sacred portals-in short, a complete bouleversement. It is only human that those who are wedded to the old ways shlould resist-and resist strenuously. Those who are not acquainted with technical discussion can barely realise how vigorously, if not bitterly, a new principle in mechanics can be criticised and opposed. Three re- cent instances will suffice-the Knight Sleeve Valve in motor-cars, wireless telegraphy, and heavier-than-air flying machines. Take this last instance. For a cen- tury, it was assumed that man could only travel through the air by means of a gas lighter than air. In

? ligious tor technical. They proceed amongst themselves

1“

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due course, the heavier-than-air plane was evolved, de- spite the adverse criticisms of the old school. The young aeronauts have won their victory-such as it so far is. A play recently depicted the bitter struggle of the supporters of iron ships against wooden ships and subsequently the equally bitter struggle of steel against iron. Industrial history teems with such stories, in their own way far more romantic and fascinating than the stories associated with soldiers, lawyers, and statesmen. The same struggle will be repeated with each great invention; and we must prepare for it.

The best guarantee we have for future scientific and mechanical inventions and discoveries is that men will more readily fight for them than for any mere political notions. “ Schools of thought” are indeed the sure sign of abiding interest in the important concerns of life. Thus, presuming that the conservative element in a guild contrive to exclude novel practice or new in- ventions, it is certain that those who believe in them will not tamely submit. They will instantly form societies to prove their case and provide the means for further experiments. For example, it is easily conceiv- able that had some guild been largely committed to “ lighter-than-air ’’ machines, it might have rejected any proposal to adopt “ heavier-than-air ” machines. The young school instantly organises itself; its tech- nical leaders get leave of absence, subscriptions are called up (possibly the guild itself will subscribe or grant other facilities; it may be conservative, but need not be .mean) and practical pioneering has begun in earnest.

I t is convenient at this point briefly to indicate how the private members of the guild could subscribe, either to their churches, their papers, their pictures, their books or their pet inventions; for that matter, how they are to pay for their groceries, their clothes or any- thing else. I t is certain that every guild will be its own bank. Banks, as we understand them to-day, will have become obsolete. Every member of the guild will every month or quarter be automatically credited with the amount of his pay. H e knows approximately what that amount is. Suppose the present monetary system to continue. From time to time he draws ready money for his smaller requirements, leaving a substantial balance standing to his credit. Against this he will draw a guild cheque and by means of these cheques he will pay his way.

iv. The duty of providing for pure science must be considered in a future chapter on education. Suffice it here to remark that scientific research does not have a particularly happy time under the exist- ing régime. There is no reason to suppose that a highly-educated proletariat, controlling rich guilds, will be unmindful of the duty of acquiring knowledge or will be niggardly in providing the means. But the problem carries us rather far afield, because it involves a careful delimitation of the functions and relations of $he State and the Guild.

v. I t only remains to consider whether any occupa- tions will remain in which the wage-system will per- sist. W e do not know. Possibly certain women’s occupations may fall back upon wages. Perhaps domestic service. Perhaps dress-making, which in its higher branches, is certainly a craft. We ‘have already remarked that women came into the wage system last, and that they will be th’e last to leave it. I t largely de- pends upon the women themselves; partly also upon such developments of the marriage system as cannot now be foreseen. I t may be that certain miscellaneous industries may continue indefinitely and remain for a generation or more unaffected by the guilds. I t may be that the guilds themselves, as they slowly grow into mature strength, may find it convenient to maintain outside their membership certain peculiar trades. This was true of the textile trades for many years after the factory system had been established. The home-worker only partially fitted in and was only gradually absorbed. But the main lines of development were pushed forward irrespective of the exceptional cases.

The Black Crusade. The Part of England. By Marmaduke Pickthall.

II. A PLAGUE upon the blessed word “Bulgaria.” It has brought out automatically, a s the cuckoo from the clock, “ our fellow-Christians,” “horrible atrocities,” “sacred name of Gladstone,” and “unspeakable Turk” -a whole array of pseudo-pious catchwords as in- apposite to the present conflict as “Abdul the Damned.” The same newspapers and individuals who “danced with garlands” to the Young Turk deputies, who hailed the Turkish revolution with delirious joy, are now the cruel foes of Turkey. Why? There is no answer but the blessed word “Bulgaria.”

The hope of Turkish progress had not waned. Every- one who knew the country was aware that the Young Turks who gave the impetus (all praise to them) were not strong or united enough to carry out reforms suc- cessfully; and rather laughed to see them hailed as derni-gods. Everyone knew that the Old Turks would have to join in before anything of note could be accom- plished. The Old Turks did join in; the Young ones fell into their proper place as helpful citizens; the hope of progress had blecome immediate. And that it was which made the Balkan States conspire so hurriedly. Those States were resolved that the Turks should never have the chance to pacify their European pro- vinces. They hated the idea of Moslem progress, of mure importance to the world a t large than their am- bitions. They had worked up Macedonian troubles to a great extent. Their history does excuse vindictive- ness; but, none the less, their crime is great against humanity. The war broke out. The blessed word “Bulgaria” at once obscured the issues of the fight for pious Liberals. If I harp upon that word of mystic power, it is to save them from the charge of utter meanness.

Their papers gloat on every case of Moslem cruelty, and thrust it on the public with scare headlines. This but begs the question. Any fool could have foretold that, in the present state of civilisation of the great majority of Moslems, four years of the kind of treat- ment we have meted out to Turkey, with a full-blown crusade for climax, would arouse fanaticism. The point is that the Turks, and we their sympathisers, de- sired to end that state of things for good, not in Mace- donia only, bu’t in every province of the Turkish Em- pire, and beyond; and that this crusade must make it worse than ever. “ But,” someone cries, “ w e only want to drive the

Turk from Europe, where he has no business. W e have no objection to his trying to progress in Asia.” The wish to drive him out, expressed fanatically, at a turning point in his career, is neatly calculated to de- stroy all hope of Moslem progress. I believe that we shall shortly see an awful outbreak of Mohammedan fanaticism which we, the Turkish party, would give our lives to prevent. The crusaders then will triumph, doubtless. They will sneer and say : “ That proves what Moslems are, and alwaysl will be.” I t will, in fact, prove nothing except that passionate and childish peoples have been exasperated to the point of mad- ness.

See for a moment what all Moslems have endured in these four years since first the Turks announced their will for progress. Backward and superstitious peoples new to the ideal of religious toleration see its proclamation followed by great national calamities, all proceeding from the Christians. There at once is matter for fanaticism and reaction. Peoples with

The fault, most certainly, will lie with Europe.

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whom collective breach of faith is an unheard-of crime, simple peoples who religiously observe their tribal com- pacts, see the Christian Powers tear up their portion of the Berlin Treaty. Tha t Treaty was broken when Bulgaria threw off the suzerainty, broken when Austria pounced on Bosnia, broken again when Italy invaded Tripoli, again when the Balkan States resolved on war upon their own account ; yet Turkey is still called on to observe lie. share of it, and has done so loyally, for no reward. 2.h: Moslems of the world have seen sheer acts .of brigandage encouraged by the Powers against a Moslem State, and this last dastardly and cruel war acclaimed as a Crusade by Christian Europe. Is it wonderful that they now think of Christendom a s one against them, united by a mad fanaticism worse than theirs ?

The part of England in all this has been extra- ordinarily undignified. If the Liberal Government never meant to help the Turks, its spokesmen should have said so a t the first. “ One word with force behind it” is admired of Orientals; instead of which they have Rad gushing protestations with the ring of promises, a knock-down blow, and then more protestations. Take but a single instance, the most recent. Not many days ago Sir Edward Grey assured us solemnly that, what- ever the event of the war, neither party of the com- batants would be allowed to retain any territory which it might acquire by conquest. To-day we know from his own words that the completeness of the Bulgarian victories has modified his view. Had Turkey overrun Bulgaria, Servia Greece and Montenegro, would she not have been commanded tu disgorge them all? Mow much better to have stated this a t first instead of blustering about fair play; how much better to have said nothing a t all ! As it is, the Moslems naturally call u s liars.

Progressive Moslems looked to England, who has always preached the doctrine of a nationality and a patriotism independent of religious diflerences-a prin- ciple which Turkey stands for in this present war. ’They looked particularly to the Liberals, for ever pro- digal of altruistic sentiments. The same government which had assisted in the tragedies of Finland, Persia, Democratic Russia, declared its impotence to help Progressive Turkey in her dire extremity. The same Liberals who had cried up the Young Turks to heaven, vituperated Turkey in her need with all the venom of religious hate.

One would feel pity for the present British Govern- ment were it not our own. The large but placid boy a t school who is afraid to fight, and, therefore, hangs on to the biggest bully, may have the kindest heart imaginable : ‘he is forced to gloat on tortures and abet the torturer; he gains nothing by so doing but con- tempt and hatred, and in the end he always has to fight. England’s prestige in Eastern lands is altogether gone. Turkey, as the last great Moslem power left standing, commands the passionate regard of Moslems everywhere. By our failure to stand up for her and keep our promises, we have raised a host of foes within the British Empire who were once our friends. If statesmen knew as much about Mohammedans a s even I know, the enduring nature of their gratitude, their quick response to honest dealing, they would have risked a little to preserve their loyalty.

The fall of Turkey a t this juncture is a fearful tragedy, reflecting shame on England a s a nation. Yet many Liberals applaud the villains of the piece voci- ferously and with disgusting sanctimony. Dear brethren, c n the grave of all we once held dear-f mercy, truth and honour -d rop no t ear ; it might offend some looker-on ! Let us rather with a loud voice praise the conquering worms !

To-morrow, when the Moslem world is in a blaze, they will shriek horribly and clamour for tremendous punishments. We beg fo r charity for El Islam what- ever happens. Her proud and childish peoples have been cruelly offended. By charity alone can we retrieve .our nation’s honour

The Latest Form of Poiso Hate.

By Anthony M. Ludovici. THERE is a hatred prevalent to-day which is blacker and more venomous than any that has ever existed before upon earth. I t is the hatred burning in the breasts of the jealous and the envious, to whom modern civilisa- tion brings no triumphs save those of blighting and poisoning the joys of others. Among this filthy herd of haters, no one, however, is so dangerous and so in- odorous as the morally indignant hater, the protestingly innocent hater, who pleads Puritanically for the moral and the innocent, and would be their advocate.

A cry has been raised in our midst of late-a cry which owes more than half of its volume to these least savoury of haters-the cry against the White Slave Traffic. Every one who had thought a t all, every one who had pondered for half a day, upon the conditions of modern civilisation, must have felt his heart leap for joy a t the sound of this cry. “At last,” he must have thought, “people a re beginning to notice the cruellest and most heartrending slavery of modern times-the slavery which is rapidly reducing the beauty, the grace, the health and the vitality of all our womanhood. At last men are beginning to count not in thousands but in tens of thousands the fair virgins which the fathers of England annually send from their homes in the suburbs or the slums to be violated by the terrible Ieviathan of modern capitalistic enterprise, only to be cast aside like refuse when they are worn out and useless. ”

Long enough had the modern world been looking on while this wholesale act of seduction and degradation had been perpetrated. But now €he change was to come. The agitators against the “Whi te Slave Trafffic” were at last raising their voices in protest.

Let me confine myself to one particular class of these outraged girls of England. All of them, whether typists, sweated seamstresses or saleswomen, can be. seen coming home, just as you are leaving your dinner and going to your theatre. They are full of the cynical courage of modern times, so they laugh on their way and chat with animation. But most of them are pale and few of them are pretty. Those who are pretty are young; have only just begun, so to speak; a re not yet hardened veterans who have lost all conscience. Have the others lost all conscience then? They must have done, otherwise they could not h a w prostituted their beauty and youth daily to a desk, a machine, or a bench. They grow old very fast ; they look very worn, very unattractive, very unmarriageable after ten years at the work. But, as I say, let me confine myself to one particular class of them-the girl-typists. Most of these, as everybody is well aware, become mothers in secret-mothers of manuscripts, mothers of neurotic novels, and they never see their offspring again once they a re born on the machine. Their shoulders are round, their nerves a re jaded, there is bitter disap- pointment and loathing in their hearts. Some of them were actually held before their machines when only fifteen or sixteen years of age. They were beautiful then. Had the satyr-the typewriting machine-any pity on their youth or beauty? Did he spare them or pass them by? Not he ! H e is the worst kind of satyr, for he has neither blood nor nerves, neither heart nor soul; nor is intercourse with him any joy. On the con- trary. Ask these poor worn-out mothers of illegitimate manuscripts whether they love their seducer !

I t is time that someone put a stop to it. Hence, perhaps, the cry against the “White Slave Traffic’’ ?

Not a bit of i t ! You must understand that the people who are behind the cry against the White Slave Traffic a re a filthy crowd of pestilential Puritans ! Their bodies, remember, a re overgrown with stinking toadstools and fungi ! They are most of them resent- ful spinsters, in trousers or skirts. W h a t d o they care

This traffic is a scandal.

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about thc legions of virgins violated yearly in the modern world by the satyr-the machine? Not only do they tell you that this kind of violation is “honour- able” as they call it (you turn aside to expectorate, for their breath and teeth are invariably bad), but they care nothing for the haggard looks, the pallid, bloodless cheeks of girls who have not indulged in what they choose to term “vice.” What sympathy or horror or righteous indignation can you rouse in these moral toads by pointing to the rounded shoulders, the love- less life, the listless eyes, the bloodless cheeks and hands of the typewriter drudge? None ! Absolutely none !

They reply (and again you expectorate) that the typist’s worn-out looks, her lost beauty, her faded youth, her hopeless expression, are not the result of a life of pleasure, not the result of a life of immorality, therefore she is honourable, therefore she must not be rescued ; therefore everything is all right ; therefore nothing is to be done.

Against whom are they inveighing, then, with the VVhite Slave” cry? Against the Satyr Man, of course ! Not really? Yes, indeed ! The Satyr of flesh and blood, who, by-the-bye, is rapidly becoming ex- tinct. But that does not matter. I t is against him that their cry is raised. The girls that “fall” before this satyr, look no worse, age no sooner, lose their beauty no faster, than the poor typewriter drudges, seduced by the satyr--Machine. What is it, then, that these venomous haters, with evil-smelling breath, cannot abide? What they cannot endure, that which stirs up all their bitterest gall, and makes their envious and shrivelled hearts ache with pain, is not only the fact that life, the fundamental instinct of life, is kept alive and ministered to by the “fallen” girl who loses her youth and beauty by a fast life, but that this “fallen” girl also gets a t least some pleasure in the process of “falling” ; whereas her less fortunate sister gets none.

