neda magazine - 07
DESCRIPTION
Neda is Iranian queer monthly online magazine in Farsi. After Cheraq magazine, Iranian Queer Railroad - IRQR (www.irqr.net) started to publishing Neda Magazine and Arsham Parsi is its Editor-in-Chief. Neda will publish Articles and news regarding Iranian queer's situation. their stories, refugee process, chats, letters, and etc it is main subject of Neda. also we are translating some English articles into Farsi to improve the level of awareness about queer theory and being queer. Neda is not the only IRQR's media. Radio RAHA (means Liberate) is Iranian Queer weekly radio. and you can find it here: www.radioraha.net also IRanian Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Council will using Neda to publish its statements. Please support Neda Magazine by introducing it to your Iranian fiends or make a link on your blog or site. our official website is: www.nedamagazine.netTRANSCRIPT
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –1
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
2 �ر �م #�ر�,، �� اول
�ش �0�اه/� .�د�ا� 3 اح�& را2)، ، �&ای) را ه�34 �2ا
4 �2خ، !��� ��� �� ��ی�
Iran and Leftist Confusion, Reese Erlich 10
Tehran, June 2009, Kaveh, Arang and Norma 16
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,d/و���deدرس #س) ا�:
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –2
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
�� اول
�ر �م #�ر�,
�_) (� (, ح���, ه�� دو »اع��اض«(�ا� �) )e ای�ان ,ه��اهو » اع��اض«(�ز (�ا� و (_� �)
�, v4ارم �� ���e�w � ای� ��ر � �&ا را �'��.
To protest the Iranian government’s atrocities against the Iranian people, this issue’s
editorial piece will remain unwritten. (Arsham Parsi)
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –3
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
�ا��ش ���اه�� ��د CHای� را ه�ا، ��
اح�& را2)
�/O ام ,� ،�/O ن ه�&ه��p �e��و دی�� روزه�ی, .� دوازده� ��داد اح� �) (��dدم ای�ان ع_/� ح��
�اه& ر�/&� (�� �) �� � �e�� ه3ار (ری� ه��O ن ر�2'& در�)�/� . ی�� �2��ا�/& ای� ا�) .� ای� (�ر
�ر ���� �ی� ای� p'/� روزه�ی, (�ز (��ی/� .��ب �Oری� را ورق (�3/� و �2� N&ی& را (����/� �O در �ی'&�
»N ن��ق . »�ان و^� ��e #�وری&ز �wر� .� ح��ا��ن �� �O ., (�ی& ��ن ��د را (�ا� ز�&4, در .�N
�د، (� ز�/� (�ی�3&ا�س�ن ه� در �ن ر �ا��ن و ��د�, .� در ای� رو. ع/�ت N ،ان��O زه� در �/�(�ن ه��
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�/.�O �3 وe�� ��ه�� ��Nن از ارو#� �O ا��ی�d و ح�, � ���رت ���� ه�� ع�&)�w�در ح��ی) از (�ادران و ��اه�ا���ن در �/�دی� و
�, ای�ان 4iر� ا����N&ه�, را در د�) �&ار�v��ر . �د �, �ی'&، #��p ه/� ح3ب و �O ان�O ,� �rر ���� (س/�ر ��د �O از ����
) .''&. .�د ا�)���� �//rO د��اه'& ��د (�ا� �� ,� ���� .
�ر �/س)��N "/ا���0ب �زاد ی` ر� ��'O ���� (ا��و (, �vه�, ��ا�) ���� ح� ا���0ب �زاد دی� و �vهS و ی� ح�, (, دی', . �
o و ��eس ا�). ا�)��زی` و .��ب ا�). ��ا�) ���� ح� ا���0ب #��ا�) ���� ا���0ب �زاد . ��ا�) ���� ح� ا���0ب 2/_�، �
ز�&4, و ع�� ا�)�/ �ا�) ه�ی, .� در (س/�ر� از .. ���ان ای� .�N ��ن �سp &ر ��, �ی�� ره� ��ره� ح�, ��ا�) (�
�e& از #&ران و ��درا���ن و ی� �ی& از #&ر(3ر�4ن و ��در(3ر����4ن (� ارث (�د ا�&O ق را از (&و�wای� ح.
�د) &��ژ� و ی� �vه�, (� �/�(�ن �/�e��ر . �&ا� (/س) و ه�) ���e (� ��م ه/� ای&�����ا�) � ,�� �e�� (ا� (/س) و ه�&�
�د ه� روز ح��(, ا��Nر� (� �� .'& 4�ش ده& �&ا�. ,w/����ا�) ��0/��� .��ب (0�ا�& و ی� � ,�� �e�� (ا� . (/س) و ه�&�
�د .� (��ا�& �زادا�� د�) در د�) ه�س� �ی'& اش در �/�(�ن �&م (�3& و از /�ی', ) &�(/س) و ه�) ���e (�ا� ای� (� �/�(�ن �
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(/س) و ه�) ���e .� ا ` را از �p��ن �&رO�'&ان ��Nن �Nر� ���)، �&ا� (/س) و ه�) ���e .� (��, او را ���ی'& � �Nی3
(& (� ه� pس���&ن دو ح�ف ��ن و ه� (�د& SdO��� T_ح .�د ا�& O'�� 4'�ه, .� )�� � .
hااو (� ح ��, .� را� ��دم را دزدی&�dا�) (� ح�� ,��م در �/�(�ن �رش در �ن روز ���, .� . ی&�) �� (��dا�) (� ح�� ,�
ا��وز و�/�� � . �&ا را (� ��^� �� ���4 .��'&. ه� ه� ح� #�واز �&ار�& �� (��ی&.� ح�, روی� ای�ان را (� ��س, �O&ی� ����� ا�)
�ا�) ه�� �&ا�)ه� ای�ا�, و ه� ا�س�ن �زاد در ای�ان و در ��Nن ��2�4 #��� �ر� �) �.
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –4
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
!��� ��� �� ��ی�
�2خ
�� �� � ����, .� د�pر �O�د هس�'& اه�/) ای� ه. ه��� � #/o (� #س� (س/�ر زی��ی, در ی` .�2, �پ وع& � دی&ار� دا
&''. ,��ع را در� n���� (�0, را . �r��حس�س(در ه� ���iت اوe, .� داری& �� �d (� �ن ا����ص �, ده/& .� (� ز�)ن ( (�
�O از �ن ای� .� (Se�N o0 . ه� �� و ه� �ن ���، ه� دو ای� (o0 را (� .� از ی�د (�دی�!" �� �دم حس�(, هس��" :(, ز(��, (��ی/&
0�رم") �O��/N "!!!&��س]_� ای� (�د . ی` ��ع�, در(�ر � �/��) ح�ف زدی� و (r& ر�2/� ���� ��ن. ه� (� ذه� ه/� .&ا���ن �/�
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��r �/�ز . ام را (� ا���0(�ت ا����ص (&ه��N ی� ا�_/) ه�� ای��O ����� (� ع'�ان یd, از ,eرد، و�� ,�ا�p �4 ای� ��� (� درد ه��
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& .�/j ح&ود �O ,�O�� ر2س'���, و ,� ا�� از ه�� � ای� ه� ��� O �� ،�O'�� ه�� �. &�& � #/o (/', ا� �ح��ب )��
& �, . �_�qن حس/� ه� در .��O Sری� رو��/& iر� ا����N (م ری���w� �0/�, اح�&� ��اد و از د�) ر��2 اح��ام ,)
�S_^ ¡n .�ر و ح� (� S��N ��ار داد) ی�زار�/ (� ���ص #" از o0# ��ی�ل (ای�ان �ه� ای� . ��دم �� را #" از ��e/�ن ��ل در
�n¡ را (�ی& (� �2ل �/` 2�4) و ه� (�ی& از �ن (� (���ی� d_, ا����د .�د� . &'p ه�ی��ن را ه� "�� �ا�/� O ,�� �rدی�� وا� �� �.