Before you take this cry against the White Slave Traffic too seriously make quite sure that the people who raise it are in earnest about rescuing suffering slaves. If they really are, then it seems to me that they have not turned their attention to the proper quarter-.

Everybody to-day who is not a prurient Puritan or a bread-and-butter belching, body-despising spinster, must realise that if rescue work is to be done a t all, if heroic efforts are ever to be made, it is among these myriads of virgins who are annually sacrificed to the leviathan, Capitalistic Industrialism ; and until that evil is faced which is sapping the very life out of the mothers of life, we surely can afford to overlook the other evil which, whatever its abuses and vices may be, is at least not nearly so hostile either to life or to man. as the cursed system which prostrates and pros- titutes thousands of virgins annually before a machine.

Patria Mia. BY Ezra Pound.

XI. I RIIGN’I g o on objecting to details Ur the American order, and that would be perhaps easier than convincing a foreign audience that I am right to believe in our future.

I detest an education which tends to separate a man from his fellows. For the humanities rightly taught can but give one more points of contact with other men. I should like to see the universities and the arts and the system of publication linked together for some sort of mutual benefit and stimulus.

I detest what seems to me the pedantry of the “ger- manic system,” although I am not insensible to the arguments in favour of this method and mechanism. 1 want all the accuracy of this system, but I want a more able synthesis of the results.

I want the duty on foreign books removed. si etais dieu l e printemps soit eternel.

Yet the question seems not so much what I should like to see altered in the affairs of the United States as what force I rely on; why I believe that these changes and others will follow in due course.

I trust in the national chernical, or, if the reader be of Victorian sensibility, let us say the “spirit” or the “temper” of the nation.

I have found in “The Seafarer” and in “l’he Wan- derer” trace of what I should call the English national chemical. In those early Anglo-Saxon poems I find expression of that quality which seems to me to have transformed the successive arts of poetry that have been brought to England from the South. For the art has come mostly from the south, and it has found on the island something in the temper of the race which has strengthened it and given it fibre. And this is hardly more than a race conviction that words scarcely be- come a man, “ Nor may the weary-in-mind withstand his fate,

Nor is high heart his helping. For the doom-eager oft bindeth fast his thought In blood-hedabbled breast. ”

The word I have translated “doom-eager” is ‘‘dom- georne. ” And “dom” is both “fate” and “glory. ’’ The “Dom georne” man is the man ready for his deed, eager for it, eager for the glory of it, ready to pay the price.

If a man has this quality and be meagre of speech one asks little beyond this.

These lines strike a keynote. I find the same sort of thing in Whitman. I mean I find in him what I should be as ready to call our American keynote as I am to call this the English keynote.

I t is, as nearly as I can define it, a certain generosity. A certain carelessness, or looseness, if you will: a

hatred of the sordid, an ability to forget the part for the sake of the whole, a desire for largeness, a wiliing- ness to stand exposed.

“ Camerado, this is no book ; Who touches this touches a man.”

The artist personally is ready to endure a s t ra in which his craftsmanship would scarcely endure.

Here is a spirit, one might say, as hostile to the arts as was the Anglo-Saxon objection to speaking at all.

Yet the strength of both peoples is just here; that one undertakes to keep quiet until there is something worth saying, and the other will undertake nothing in its art for which it will not be in person responsible.

This is, of course, the high ideal, not the standard or average of practice.

And my other hope is in this : that when an American in any art or m e t i e r has learned what is the best,, he will never after be content with the second-rate.

I t is by this trait that we are a young nation and a strong one.

An old nation weighs the cost of the best, and asks if the best is worth while.

But because we do not do this we shall move as fast as we learn, and knowledge and instinct are not to be over-quickly acquired; not in one generation. . . .

Yet where we have now culture and a shell we shall some day have the humanities and a centre.

“Poems and materials of poems shall come from their lives, they shall be makers and finders.’’

One reason why Whitman’s reception in America has been so tardy is that he says so many things which we are accustomed, almost unconsciously, to take for granted.

He was so near the national colour that the nation hardly perceived him against that background.

He came at a time when America was proud of a few deeds and of a few principles. He came before thc nation was self-conscious or introspective or subjective ; before the nation was interested in being itself.

The nation had no interest in seeing its face in thc glass. I t wanted a tradition like other nations, and it got LongfelIow’s “Tales of a Wayside Inn ” and “Hiawatha” and “Evangeline. ”

One may not need him at home. I t is in the air, this tonic of his.

VVhitman established the national timbre.

34

But if one is abroad; if one is ever likely to forget one’s birth-right, to lose faith, being surrounded by disparagers, one can find in Whitman the reassurance. Whitman goes bail for the nation.

And Whistler? Whistler is our martinet. He left a message almost as if by accident. I t is, in substance, that being born an American is no excuse for being content with a parochial standard; that i t does not prevent a man’s attaining the highest mastery of an art or of whatever else he undertake, nor does it con- done him for not doing so.

I t is all very well to say that Whistler was European, but this does not affect the argument. If a man’s work require him to live in exile, let him live in exile, let him suffer (or enjoy) his exile gladly.

But it would be about as easy for an American to become a Chinaman or a Hindoo as for him to acquire an Englishness or a Frenchness or a European-ness that is more than half a skin deep.

(FINIS. )

Italian Patriotism and a Festa, By Sir Francis Vane, Bt.

A GREAT thing is going tu happen in our village. My friend Captain F- has been out to the war in Tri- poli, he has fought gallantly, commanded a force of Ascari, and been badly wounded in the chest. All this has happened since I saw him just a year ago. And m w he is well again; the wound, though severe, has quickly healed, and before he returns to the front the good people of the three villages are to present him to- day with a sword of honour.

Your most illustrious self-so runs the polite invita- tion of the President-is asked to intervene in the cere- mony-which, in fact, means that I am to be included among the privileged few who will march with the Prefect and the Sindaco and support the Committee of Honour in offering this token of respect to the patriot- ism of my friend.

Though a Peace man, because I have seen War, I have accepted this invitation with the greatest pleasure. I know something about these receptions. Have I not suffered myself from them? Have I not listened to people-quite excellent people-who praised me for do- ing active things-fighting Boers, sleeping nights on the veldt without much covering, spending my money in the process, too-who never dreamt that such services might have been expected of them? The heartiest re- ception I received on my return from South Africa was offered me by a man ten years younger, somewhat stronger, and infinitely richer, than myself, who said : “ My dear fellow. Bravo! Splendid! I wish I had been with you; come and have a drink ! ” He might very well have been with me all the time.

W e assemble for the festival on the terrace of the Casino, under the plane trees. One of the pleasures of this ceremony was the certainty that I would meet all the old followers of Garibaldi in the neighbourhood- from the mountain villages miles and miles away. I had already been admitted into their comradeship.

Through the crowd of mountain peasants I was led up to the terrace, and was received by my friend Cavaliere G-, himself a Garibaldino and the son of a leader of the United Italy Movement. Everybody seemed to know me; certainly every man with a medal claimed friendship, and every child; and Signor Capi- tano this and Signor Barone resounded, until I feared that I was becoming unduly prominent.

Below us in the road by the river the forces were being marshalled by my friend the President. There were the veterans, the United ItaIy men, the good fellows who in bad times and in good times had struggled to arrive at a wider ideal of patriotism than that of the Village Pump of Tuscany, Napoli, Savoy, and the rest. Without certain knowledge of what they had done they had by blood-sacrifice made their people see a little bigger thing than they had seen before-they saw Italy United. Then came the bands-always pro- lific in Italy-the cyclists, in their clubs with dub uni-

forms, the excellent ambulance societies, which exist in every village. The school children were also mar- shalled.

The President of the Committee, my friend and scout comrade P-, who himself has done his share in the war as a lieutenant in the Ambulance, is bustling about, ordering here and counter-ordering there, and the curi- ous thing 1s that they all obey him. I t may be that this tribute to my friend F- is really a democratic one, though offered to a member of one of the oldest families in Savoy, and, therefore, from the hearts of a people not naturally sheepishly obedient. At any rate, they take the Signor Presidente’s orders.

But the President of the Committee himself, who is he? N o marquis or prince‘, both of which titles are as common as the flowers of the mountains here; no portly aldermanic new-rich person, important and bustling ; no clerical or legal bigwig, but simply a man who him- self went as a volunteer to the war, the son of an inn- keeper here.

Under the trees by the rushing stream we are marshalled in fours. I t is my privilege to be placed on the right of the Mayor-who, on this occasion, wears a very correct frock coat and a bowler hat-and on my right and left are the officials of the Municipality. In front of all there are three immense standards, the arms of a United Italy. Behind them are my friends the veterans of the wars of ’48 and ’66. There had been an animated dispute concerning my place, whether I should go with rhy friends the veterans (I being in Scout uniform with medals), or in highest honour among the civic authorities. The veterans claimed me as one of themselves. Then, in order, came a band-the town band-after which a very large flag, immediately be- hind which we marched. Then in due course another band was followed by selected members of the corn- munity; then came a few Boy Scouts and in the tail of the procession the lords of the future, the children of the Government schools-girls and boys in gay attire.

The country road which we pursued is here an arbour of trees richly roofed by leaves, and the whole line of route is lined by sightseers from the towns and villages around. Half way through our journey we L

come to the villa where dwells the mother of the hero m

of the day. There is no flamboyant display, no Mafe- king here, but only an elderly lady dressed in black, who seems intensely surprised when someone cries “Viva la Baronessa!” and a general clapping of hands ensues .

Out of the house, clad in exactly the same khaki drill which we wore in South Africa, comes the hero of the day. H e looks a little paler for his wound than when I saw him last year, but otherwise much the same. Of course, he is received with loud clapping of hands, and he is conducted tu the head of the column. W e then march on to the next village, which is decorated with flags and crowded with peasants.

The actual ceremony takes place in the grounds of the CIub of the Foreigners, Captain F-, the Presi- dent, and two brother officers being on the platform, and the sword of honour on the table in front. W e are all placed in chairs around, I being happily located be- tween the Baronessa, the mother of the hero, and the Mayor. A speech ensues from the President, who speaks of the glories of Italy of the past, the heroism of her sons to-day, and especially of that of my friend. Then the Mayor is called upon to make the presenta- tion, which he does gracefully enough. Then the Direc- tor of Schools makes a lengthy address to the school- children, who have been ranged close to the platform, in which the action of United Italy in far-away Tripoli is contrasted with the little divisions of the past. I wish that children might be allowed to honour a war- like hem without honouring war.

But every speaker has referred in turn to the unify- ing effect of this w a r - t o its necessity for bringing about a closer union. I wonder a little a t this, because a set-back, for example, would have just the opposite effect-and a greatly enhanced taxation would probably lead to revolution. Yet , I suppose, they know their

35

own business best, but one cannot help feeling that it is a little rough on the Arabs, who have nothing to do with these things, and probably object to Turkish rule quite as much as they resent Italian. To be shot down by and to shoot my friends the peasant soldiers of Italy, to unite a country hundreds of miles away is certainly in the Arabs an act of unconscious altruism of a very high order.

Most of the speakers refer to my presence as one who wishes well to Italy--this indeed I do-and who de- fended the war in London. This is also true in so far as this : that I understood why it was entered into, and very strongly reprobated the agitation which arose against Italy on account of her alleged cruelties. I think each country had better look after its own morals ; no more good comes of Englishmen pointing the finger of scorn a t Italians for the murder of Arabs, than for Italians doing the same at us for burning farms and concentrating women and children in camps. Let us denounce war as an infinitely cruel thing, but not the warriors whom we employ on such a business. If I held a brief for mar-which I certainly do not-it might be said that this particular fight has moulded Italy into one whole. A year agio, a man was a Tuscan or a Lombard or Neapolitan first, and afterwards an Italian. Now it may be said that he is an Italian before anything. I t has had the effect of widening the mind so that it has a patriotic outlook larger than the pro- vince, and now embraces Italy. Let us hope that it will soon widen out to a nobler object still-the world. For I heard a great deal said about the people of Italy, her King, her soldiers, and her soil, and what was good for them, but not a word about what might be good for that neglected part of this terrestrial globe which is made up of other nations and races outside the bounds of this country. Even while uniting Italy we find the whole of the Nearer East in turmoil.

W e are glad to honour our leaders with the name of statesmen. I wonder when we will speak of worldsmen as the highest distinction of all.

Freethinking. By M. B. Oxon.

SOUE weeks ago the “Freethinker” was kind enough to notice an article in THE NEW AGE on the manufacture of life. If the criticism had been written by a free- thinker it would have been of great interest, but it would seem that the writer is only a materialist. For though one can well understand a materialist believing himself to be a freethinker, yet that a freethinker should make himself out a materialist seems almost in- credible.

I t is quite impossible to talk with a materialist on any of the subjects which are worth talking about, for he has, by definition or axiom, excluded them from his world. Within the world which he recognises his logic may be unimpeachable, and as a hewer of wood and drawer of water he does most valuable service, provid- ing material on which the freethinker can work.

Small freethinkers are not very uncommon, though they do not achieve very much except, may be, the seduction of some of the followers of materialism from their allegiance. But all the great men of the world have been freethinker H a r v e y , Newton, Herschel, for example-though they are only recognised as such by freethinkers. The materialists only recognise the materialist portion of their make-up or put themselves to considerable pains to remove any stigma of free- thought which they chance to recognise in them.

Materialist science is a most valuable thing, but i t is not the engine which drives evolution, it is the brake on the wheel of the car which prevents our theories from running away down the hiII. No one but a fool would wish to dispense with it ; it makes progress safe ; it does not make the progress.

But scientists are not the only materialists; reli- gionists are quite a s bad. .And when t h e pot calls the kettle black it :s no use for thc freethinker to take sides

in the dispute. Both are unquestionably black, or, at least, what the mediaeval latinists would have called “ subfuse." One set of postulates is in itself quite as good as the other if they both of them lead to a blank wall.