(س/�ر� از �� ز���, . #" (�vاری& ع_) ع�ر�n � اح�&� ��اد را (�ر�, .'/� �O ز�/� (�ز� را (��� (�'��/�. .�p`، از د�) (&ه/�
&ی�، وe, ای� را از ��د .� �O #��/&ی� .� ای� �0O را .� v4ا �� .� اح�&� ��اد �.� �ر� (/�ون �ورد ��N (�0 ری��O از ��
�ح��ل ��.�ر ��&� #�و�� � ،` /� (�ی& ای� را (�vی�ی� .� اح�&� ��اد (&ون �) �_r���د؟ ه� .� (� /� و (� ه� �4وه, .� )
�د) ,�O�� ح�ت دورانiTای� ��.. ا �p د ی� ��ح�ل�) ,w/wح �&�24��دم دی�� (� اiTح�ت، �ن ای���, را �&ا �'& .� را� ! �ر�
��, (� T'&و�o (�ی�3&/_/��ط (� �/�ز� �/س) (� ح��O � �l2ری0,. )���� ه�� N �O ن زی�د ��2ر (/�وری����/& "و " وع& دادن"
�دی�، �O�/� در ای� ا���0(�ت ا��، (� عO�� .d�, را (� ی�د �وری�" �'&ان (�دن) " اN��ع, .� (س/�ر� از �� در دور ��� (� �ن ر�/&
(�ا� ا����د � در�) از ای� ���ر.) (�ی& �ن را ��ب '��)، �O �&ا� �� .�د (� �O�¡ احس��, . ا.¤�ی) (� ���ر.) ��ار 2�4)
�د�� ��� �ان (, .�ر، .� ا��وز �, �ی& و �2دا �, رود اN ��دم ا�e�� ی` ���d را (�ی& در در (�ر. و (, ه&ف ی` �4و �/��O ای� �
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –5
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
:��l 2�4) .� (� �ن زی�د #�دا��� ��& ا�)
& (/�ن .�د ,�� �� v4 � �د، ای� �Se�q را در ��ر وe, ح�ل . از �ن �Nی, .� ای� ���ی� ���ی& (� �Oی��ن O�¥/_�O, .س, (&ل
�د (� �ن #�دا�) ,��ر� .س, (� ��م ��&� .�و(, ��pر . .� ا���0(�ت (� #�ی�ن ر�/& ��N (ن .��&ی&اه�� ری���/���ل #/o در
�د ,� ����' ��, ^, دو ��ل ا�/� (� ��م /� اiTح�ت �dح ^_��ن حiTن ا�/�� . ��ار دا ) .� در �� � در ای� دور و دور
&�� ,� &ی& (� حس�ب � �r2ع, دا��دن .�و(, ��د �) &��او را (/��� (� ع'�ان ی` ژو.� �/��, ع�امه��'/� . ا���0(�ت، ��
,rار وا�&��د�& �O ی` �/��) ) ����' � ح3ب اع���د �_, زد و از �2دا� �وع e�r2/) 84#" از ا���0(�ت . /d�O �) (او د� ،
& �ح�ر� را. ه�� ای� ح3ب (� ��ع) د�) (� .�ر ی�ر4/�� ا�2اد و �4و ه�� �/��, ��e�q��د و (�ا� �0س�/� (�ر ��4��ن N�)
�رد. �ورد� ,� ��p �) ر�r �ره�� او ای� " را� (� (����� ا� (�ا� O¥//� ا�). را� (� .�و(,، را� (� ی` �2د �/س):"در �/�ن (�و
(� را� 4/�� �'��� ��dد&����� ه�یo را �� روز ���) ����� "dو (� ع .
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�'&�& و �¤��p iر ای� را ه� ی�د��ن ��ود .� در �ایq, .� ه�� (� �w&ه�� �/��, . ا���0(�ت از روش ��O�, #, رو� ��dد�& ��iع
��d2 � �د ه�� ��د�,، روO ن�/��ج �/��, در � ��/4 �d �غ ا�)، #/o از _ S ه� �� T&ا� ���ی�d (س/�ر ��'
��r (�ی& در ا(�&ا (� O o�'N��ی� #/&ا .''&�N . و ��وش و �ر� زاد� �n�/_حس� ��ز�4را و ع��د (�'�د و rس�و ای� در ح�e/س) .�
�د از #��� �&ادن . ..�'���l و ,��� (� �ن، (� ع'�ان �¤�ل ��� � �/eاو (�e�0��ح�ر� دی&�&، .� در ��e�q�را ح� را در
�� � دO ��2حd/� وح&ت و دا����ی�ن �/��, ��م (�د�� �) ����� �.) .�و(, در N_س�ت Oحd/� وح&ت . ) ,����� �/j ����O �.
�'�� (� د���/�� دا��� ���r��د�& و )& ,��.�ات .�د���ن (�ا� �.) در ا���0(�ت)�ی�ن �(�ا� ( ، ���wع& .�دن �.) ح3ب د
�ن ا��h و )اوe/� (�ر/_/��ن رأ� دراویo و ا���h (/��/� ه�ی, ���'& .��/� ی` /_/� o �) ¨e�) (� ح�.) در �وردن ، ... � �_/��)
. رو � ��d2 و �4و ه�� ره��� ا�N��ع از Oح�ی� ��رج .�د.�و(, و �3دیo��d، ا���0(�ت را #/o از ه� p/3 دی�� در �/�ن
& .� (� �ن ��اه/� #�دا�) &/�. ������/�حس/� ���ج �/�(��, #" از dس�� ��ح ا���0(�ت (� �� ,eو . ���و�d� ,eت
�رت 2�4)T ,��/� ,�_ر ح3(, و ع�. ���� (� ا. در (�ر � .��/� .�و(, ای� (�د .� (�ا� �0س�/� (�ر در .��ر ����/�حس/� �4
& ,�� �د، �� T ��'O&ایo (� ای� راح�, (�ی&) &��رد �/�ز (� �/&ان ��ه� از ا����ر ._�� � ��3 (� ای� ( i/d�Oت �/��,
&ن ��, (�د ��_/2 �)�� ,�eان ��ی) ی` ح3ب دو� & و ه� ��ی�o (� ع' ,�� ��/4�_N ,راح� . �. ,_����'& ��ی) اع���د
��r ا�)ه'�ز 2/_�� �N �N�O رد���د و (س/�ر ,�� �O از �ن )��& ا�) و روز���� � �ن .� ه'�ز �pپ d��� oا دارا��، ه� ه
�ا�س) o��'N را ره��� .'&O ,��ر 3/2یd, در �/�(�ن (� &، ه� ��د او hن ح��/����/# �د�& .� O'�� را) ) i��. �. ,eدر ح�
O �� �. &'ا��ن هس��N 0© ا�) .� ای���&''. ,��م _r��� را ���ای� ا���0(�ت ). '�� .�ر ��د .� �N) 4/�� ه�� ���د
�/N�O ��e�� ,ح�.�ت احس�� �O وی��) ,�&� � �r��N ع_�, و ح�.�ت (��/� ��� �) ���/) )، وe, �زم ا�) .� در �ی'&v4
�ج . ���e/��ن ��م (���&د�) .� (& �/س) از ���3دان (0�اه/� (� rO&اد ا�����ن د�) از وزرا� اح. ��#vی��از -در n�� (/�ی/& .�, از
& �ج -ه� ��ع, .� (����O `pی� �n(� ا� .� ��دم �� از . �. ،�/'d� (� ع'�ان �O.�/` ا����د .'/� و �ن را (� ع'�ان ه&ف ���
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –6
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
��دم ای�ان (�د ا�) �57�/', (� ا�iwب ��ل ... ��ار� �/��, ��رد، ��ار &ن روح ا .
&ت dس) ��رد�/س�� ا �) o/# ر ��ل��p در ا���0(�ت �. ،�ج (�د�و از �ن (& . ��O�)�0, ح3ب ���ر.) ه�/�� ه�/� ای��د
�_) ای�ان (� (_�غ �/��, ���/& ا�& و (�ی& ���ن را #�) �� ه� (� �ª .�د &�&w�r��N/� ���ن �)ا� ای� روش ا�( .� O �O !!! `ی
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� –حس��/) ا�) �) ,q)اول ر �� �&ا ) و در ��� �d�- (اب �ور ه� هس�(� �ن .� ای� دارو ه�34 در از (/� (�دن . ا�� ��Oد2� �
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�/� ا�) را ا���م �&" ه/س��& �� (س/�ر ��ب (�درا دا )، .� �p�4 .�ر� .� (�ایo ^�اح, � �r��N ا��) o/���N ارض�. اد، ع
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& �ر ���� (�v4ار ��اه& hاز دی�_��ت ه�� ای�ا�, (&ون ح �dی��� (eدو � �/eاه/& دی& –او��.
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –7
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –8
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
�'� ا� و از د�) ر��2 ار��Oط �ی) ا�� ,�����اه, ���� � ��r، و در #, ��e�0) ای��ن ... وqe �) ,e زی�د�N ی��wا� (� ح �'���
در �ایr2 ª_, ای� o�'N را (�ی& . &� ��اد (� �/& ع_, ���'� ا� O¥//� �4ایo داد(� ا(�qل ا���0(�ت ��� #/�dن ح�_� از �ح��د اح�
�د ه�� ��دم (� ای� ا�� وا� ��� '& -��ل ا�/� در .��ر��ن دا�س) �2102ز ��pرم �زاد� ��اه, در O �p �4ا– � ��و �ن را در ادا
&ن r'T) ��) و ا�iwب ��ل ,_� o�'N ،(/^و��� o�'N57 �/س�O وز ره�� ای�ان . .�د���)ی& #vی�(2 .� ح�, ا�4 ه�/� ا
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –9
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
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ا� N&ا از ده� � �) از ��د ���ن ده&��p ������/�حس/� �. ( �� ��q #/�و� .�ر.�را�� از او را ه� . دا ����0� ��
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –10
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
Iran and Leftist Confusion
by Reese Erlich
Published on Monday, June 29, 2009 by CommonDreams.org
When I returned from covering the Iranian elections recently, I was surprised to find my
email box filled with progressive authors, academics and bloggers bending themselves
into knots about the current crisis in Iran. They cite the long history of U.S. interference
in Iran and conclude that the current unrest there must be sponsored or manipulated by
the Empire.
That comes as quite a shock to those risking their lives daily on the streets of major Iranian cities fighting for political,
social and economic justice.
Some of these authors have even cited my book, The Iran Agenda, as a source to prove U.S. meddling. Whoa there,
pardner. Now we're getting personal.
The large majority of American people, particularly leftists and progressives, are sympathetic to the demonstrators in Iran,
oppose Iranian government repression and also oppose any U.S. military or political interference in that country. But a
small and vocal number of progressives are questioning that view, including authors writing for Monthly Review online,
Foreign Policy Journal, and prominent academics such as retired professor James Petras.
They mostly argue by analogy. They correctly cite numerous examples of CIA efforts to overthrow governments,
sometimes by manipulating mass demonstrations. But past practice is no proof that it's happening in this particular case.
Frankly, the multi-class character of the most recent demonstrations, which arose quickly and spontaneously, were
beyond the control of the reformist leaders in Iran, let alone the CIA.
Let's assume for the moment that the U.S. was trying to secretly manipulate the demonstrations for its own purposes.
Did it succeed? Or were the protests reflecting 30 years of cumulative anger at a reactionary system that oppresses
workers, women, and ethnic minorities, indeed the vast majority of Iranians? Is President Mahmood Ahmadinejad a
"nationalist-populist," as claimed by some, and therefore an ally against U.S. domination around the world? Or is he a
repressive, authoritarian leader who actually hurts the struggle against U.S. hegemony?
Let's take a look. But first a quick note.
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& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
As far as I can tell none of these leftist critics have actually visited Iran, at least not to report on the recent uprisings. Of
course, one can have an opinion about a country without first-hand experience there. But in the case of recent events in
Iran, it helps to have met people. It helps a lot.
The left-wing Doubting Thomas arguments fall into three broad categories.
1. Assertion: President Mahmood Ahmadinejad won the election, or at a minimum, the opposition hasn't
proved otherwise.
Michael Veiluva, Counsel at the Western States Legal Foundation (representing his own views) wrote on the Monthly
Review website:
"[U.S. peace groups] are quick to denounce the elections as ‘massively fraudulent' and generally subscribe to the ‘mad
mullah' stereotype of the current political system in Iran. There is a remarkable convergence between the tone of these
statements and the American right who are hypocritically beating their chests over Iran's ‘stolen' election.
Bartle Professor (Emeritus) of Sociology at Binghamton University, New York, James Petras wrote:
"[N]ot a single shred of evidence in either written or observational form has been presented either before or a week after
the vote count. During the entire electoral campaign, no credible (or even dubious) charge of voter tampering was
raised."
Actually, Iranians themselves were very worried about election fraud prior to the vote count. When I covered the 2005
elections, Ahmadinejad barely edged out Mehdi Karoubi in the first round of elections. Karoubi raised substantive
arguments that he was robbed of his place in the runoff due to vote fraud. But under Iran's clerical system, there's no
meaningful appeal. So, as he put it, he took his case to God.
On the day of the 2009 election, election officials illegally barred many opposition observers from the polls. The
opposition had planned to use text messaging to communicate local vote tallies to a central location. The government
shut down SMS messaging! So the vote count was entirely dependent on a government tally by officials sympathetic to
the incumbent.
I heard many anecdotal accounts of voting boxes arriving pre-stuffed and of more ballots being printed than are
accounted for in the official registration numbers. It seems unlikely that the Iranian government will allow meaningful
appeals or investigations into the various allegations about vote rigging.
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –12
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
A study by two professors at Chatham House and the Institute of Iranian Studies at University of St. Andrews, Scotland,
took a close look at the official election results and found some major discrepancies. For Ahmadinejad to have sustained
his massive victory in one third of Iran's provinces, he would have had to carry all his supporters, all new voters, all
voters previously voting centrist and about 44% of previous reformist voters.
Keep in mind that Ahmadinejad's victory takes place in the context of a highly rigged system. The Guardian Council
determines which candidates may run based on their Islamic qualifications. As a result, no woman has ever been allowed
to campaign for president and sitting members of parliament were disqualified because they had somehow become un-
Islamic.
The constitution of Iran created an authoritarian theocracy in which various elements of the ruling elite could fight out
their differences, sometimes through elections and parliamentary debate, sometimes through violent repression. Iran is a
classic example of how a country can have competitive elections without being democratic.
2. Assertion: The U.S. has a long history of meddling in Iran, so it must be behind the current unrest.
Jeremy R. Hammond writes in the progressive website Foreign Policy Journal:
"[G]iven the record of U.S. interference in the state affairs of Iran and clear policy of regime change, it certainly seems
possible, even likely, that the U.S. had a significant role to play in helping to bring about the recent turmoil in an effort to
undermine the government of the Islamic Republic.
Eric Margolis, a columnist for Quebecor Media Company in Canada and a contributor to The Huffington Post, wrote:
"While the majority of protests we see in Tehran are genuine and spontaneous, Western intelligence agencies and media
are playing a key role in sustaining the uprising and providing communications, including the newest electronic method,
via Twitter. These are covert techniques developed by the US during recent revolutions in Ukraine and Georgia that
brought pro-US governments to power."
Both authors cite numerous cases of the U.S. using covert means to overthrow legitimate governments. The CIA
engineered large demonstrations, along with assassinations and terrorist bombings, to cause confusion and overthrow
the parliamentary government of Iran' Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh in 1953. The U.S. used similar methods in
an effort to overthrow Hugo Chavez in Venezuela in 2002. (For more details, see my book, Dateline Havana: The Real
Story of US Policy and the Future of Cuba.)
Hammond cites my book The Iran Agenda and my interview on Democracy Now to show that the Bush Administration
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& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
was training and funding ethnic minorities in an effort to overthrow the Iranian government in 2007.
All the arguments are by analogy and implication. Neither the above two authors, nor anyone else of whom I am aware,
offers one shred of evidence that the Obama Administration has engineered, or even significantly influenced, the current
demonstrations.
Let's look at what actually happened on the
ground. Tens of millions of Iranians went to
bed on Friday, June 12, convinced that
either Mousavi had won the election
outright or that there would be runoff
between him and Ahmadinejad. They woke
up Saturday morning and were stunned. "It
was a coup d'etat," several friends told me.
The anger cut across class lines and went
well beyond Mousavi's core base of students,
intellectuals and the well-to-do.
Within two days hundreds of thousands of people were demonstrating peacefully in the streets of Tehran and other
major cities. Could the CIA have anticipated the vote count, and on two days notice, mobilized its nefarious networks?
Does the CIA even have the kind of extensive networks that would be necessary to control or even influence such a
movement? That simultaneously gives the CIA too much credit and underestimates the independence of the mass
movement.
As for the charge that the CIA is providing advanced technology like Twitter, pleaaaaaase. In my commentary carried on
Reuters, I point out that the vast majority of Iranians have no access to Twitter and that the demonstrations were mostly
organized by cell phone and word of mouth.
Many Iranians do watch foreign TV channels via satellite. A sat dish costs only about $100 with no monthly fees, so they
are affordable even to the working class. Iranians watched BBC, VOA and other foreign channels in Farsi, leading to
government assertions of foreign instigation of the demonstrations. By that logic, Ayatollah Khomeini received support
from Britain in the 1979 revolution because of BBC radio's critical coverage of the despotic Shah.
Frankly, based on my observations, no one was leading the demonstrations. During the course of the week after the
elections, the mass movement evolved from one protesting vote fraud into one calling for much broader freedoms. You
could see it in the changing composition of the marches. There were not only upper middle class kids in tight jeans and
------------------------------------
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& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
designer sun glasses. There were growing numbers of workers and women in very conservative chadors.
Iranian youth particularly resented President Ahmadinejad's support for religious militia attacks on unmarried young men
and women walking together and against women not covering enough hair with their hijab. Workers resented the 24
percent annual inflation that robbed them of real wage increases. Independent trade unionists were fighting for decent
wages and for the right to organize.