Both sets of postulates, those of materialism and those of anthropomorphic religion, are based on ignor- ance ; ignorance of the only part of the universe of which we can possibly have any direct knowledge, which is of ourselves. All possible knowledge depends on this; our recognition of the outside world must be of the nature of an extrapolation based, consciously or unconsciously, on the data gathered within ourselves. How much of

ourselves ” really belongs to the outside world does not, for this purpose, matter; our knowledge of it is first hand and vital, and of quite a different kind from any other.

The materialist postulates that he possesses only a body and that such things as mind and life are products of the body. Well and good; but an extrapo- lation from these data leads to a blank wall. Either matter created itself, which is nonsense or the rankest transcendentalism, or it was created “ from outside” (or “ from inside”), which is sense, and supported, as far as any such thing can be, by everyday experience of activity.

This is where materialist religion steps in and in- creases the muddle. “ Matter,’’ it says, “ was created by a god who was a Great Man, and who put the uni- verse together as a man would, on logical lines such as a man employs.” ?’he materialist replies, “ No. ‘There is no evidence of any ‘ conscious ’ power work- ing in the universe except myself. I t is all the result of mechanical forces ”-a remark which is quite as bold and no less foolish than the other. When once the premises of the two parties are admitted the formal argument of each follows, no doubt, lines which are recognised by both sides. But the two premises, though based on the same data, are so different that the materialist does not recognise any evidence of con- scious logic in the religionist’s method of arriving at them, and vice versa. Were i t not that they both meet on a common ground in believing that two and two make four (under some circumstances, a t any rate) they would be as unable to recognise each other’s “con- sciousness” as the materialist is to recognise the “con- sciousness ’’ which leads a comet to edge its way round the sun tail first to avoid being caught.

The whole difficulty arises from the fact that “ con- sciousness” is such a vague word that even in different men it does not mean the same thing. What the Materialist is really a t liberty to say is : “ I can recog- nise no consciousness such as I am aware of at work in the universe.” And the religionist : “Though I feel sure that. there is a consciousness in the universe which is akin to my own, yet to suggest that this fully de- scribes it is wrong.” There is no “proof” of this io hand; in fact, it is quite arguable that such a proof must be impossible. For example, the proof that there is a relation between 2 and 3, or, in other words, the whole of mathematics, is not to be found either in 2 o r 3, whether looked at as a symbol or as an idea. With no glimmering of mathematics we may play with the figures as a child might. With a vague glimmering we might observe in passing events a connection of some kind. With clearer ideas we may find in passing events proofs of our ideas But whether it was ::%ta

passing events which created ouï ideas. o r our ideas which caused us to select really arbitrarily) among the passing events, must always be as great a puzzle 3s whether the egg or the chicken came first. In fact, the way to set about finding the answer to the two questions is much the same. The difficulty of deciding between the cart and the horse, or, shall we say, the motor wagon and the trailer, is insuperable from the outside; we must get inside and see the works. Whether the point of maximum density for water was fixed at 4 C. in order that life, as we know it, includ- ing man, might be evolved on this planet-which makes man t h e great personality tha t he likes to think him-

6 6

36

self-or whether man is here merely as a chance secon- dary product is a very interesting question which I do not feel called upon to decide.

Even for material facts the materialist universe is far too small. I t is only with the help of a mental glove- stretcher that the less bigoted materialists are, with some difficulty and unwillingness, slowly making room for the very material facts of spiritualism and telepathy. I t is no use saying “forces,” and muttering a formula; this is merely returning to the ways of magic. A for- mula, whether scientific or magic, is only a method by which we arrive at results. W e have some empirical idea why we use such and such formulée, but no honest man, after really asking himself the question, pretends to know how they work.

The difficulty is that almost no one does ever ask himself this question. All are by education will- ing to admit that they have reached their ultima ratio,

force,” long before they had really got beyond the realm of matter. When the materialist world has been enlarged so as to contain all the phenomena of matter it will be time enough to consider whether there is anything besides matter in the universe.

True freethinking physics is moving in the right direction in wondering whether there is really any matter, or whether it is only a manifestation of force. This is, a t any rate, putting the horse before the cart, though it does not in the least prove that the cart is any less real than the horse. But i t is rather premature to think that we have in so doing reached the boundary between existence and essence-if there is one. it

“

Present-Day Criticism. THE reiterated professions of elocutionary innocence contained in Professor Rippmann’s letter published last week in this journal, together with ‘our rebuke of his pompous elocutionary outburst in the “ Daily News,’’ make a study for the moralist. Yet the severest judge must recoil from promulgating the charge against the Professor which seems impossible tlo be let remain dark. Even so, perhaps, we shall do better merely to divert ourselves while we may, since when “sharp practice” has once been said, one is sunk into dull regions where amusement is altogether improper.. Let u s say that it was naive of the Pro- fessor to scoff at our teachings and then run off to nourish his system with the few scraps we let fall under the table. Let us say that had the Professor not returned scoffing and presumably meaning to provoke us to tell him some more, we might have concluded that he had retired to pray and was by way of acquir- ing grace And now, without slaying the afflicted out- right, and having miraculously recovered our filched napkin, we may resume the comedy of convicting an opponent out of his own mouth.

W e sympathise with Professor Rippmann concerning a printer’s error which makes him write e for I. Our own sufferings in this matter are unspeakable. Our eyes are still sore from reading the first printed line of our article on the new journal “ Everyman,” wherein we were exhibited discoursing to the world of somebody’s being “ dead afflicted ”-a baffling phrase, only to be explained by the neglect of a writer who wrote one sentence over another insufficiently erased, and by the immemorial luck of proof-readers whose sufferings fFom careless scribes are ever avenged. Professor Rippmann, then, did not mean to say that he does not know what is meant by pronouncing e with the tip of the tongue against the roof of the mouth but I : of which fact we are now finally aware ! Let him stand before a mirror and endeavour with all his prejudice to pronounce I without the tongue touching the roof of the mouth. Let him even glue the tip to his lower teeth-he will see the outraged tongue rise up in its middle and assert its unalienable rights. He has naturally missed the point of our remarks about the teeth closing down in bad pronounciation of the word

travelling.” I t is the short “ av ” which brings c i

down the teeth in “ trav ” and which requires rhe re- lease of the open I, as in “travel,” or the quantity o€ the doubled I to throw the mouth open for the suffix. Once again-the mirror. Say “ travel ” : the tongue is thrown up-to bring it down for the “ ing ” you must double the 1 audibly, as is natural, or allow a per- ceptible hiatus while cautiously releasing the tongue from the roof of the mouth. Indeed, it is impossible to despatch l curtly : it demands at least the ceremony of a mere click of farewell, a click which prolongs affec- tionately into a short, sighing e.

Where, in our language, l is left open at the end of a word, you will find it, with one exception, preceded by a vowel, for it is a liquid sound and must be let flow. The exception (we do not count double U )

is the immediate precedence of Y, as in whirl, which the Scotch and scrupulous English people do not entirely slur into whoel, this Y itself being a liquid and, as anyone may read in any dictionary, pronounced by vibrating the tip of the tongue; it is own brother to I, and never in the least do these two quarrel. Words ending with a single I are a trap for the gabbling speaker, who does not understand how fair treatment of the preceding vowel smooths delivery. The comic Irishman and Mr. Shaw alone may rely on creating their expected effects by swallowing the vowel. A serious man would not willingly risk his influence by reviving t h e class-room joy at old Father Catapult, otherwise Popocatapetl. As for words like Professor Ripp- mann’s bugbear “travelling,” he may cut out the second I from hiswritten word if he choose, but he may not away with the quantity of it in speech. The quan- tity will force its rights, and he must be prepared to say trav-e-ling (there is no such word, the verb being of course travel) or travel-hiatus-ing. Our ancestors knew what they were about when they marked that hiatus by doubling the I : it doubles itself here.

A whole treatise might be written around this single w‘ord; and the rules which govern its spelling would be found to apply to all words with a doubled consonant. For instance, wherever the vowels in words with the suffis ing are pronounced quite short and thus tend to contract the larynx, there the end consonant is to be found doubled “ shamming, running, hitting ” marking hiatus, a pause to allow the breath to travel. Where the vowels are long or medium and are sent roundly forth on the breath, there will be found no doubled consonant-‘ ‘ shaming, stealing, ruling. ” The few exceptions only prove the rule, and if any altera- tion were justly made in spelling, these words might perhaps be brought into line with the rest. W e say most cautiously “ might, perhaps,” for the reasons against altering them are delicate. Letters, like the words of poets, are alive and susceptible, and that journal was right which feared that in losing our classical spelling we ran the risk of destroying the meaning of English. The tendency of a trivially complex society is to be- come niggardly in pronunciation, and after that breadth of meaning is easy to lose. W e do not pronounce, let alone double the g in singing, but the ancients probably gave it its value, as modern singers do !

But we have nearly forgotten all about Professor Rippmann who implores us to help him in pronouncing ‘ young.” How can we show him the separate values of-the n and the g . Hercules ! what a task. Say youn Professor, and then with all your might try young (and do not try to spurt it out through the nose be- cause that yo will defy you and draw the sound down to the heart). Professor Rippmann wonders wearily why our forefathers did not perfect every single word in the language. We really don’t know, unless it might be that time sped then as now, that ar t is long and life is short, and for other reasons like these ! We may assure the Professor that we personally do not neglect the h in “ghost” : he himself neglects it in “what”-and he wants us all to say “wot.” Did you ever hear the like? We do not say “debt” with the b ; but we challenge the Professor to produce the spell- ing det from any word in the whole language. There are only two dictionary words that we can remember

37

that contain this combination-cadet, bidet, both foreign words. Det is not English; and before we did away with the b we should want to find the precise letter to lengthen the sound as we deliver it, for we do not say de t , sharply, but dwell a little on the vowel. Likewise, we do not pronounce “scent” as “sent,” with a swift hiss, but decidedly linger and soften that s into the c-here, also, dwelling on the vowel. But we know that the avowed object of the new spellers is to save time!

Professor Rippmann scoffs a t our absurd notion that Milton himself corrected his proofs. Very well, then, Milton left his’ poems to the printers ! Alas, this easy surrender cannot possibly be made ! W e know for cer- tain that Milton, even when blind, found means to control his proofs. Among many examples, his em- phatic w e e corrected from we, in the first edition of “Paradise Lost,” Lib. 2 , v 414, still engages the study of the leisurely and learned. If Professor Rippmann will look into the Oxford edition of Milton’s poems he will find a convenient note about this. I t is Pro- fessor Rippmann, and not we, who confuses language and spelling, and who neglects meaning as having inspired both the spoken and the written word. If we do not unfailingly speak as we write, we try to do so, having respect for our birthright, and no mind for selling it merely because the heat of the modern day is on us and we are weary, and because some few trifles are very puzzling and tax our memory. The word which Sainte-Beuve discussed and praised would positively have been torn to pieces by the new spellers had there been any such in France : it was “prud’homme.’’ What would they not have done with i t? Sainte-Beuve took the word as he found it spelled, and its meaning for him was in its spelling and its spelling in its mean- ing. And so it is with ow- own English words. Let them alone, all reformers in a hurry: they are defended. W e need, besides a thousand pens to bar-sinister this bastard of the new- spellers, a hundred-thousand classes to study to speak English as it is written. It is our speech that is at fault, not our spelling.

A Sixth Tale for Men Only. By R. H. Congreve.

III. STILL pretending to read Plato, Miss Downing? I thought you had been persuaded that nu woman can understand him.

On the contrary, $Ir. FeItham, you nearly convinced me that one man could not.

Without the help of a woman, may I take you to mean? I refuse the other deduction.

If your pride rejects one, why not both equally? Leaving me exactly where I started-free in my own

Then I reaffirm that no woman

And what is there so esoteric in Plato that a woman

His doctrine of love as expounded in the “Phae-

Ah, on that topic, of course you, 3Ir. Feltham, are

I t is possible I know more of i t than Plato el-er knew. Instruct me, then, and I will shut Plato for ever. There, I told you so. Love is all you women care

about ! But to a man it is moonshine-when it is not ideal.

Why do you say moonshine? Tell me. I confess my ignorance. Put my thoughts into words, you man of words.

Your thoughts, indeed! Pardon me, but 1 have a!ready said that women have no thoughts. If I dared shock you, I should say that they are an appendage of the uterus, and nothing more.

judgment of myself. can understand Plato but any man may.

may not understand ?

drus. ”

a master.

Mr. Feltham, ‘f consider you disgusting 1 Now pretend to be shocked! And a moment ago

But if you set out to read t’ou were reading Plato!

Plato, you must prepare to be shocked and-lots of other things. W e men never set ou t on intellectual hunts with a resolution to remain all the time in gar- dens. W e follow where the quarry leads, over hill and dale, through brake and briar, on the high road or into the ditch. But women insist upon the cockle-shell walks of the kitchen and flower garden.

And is it not best there, after all? Flowers for beauty, the other garden for the earth. I t sounds like a will-o’-the-wisp that leads you men up and down, up and down.

Again the difference between us : what you call a will-o’-the-wisp we call the ideal. No woman is an idealist or can be. Bread and butter on a Sèvres plate -there is her domestic ambition. And please be care- ful not to break the plate!

Well, the plate is very valuable and much more use- ful than your bog light.

Who said it was a bog light? I never did. It’s your careful woman’s word for it. But suppose 1 call it Peg as u s.

Or a nightmare! The transformation is entirely a t your discretion. It

starts by being Pegasus; if it ends as a nightmare cher- chez la femme ! But you are a virgin, Miss Downing !

How dare you- Insult you ? How dare :-ou discuss such matters with me? Your

manners, Mr. Feltham, are inconceivably vulgar. I must ask you tlo allow me to resume my book.

Dora, I am heart-broken. Forgive me. This cheap rudeness I learned from Shaw’s plays. I was trying your nerves and your Fabian training.

N o Fabian would ever be so vulgar. His care for you would never allow him to risk his

To dare tto be vulgar implies courage, if

You are talking in riddles. I t requires no courage

Not even if one desires that comparative stranger’s

You are talking nonsense now. What will please you? I offered you bread and

And now my offering

The first was dipped in vinegar, the second was a

Dora, I love you ! How absurd you are to-night!

skin as I did. only of despair, does it not?

to be disgustingly rude to a comparative stranger.

approval above all things?

butter : you threw it in my face. of the Sevres plate is termed nonsense.

cheap imitation.