Some demonstrators wanted a more moderate Islamic government. Others advocated a separation of mosque and state,
and a return to parliamentary democracy they had before the 1953 coup. But virtually everyone believes that Iran has
the right to develop nuclear power, including enriching uranium. Iranians support the Palestinians in their fight against
Israeli occupation, and they want to see the U.S. get out of Iraq.
So if they CIA was manipulating the demonstrators, it was doing a piss poor job.
Of course, the CIA would like to have influence in Iran. But that's a far cry from saying it does have influence. By
proclaiming the omnipotence of U.S. power, the leftist critics ironically join hands with Ahmadinejad and the reactionary
clerics who blame all unrest on the British and U.S.
3. Assertion: Ahmadinejad is a nationalist-populist who opposes U.S. imperialism. Efforts to overthrow him
only help the U.S.
James Petras wrote: "Ahmadinejad's strong position on defense matters contrasted with the pro-Western and weak
defense posture of many of the campaign propagandists of the opposition...."
"Ahmadinejad's electoral success, seen in historical comparative perspective should not be a surprise. In similar electoral
contests between nationalist-populists against pro-Western liberals, the populists have won. Past examples include Peron
in Argentina and, most recently, Chavez of Venezuela, [and] Evo Morales in Bolivia."
Venezuela's Foreign Ministry wrote on its website:
"The Bolivarian Government of Venezuela expresses its firm opposition to the vicious and unfounded campaign to
discredit the institutions of the Islamic Republic of Iran, unleashed from outside, designed to roil the political climate of
our brother country. From Venezuela, we denounce these acts of interference in the internal affairs of the Islamic
Republic of Iran, while demanding an immediate halt to the maneuvers to threaten and destabilize the Islamic
Revolution."
From 1953-1979, the Shah of Iran brutally repressed his own people and aligned himself with the U.S. and Israel. After
the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Iran brutally repressed its own people and broke its alliance with the U.S. and Israel. That
apparently causes confusion for some on the left.
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –15
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
I have written numerous articles and books criticizing U.S. policy on Iran, including Bush administration efforts to
overthrow the Islamic government. The U.S. raises a series of phony issues, or exaggerates problems, in an effort to
impose its domination on Iran. (Examples include Iran's nuclear power program, support for Hamas and Hezbollah, and
support for Shiite groups in Iraq.)
During his past four years in office, Ahmadinejad has ramped up Iran's anti-imperialist rhetoric and posed himself as a
leader of the Islamic world. That accounts for his fiery rhetoric against Israel and his denial of the Holocaust. (Officially,
Ahmadinejad "questions" the Holocaust and says "more study is necessary." That reminds me of the creationists who say
there needs to be more study because evolution is only a theory.) As pointed out by the opposition candidates,
Ahmadinejad's rhetoric about Israel and Jews has only alienated people around the world and made it more difficult for
the Palestinians.
But in the real world, Ahmadinejad has done nothing to support the Palestinians other than sending some funds to
Hamas. Despite rhetoric from the U.S. and Israel, Iran has little impact on a struggle that must be resolved by
Palestinians and Israelis themselves.
So comparing Ahmadinejad with Chavez or Evo Morales is absurd. I have reported from both Venezuela and Bolivia
numerous times. Those countries have genuine mass movements that elected and kept those leaders in power. They
have implemented significant reforms that benefitted workers and farmers. Ahmadinejad has introduced 24% annual
inflation and high unemployment.
As for the position of Venezuela and President Hugo Chavez, they are simply wrong. On a diplomatic level, Venezuela and
Iran share some things in common. Both are under attack from the U.S., including past efforts at "regime change."
Venezuela and other governments around the world will have to deal with Ahmadinejad as the de facto president, so
questioning the election could cause diplomatic problems.
But that's no excuse. Chavez has got it exactly backward. The popular movement in the streets will make Iran stronger
as it rejects outside interference from the U.S. or anyone else.
This is no academic debate or simply fodder for bored bloggers. Real lives are at stake. A repressive government has
killed at least 17 Iranians and injured hundreds. The mass movement may not be strong enough to topple the system
today but is sowing the seeds for future struggles.
The leftist critics must answer the question: Whose side are you on?
Freelance foreign correspondent Reese Erlich covered the recent elections in Iran and their aftermath. He is the author of
The Iran Agenda: the Real Story of U.S. Policy and the Middle East Crisis. (Polipoint Press)
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –16
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
Tehran, June 2009
Kaveh Ehsani, Arang Keshavarzian and Norma Claire Moruzzi
June 28, 2009
http://www.merip.org/mero/mero062809.html
(Kaveh Ehsani is assistant professor of international studies at DePaul University. Arang Keshavarzian is associate
professor of Middle East and Islamic studies at New York University. Both are editors of Middle East Report. Norma Claire
Moruzzi is associate professor of political science and gender and women’s studies at the University of Illinois-Chicago.)
The morning after Iran’s June 12 presidential election, Iranians booted up their computers to find Fars News, the online
mouthpiece of the Islamic Republic’s security apparatus,
heralding the dawn of a “third revolution.” Many an
ordinary Iranian, and many a Western pundit, had already
adopted such dramatic language to describe the burgeoning
street demonstrations against the declaration by the
Ministry of Interior that Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the sitting
president, had received 64 percent of the vote to 34
percent for his main challenger, Mir Hossein Mousavi. But
the editors of Fars News were referring neither to the protests, as were the people in the streets, nor to the prospect that
the unrest might topple the Islamic Republic, as were some of the more wistful commentators. Rather, the editors were
labeling the radical realignment of Iranian politics that they wish for. This realignment would complete the removal of the
old guard, as did the “first” revolution of 1978-1979, and consolidate the rule of inflexible hardliners, as did the “second
revolution” symbolized by the US Embassy takeover of 1979.
Whatever history’s verdict on the desiderata of Fars News, neither the institutional structure nor the political culture of
the Islamic Republic will emerge unchanged from the crisis following the 2009 election. The stakes are nothing less than
these: Should the protesters persevere, the limited traditions of political and civil rights and citizen participation in the
Islamic Republic may be considerably strengthened. Should Ahmadinejad and his supporters prevail instead, the political
system in Iran may lose all remaining meaningful traits of a republic.
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –17
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
As in 1979, or in 1997, when the “reformist” cleric Mohammad Khatami captured the presidency, or in 2005, when
Ahmadinejad won his own (highly contested) landslide victory, the Western media has been caught off guard by events
on the Iranian stage. The crudest analysts insist upon seeing an epic battle between the government and “the people” --
but neither of these actors is unitary. Others, writing from left, right and center, extrapolate theories from the supposed
characteristics of the dramatis personae. Hence “the opposition,” urban, educated, technologically savvy and broadly
supportive of Mousavi, is said to be arrayed against the poor, exaggeratedly pious peasants and plebeians who back
Ahmadinejad. Such interpretations are also far too simple. They fail to explain why the election campaign was so
competitive and why the popular reaction became so virulent once the scale of the fraud employed by the regime to fix
the election for Ahmadinejad became evident.
The conflict over the 2009 election has sent multiple, cross-cutting fracture lines both through the core of the regime and
through Iranian society.
The Expectations Game
Many inside and outside Iran expected that the June 12 election would be a yawner. After all, previous incumbents had
been comfortably reelected, and the assumption was that Ahmadinejad would be as well. He had the full resources of the
state at his disposal. The global economic downturn notwithstanding, the state was flush with revenue accrued during
the 2003-2008 oil boom. The president had the clear backing of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, the Iranian military and
the Guardian Council, the unelected panel of senior clerics empowered by the Islamic Republic’s constitution to block acts
of Parliament. He held a monopoly upon the state-run TV and radio networks. Lastly, the security services had
systematically suppressed civil society and political organizations critical of Ahmadinejad’s policies. These opponents,
disillusioned by the failures of Khatami and the “reformist” bloc in Parliament in years past, were expected to stay home
on June 12, while radical Islamists and the immediate beneficiaries of Ahmadinejad’s populist economic gestures were
predicted to turn out in droves.
Such predictions were a bit misleading. The number of deeply conservative voters, of the sort who back Ahmadinejad,
has not exceeded 12 percent of the electorate since 1993. True, in 2003, these voters seized control of the city councils
of major cities, not because of a surge in the popularity of their agenda, but because of the widespread abstention of
those who had lost hope in the effectiveness of reformist candidates. With less than 12 percent of eligible voters
participating in Tehran, the arch-conservatives of Abadgaran, the coalition of Ahmadinejad’s allies, grabbed the city
council, appointing the little-known former provincial governor as mayor. Ahmadinejad spent liberally from city funds to
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –18
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
position himself as a credible presidential candidate in 2005, when he wound up in a runoff with former President Ali
Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani, perhaps the most polarizing figure in Iranian politics at the time.