I believe you have devised the whole of this scene. Let me tell you it is not very edifying.

I t edifies me to watch you submerged under three shocks in succession; and im- mediately after pretending to read Plato. If you had been a man you would have knocked me down for the first, trampled on me for the second and shot nie €or the third.

1 command you to accept these punishments as per- for med.

Your remark now raises me from the dead. Unfortunate that I am. Only love; that will kill me.

You ask me to add suicide to murder. And being a woman, of course, you hesitate a t these

Or is it the suicide that frightens you?

You are quite wrong.

Will nothing end your life? Do you dare to kill me

in that fashion?

trifling crimes ! Never fear. I alone should die !

Die, pussy, die! Ah, now you are becoming serious. When you talk

sense it is nonsense; but when you talk nonsense then it is sense. Would you like to know why you were reminded of an old nursery rhyme?

T‘ery much indeed! You resumed at that moment for an instant the mind

of your childhood. Just for a second the old fairy-tale atmosphere was wafted through our conversation and in its odorous light you saw and heard the fairy-tales and the fairy music. I am delighted that I should have produced in you an effect so magical. Do you know, Miss Downing, I can bring up an atmosphere like that

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r - at any time. me ; and you, it seems, are a fairy princess.

There is a touch of the fairy prince about

M o w touchingly clever, Mr.. Feltham ! God in heaven. Do you laugh a t a man’s dearest

You women are low philistines, every single

Shock number four, Mr. Feltham; and now, if ?ou

ideals? one of you. Damn you!

do not mind, I shall leave you. Good night.

IV. ’To say that I was shocked myself by the conversation

just recorded would be t o misuse the word; but I was both surprised and disgusted. Of all the exhibitions of vulgarity, lasciviousness, ill-breeding, and madness that clever people have made of themselves this of Feltham’s appeared among the worst. There was not a single element in the whole conversation that re- deemed it from its low origin in the gutter of his mind. W i t was wanting in it, sincerity was not there, even of Fabian cleverness there was less than the least of the Fabians could muster. I was bound to say that a s high as Feltham could climb in men’s company so low could he sink in women’s.

One had only to imagine what would have taken place if, instead of a private and respectable hotel, the scene had been a lodging-house. Is it t o be doubted that Feltham would have been hammering a t Miss Downing’s bedroom door within half an hour of her retiring? I put this case as a test question for two reasons : the judgment of what a man is should always include the imagination of what under given circumstances he might be. Many men among us die m the odour of sanctity who owe their reputation t o their immunity from temptation. And, secondly, the more brutal the test the better. The fact that I con- cluded Feltham would have behaved in more vulgar fashion under more vulgar circumstances instantly proved that the depths of his sensuality were as yet unplumbed. For was it not the case that the farthest stretch of my imagination still left him an unresisting victim? There was nothing I cared to imagine that Feltham could not be imagined to be willing to do. His conversation came from a bottomless pit of leasing.

,4s Miss Downing rose, determined t o retire, Felt- ham, t o conceal his defeat, turned his chair non- chalantly from her, pretended t o yawn, and begged us t o excuse him for having left our conversation. I saw-, he said, that you had a good t o deal to say to each other, and, feeling superfluous, I filled in my time with Miss Downing.

Observing that I offered no opinion in word or in gesture, he added : You owe m e something for my sacrifice, Congreve. More than I feel disposed to re- pay, 1 replied, with meaning.

Our acquaintance was too slow to catch the double entendre, however, and took my remark as a compli- ment to himself. He smiled and bowed. But Feltham was sensitive with guilt, and interrogated me with apprehensive eyes. Shortly afterwards I rose to go, whlen Feltham entreated me t o stay and finish our talk. Come over into the far corner, he said. You’ve got something t o say to me.

It was an unpleasant ordeal through which I was about to pass, and my first desire was to avoid it. Feltham was finished with, so far as I was concerned- why give him or myself the trouble of a formal dis- junction? It was clear that he was not only in the shadow of the wood of Westermain, but actually in the depths of it. The black magic of sex, Circe’s potion, was still sa powerful on him that the slightest female flutter transformed him into a swine, and into a swine sans phrase. If he had played merrily with his wits and Miss Downing’s, I could have found his conduct intelligible. Celibates before now have amused themselves with skating on cat’s ice, gathering edel- weiss, dancing on a rope, or what not image of mas- terly risk without real danger. But Feltham’s clumsi- ness, his banality, his four-footed manners and remarks proved mastery aeons remote. Not in this life, without a miracle, would his intellect and his appetites sing to- gether in harmony. Art, and above all his art, ~ , - a $ a

mockery; of the head and the passing mood only. I should need to look again a t his work and to school myself still more severely for having failed to detect in it the mark of the beast.

On the other hand, suppose the miracle might now be about to happen, and that I myself was its destined instrument. Supposed that his stars had arranged that he should talk his damnest in my hearing to have his crisis over in the daylight of a friendly observer. E owed it to him, a t any rate, to leave the doubt to be solved by himself. If, I determined, he should see his conversation and conduct in the same light in which I saw them, I would analyse their cause with him 2s though they were impersonal phenomena : perturbations, that is, due, not t o his native mind, but t o its recent affectability by women. If, however, he should either not see, or, seeing, refuse t o admit, that he saw as I saw, our relation was a t an end; i t certainly would no langer be contained within the circle.

Well, Congreve, he began, what have you got to say to me? You were getting along with that bore over there very well. I hope that you were not annoyed that I left you t o him.

Not a t all, I said, since it enabled me to hear two conversations instead of one.

O h ! I knew yod were listening, he replied. In fact, I talked on purpose that you should overhear us. I thought you might have forgotten what women were like.

But men, under the same circumstances, do not appear to he so very different.

I was posing, of course, said Feltham. I wanted to see just what she would say or do.

A s a matter of psychology simply, Feltham, why did you pose, why were you curious to observe the reactions of that particular species of stimuli? W h a t is your interest in such problems?

Pastime, I suppose! Women are only fit to be played with.

Or vivisected ? They’re quite capable of taking care of themselves.

They’ve vivisected men often enough. Among their number being Feltham this evening? Nonsense! I was as COOL as z lettuce, detached a s

a philosopher, and critical a s an audience of playwrights a t a play.

But you were a t your own play. Could you be a t the same time critic and author?

Why not? Well, I was a critic too. W h a t did you think of it

As a play it was dull; but it takes two at least to Miss Downing missed the cues.

With a better partner you would have played better? The play would certainly have been better. Wha t

Only that I thought Miss Downing was the real

Why , she threw the lead on me every time! Then she is, cleverer than you suppose. Most drama-

tists, especially when they act in their own plays, give the lead to themselves.

But they’re all alike, aren’t they? Under similar circumstances they appear to be.

as a play?

make a play.

have you t o say of the play?

author of it.

Exactly, it was my play, and I took the lead. But the play, you admit, was dull? Feltham was very annoyed by this time, and plainly

baffled. He had, I could see, no intention of making an open confession. On the contrary, while taking any credit there might be in the matter, he was throwing the discredit on Miss Downing. With so confused a mind it was useless t o continue the analysis. Time alone could clarify a nature s o clouded with desire and conceit.

As he sought for words t o reply, I added: You had better disown the play, Feltham, for it was bad. Ask Miss Downing to re-write it. If she will not, any woman will do.

You mean that I a m a fiddle in their hands? Yes, of one string, Feltham. He grew grave, then angry, and then defiant.

if you will have it SO, he said. Well,

39

I rose again to go. Feltham offered no resistance. Good-bye, Felt- Good-night, he bade me at the door.

ham, I replied. [THE END.]

Views and Reviews.* WHY this book should be published in England is not d e a r . Mr. Lowrie is an American, and served his term of fifteen years for a first offence in San Quentin Prison, California. The differences between the legal

a n d prison systems of England and America are so marked that even for the purposes of reform the facts of one are not relevant to the other. For example, our judges do not give sentences of fifteen or twenty years, or life sentences, for first offences, as Mr. Lowrie in- forms us that they do in California. . W e have a First Offenders Act, which does something to mitigate the criminal instincts of the judge. I t is probable that our police are as corrupt as those in America, and that, by giving or withholding evidence, they do influence the sentence passed by the judge. Too many anomalies of sentence occur for them to be regarded as accidental, and Mr. Lowrie’s revelations of police methods in America are probably and increasingly true of England. But we do not maim our prisoners with the strait- jacket : when we want to crumple up a man, and make him useless to himself and dangerous to society, we flog him. Nor are we quite so hypocritical about exe- cutions as the Americans. We do not have to get three warders to cut t h e e strings, one of which re- leases the bolt, none of them knowing which one severs the necessary string. Our hangmen, at least, are thoroughly efficient, and do not seem to be squeamish .

Another reason why this book is unnecessary to English readers is, as Mr. Lowrie declares, that (‘the object of this book has not been to tell the remedy, but to show the necessity for it.” If i t were necessary to prove that America is a benighted country, that one sentence would prove it. Why, we have had reformers .of prisons for over a century, and almost all of them had positive proposals to make. Certainly their chief proposal was inacceptable : we cannot, in the interests of law and order, keep people out of prison, not even that IOO,OOO who go to prison each year because they cannot pay small fines immediately, and for whom Mr. Thomas Holmes has petitioned incessantly. But we have reformed our prisons: the things that shocked Howard and Elizabeth Fry are no longer to be seen. Every man or woman has a room to him or her self, so that the soul may rot from disuse instead of being corrupted by evil associations. The cells and prisons are tolerably sanitary. The prisoners have the best of medical attendance, for we know that the most skilled of medical men are those who interfere least with the processes of Nature. The prisoners have a satisfac- tory diet in commendably scientific proportions; and, indeed, in all matters they are subjected, sometimes ’for the first time in their lives, to the regimen of health. Prison in England is the ideal community : every re- former looks to i t as to the great example. There is no drunkenness in prison: the White Slave Traffic does not flourish there : the virtues of poverty, chastity, and obedience are there exercised : the unemployment question does not arise : prisoners are insured against ill-health: and the whole system is so perfect that a large number of people return to i t again and again. LW. Lowrie presents the American prison as a Hell : o u r English prisons embody our ideal of Heaven.

Already, then, we are advanced beyond the ele- mentary stage of requiring to be shown the necessity for reform. We are as wise as Hamlet, and are deter- mined to ‘(reform it altogether.” Having provided so perfect and desirable a system, it is more than a little sad that so many people should refuse to accept its advantages. The English people are so unreasonable : they use such plain language about everything, and with such plain meaning, that frequently they deny

* ( ( M y Life in Prison.” By Donald Lowrie, (Lane. 6s. ___________ _ _ _ ~ _ _ -

net.)

themselves things that are for their good. They think that ‘‘prison ” is a place where crime is punished; and they object to the word “criminal” being applied to themselves, really very unreasonably, for Parliament makes criminals of some one with every one of its Acts. But if we alter the name, the chances are that their repugnance may be overcome. Being trained from childhood in the rudiments of Christianity, they will know that “except ye become as little children,‘ ye cannot enter the Kingdom of Heaven.” So the Home Secretary is being empowered to call criminal, danger- ous, or violent propensities by the name of ‘‘mental defect,” and to make provision for the people who are thus afflicted; and the provision made will include all the advantages that pertain to life in our reformed prisons. “The Secretary of State may establish and maintain institutions $or defectives of criminal, danger- ous, or violent propensities (in this Act referred to as State institutions for defectives), and for that purpose may appropriate and cause to be transferred to the Commissioners the whole or any part of any building vested in the Prison Commissioners or otherwise under the control of the Secretary of State.” I suppose that Mr. Lowrie, being a foreigner, will not be eligible for residence; but if he knows which side his bread is buttered, he will take out letters of naturalisation. No flogging will be alllowed in these institutions, and, if “mechanical means of restraint ” are used, it will be because our reformers make provision for the con- tingency. But it is evident that we can do &Ir. Lowrie better than they did him in San Quentin; for in these institutions the indeterminate sentence, lacking some of the details of Mr. Lowrie’s suggestion, will apply.

It is unfortunate that Mr. Lowrie should spoil his case for the reform of American prisons until they ap- proximate to the English ideal by the suggestion that “ State institutions, and especially the State prisons, should be a source of revenue-not of expense--to the State.” Surely he must see that the possibility of making profit would attract the private capitalist, who would promptly reduce the status of prisoners tu that of free labourers. W e have longer heads in England, and our public men care more for our welfare than Mr. Lowrie seems to do. They not only put the bur- den of maintenance on the shoulders of the community, but they intend to bring pressure to bear o n individuals to make them accept a refuge from the morass of destitution. According to this Bill : “Where an order that a defective be sent or transferred to an institution for defectives or be placed under guardianship has been made under this Act, the judicial authority which made the order, or any other judicial authority, or, where the order is not made by a judicial authority, any judicial authority may, on the application of the petitioner, or of the managers of the institution, or the guardian, as the case may be, or of an officer of the local authority, make an order requiring the defective, or any person liable to maintain him, to contribute such sum towards the expenses of his maintenance in the institution or of his guardianship, and any charges incidental thereto, as, having regard to the ability of the defective or person liable to maintain him, seems reasonable. “

W e may be slow, but we do not move until we are ready. The majority of the people to whom the Act will apply already cannot pay their way : the additional order, which will be en- forced as if it were a judgment of the county court or an order for the payment of a civil debt made by a court of summary jurisdiction, will bring them within the reach of the law. Not long afterwards, they will be eligible under one or other of the definitions of this Act, probably as feeble-minded (for this definition exactly describes those who cannot pay their way), for the benfefits of a provided and privileged existence. In the case of females, the law against rape will be strengthened, so that not even the consent of the female shall excuse the polluter of her body. Really, Mr. Lowrie should corne to England, and see how well we do things. I t would not be long before he stopped mentioning the name of Christ, as though the existence of that personage condemned the prison system. We

That’s how we do it in England!

40

know in England that Christ died on the tree, SO we never mention him. But we are, in a way, proud of him and of his end; and a s a tribute t o his memory we offer our reformed prisons as an example of Christian civilisation.

The Psychical Treatment of Insanity. *

By Alfred E. Randall. irr is when we come to consider treatment that the failure of the asylum system becomes apparent. Any of the psychical methods of treatment requires so much time and individual attention that it is practically im- possible for i t to be applied in our general asylums. The number of patients is too large, the number of doctors too ridiculously small, for it to be possible to give, in most cases, more than custody and general medical care. Yet it is certain that, in many cases, the use of hypnosis, suggestion, psycho-analysis, and the rest, do offer additional hopes of cure. For example, a t the height of mental disease the prime necessity is to place the patient in the greatest pos- sible mental quietude. " I t is strange," says Dr. Hollander, " that this necessity of brain-rest has hitherto received little or no attention. The physician knovs well that in kidney disease he must rest the kidneys, and allow their functions to be performed by other parts of the body; he knows that a diseased stomach must receive no food-at least, no solid food; but a mental patient may indulge in his morbid thoughts as much as he pleases, and as a consequence they become more and more fixed." If the failure of sleep is a symptom of the highest importance, and alienists agree that it is, then induced sleep should be a therapeutic agent of great value. It is easier, O€ course, to give drugs than to hypnotise, in those cases where the induction of sleep is attempted; but " hypnotic sleep, being more closely allied to healthy sleep than is drugged sleep, is of great service where the brain nutrition is already bad, without the addi- tional depression of sedative drugs. "

Of course, not all cases are suitable for hypnosis. Dr. Hollander says : " The poor results in the treat- ment of insanity by hypnotism achieved by some authorities I hold to be due to the fact that the>- have not selected proper cases, and, generally speaking, not under conditions essential to success. Thus, fre- quently sufficient time is not given to the attempted induction of hypnosis ; the experiment is not repeated often enough, and after hypnosis is obtained pro- longed sleep is rarely employed. I t is admitted, of course, that the insane are much more difficult to hypnotise than the sane. Melancholics become hypnotised with difficulty, but cases of simple mania with greater facility, and very fair success can be obtained among the more sensible and reasonable patients if their consent and confidence are gained. The introduction of hypnotism does not overturn the established modes of treatment, but it is a n additional useful therapeutic agent. "

Induced hypnosis, then, is of esceeding value to the melancholic and the maniac ; and exhausted patients require repose because every mental impression eshausts them still further. But apart from the induc- tion of hypnosis, the use of hypnotic suggestion may have almost miraculous results. Dr. Hollander says : " By the use of psycho-therapeutics, I have seen hallu- cinations and delusions disappear, and suicidal tendencies given u p ; I have treated maniacal and melancholic states successfully, a5 welt as klepto- mania, religious mania, alcoholic mania, and morphia mania, delusions of persecution, hysterical psychoses, perverse sexual habits, doubting and querulous mania, and other symptoms of a deranged mind." A number of these cases are reported in Dr. Hollander's book on " Hypnotism and Mesrnerisrn, '' published about two y- "The First Signs of Insanity." By Dr. Bernard! Hollan-

..- _.__

der. (Stanley-Paul. 10s. 6d. net.)

years ago; but one case reported in the " Medical Press, ' ' January 3, 191 2, will illustrate the possibilities of hypnotic suggestion better than any argument :-

" The patient, a girl twenty-two years old, was sent to me un November 13th by her medical attendant. According to the history furnished by him, the girl had had chorea, with heart complications (endocarditis) since she was ten years of age. A t fifteen years of age she had acute rheumatism and was in bed for some weeks. At nineteen she had an attack of appendicitis, which recurred, until in May last year the appcndix was removed. The year previously, May, 1910, she took to the use of a bath chair, apparently owing to an inability to walk without having pains and getting prostrated. The patient suffered besides from insomnia, owing to night terrors, her screams rousing the people in adjoining rooms. Mentally, she was in *

a very depressed condition and talked little, nor would she smile. She was still using the bath chair when s h e was brought to me. Her personal appearance was that of an invalid in a very feeble state, her body almost rolled up and her head turned to the right shoulder, as if suffering from torticollis. " At the second attempt, she was hypnotised successfully, with- ou t sleep being induced; and the necessary suggestions were given. Five days afterwards her sister wrote: " After leaving your house on Friday, we walked along Oxford Street, through the lower departments of Selfridge's, on to MArble -4x-11, and across the Park to St. George's Hospital, where we took an omnibus for home; that, for a girl who has scarcely walked a yard and has been wheeled about in a bath chair since two years ago last May, is little less than a miracle. She is sleeping splendidly and naturally. All her terrible night fears have ceased to trouble her-and us, as heï screams used to rouse us all a t times. Her new cheery outlook on things in general would be almost laughable i f we were not so intensely thankful. I t seems almost impossible-a fortnight ago an apparently incurable invalid, again and again unconscious in her bath chair in the streets, and now to-day, and every day since -\our treatment began, a normal, cheerful girl who is able to move about and speak, and whom it is a plea- sure to be with." The patient called again a few days later and informed the doctor that she had suffered from constipation and amenorrhea all the t ime; and these disturbances of function were successfully cor- rected by suggestion.

If hypnotism and suggestion are so useful in long- standing cases and acute stages, their value is probably even greater in incipient and borderland cases, more particularly when used in conjunction with those phases of psycho-therapeutics that are sum- marised in the word " re-education. ' ' Delusions, for example, are simply a misinterpretation of facts ; and psycho-analysis is but one method of restoring to the consciousness of the patient the normal interpretation of those facts. Hallucinations, which are morbid pro- jections dependent on disturbance of the centres of sensations, may be inhibited by suggestion; but in most cases, either incipient or convalescent, some amount of re-education is necessary. The patient has to be cured not only of his besetting fallacy, but of the state of mind that made that fallacy possible to him. In those cases where the mental symptoms are only the results of a temporary local disturbancc or injury, they wilI cease, of course, as soon as the cause of the trouble is removed. But in those other cases, which probably are the large majority, where what is called the psycho- pathic disposition has resulted from a prolonged warping or frustration of natural faculties, it is incum- bent on the mental specialist to " minister to a mind diseased " by practically providing a new philosophy of life

There is no claim made in this article, or in Dr. Hollander's book, for the exclusive use of psychic treat- ment. Often the best way of gaining a patient's con- fidence, and thus preparing the way for the induction of hypnosis, is to treat by medical means the nutritive, organic, o r functional basis of the patient's disorder.

41

But it is at least intelligible that mental symptoms should be amenable to mental treatment ; and Dr. Hol- lander has recorded so many cases of successful treat- ment that the matter deserves to be urged into as much prominence as possible. If the conditions of asylum treatment are such as to make impossible the use of every curative method, and i t is contended that they are, it is time for a reconsideration of our national provision for the treatment of insanity.

Everyman’s Library. Aristotle’s Politics ; a Literary and Historical Atlas of Asia; Thesaurus of English Words and Phrases (Roget. 2 vols.) ; Livy’s History of Rome (3 vol‘s.) ; A Volume of Restoration Plays. (Dent. 1s. net each.)

Of these volumes, which we have selected from the latest fifty of Messrs. Dent’s monumental and national series, it would be easy to write in terms of almost un- qualified praise. No gauche introduction spoils our taste for any one of the works here named ; ‘but, on the contrary, the introductions to Aristotle and the Restora- tion Plays of Mr. Lindsay and Mr. Gosse, respectively, serve to stimulate expectation and curiosity. \XTe do not, it is true, agree with Mr. Lindsay that Aristotle would have been greater for creating a pure Utopia like Plato. As he said himself: “ I t is not enough to be able to perceive what is best without it is what can be put into practice.” But the challenge to revalue Aris- totle is bracing, and not, as many iconoclasts make their challenges, depressing. And Mr. Gosse is even more happy in his remarks on Dryden, Congreve and the rest of his group. Roget’s “Thesaurus” is, of course, well known to writers, though until this edition the cheapest, we believe, has been nine shillings. Roget is the remedy for the cliché; for the worn track, newspaper-littered, of the hack-journalist, new paths in the language are indicated on every page. There is no longer any excuse for the narrowest pockets to confine themselves to a narrow vocabulary. The three-volume Livy is, likewise, a pleasure to have. The atlas, how- ever, has few merits.

Applied Socialism. By John Spargo. (MeIrose. 6s.

Delivered substantially, we are told, in the form of lectures to students, we cannot imagine for whom this book was published, unless for the author himself. &Ir. Spargo’s declared object was to project the theories of Marxian Socialism into the practice of society and to describe the resulting pictures for the allaying of the fears of timid Socialists and hesitating anti-Socialists. For a group of conversational students such a course may have been amusing. But the pseudo-scientific castle-building of the method differs only from the castle-building of pure Utopianism in being duller, and therefore less convincing. While a t every moment the author is protesting that he is building, though in the air yet on the earth, his common-sense readers at their leisure will be as often reminded that in fact Mr. Spargo is adventuring his soul among whims. Over and over again, we admit, we happen to agree with Mr, Spargo; but even more often vve happen to disagree with him. But what does it matter? W e are, we feel, only com- paring dreams, and dreams which, in the main, we should be horrified to see come true. Nowhere that we can discover does Mr. Spargo close his fist upon any radical idea and prove it to be living and growing. On the contrary, he appears to believe in evolution and, among other things, in the evolution of the existing State into a Socialist State. This is the lurid of twilight into which they walk who follow in Socialism the pseudo-scientific method of speculation first begun by Bellamy, then successively taken up and abandoned by Mr. Wells. I t illuminates nothing in particular, but diffuses a sentimental glow over friend and foe of Social- ism alike, over every existing institution and, above all, over the real class struggle which, if Socialism is to come at all, must one day take place. The style of MI-.

net .)

Spargo’s work is, we are bound to say, consistent with its contents. I t is copious and formless. Quotations abound, as in most American works, and references to giants of Socialist thought of whom we desire to hear no more begem its pages and lower margins to give the impression of a genuine text-book. But these appear- ances of solidity are all parts of the mirage. Mr. Spargo is toying with reality.

Empires of the Far East. By Lancelot Lawton

Mr. Lawton has given us a book which is omnivorous in its range, carefully written, exceedingly useful, and withal irritating. For satisfactory reasons stated in the preface the greatest amount of space is given to Japan, which is dealt with from every possible point of view. The account of China, Manchuria, and Korea is nevertheless adequate ; and those readers who get through Mr. Lawton’s I ,600 pages will undoubtedly possess a vast amount of accurate knowledge touching the races, nations, languages, religions, political systems, natural resources, and international relations of the Far Eastern empires. But knowledge, however accurate, is not wisdom-a statement which we may express in other words by saying that the author dis- appoints us very often when he leaves off stating facts and proceeds to draw conclusions from them. Mr. Lawton’s wide travels have shown him that ideal politics are not always practical politics, and he recog- nises, €or instance, that the European situation demands the maintenance of our alliance with Japan. Still, he does not like this alliance, and the reasons he gives for his dislike are simply those of the average untravelled English Liberal leader-writer. Japan, he tell us, is not yet a civilised state, as we westerners regard civilisation; and one of his main objections to Japan is that the status of women there is low. No attempt, mark you, to ascertain philosophically whether or not women deserve a low status ; no attempt to show that western “progress,” on which Mr. Lawton lays so much emphasis, is necessarily desirable-simply the taking for granted that whatever is western is right in consequence. Take this passage about women, for example :--

Their emancipation will lead to the creation of a higher moral standard in the nation. It will enable thein to bring an active influence for good to bear upon the men, and it must, in the nature of things and in spite of all social barriers, lead to the establishment of a strict moral code that gives no sanction to concubinage, or to evil in any- form whatsoever. The uplifting of the masses mill

W e are bewildered. Is this the utterance of an observer of the Far East, or is it Mr. Ramsay MacDonald addressing a meeting at the Rev. Silvester Morne’s Tabernacle? The passage I have quoted ends with the words : “ Until that day comes, Japan’s claim to civilisation will be inadmissible. ” This narrowness of mind is one of the things that make us despair of our species. Listen to R4r. Lawton on Christianity in Japan :-

Should Christendom ever accomplish the conversion of Japan, i t is highly probable that i t will not be before all other Oriental countries have accepted Christian doc- trines. The great obstacle in the path of missionary pro- gress is recognition by the masses of the divinity of the Emperor. This recognition is in turn the outcome of the family system. How the one can be overcome without affecting the other is the difficulty that is in the way. Meanwhile the interesting question arises as to whether Japan, while rejecting Christianity, can work out her own social salvation. (II., 744.

Naturally, Mr. Lawton is severe on the Yoshiwara and such things; but while giving the Japanese credit for their obvious virtues, while attacking them for their equally obvious vices, he does not make it sufficiently clear that a superimposed religion is not likely to be successful where a local religion has been in existence for generations. The early Moslems succeeded in im- posing their own religion in so many cases simply because there had previously been none worth compar- ing with it. But the imposition of Christianity on Shin-

(Grant Richards. Two vols., 30s. net.)

follow as a logical sequence. . . ( 1 1 . 3 747).

42

toism and Buddhism is quite another matter ; and, even if it were possible, we are not a t all sure that it would be desirable. But Mr. Lawton, in his rough-and-ready English way, has no doubts whatever on this point. This particular question of religion takes up relatively little space in the two volumes, but I lay stress on it here by way of showing the author’s rather provincial attitude of mind. When sentences confirming it break out here and there in the discussion of matters of fact the reader whose mind is less circumscribed is inclined to place little reliance on Rlr. Lawton’s judgment on other matters.