Ahmadinejad’s win stunned many in the Islamic Republic, to the point of arousing suspicions of rigging. The “moderate
reformist” Mehdi Karroubi, who had been speaker of Parliament from 2000-2004, strongly objected to his own elimination
in the first round, claiming that the Revolutionary Guards and Mojtaba Khamenei, the Supreme Leader’s son, had
conspired to doctor the vote tally in several key provinces. In the second round, Rafsanjani raised objections of his own.
Khatami, then president, promised he would reveal details of election irregularities before leaving office, but this was a
promise he did not keep. Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf, another contestant who later replaced Ahmadinejad as mayor of
Tehran, announced that $330 million of the municipal budget was unaccounted for, hinting broadly that the monies had
been illegally diverted to the Ahmadinejad campaign. Parliament formed a commission to investigate, but the new
speaker, loyal to Ahmadinejad, suspended the investigation.
Despite the allegations of fraud, most Iran watchers accepted the result of the 2005 race. It was assumed as well that
Ahmadinejad’s populism -- he promised to “bring the oil money to people’s dining tables” -- would expand his electoral
base beyond the solid conservative bloc. But instead greater mass participation in the local elections of 2007 cost the
hardliners their grip upon local councils. In Tehran, Ahmadinejad’s men lost two thirds of their seats and had to share
power with reformists and moderate conservatives. In the absence of credible polling and free independent media after
Ahmadinejad’s ascent, local elections are a bellwether for shifts in the national political mood. There was, therefore, good
reason to think that the 2009 presidential race would at least be close.
Ahmadinejad’s glide path back to the presidential palace encountered additional turbulence when Khatami, still popular
despite the reformists’ troubles, entered the fray in February. Khatami, however, faced strong opposition from hardline
conservatives and difficulties with building bridges to moderates. He wisely bowed out when Mir Hossein Mousavi
declared candidacy, throwing his weight behind a figure whose revolutionary credentials could not be questioned by any
segment of the establishment. As prime minister, Mousavi had guided the economy during the lean years of the Iran-Iraq
war (1980-1988). His administration had implemented far-reaching grassroots development measures that integrated the
provinces into the national economy, at a time when Iran was under international embargo and Iraqi bombardment and
oil prices had plummeted below $9 per barrel. His administration’s extensive rationing system had ensured that no one
went hungry. And then there were his heated disputes with Ali Khamenei, who was then president and vociferously
objected to Mousavi’s redistributive policies. Everyone recalled that Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, still revered by millions,
had unequivocally backed Mousavi against the cleric who would later succeed him as Supreme Leader.
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –19
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
Mousavi never disguised the fact that he was a pillar of the establishment and a firm believer in the legacy of Khomeini
and the Islamic Revolution. Nevertheless, in the popular mind, Mousavi was a candidate untainted by the corruption of
continuous presence in the corridors of power, someone with a track record of exhibiting management skills, standing for
social justice and, above all, standing up to Khamenei. The attraction of Mousavi was that he might be able to unify
reformists and the politically neutral, professionals and the working classes, city dwellers and the peasantry. No one,
however, doubted that Ahmadinejad could win the day, given the advantages enumerated above.
In short, cold-eyed analysis said to expect Ahmadinejad’s reelection, even as many hearts yearned for an upset. And the
instinct of those with deep knowledge of contemporary Iranian history said to predict the unpredictable and, perhaps, to
expect the unimaginable.
“Black Is White”
No one fully predicted what began to occur in late May, as the campaign began in earnest. Two critical factors widened
the fissures in both the elite and the electorate, setting off the frictions that built into the seismic tremors of the weeks
after the balloting.
First, a series of nationally televised debates
exposed the cleavages splintering the political
establishment. These divides had been exposed
many times, often in vicious terms, but always in
partisan newspapers with a small circulation. Now,
on TV, the plainspoken, occasionally fiery duels
were on display as never before in the history of
Islamic Republic, and they were eagerly watched
and discussed. Mousavi and his fellow challengers,
former Speaker of Parliament Karroubi and former Revolutionary Guards commander Mohsen Rezaei, raked Ahmadinejad
over the coals, stressing his lackluster stewardship of the Iranian economy and his taste for confrontation in both
domestic and international affairs. The incumbent, meanwhile, defended his term in office by recounting a laundry list of
(often questionable) statistics and accomplishments, juxtaposing his record with those of previous presidents, whom he
audaciously mocked as champions of injustice and inequality.
Ahmadinejad claimed that inflation had dropped to 15 percent, when readily available estimates by the Central Bank put
------------------------------------
ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –20
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
the figure at 25 percent (and, in any case, Khatami had presided over 13 percent inflation). He asserted, based on
equally dubious estimates, that gross domestic product had grown by 6 percent under his administration versus 5 percent
under Khatami, neglecting to acknowledge that this was no stellar accomplishment. Thanks to skyrocketing prices before
2008, some $300 billion in oil revenues had flowed into Iran under the arch-conservative’s watch. Ahmadinejad said that
the state’s deficit and level of borrowing from banks had decreased, but this was also not proof of improved economic
performance. It happened due to windfall oil revenues and the selloff of public assets to banks, pension funds and front
companies, many of which are set up by the military and security apparatus and the president’s conservative allies. The
president claimed the gap between rich and poor had never been so narrow, though, again, his own Central Bank
estimates that more than 7 million Iranians (out of an estimated 76) live in extreme poverty. He said that unemployment
was falling, failing to note that his Labor Ministry had changed the definition of unemployment to pad its résumé, and
ignoring the vocal mass actions undertaken by bus drivers, sugarcane workers, oil workers and teachers, all of which
were savagely repressed. Ahmadinejad took credit for having privatized more public assets than his predecessors, and
argued that the companies privatized under Khatami were doing poorly because they had been sold to well-connected
“fake” entrepreneurs, without mentioning that, in many instances, these companies relied on government contracts and
that his administration had refused to consider competitive bids from these privatized companies, bringing them to the
verge of bankruptcy.
Mousavi did not let Ahmadinejad’s economic boasts go unanswered. (Neither did Rezaei.) For 20 years after serving as
prime minister, Mousavi had been perched at think tanks: the Art and Culture Academy, the Center for Research and
Development in Human Sciences, and the Association of Religion and Economics. He had maintained an uneasy silence
as his successors took an increasingly neo-liberal approach toward the economy. Though he discreetly supported the
cultural and political glasnost of the Khatami administrations, Mousavi felt strongly that the identity of the Islamic
Republic should be redefined around a combination of social justice and more solid economic performance, as well as
political reforms. Ahmadinejad’s hijacking of the social justice agenda seems to have forced Mousavi back into politics.
Awash in the flood of untrustworthy numbers, Mousavi responded on television: “One of our problems is that we are
facing an amazing phenomenon: someone who can stare at the camera, look you in the eyes, and claim, with the utmost
self-confidence, that black is white, that two times two is not four, but ten, and state it so emphatically that some of you
are swayed! Nothing is worse than when the government lies to the people -- and today we are witnessing exactly that.
The only reason I have decided to get involved in this campaign is that I fear the consequences of this phenomenon.” His
campaign posters were emblazoned with the slogan, “Lying is forbidden.”
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –21
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
The economics debate, perhaps dry to some Iranians, was coupled with a little sensationalism. After four years of
promising to “name names” of those involved in corruption and nepotism, Ahmadinejad directed a series of insinuations
at regime notables, including Rafsanjani and the influential conservative and former Speaker of Parliament Ali Akbar
Nateq Nouri. In one debate, he asked Karroubi why he took money from Shahram Jazaeri, a young entrepreneur
imprisoned, to great media fanfare, for bribery of parliamentarians (mostly reformists). Jazaeri’s confession that he had
also bribed people in Khamenei’s office was hushed up. Ahmadinejad prefigured his strident rhetoric condemning the
post-election protests with vows to entrench his “government of justice” by “cleansing” the system of those who stand in
the way of “the people.” In attacking his opponents, he went so far as to smear the educational pedigree of Zahra
Rahnavard, a respected Islamist feminist, the head of a women’s university and Mousavi’s wife, who was removed from
her position when Ahmadinejad came to power.