Still, the good points of this work are very many. Book V, on industrial and financial Japan, shows us a side of Japanese commerce which has not been nearly so well treated in any other volume that has come to our knowledge; and Mr. Lawton is quite right when he points out, in his chapter on Japanese journalism, that it is a difficult matter for the British public to get really trustworthy and first-hand information con- cerning Far Eastern affairs. He shows us, too, that the Japanese are not the jingoes the average English- man imagines them to be, that patriotism does not penetrate to the very marrow of the Japanese bone, and that there are labour problems awaiting solution in the Far East as well as nearer home. Why not have added, however, that the more Western Japan and China be- come the more acute become the labour questions? Why (on page 9 of Vol. I) speak of the United States and Great Britain as “the two great families of the Anglo-Saxon race,” when they are nothing of the sort? Why, in the chapters on Korea (II, 1085) speak of money being “loaned” a t high interest? The verb “lend” may be irregular, but it is not so irregular as this. I would reckon among the good points of the work the sketch map facing p. 1124, which indicates with some skill the natural resources of Manchuria. The entire section on China is very well put together, except in the instances where too much emphasis is laid on “progress” and the “movement towards reform” ( I I , 1360). In a word, all those who are interested in Far Eastern affairs will find Mr. Lawton’s volumes not merely useful but quite essential. Questions of To-day and To-morrow. By Sir

Alfred Mond, Bart., M.P. If this reprint of Sir Alfred Mond’s speeches and

magazine articles on current political questions con- tains any original idea, we have sought for i t in vain. Of every subject with which this work deals it may be said that Sir Alfred Mond expounds the Liberal or Radical view of it ably enough without elucidating it for anybody else. The subject of Free Trade is per- haps the one most fully considered, and here, while Sir Alfred Mond shows himself to be at home in statis- tics and skilful in marshalling a case, it cannot be said that he ever leaves the well-worn highway of the dis- cussion. On other subjects equally he-is content to follow the party lead or, a t least, the lead of what he would call the progressive section of the Liberal Party. Writing of Women’s Suffrage, for example, he con- cludes with the stock formula of his group that the grant of votes to women is “an elementary act of jus- tice.” But that is exactly what it is not, or there would be no dispute about it. The Insurance Act finds him avowedly aware of the “ complexity ” of the sub- ject, and of the variety of interests involved, but indis- posed to discuss its principles or to do more than write a synopsis of the Act such as a clerk could draft. The speech on unemployment delivered at Mr. Webb’s re- cent jubilee of “Social Reform’’ bears all the marks of having been prepared under Mr. Webb’s supervision. Once again, in his opening he makes his bow to the “fundamentals” of the subject only to plunge imme- diately into the classified pigeon-holes for paupers in- vented by the Minority Reporters. According to Sir Alfred Mond as to his chief (on this subject, for Sir Alfred Mond serves many masters), the first need in dealing with unemployment is, first, more statistics ; secondly, a classification of out-of-works, and, thirdly, as many remedies as there are kinds of the disease.

(Methuen. IS. net.)

Only in one phrase does Sir Alfred Mond vary his sum-. mary from the gospel of his master. One class of the unemployed derives, in his opinion, “from the nomadic epoch of the human race.” How v e r y interesting ! Among the causes of unemployment-all to be found in Webb- -the existence of fifteen million wage-slaves without any economic property or claim is not named. But Danton’s phrase about “de l’audace” is chosen to flourish the address-ironically, we should like to be- lieve ! W e can heartily assure our readers that the volume is not worth their reading.

This and That. By Hilaire Belloc. (Methuen. 5s.). Here

will be found his inn, his harbour, his river, his history, his politics, his poetry, his wine, and his God; in fact, the whole barrelful of Belloc. I t is fitting that such an Individualist, with such a reverential sense of property, should make the essay his own. Essayists before Belloc have been digressive, but none had called the digression an essay until Mr. Belloc made cattle-tracks through literature, and “whistled tis he went for want of thought.” H e loves the crooked ways, where a devil lurks in every corner; and even writes an essay protesting against their demolition. But the trouba- dour trick becomes wearisome with much repetition, and as “ a bard may sing too often and too long,” so even an unmistakable prose writer may tire his readers with too stereotyped a variety. If Mr. Belloc really has something to say of history, or the Middle Ages, OP

his religion, or even modern civilisation, it is a b u t time that he said it. “ Shall we clap into it roundly, without hawking, or spitting, or saying we are hoarse; which are only the prologues to a bad voice?” asked the page in “As You Like It.” Mr. Belloc’s essays are no more than prologues, and unless he begins, instead of beginning to begin, we shall doubt whether the song is worth hearing. “ Begin, murderer: cease thy damnable faces. and begin !”

Provence and Languedoc. By Cecil Headlam. (Methuen. 10s. 6d. net.)

Messrs. Methuen continue to add to their library of “Travel,” and, in this case, the addition is welcome. The subject is interesting, and Mr. Headlam is rather more enthusiastic about it than most compilers are. Apart from the mere description of the provinces, and the details of travelling, he has used history, legend, literature and archaeology with good effect, and made Provence something more than a nest of singing birds. Not that the Troubadours are forgotten, but the Romans are remembered, and a whole chapter is de- voted to “The Memory of Marius in Provence.” With the exception of this and three other chapters, the book is divided into territorial divisions ; and Mr. Headlam reprints as an appendix some Provencal airs and dances. The book is illustrated with sixteen photo- graphs and a map.

The Economic Outlook. By Edwin Cannan. (Unwin.

This is an unnecessary reprint of occasional articles that have been published by the author during the last fourteen years. Their collective title 3s completely mis- leading, foi- the articles deal with such subjects as “Economics and Socialism,” “Ricardo in Parliament,” “The Stigma of Pauperism,’’ “Ought Municipal Enter- prises to be Allowed to Yield a Profit?” “Colonial Preference,” “ The Division lof Income,” “Must a Poor Law Pauperise? ” etc. What the economic out- look may be, Dr. Cannan never tells us. He is more concerned to argue academic questions, to prove that labour is not a commodity because people only want the products of labour. When he says : “ If ‘ exploit ‘ means anything, I suppose it means to employ a t com- petition wages. How this involves subjection it is not very easy to see, as the will of the owners of capital has nothing to do with fixing competition wages”; he shows us that Political Economy is of use only to the Political Economist. The book abounds in similar 3s-

sertions, which would not pass muster in a lecture or

Mr. Belloc says nothing new in this volume.

5s. net.)

43

debate; in a book, they are simply impertinences. A Professor of Political Economy ought a t least to have prepared some statistics, and stated some case : Dr. Gannan simply suggests that the statistics should be collected by someone else, and surmises that they would not be accurate enough to be of any use. As a scien- tific treatise, Dr. Cannan’s work is deplorable; and i t is useless as an aid to the understanding of the economic problem. The Romance of Bayard. By Lieut.-Col. Andrew

The romance is, of course, only a supposititious love affair. Bayard fell in love with Marguerite de Valois, Duchesse d’Alencon, and authoress of “The Heptame- ron,” and his love was a deadly and delicious sin: for the lady was married. Therefore, “they kissed who had not meant to kiss ” ; as the song says, “ they wept, they kissed, they parted, as many have done before,” and Bayard went to the wars. Disguised as a trum- peter, the royal Marguerite attended the hero for months without being recognised, etc., and her identity was discovered only when she was wounded in the per- formance of an act of great heroism for the sake of her beloved Bayard. Then more embraces, and with lips close to her ear, he now responded : “Far be it from me, dear Marguerite, to question the Papal powers-to do so would be worse than sacrilege. I own them supreme, and, in very sooth, oft-times in the past the Holy Fathers granted such divorces, by them tlo sanctify a new and a purer union, such as will be surely ours.” The Pope granted an annulment of the marriage of the royal Marguerite, who arrived with it in time to see Bayard killed by a bullet. So they parted who had mot meant to par t ; and Bayard left not even a bar sinister on the scutcheon of the Valois. The conclusion makes the tale unnecessary.

C. P. Haggard. (Stanley Paul. 6s.)

Music and Musicians. By John Playford.

A RECENT article in the “Spectator,” signed “C. E. G.,” is a pretty good example of how to hit your thumb with the hammer. The subject was National Opera, inspired by the manifesto of Sir Alexander Mackenzie, Sir Hubert Parry, Sir Charles Stanford, Mr. Edward German, and others, printed with scare headlines a few weeks back. The stalwarts of the English school de- sire a National Opera House, and “C. L. G.” is by way of supporting that desire. He must know, as every intelligent observer knows, that a National Opera House is not wanted or we would have had such an institution long ago. W e want Gaby Deslys and- “ Drake. ”

* * * One of the illusions of this castle in the air is the

existence of a repertory of native works. Several of the signatories to the manifesto have dallied with opera in their tirne, but would “ C. L. G.” lay a bet that any one of their works would, a n its merits, fill Hammerstein’s for three weeks? Let us go on having Covent Garden-rich, voluptuous Covent Gar- den with its Russian Ballets-our Hammerstein disas- ters, our glorious Beecham failures, let us go on having our Promenade ‘Concerts, our London Choral Societies, our Denhoff tours, our French Concerts, let us forget South Kensington for a bit, and then possibly in an- other twenty years or so we will be abIe to support a season of Mozart at the Court Theatre.

* * * Concerts and recitals are in full swing, some glori-

ous-like the St. Petersburg and Flonzaley Quartets ; some pathetic, like But no matter. If one has a grain of sympathy for the many half-taught recital- givers that pervade our halls, any concert season is depressing. On and on they come, pianists, violinists, ’celloists, singers, some nervous and self-conscious, some confident and quite happy, and all of them filled

with the lust for fame. fifty-guinea cheque safely lodged at the bank. tragedy of it, the farce of it !

And the agent smiles-with his The

* * * An event that gave pleasure to many people the other

evening was the London Choral Society’s performance of the whole of “ Omar Khayyam.” I t is no joke giving the whole of Bantock’s work at one sitting, for it takes nearly three hours and a half; and it really shouldn’t be done- in justice to Professor Bantock. For it is about half of three and a half hours too long. The perform- ance, it is true, was not consistently good, the con- ductor rather “ stodging ” through a rubato work. But no amount of good performances will make this a masterly thing. There is no considerable work within my ken so redundant; there is no work containing so much that is gorgeously beautiful, that so often misses its point as this setting of the Rubaiyat. I t misses its point by sheer reiteration; it hammers at the emotions until they. are paralysed.

* * Y ?

Take, for example, the twenty-fifth Quatrain :- Then to the lip of this poor earthen urn I lean’d, the secret of my life to learn :

Drink ! foi-, once dead, you never shall return.” And lip to lip it murmured-“ While you live,

The simple rhythmical structure of this is so tossed about by the setting, and the invitation to drink is re- peated so often that at last it becomes impossible to regard the music as seriously as it is intended. The repetition of words and phrases is, indeed, the most characteristic thing in the whole work. More than once it has a ludicrous effect as in the lines :-

What, without asking, hither hurried 1Vlze.tzce ? And, without asking, Whither hurried hence !

Repeat these lines over to yourself many times in a jolly, jingling rhythm : hither hurried whence, whither hurried hence, hither hurried whence, whither hurried hence, huther whirried hence and you mafr begin to wonder whether i t is not true old Omar first stated that Peter Piper pied a peck of pickled pepper off a pewter platter. In the eighty-third Quatrain in the description of the Potter’s house

Shapes of all sorts and sizes, great and small That stood along the floor and by the wall; -4nd some loquacious vessels were-

the composer’s treatment is frankly ‘‘ programme.” These lines are repeated, cut up, jerked out in bits, in the best manner of Gilbert and Sullivan. I do not deny that there is delicious humour in the Rubaiyat, but it never quite descends to buffoonery such as this peril- ously approaches.

* Y *

I ask you, is this the way to set verse? I could name passage after passage of exquisite beauty, as for example, the third and fourth lines of the eighth Quatrain-

The wine of life keeps oozing drop by drop The leaves of life keep falling one by one.

where the cadence gives you a thrill of joy; or in the famous lines

A book of verses underneath the bough A jug of wine, a loaf of bread-,

where the music has an extraordinary hypnotic effect; or the Interludes between the seventy-ninth and eightieth, and the ninety-fifth and ninety-sixth Qua- trains, where you are permitted to forget the “ action ” of the piece; and smoke the hashish of the music. For these things one is more than grateful, but the form of the thing! I ask you, is it permissible to set verse like this, is it “ masterly ” ? I ask myself, does Form matter? Does anything matter, so long as one may be allowed a few moments of ecstasy? * * *

I would like to draw attention to the next concert of the London Choral Society on December 4. Arnold Bax’s “ Enchanted Summer,’’ Percy Grainger’s “ Two Folk Songs,” Hugh Hulbert’s “ Lycidas,” and Cole- ridge Taylor’s “ Tale of Old Japan ’’ are down for performance, the third-named for the first time.

44

Pastiche. I‘HE FUTURIST PAPER-MAN.

I was walking, if I remember aright, up Fleet Street with somebody who appeared to be Marshall. At least, my companion was whistling the French hymn, a favourite melody of his. In any case, I was too deeply interested in the peculiar effect which life was having upon me to care much who it was. Fleet Street was edged out in vivid sunlight. I distinctly recall the intense purple shadows spreading V-shaped across the undulating road- way, also the absolutely original colour with which the convex and noiseless motor-’buses were painted. Mar- sh 311’s whistling had never before fallen so visibly upon my ear, nor with such sweetness ; the exquisite circulai- consciousness of existence expanded and contracted with its cadences. The oblique insanity of the whole affair was that we mere endeavouring, subconsciously no doubt, to procure a copy of the ‘( Daily Mail.” To this angular end we Ilad accosted several kaleidoscopic paper-boys, mho, tipon being asked for a “ Mail,” had split up into millions of pieces of refracted laughter--vanishing into the right- hand side of our consciousness. Greatly puzzled, but not in the least annoyed, we at length approached a large luminous cube, which turned out to be a prosperous paper- stall. In answer to Marshall’s demand for a “ Mail,” the paper-man, a swollen individual who appeared to be defying the laws of gravitation, rolled awkwardly round and stared at Marshall as though he were uncertain as to what lie had actually heard. ‘( Did you say ‘ Mial ’ ?” he inquired sharply. “ I did ,” replied Marshall sweetly. The paper-man contracted and changed colour. “ Look ’ere,” he exclaimed angrily, “ don’t you try an’ be funny --see? ‘Mial,’ indeed; be of€ with the both of yer, or I’li ’ave yer arrested.” He rolled his back upon us. “Sold out ? ” persisted Marshall, tendering a halfpenny. And then an extraordinary thing happened ; the paper- man shrunk up until his feet rested upon the counter, then, quickly descending, he expanded upon the pare- ment nest to Marshall, flashes of jagged, angry light shot from his personality. Never before hare I witnessed so acute a visitation of wrath U pon man as Marshall then received upon the gray apex of his oblong emanation of iear. The atmosphere became surcharged with energy ; u-e seemed to be revolving in a sort of shuttered compart- nient through which a million flash-lights darted. “Mial,” shrieked the paper-man, vibrating in several violently dis- cordant colours. “Sold aht of the M i a l ’-why I woddn’t be found photographic dead- with it. ” He ment up all thin in greens and pinks, calming down in a still agitated series of blues and yellows. Marshall took on the vapid appearance of a piece of pale glass, but presently both he and the paper-man passed into a har- harmonious shade of shot-silk violet. “ Don’t say that word agni , young man,” panted the paper-man at length ; ‘‘ it lets ’ell loose on us, i t does; look at nie no\\-, or1 greeny-pinky; it’ll be ’arf a ’our afore I git me normal brawn agin. ” Marshall apologised, and, upon this, many beautiful maroon-tinted curves revolved softly ;luotind the bookstall. (‘ Win yer ’ave a ‘ Noo Age.’ young man ? ” asked the paper-man suddenly ; “they ain’t ‘arf a-goin’ this morning.” He thrust an orange-tinted journal into our faces. The light about the bookstall in- tensified. (‘ ‘ New Age ’ ? ” exclaimed Marshall, stagger- staggering like a drunken inaii. “ czn it be possible?”--he steadied himself, caught his breath, and quivered like a delirious ribbon. (‘Second edition or1 gorn,” continued tlic paper-man; “ jist orf ter pit a coupler more thon- sand.” He then absorbed himself into the cosmic purpose ?ncl, vanished. We waited ; the whole thing was stupify- ing. Several more people came up and conversed on rainbows. Things around the bookstall grew uncomfort- ably vital. Marshall, somehow or other, got split up from ice. I found myself struggling in a powerful sea of ultra- violet. Hitting out with m y fists, I fought for continued self-consciousness. At last, breathless ancl dazed, I man- aged to extricate myself-a pillow had fallen across my nose. ARTHUR F. THORN.

THE EYES OF THE POOR. FROM THE FRENCH OF CHARLES BAUDELAIRE.

Yon are anxious to know why I hate you to-day? S o doubt i t will be less easy for you ts understand than for me to explain. For you are the most perfect example of feminine impenetrability I have ever known.

We had spent a long dag together, and to me i t had seemed short. We had promised each other that we would think the same thoughts, and that our two souls should be one. Not a very original dream, you will say; but if i t has been dreamed by a11 men, i t has been realised by none

In the evening yoti were tired, and would sit down out- side a new cafe at the corner of a new boulevard still sprinkled here and there with plaster, but already display- ing its incomplete splendour. The café glittered. The very gas burned with all the ardour of a first performance and lighted with its full force the blinding whiteness of the walls, the polished surface of the mirrors, the gilding of rails and cornices ; the round-faced pages straining back as they held the hounds in leash, the ladies smiling at the falcons on their wrists, the nymphs and goddesses carrying fruits, pasties, and game on their heads, the Hebes 2nd Ganymedes offering tiny jars of syrups aiid parti-coloured cones of ice-the ~ ~ l i o l e of history and mythology assembled to make a paradise €or gluttons.

In front of us in the roadway was standing a middle- aged man with a tired face and iron-grey beard, holding by the hand a little boy and carrying on the other arm a younger child not strong enough to walk. He had taken the nurse’s place, and had brought the children out for a walk in the evening. They n-ere ali in rags. The three faces were extraordinarily serious, and the six eyes stared blankly at the new café with equal admiration, but different for each of them

The father’s eyes were saying : ‘( How beautiful it is! How beautiful i t is ! I should think all the riches in the world must hare found its way to these walls.” The boy’s \wre saying : “ How beautiful it is ! I-Iom beautiful it is ! Hut it is a place only for people ~ ~ l i o are not like us.” -4s for the little child’s eyes, they were too fascinated to ex- press anything but stupid acd complete joy.

The song-writers tell us that pleasure ennobles the soul and softens the heart. For nie that evening the song n’a.; the right one. Not only was I touched by this family of eyes, but I felt ashamed of the glasses and decanters before us, far too much for our thirst. I turned to you, dearest, that I might read my own thoughts in you : I gazed into youï eyes that are so strangely sweet, your green eyes that are the home of caprice, your eyes that are subject to OUI sovereign lady the Moon and you said to me : ‘ I I cannot stand these people with their round, staring eyes. Wouldn’t you tell the head waiter to have them sent away ? ”

So hard is i t io understand one another, dearest; so incommunicable is thought even between those who are in love.

Translated by Hester Brayne

THE PAWNS. It u7as reported in the Press a few years ago that a

certain Bishop, opening a chess tournament, stated that he might well be interested in the game, for he had been Chaplain to a King and a Queen, he lived in a Castle, he mas a Bishop and his brother was a Knight; in fact, the only piece on the board with which he had not a first- hand acquaintance was the Pawn.

Purple robed, with crownéd hair, Caesar sits in a golden chair : A proud cold Queen is beside him there. Knights in armour, many and tall, And the holy Bishops throng the hall; Why trouble your head with pawns at all,

I-Ie sits at the chess and plays with skill On a board far flung over river and hill, A-nd niariy a pawn works ont his will. As the chess of war to be b old is wise,

For what are a pawn or two in our eyes,

Years ago, and a world away Tilere was One who did not praise the play, Who loved the pawns the best, men say. And He damned the pieces for their pride : So you sold Him to be crucified, And bared unto the spear His side,

You sold Hiin and you thought Him slain, And the old proud game begins again And Caesar plays with might and main. But a hidden player has the Black, And the craft is foiled and the white attack Move by move is beaten hack,

Knight nor Bishop can resist The pawns of this Antagonist Whose countenance is dark with mist. The game goes on and will not wait, Caesar is gripped in a deadly strait- What if the pawns should give checkniate,

Iscariot ?

And little he recks of a sacri fce,

Iscariot ?

Iscariot ?

Iscariot ?

Iscariot ? FRANK BETTS.

45

LETTERS TC1 “rH E EDITOR. Mr. F. E. SMITH, MR. HAROLD SMITH, AND “ T H E

NEW A G E.” Sir,-The attention of the Right Hon. F. E. Smith and

Mr. Harold Smith has been called to a letter published by you in your issue of the 31st ult,,. in which serious im- putations are macle against both of chem in connection -aith the Marconi contract. The insinuations against thein art‘ devoid of the very remotest foundation. It is not necessary for us to point orit how grave are the asper- sions which you have cast upon them. We are instructed to request you to inform us whether you are prepared to publish a withdrawal and an apology to them in a promi- nent position in the next issue of your paper.

Yours obediently, Ely Place, LEWIS si LEWIS.

Holborn, E. C. [Messrs. Lewis S: Lewis misapprehend the point of our

correspondent’s letter. Our correspondent made no charge agziivt MT. F. E. Smith, and had no intention of, or evi- dence for, doing so; but confined hiniself to regretting that, in view of the association of Mr. F. E. Smith’s name with others in this matter, Mr. Harold Smith should have accepted a place on the Committee of Investigation. -Ed N A . ]

- E * *

T H E WHITE SLAVE BILL. Sir,-The promoters of this Bill allege that all stations

are watched by procureurs, and every train met by these men. In London alone, hundreds and hundreds of women make daily journeys. We wait about for trains, for friends, we go dangerously along corridors, we venture even to the most lonely telegraph offices. Mow is i t that w e never meet otir doom ?

E. HASTINGS. * + * Sii-,-Being a i m n you presume to understand women ;

being a woman I do not presume to understand men- especially siich men as are embodied in your “ Notes of the Week,” of November 7th.

I am the mother of three charming daughters, and I would, if necessary, flog myself any man, OY woman, who tried t o recruit any of those daughters for the white slave trade.

Garrotting was killed by the punishment of flogging- why not procuring?

Methinks the stock and bridle would be of good pur- pose occasionally, even in these days of humanity, per- sonal freedom, and the white slave traffic.

MARGARET BERTRAM HOBSON. [A flogging personally administered by the injured

niid angry party is very different from the flogging ad- ministered by a cold, paid prison warder. The former degrades nobody; the latter degrades everybody. . . . 1 Garrotting was itot abolished by flogging.--@.d. N. A.]

* * * Sir,-The Women’s Movement has had the misfortune

t o incur the disapproval of THE NEW AGE, and the latter, consequently, pours dcwn its floods of wrath on the entire ses.

THE NEW AGE proclaims the cruelty of women to be pro- verbial, and announces that no woman takes the lead in aiTy movement against cruelty. May I ask whether THE NEW AGE has ever hear of Miss Beatrice Kidd, of the British Society for the Abolition of Vivisection, whose spirited denunciation of Stephen Paget’s methods ir! this journal placed that gentleman, by his own finding, in an extremely unattractive light ? Mrs. Alice Gordon, of the London and Provincial Anti-Vivisection Society, and Miss B. K. Oakes of Our Animal Brothers’ Guild, to mention only two of the prominent women-workers in this cause, which also covers the attempts to reduce or abolish the cruelties practised on animals aud birds €or frivolities of dress (and, incidentally, uniforms), are doing invaluable work both in propaganda and practical reform.

Women are the backbone of the anti-vivisection and animal protection crusade. It only remains for the movement to become more widespread-providing i t can be substantially proved that women, in a great measure, are its leaders and inspirers-for THE NEW AGE to de- nounce it as another attempt of women to force their views on an unwilling world, and, as likely as not, begin vigorously to defend fox-hunting, cock-fighting, and vivi- section in its columns. Such is its logic and its obsession.

MARIE BRAHMS.

Sir,-The promoters of this Bill, perhaps unintention- ally, misinformed the House of Commons last Friday as to the danger of false charges being preferred against innocent people. Mr. Rawlinson said :-‘‘ Mistakes ma-y occur now and again, but the worst that can happen is that the arrested person is taken to the police station, where he can explain the position.” He leaves it to be assummed that innocent people will then be allowed to walk away.

Mr. Lee, while endeavouring to show that the risk of false charges would be “ infinitesimal,” said : -“ The best answer to that is contained in the Report of the Royal Commission which investigated this and kindred questions in 1906 A table attached to that Report shows thzt there were 378,000 arrests made by the Metropoli- tan Police in the three previous years, and out of that numher, although every opportunity was given for any person aggrieved to bring his case to the notice of the Commission, only twelve complaints in all were made, and O€ these only three had any vestige of justification.”

Thc Commissioners received “ about 300 complaints,” inCi althongh they inquired into only 18 of the cases, they found that seven constables and one sergeant had becri “ guilty of misconduct,” one inspector had ‘‘ acted improperly,” and three had “ committed errors of judg- ment.” They noted that some false evidence had been given, and that in one case the divisional surgeon el-en had treated an accused-and innocent-person unfairly.

The Under Secretary of State being questioned by the Commission as to the number of petitions against convic- tions received at the Home Office, said : “ There are about 5,000 petitions in a year.” A large proportion O€ than doubtless referred to the severity of the sentence ; but it is quite clear from the records of the criminal appeal court that many were wrongly convicted, notwithstanding that the powers of that court are limited so that only certain cases of miscarriage of justice can be investigated.

I t is therefore safe to say that the risk of innocent people being imprisoned and flogged will be far greater than the supporters of the Bill admit, and it behoves all ivlro value their liberty to lose no time in drawing the attention of their representatives in Parliament to the danger before thein. Persons desiring i t may obtain further information free by sending an addressed and stamped wrapper to

JAMES TIMEWELL, Hon. Sec., Police axd Public Vigilance Society.

141 Gower Street, W.C. * * - E

T H E NEW CRIMINAL LAW AMENDMENT BILL. Sir9--I heartily endorse all you say on above. Years ago

Ouida wrote :-“ Men have always legislated with justice lor women, but women would never legislate with justice for men.” By “women” P here understand the political type of woman who shamefully parodies her ses, but is repre- sented b37 herself and the male traitors who support her as the exemplar of it. These people are naturally exulting QWZ- the behaviour of the majority in the House of Com- moii.s on November I, which was an instance of the most weak-kneed pandering to feminisin, whether in the hope of buying of€ its most insistent members or not, that i t is possible to imagine. The marvel is that some of the people who have been supporting the excesses of the militant movement should have only just wakened to the fact that the sole motive that inspires these persons, beyond injured vanity, is the desire to heap Up legisla- tive a d v a n t a g e s for men and increase the immunities and privileges of women.

You mention some of the members who were loudest in their blatant display of spurious chivalry and unrighteous indignation. Colon el Lockwood is 311 anti-vivisectionist, which is to his credit. He also professes to be anti-suffrage gist, though I am inclined to think thn t if he could be persuaded that giving women the vote would do no harm to good old port-wine-drinking, crusted Toryism, he would mitigate his views. Doubtless he would not be averse tc reviving flogging in the Army, which he con- fesses to have witnessed.

As for ‘‘ Weeping Willie,” he is probably anxious to get, even at the eleventh hour, some of the precious oint- ment so profusely poured over the hend of Georgie Porgie Lansbury. I, too, love women ”--(snuffles and sobs). 1s he aware that on the very day he nsed so much cambric over the woes of women, a. woman who had tortured a male child syste- matically was let off with I fine of 40s? Is the great heart of the big booby prepared to bleed over the spec- tacle of a ghoulish wretch watching unmoved the blanch- ing cheeks and sagging eyelids and ebbing breath of her tiny victim-or n t the sight of a poor girl blinded with

“ Why should I be left in the cold?

46

vitriol, turHed into a shambling wreck bjr a dastardly- rira’i? If not, whj- not? for infamies like these are as bad as any committed by souteneurs.

ARCH. GIBBS. * * * T H E N E W JEFFREYS.