More incredible still, Ahmadinejad claimed that the
expulsion of politically active university students had been
a policy pursued under Khatami, whereas his
administration had nothing but respect for higher
education. He confronted Mousavi about the political
repression of the 1980s, a dark chapter referred to
euphemistically as “cutting neckties,” in order to cast
aspersions on his rival’s defense of civil liberties. Mousavi
responded that within the Islamic Republic there had
always been warring camps, some who fought for the civil liberties principles enshrined in the constitution, and others
who distrusted any manifestation of dissent, however feeble. Incredulously, the ex-premier exclaimed: “They keep telling
me, ‘They used to cut neckties in your era.’ Who do you think used to cut neckties? Who do you think Imam Khomeini
forbade from interfering in people’s lives? It was the same people who are in the administration now!”
But the content of the verbal broadsides during the campaign was somewhat beside the point. The tenor of contention
was the important fact. In the past, the elite of the Islamic Republic had managed its rivalries through consensus building,
horse trading and arbitration by the Leader. But the TV debates showed that the disputes had overflowed their
containers. For the first time, in much starker terms than in the 2005 runoff, Iranians witnessed the establishment at
public odds with itself, its usual united front in smithereens. The ruling clergy, it seemed, could only settle their dispute
by turning to the citizens they claim to represent.
------------------------------------
ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –22
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
No Mere Show
The second critical factor during the official campaigning from late May until June 12 was the positive and hopeful vision
of Iran’s future presented by Ahmadinejad’s rivals, especially Karroubi and Mousavi. Against all expectations, and despite
a very modest war chest, the Mousavi campaign proved capable of rousing swaths of Iranian society from the political
torpor that had set in when the conservative forces in the regime proved too strong, and the reformists too weak, to
open up the system during the “reformist moment” of 1997-2005. A growing number of Iranians, schooled by bitter
experience to be skeptical of electoral exercises, realized that the 2009 contest would be no mere show. Here were
divisions among candidates that would directly affect their lives.
Karroubi’s campaign, for instance, staked out an explicit position in defense of the political and social rights of Iran’s
Kurdish, Baluch, Azeri and other ethnic minorities, as well as Sunni Muslims and other religious minorities whose
relationship with the Shi‘i Islamist state is fraught. Karroubi also spoke out for the interests of students and women.
Mousavi’s campaign framed itself more broadly as defending the rule of law, as well as civil and personal freedoms. One
plank of his platform promised to discontinue the patrols of the morals police who enforce “Islamic” dress and behavior
upon urban pedestrians, demonstrating an understanding that social exclusion under the Islamic Republic is as important
as class inequality to young people, women and the intelligentsia. Mousavi acknowledged that the project of using
violence to Islamize society, revived under Ahmadinejad, is nothing but an elite tool of domination over the urban middle
classes.
In the face of Ahmadinejad’s populist puffery, Mousavi aimed to snatch away the mantle of social justice in the minds of
Iranian voters. He specified that, by social justice, he meant creating employment opportunities by strengthening existing
state and private institutions. He touted the concept of “good governance” -- with its implication that technical
competence ought to be valued more highly than ideological bombast in the state’s economic managers -- and insisted
on making the executive branch accountable to strong regulatory institutions. As an example of sustainable development,
he argued that Iranian oil must become the basis of a network of linked secondary domestic industries, rather than a
mere export commodity. He opposed the piecemeal privatization of public assets, as well as Ahmadinejad’s notion of
social justice, which seems to be built exclusively upon cash and in-kind handouts, without any thought to how to bolster
the purchasing power of the disenfranchised in the long run.
Through numerous rallies and other gatherings in the week before the election, the Mousavi campaign illustrated that it
could mobilize many diverse thousands of peaceful and enthusiastic supporters in Tehran and other major cities. This
------------------------------------
ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –23
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
successful electioneering was a double-edged sword. On the one hand, it convinced an increasing number of Iranians
that Ahmadinjead’s victory was not a foregone conclusion. On the other hand, the prospect of a large turnout that
included the disenchanted may have contributed to the hardliners’ decision to manipulate the results to ensure victory.
More important in the long run may be the fact that the campaign again broke the monopoly of the Iranian regime over
the expression of political opinions in public spaces. For three decades, the Islamic Republic has managed for the most
part to limit public displays of “politics” to pro-government mass demonstrations, while conducting the public’s real
business behind closed doors. Independent associations and trade unions, grassroots organizations and political
groupings have been crushed. The eight years of Khatami, notwithstanding the serious shortcomings of the reformists’
program and political skills, saw the emergence of a relatively independent press and the curtailment of direct
government interference in the home and the private behavior of citizens. Ahmadinejad and his ilk have tried mightily to
roll back these changes.
In defiance of these efforts, citizens actively took advantage
of the political opening of the 2009 campaign in unheard-of
numbers. By all accounts, Iranian citizens were deeply
engaged in debate over the candidates right up to the
actual voting. Numerous observers in Tehran and other
cities report that political debates in public spaces, like
Vanak Square or Enqelab Square, were substantive and civil,
if impassioned. People who had been intimidated or
demoralized, or who had considered their differences with all Islamic Republic politicians, of whatever stripe, to be
irreconcilable, began to poke their heads above the battlements. Artists, filmmakers, political activists, feminists and
student groups across the ideological spectrum forged alliances and acknowledged common interests. Thirty-four Islamist
and secular feminist groups coalesced to form the Women’s Movement Convergence, for instance, with nearly 700
activists gathering to hammer out a common platform. A week before the election, the Convergence held a debate with
the representatives of the reformist candidates in the Office of the Islamic Revolution’s Women to assess which candidate
would be most consistently committed to women’s rights.[1]
In sum, the 2009 presidential election campaign was unique. Not even amidst the ferment that presaged Khatami’s
sweeping triumph in 1997 was a candidate able to mobilize support across so many social boundaries and to be so
inclusive of elements of the population that have been actively marginalized under the Islamic Republic. The effort at
------------------------------------
ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –24
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
broad-based mobilization by non-incumbents was new, as was the degree of interplay between the political contestation
roiling the ranks of “the regime” and that reverberating in “the street.”
Slaps in the Face of Reason
In the early afternoon of June 13, the Ministry of Interior announced the final “result” of the election. The turnout was a
record-setting 85 percent and Ahmadinejad had won with 63 percent of the vote, followed by Mousavi with 34 percent,
with Rezaei and Karroubi earning a mere 2 percent and less than 1 percent, respectively. These figures were remarkably
congruent with early morning returns released prior to the closure of some overseas polls and strangely consistent across
all regions of the country.
For many Iranians, the dispute over this “result” is not simply about the outcome -- Ahmadinejad’s anointment as
president -- but about the basic election procedures and laws that were violated. Beyond this, many voters are insulted
by the responses of both Ahmadinejad and Khamenei to the popular skepticism, with the president-select dismissing the
protesters’ misgivings as “dirt” and the Supreme Leader unaccountably averring that the entire nation is united behind
the official tally. The cries of CIA and MI-6 manipulation are likewise a slap in the face of reason. The Tehran municipality,
run by the conservative mayor Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf, has estimated the number of protesters in mid-June at 3
million. These are not only the chic middle classes beloved of Western photographers: They are also the women in
chadors, working-class youths and older people who are supposedly in thrall to the undying revolutionary fervor to which
Ahmadinejad appeals.
Several examples will illuminate the reasons for the rampant disbelief in the June 12 “result.” Unlike in previous elections,
the Ministry of Interior authorized deployment of 14,000 mobile voting booths, making it very difficult for candidates to
send monitors to observe the balloting at every booth. Some 14.5 million extra ballots, by some reports, were printed
and no clear system was delineated to track them. When several polling stations in urban centers ran out of ballots,
Mousavi supporters asked where the extra ballots were, but they could not be found, and remain unaccounted for to date.
Communication among campaign workers was hindered when SMS messaging was turned off and a web page associated
with the Mousavi campaign was shut down. The popular BBC Persian service was jammed to restrict the flow of
information. In the evening of June 12, a Mousavi campaign building was raided by the authorities, with several
volunteers detained, before being released and then rearrested the next day.
Yet the clearest violation of the law would be Mousavi and Karroubi’s claim that their observers were not allowed to be
present when ballots were counted and the ballot boxes sealed. By law and custom, these observers confirm that the
------------------------------------
ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –25
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
boxes are empty before voting starts, and they are present at the count, sign the result sheet and take away a copy.
They are also supposed to be present when the ballot boxes are finally sealed and sent to the Interior Ministry. A 65-year
old monitor in charge of a station at a mosque in the modest, middle-class Yousefabad neighborhood of Tehran told local
journalists: “Compared to previous elections, we had a huge turnout. Two years ago we had barely 400 votes at our
station. This time, more than 2,000 voted. We closed the station and started counting the votes. By midnight we were
done. Mousavi had 1,600 votes, Ahmadinejad approximately 300, and Karroubi and Rezaei each had around 150 or 200.