Sir,--L sometimes think that people \+-ho advocate the revix-al of flogging are igiiorant of history. It is impos- sible for a Student of English history to be unaware that flogging by the courts has invariably been succeeded by the brutalising of the populace. The order of events has, doubtless, been put the other *way, but to put thein so is to put tlie cart before the horse. The law in civilised countries has the responsibility of fixing the average stardard of permissible conduct ; it does not enjoin duties which only exceptional people can discharge; it ranks as crimes oirly deviations below the standard attainable by ordinary people. But by placing itself in this middle position it is at once a stimulus to the goo? ancl a ni.odel or standard €or the average and the bad. i‘aught, as we are, to regard the law as a safe normal rule in matters of social conduct, it follows that the law becomes the pattern of &e i~iany. What thc law does is right, or if not right absolutely right relatively. But when law, by the adop- tion of the methods of the lowest dregs of the people descends below the level of the normal, those immedi- ately below the normal tend to follow it. Of these are out- mnobs. Let our brutal bishops and charity workers read in their histories of the conduct of the English mobs n*Me Jeffreys was Chief Justice. On m o ~ e than one oc- casion individuals, who incurred the displeasure of the crowd, were literally torn to pieces. Pilloried persons were o f t a disfigured for life by missiles froin the rabble. Condemned felons were pelted even on the scaffold. Most O€ the population turned out to witness flogging ancl exe- cutions ; the blood from the axe was sometimes spri:ikled over tlie crowd; ancl the horseplay of the mob on such occ:isioims was demoniacal. The mystery of blood, as Goethe calls it, is one of the profoundest in all nature. The shedding of blood is an event of the utmost occult significance. Unrighteously, unjustly, deliberately- shed, its influence is devilish, making devils--if only for an in- stant-of those in its sphere. By rein.;tituting flogging, with its necessary bloodshecl, the bishops are not only, therefore, inviting tlie people, in the mnie of the l ? ~ , to become as brutal as themselves, but they m-e opening anew the very gates of hell. Charles II. was 21. much mis- rr*iclcrstooir man, but his instant penetration into the character of Jeffreys showed him a much understanding man. “ That man,” he said of Jeffreys--(and long b e h e Jeffreys became the Bishop ai London)--“ has no learning, no sense, no manners, and more impudence than ten carted street-walkers. ” The sanie can certainly be said of the wretches who are now about to restore bloody torture to the status of legal recognition and clerical admiration. It should never be forgotten that a combina- tiori of lawyers ancl priests is about the most sinister com- pound of which English human nature is capable. kV11eii they agree we may be certain thgt devilry is afoot. The

who wallow in the blood of the Crucifixion- la al symbol which they have misunderstood like rs)-ancl the lawyers who wallow in blood sans

symbol, are alike in this : that any excuse afforded by law for their werwolf instincts they will thirstily accept. I beg onCe more to urge the re-reading of English history.

PERCEVAL TURNER . * * * MEREDITH AND WOMEN.

Sii-J--lf the paragraph to which Mi-. Habben takes ex- ception 3s not sufficiently substantiated by the extract from Meredith’s letters, it is \vel1 enough substantiated by his works. I have never been able to tinderstand wh5- m y sex has raved about this “ great champion ’’ of womanhood. A medical lady, who was attempting to reply to S r Almroth Wright, said, for example, that “ women should saturate themselves in Meredith.” Let I hem saturate themselves then-and especially the intel- intellectuals among them-in the concluding words of tl? e i k Egoist ” : He had ; q?vl I l e ~1’2s to learn the wkui-e of th2.t poss;eqsion iii the wpman who is otir wife.”

“ Hut he Ilad the lady. wit11 brains!

A DETESTER n:’ MEREDITH ’* * *

MACAULAY ON SAFEGUARDS. S~~- , - - -~~our correspodent does zve!t to protest against

the nibbling ai\Tav of our constitutiona! safeguards. Arrest xbtyitllcllt w:lrrarlt and the irresponsibility of Ministers are ’If! ,Il beginiiinp O€ new encroachments on popular liberty. May I transcrihc 2 age froyir Macaulay’s

(‘ History,” thlit explains the great neecl for early Ratch- fulness? : “ -4s me cannot, without the risk of evils froui which the imagination recoils, employ physical force as a check on misgovernment, i t is evidently oLzr wisdom to keep all the constitutional checks on misgovernment in the highest state of efficiency, to watch \t-ith jealousy the first beginnings of encroachment, and never to suffer irrc- gularitles, even when harmless in themselves, to pass unchallenged, lest they acquire the force of precedents. ’’

F. D. Spencer * * * “ T H E CALLING OF T H E ROOKS.”

Sir,--TYhile agreeing with Mr, Norman’s article, “ ’rllt- Calling of the Rooks,” I think that the writer Ivould iiave been well advised in explaining exactly m-hat he meant by saying that Sir Edward Grey was caught manipu- lating public documents in 1907. Although it is quite possible to believe anything of a man \\Tho condoned the Denshawai atrocities, and assisted an atrocious RussiaN Government to strangle Persia, I think i19r. Norman should be niore precise in his charge against the Foreign Secretary of inanipulating public documents. J~I-. Nor- inan’s indictment of Sir Edward Grey is so strong that it should not be weakened by an unproved accusation.

DOUGLAS Fox PITT. * - E %

“ E Z FUR AWAY AS EGYPT IZ.” Sir,--The following note from the (‘ Times ’’ COI-I-e-

spoiident at Cairo indicates what advanced views Govern- ment holds and practises outside of England. Imperial- ism, in fact, seeins to consist of doing good abroad in orclcr to do evil at home What English agricultural labourer is so hase th?&t he woulcl not be one of the fellahin ?

Lord Kitchener yestaclay visitecl the Delta to inspect the pumps and the progress of the drainage work. Me a l w laid the foundation stone of an agricultural school r i inr i initiated a scheme for the distribution of the iantl which has become available for cultivation through drainage. As an experiment 610 feddans were yesterday distributed in five-fedclan lots to landless fellahin the idea being to help the poorer fellahin, and at the sanie time to increase th-l nuinber of siiiall landholders and create family homesteads, so to speak, in tnust. During the first three years, when they must do tx-oi-k of rcclamt- tion, the fellah in will receive the land practically free, and in the following ten years they will pay a moderate rental, after ~~12ich the holding becomes theirs for life. The land also descends in the family if the Government; approves the recipient. Alienation I s forbidden unless ivith the consent of the State. Lord Kitchener had an enthusiastic reception from the fellahin

CAIRO, Nov. 7 .

* * * “ T H E NEW A G E ” AT HAILEYBURY.

Sir,-May I be allowed to bring to your notice an in- stance of the singular narrow-mindediaess of our public schools ? The authorities of the abore pi-ominent public school hare suppressed THE YEW AGE as an ( ( undesirahle paper. ”

These are tliey who are entrusted with the education of the young, and this is how they bring thein up to be snobs LI narrow-minded. I must thank you for muc!i that 1 have learnt from yottr excellent paper, and I ani TZOW :i true Socialist svith all t he sincerity that is in iiw-

James G. DENNISTON. * - E *

“ T H E XEW A G E ” AND T H E PRESS. Sir,-In rz review of Mr. Belloc’s iiew book, “ The Ser-

vile State,” in the “ Daily Herald ” (Nov. s), Mr. Leon- arc1 Hall generously corrects Mr. Belloc for the omission in his list of alternatives to servility tlie NEW AGE plan of Guild-.Socialisrn. ?,It-. Belloc, says Xi-. Leonard Hall. “ i s not qLtite up to date. The most sane, hopeful, and plactical solution of the problem of how to reorganise the tndustrizl system oyer the grave of capitalism is that . . . . compromise between State Socialism and Syn- ~li~~li:-111 t\rhich THE NEU- AGE has named Guiild-Socialism i;ill.. ” al^^ equally generous inclusion of Guild-Socialism among constructive propusal.; is miade in the “Plough- share,” the monthly organ of the Socialist Quaker Society. ’( NO sketch sf Socialism ,” the Editor says, ( ( ~ ~ - i ? l be complete without the mention. , . of Guild- Socialism In a r-ecent issue of the (‘ Daily Herald ’’ is an article inlriting- the National Union of Teachers in narticrtlar to demand the entire control of their particular industry, after the I < idea outlived in THE New AGE, an

47

idea to wiiich there is “ really no serious objmtion.” Tlic successoT of the (‘ Eye-Witness,” liow‘c~;er, lias done THE NEW ,~GI.: less than justice, and, I fear, deliberately less. Tu the first issue of the (‘ New Witness ” (edited by Mr. Cecil Chesterton) , an editorial claims that, until the “Eye-Witness ” appeared, ‘( no on? was telling the truth about the Insurance Bill.” The first issue of the “ Eye- Witness ” was in June, 1911. The Instirance Bill was iii- troduced into Parliament duriiig the first week in May. III your issue of May II, TEE h ’ ~ i 1 7 AGE began a:’ attack on the Rill, which continued week by week for tlir:e: if iwt fonr, clear \reeks before the ‘‘ Eye-Witness ” ap- peared. Tour contemporary had better, therefore, revise its chronology. Its Bill Adams did not win Waterloo.

PRESS-CUTTER . * * * VIEWS AND REVIEWS.

Sii-,-Mr. Green seeins to imagine that, i f he calls a book a work 01 art, I am, therefore, preveiited from saying tiiat its sitbject is prurient and the treatment of i t moral. Of cotrrse. I do not admit his right to liiiiit m y criticism, fi:itv morr than Wilde would adinit the right of any critic to limit his choice of subject iiiattei-. Although I did not quote from ‘‘ a nineteenth century American writer named Emerson ” to prove that a nineteenth centtu-y Irish ivriter aamed Wilde had dealt inorally with prurient matter, my contention is easily substantiated. The idea that a man might commit every sin in the decalogue without losing the beauty of youth, is none the less prurient because none of tlie sins are inentioced or described. The cliarac- teristic of prurience is reticence. ‘( Decency is indecency’s conspiracy of sileiice,” said Shaw, and Wilde, by his x-ery Lefeme, put himself in that galley. That he dealt n:oi-ally n-itii the subject is suficiently provecl by his gratification at tlie Christian reL-ien-:: of the book, in which be was haled as “a moral reformer. ” IYhy should &Ir. Green expect quotations from ‘ I The Picture of Dorian Gray ” ? h-Ty coiztentioii ?ppIieJ to its subject. I t was my business to review the controversy, not the book a h u t which the coiitrovei-sy raged. When “ The Picture of Dorian Gray ” is republished, I ilia)- please Xr. Green with some quotations from it, i f I do not pre- fer to quote Emerson. Meanwhile, may I re~nark that Xi-. Green’s objection t o my article has izot added xiy- thing to the discussion, and has not countered with (‘ a reasoned opinion ” m y of m y statetiiexts ? Wilde has ,surely sufh-ed the 1 s t indignity when his defenders are e-ven ~ Q T C - incapable tlian he was of offering 3 reasoned @:)inion 31: defence. of their thesis.

A. E. R. * * * Socialism AND MOTIVE.

Sir*,--Atheists 31-2 partisans for no God, as believers are for G d . Partisanship is necessary for propaganda, and i, uriobjectionahle SO long as it does not try to evade intellectual demonstratiom. Immediately partisanship tries to override, ignore, obscure, pervert such demonstra- t;oii, partisanship is noxious. In regard to God or no ( lad, the essential issue is the intellectual credentials for the regative or affirnnatix.9 partisanship. So soon as either oifei-s such credentials, it is for the other to meet them or saibmit to them. Then, the inethod of the pzrtisan tniist !si. subjected to that of tlie intellectual investigator .

31r. O. E. Post’s coilitnents last week on a letter of mine i:r yonr issue of October IO, are of tlie same faiiiilx- character as &Ir. Belfort Bax’s in your issue of September ber 19, to which yoa effectively applied the extinguisher 31 an editorial footnote. “ Mr. Bax and &Ir. Post are -?atheistic partisans who t r y to evade intellectual denon- drat ion. ”

Xr. Post writes that I invite “Socialists to adopt the conception of God as Baal, that is to say as monopoliser c , f all rights on the g--;ound of being the sole cause o f all.” Tom, assuming I do this, the issuc foi- dissentients is : Do I oEer intellectual demonstration that God is sole pro- producer and that, as sols p-oducer, God owus all bp Tight? 1 claim to be the first to offer such demonstration. In- skzcl cd applykg hici critical powers to m y

iiortstratioii, MI-. Post rambles discursively about Spencer Nietzsche, Molochism Mammonism. Jir. Post says that what I pr;opnund is “alien to

Socialism.” TVell, I have beei: giving lily g~ounds, in 1 ?&ter< ir, yonr columns for sex-era1 months-to say rlvthirrg of my multitudirious writings for niore tlrau a decade-ior claiiniq that what, Z propouIlcl is esselntial to ~ - ~ % L ~ & O > I of a social sySten!:i in ;~~Iiic:i lvf-alth slinll be dealt with for the greatest practicable equality of enjoy- lJIc?nt. PE that is not Socialism it is an “ ism ” which I

call Equalism. I do not n-orship at ciie altar of pltmse- ology.

Mr. Post says that ‘( Baalism suits the classes that live on lucre, on unearned income,” and so on. Well, will he show what connection Equalism has with Baalism ? Will he mot delay to pose as instructor about “Mr. Hiller’s con- ception of God” until he lias pursued an elementary course of study as to iiiy conception and its intellectual crecieu- tials ? H. CROFT HILLER- * * *

A MISPLACED EPIGRAM. Sir,-May I protest+ hare waited for someone else to

do so)-against your inclusion in “ Current Cant ” of Sir Herbert Tree’s excellent epigram on Post-Impressionism ? ‘( Post-Itnpi-essionism is the loin-clot11 of the incom- petent.” In my huicble opinion, the style O€ this is of the first raiik. H. H. PRYDE * * *

SIMPLIFIED SPELLING. Sur,-Iz Profeser Walter Rippmann OTT de Jurmuns S Iff

so, den dat wood egzplane iz difekultiez wid de Tiiglizskr tung. Morgan Tud. * * *

T H E LIMERICK AS A VERSE=FORM. %,-It is very gratifying €or me to find that m y few

1-aiiclom observations on the above topic have aroused so much interest, aiid called forth such appreciative coni- nient. They have, indeed, been invested with an auillori- tative value, which I myself would naturally hesitate. to claim for them, bnt which I find none the less flattering on the part of others. A coiiiintzuicatioli from Mr. Thomas Dodsley was particularly coniplinientary. It is note- worthy that my somewhat venturesome conjectures witii regard to the Oriental elements in the limerick are fully corroborated by Mi-. Dodsley, who has a first-hand ac- quaintance with Persian poetry. In addition, he cl_ra\vs my attention to a few hitherto overlooked metrical pectili- arities of the limerick, such as the occasional anacrusis in the second line, and the position of the caesura in th? last line.

I trust that when occasion offers I shall be able to amplify my notes on this fascinating subject, embodying in them the helpful suggestions that have been so kiizdly placed at my disposal. P. SELVER.

NAL SECULAR SOCIETY QUEEN’S (MINOR) HALL, LANGHAM Sunday, NOV. 17th a& 7.30, Mr. G

“ Jesus and Mahomet

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MODERN JOHN BULLS. V.-THE TURF. MR. J. B. JOEL.