We were in the process of filling out the forms and signing them when the announcement came that Ahmadinejad had
won with two thirds of the votes!” Interviews by local journalists in and around the Shahid Mahallati neighborhood of
northeast Tehran, where a vast quadrant of the city is closed off in gated communities for the families of the military,
Revolutionary Guards and intelligence personnel, indicated that even this stratum of the electorate was divided in its
choice of candidate. Several women who live in the compound indicated that they had neighbors who supported various
candidates.
Unlike in previous elections and despite the enormous turnout, the Ministry of Interior was quick to declare a victor and
the Leader officially congratulated Ahmadinejad before a final tally was released or the Guardian Council could make time
to review complaints. The “result” generated sub-controversies as well. To highlight just a few, Karroubi is said to have
won less than half a million votes (less than the number of spoiled ballots), when in 2005 he earned about 5 million votes,
or 17 percent of the total vote. The initial count, oddly, did not include any ruined ballots. The Guardian Council was
compelled to acknowledge that, according to the numbers that had been released, at least 50 voting districts had more
than 100 percent turnout.
Since June 12, opposition candidates, Iranian journalists and independent researchers have marshaled a host of evidence
that calls into question both the procedural fairness of the elections and the veracity of the result.[2] This evidence is so
overwhelming that no impartial observer can credit the hardliners’ protestations that the election was clean.
What Lies Ahead
During the campaign, opposition candidates repeatedly argued that Ahmadinejad had flaunted regulatory procedures in
attempts to circumvent the constitutional checks and balances on the powers of the presidency. Today, it is apparent that
this major campaign theme has been borne out in the election itself.
Supporters of Mousavi therefore had clear, ready-made language for protesting the election “result” on procedural
grounds -- and thus Ahmadinejad’s retort that their outcry is mere sour grapes is completely off point. Using the network
------------------------------------
ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –26
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
of civil society organizations and campaign workers that had taken shape starting in late May, the protesters
disseminated information quickly and people congregated in front of the Ministry of Interior and in the squares that join
the main thoroughfares in Tehran and other cities. The unprecedented mass protests have demonstrated that the splits
in the political elite are in fact a reflection of deep discontent in the polity. Although Mousavi is the symbolic leader of the
street movement, it is not at all clear that he is in charge. The strength of the street actions was their sheer size and
spontaneity, yet it is plain as well that they have been partly organized by the commitment of the participants to work
toward a common goal: the rule of law and the right of citizen participation. Opposition campaign workers and civil
society activists have helped a great deal in choosing effective locations for the gatherings, as well in promoting the tactic
of silence and the ethic of inclusiveness and non-violence.
Initial responses by leading hardline clerics, even Khamenei, and other political figures seemed to offer some opening for
reconciliation among the factions and with the populace. But Ahmadinejad, Khamenei and members of the Guardian
Council, as well as state radio and television, rapidly turned against the protesters, trying at first to deny the extent of
the outcry and then to denigrate it with flippancy, condescension and mindless conspiracy theory. Increasingly, however,
and predictably, they brought to bear the coercive apparatus of the state to repress it.
Khamenei’s Friday prayer sermon on June 19, and the ensuing violent crackdown, have ensured the further alienation of
the population from the powers that be and deepened the splits in
the governing class. Khamenei’s choice to throw his personal clout
behind Ahmadinejad, and thereby compromise the institutional
neutrality of the Leader’s position, is almost inexplicable in terms of
long-term strategy for maintaining his position and the structure of
the Islamic Republic. By aligning himself so strongly with a divisive
extremist who has only a hammer for every Iranian nail, Khamenei
has undermined his institutional authority -- not only with the
population but also with members of the political elite. He has done so rrevocably. By openly condoning the shooting of
civilians, the powers that be have crossed another red line. The fact that regime spokesmen and the state media are
calling the protesters “terrorists” will only inflame Iranian opinion further. Meanwhile, the video clips showing the June 20
death of an unarmed young woman, Neda Agha Soltan, at the hands of the authorities have given the protesters an
unimpeachable martyr.
What is painfully clear is that violence and intimidation are the methods of choice by the new elite in its quest to
------------------------------------
ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –27
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
monopolize the political space. This is a highly costly and risky strategy for all involved. As signaled by the June 19 Friday
sermon, the Khamenei-Ahmadinejad alliance has turned its back on the two other tried-and-true methods of conflict
management in the Islamic Republic: intra-elite negotiation and mass participation. The two men have shown little
willingness to compromise with “the old guard” or to acknowledge the demands of the mass of Iranian citizens.
The problem now for the protest movement is to find a way to keep up the pressure while defusing the impact of state
violence. Given that many of the movement’s leaders and mid-level cadres are now in prison (and reportedly under
torture), this will be no mean feat. The movement will probably conclude that protest should move off the streets, where
violence is easier to employ and the flame of dissent itself burns hotter and more unsustainably. The state escalation of
violence has made the streets a site of confrontation rather than mobilization. In order to continue the momentum, the
movement will have to shift tactics and weave tighter its ties with disgruntled factions of the power structure.
Rafsanjani’s faction is already making overtures in this direction. The political alternative would presumably be a series of
lower-key and less dangerous, but increasingly costly, work stoppages, boycotts of state manufactures and strikes,
maybe including general strikes, combined with intermittent street mobilizations, most likely on the monthly and annual
anniversaries of protesters’ deaths.
Such is the pattern of resistance that emerged during the revolution that overthrew the Shah. Everyone in Iran is acutely
aware of this pattern’s significance, both practical and symbolic. It is not to be forgotten, as well, that Mousavi’s
supporters have appropriated a chant that animated the crowds in 1978 and 1979. Banished for now from the avenues
and byways of the Iranian capital, they call it out from the rooftops of their houses in the evenings. “Allah-o Akbar”
resounds once again in Tehran -- and, once again, the forces of political and social change have taken the religious
invocation back from the state.
------------------------------------
ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –28
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
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------------------------------------
ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –29
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –30
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��د ,����ز �dس�.
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –31
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –32
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
�د را �Mikes on Bikes ان��د�& (� د���ل ���� ح�.) �, .�د�& و (�pسS ه�ی, (� ع') &/���"iم� !�dی�� �� .دا �'&" ا��
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –33
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –34
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –35
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
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�� ه� �م ��/&� �/�/�� د���، �) "!
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –36
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –37
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –38
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
�ن ر� 45را ا��2دی� و ح&ود �&�w� �) &r) �w/دی� ./&ی�د��� ر���ران (O ,و�� & �O د���ش رو (��ر &'_) ��� ع�دت ، ^�ه
o/��/�ه ( �(�ی_o رو رو� �/v4 �N 3ا�.
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –39
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
ی� و ه�@?:<�ای�A �Bوی
Wikipedia & Homosexuality
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –40
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –41
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
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�ن اوا��اه�، ا('�p س, ه��'" �4ای�ن(ا� در ز(�ن �2ر�, (� ع'�وی�'N ��ل در ع�r�� ©0 (�, و ع'�وی� ز�'& �ا�&� �O &�� .
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�د#&ی& ه��) ا�) و در اد(/�ت و ه'� ��Nن از ز��ن (س/�ر .��، �ه& ا �راO, (� ای� '" �4ای, از ا(�&ا� �Oری�، (� (�� ه��ا
.#&ی& هس�/�
�:?G ای��H - �Bزاد از ویT F��?L�ی�، داA
N ،,wت ع�iی��O 3.��O ��ع و �ح� &''. /T�O & &/�'س,، احس��, و �4ایN o'س, .� N�O/ح و O��ی� N'س, �/3 ��
�رت �, ('&� �4ایo رد. 0O/_, ا�2اد ا�)T (����� ��رد O��ی��� (�#�ی� ��ع N'س/�, .� �r� �دات ز�&N��. 4/�د ه�� N'س,
oاع ای� �4ای� :ه� ع��رO'& از ا�
�اhomosexual (�2: (�4ای, ه��'" •� "'N �) o�4ای
• "'N�4�4ای, د) :heterosexual ( e�0� "'N �) o�4ای
��e/3م) (bisexual: (�4ای, وN'"د •�d� ��) : )"'N (� ه�دو o�4ای
�&ا �� �4ایN o'س,)N) :asexual'س, (, •
�ال و �O) :transgender ("��OاN'س, ی� دN�4'س, •�dس��O �_�N د� از&r��و���ی) و .� ��د (� زی� ��� ه��
,��� wOس/� ) �&/e و �/�/ �د .
• 2���,) hermaphrodite(�ودی) �4و دی��� �/3 (� ��م ه� ����' �T/�ت ه� دو N'" را دارا هس�'& و در �� �. &��
�د�/� ای� ا�2اد (� ��ع, ا��iل N'س, ���i هس�'&. اiqTح (� ���� دوN'س� ���4
V?@ه� F���ای� ز�H - �Bزاد از ویT F��?L�ی�، داA
�ف �4ای, ز���� ��ع, �4ایN o'س, ��0© ز��ن ا�) .� ع� ه��'"qr��، احس���ت و O��یiت N'س, زن (� دی�� ز��ن
�'& . ا�)�'/� �/)3e حiqTرا در ا oز��ن ی� د���ان (� ای� �4ای.
�س�ح�w» ه��'" �4ای, ز���� در ای�ان زی� ع'�ان »& ���� اعiم ��� � .ا�) ع�
------------------------------------
ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –42
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
١٢٧��د �س�ح�w را ای� ^�ر �rOی .�د ,�iزات ا�����س�ح�w،«:ا�) ����ن ,_��'O (�ز� ز��ن ا�) (� ا�&ام "'N ه�« .
��j �.vیS ا�) "'N م ا�����N �wحO ی�ن�N دو زن (س��, دارد و در �r2 �) م�N �wس�ح��ع n����د . در SN�� �)١٣å
,�iزات ا���� o ��ار 4/�«: ����ن � '& (&ون �nورت، (�ه'� زی� ی` #�) �� �& ه��4 دو زن .� (� ه� ��ی��و�&� �س�, �&ا
,���& (� .��� از �O &Tزی��� 3rOی� .,� �م (� ه� ی` �O &Tزی��� زد� ��O���رت �dOار ای� ع�� و �dOار 3rOی� در T د در� در . »
,��رت �dOار �Nم، ��SdO را اع&ام T &''.) ١٣١��د ,�iزات ا����یd, از راه��� ا���ت �Nم ه� N'" �4ای, ز��ن ). ����ن
�د ا�)� ��دت .,��ع Nدان ر���i ز���� ������vار (�ا� ا���ت ای� �Nم (� ��دت �. �. ,��N دت ز��ن را در�� ا�) .'& و
,�� ���r� &��' .
�D� ��ز - �Bزاد از ویT F��?L�ی�، داA
�از� ^�����س��، #�ه� را ز�,، ��ع, ر��2ر ه��'" �4ای��� در (/� ز��ن ه��'" �4ا ا�) .� در �ن دو زن رو(�و� ه� (� ^�ر
�ن (� ه� O��س #/&ا ,_��'O (e� ,Nح ��رq� �. &'ده ,��ر �n(&ر� (��رO, ��ار ^ �)
.�د و ��" (� ح�.) #�ی/� O'� �ن ه� را (� یd&ی�� �dOن داد و �/��e'& واز ای� .�ر احس�س
&''d/� .veت
,��رد ا����د ��ار � .4/�د ��4', ا�) .� ای� e¥) ا��وز (� �&رت
�,د � دی&)���) 3����� �/3ش O'�� در ح/�ا��ت ��د از � ����د ر �/�ن ح/�ا��ت، ای� 4 .
� ��.� هس�'&���. `/Oا�.���ر� د��N ه� در�)���).
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& �. i���دا��, .� (e3 در ای��د ح�¥�ردو.��ز 5-��3ی� � ا���ادی�ل و Oس�����ون .� (� و�/_�. ا�) زیس) '��, ع��,
,���دا��, را (� ا��Oل (� 4/��& �O&ی� (� د� ه/&روOس�����ون (eای��د ح� ���&، ع� �ن(ه�� ��&روژن �ه�� N'س, ��دا�� ه�ر
,���& .� (�ع» ای��د ��Tت ����ی� ���'& ریo و ._��, T&ا ��& .� O¥//�ات Nس�, و روا�, ز���, ��ه� �,. (� ع�& دار�&)
���'& ز��ن ���i (� #�ی����, (���'& ������ن (, حس, ��&روژ�, و ی� (س/�ر زی�د (� & (ه�� ��&روژن (س/�ر .� د ای� 4/��&rO&ا
2�ق ._/� &j درزاد���در ای� ��re�qت دی& .ح���� ه��'س��ای, �p در ��دان و �p ز��ن ��/�� p'/� د4�4��/��ی, ا�) )
& ا�) .� در ز��ن ه��'س & �� (/o از ز��ن دN�4'س��ا ح��ت ��دا�� ای��د ��د Oح�w/wت در(�ر . ا�) ��ا ع�Nای� و �)
,��ل (�ع» ه��'س��ای, در ��دان ه��'س��ای, ��دان ���ن �r�ده& .� ای��د ح��ت ��دا�� o/) �p از ح& و �p .��� از ح&
,��د .
------------------------------------
ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –43
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
�Cی�~�ژی�B ه�@?:<�ای�ن �N7وت Kه�
Oح�w/wت (س/�ر& ��، ���ن �, � .� در ای� ز�/'� ا���م e ن� '�س �/� Sع� ����ده'& .� ��Oو���O ا�&، ���'& Oح�w/wت #/���
�د داردNس��ا و'N�4دان د���ژ� ��دان ه��'س��ا و e���N, در 3/2یO �3¥، 4�ش �/��,، و ح" .��(�ای� ��Oو��O ا(�&ا ��د را در
,��� در �ز��ی�. ��ز�& (�ی�ی, � �dر e 3¥� �dر� �) ٪١٠, دری�(2 .� � ,dژی�e��رد �ز��ی��O oوت 3/2ی�از ��دان ه��'س��ا�
o0) س��ا دارد ه��ن'N�4دان د���,. ه� در �'r�ا� 4/��& .� ه��'س��ای, در ا�2اد #&ی& �4ه, ���ی´ ای� Oح�w/wت را (� ای�
��«(� ای� ح�ل ��د .��درزاد� ا�)e «,�4�ی& :». ()�� ��� ژ��/d, (�ا� ه��'س��ای, �/س�'&Oح�w/wت /eی` د �� ه/� . ''&
��d� ,2�rد � ا� از ز��/� هس�� (/��� ���'& ح_INAH �w -3. ام �س��, از �¥3 را (� ع'�ان ی` ��.3 ه��'س��ا .''&d ه��
,� ��رد ��re�q ��ار و از ���� .� ... .'& �O ی` هس�� ه��'س��ا.''& ده'& ر��2ره�� N'س, ��دان و ز��ن ع���¥3 ا�2اد (�e¨ را ��
��درزاد� (�د داد ��Oو��O د �&ارد .� ��/�� (�/�ی� ای��Nو ,_/eام ه/� د &��د �/�Nو �) &e�O از &r) رد . ا�& ا�& و�� ��e ت�w/wحO
�د�&، در ا���wده�ی, ��ار 2�4) .� یd, از د�ی_o ا���0ب ��دان ه��'س��ای, (�د .� (� ع_) (/��ر� ای&ز �Nن ) �د را از د�) داد�
�د�&�� i����رد ��re�q (� ای� (/��ر� ���wیس�. ح�e, .� دN�4'س��اه�� در ا�2اد ���i (� ای&ز دN�4'س��ا INAH -3ا� .� (/� ا�&از
& ��ر�(و ه��'س��ا ا���م � �r��N دن�) `p��د .N3 در ه� دو ����) (� و¥�ا���e (�ی& . ا�) ���(� ���ن داد .� ا�&از ای� (o0 از
��N دا ) .� ه/� �&ر., ��', (� ��O/� ا(�i (� ای&ز (� ا�&ازO3 - INAHOح�w/wت در ز��ن ه'�ز (� ه/� ��/�� . ا�) ی���2 ��&
&�� ,��'� ,�)���.
اعiم ١٩٩٧.��i در ��ل (�d�iرد و. (� & �O (� ه��'س��ای, �2د �, (hr, از Oح�w/wت ا�/� ح�., از ار��Oط rO&اد (�ادره�� (3رگ
ه�� یd, از ��O ���rی� ی���2«ای� ی��d�i) ���4 ��^ ��2رد .(�د (�� �, ٪�O٣٣ اح���ل ه��'س��ای, �2د را �O .�د�& ه� (�ادر (3رگ
& �d/س'N �4ای���� �) �q)ح�ل در را �) �O �. (ا� ,dژی�e�/��د .� ه� (� ^�� ای� ی���2، ���4 �,» .ا�) ا#/& �.v� �/'N
,��د .'& و ای� وا.'�O �&r) �/'N �) o&ی& �, در ��در وا.'�, ای�', ای��د را .� ��o ���� در O¥//�ات H-Yای� N'/'�� ���, ژن .
��� N'س, & �, ه� �wOی�� ��() &/e�O (در� ا���(� �ن وا.'o داد و �/��H-Y 3ز�& و ای� ه��ن ���, ژ�, ا�) .� ���, (�د�
��در (� N'/� ح�_� �, ��H-Y" ���, (�دی��� . ���ی& �,) از ��l ای�', '���,(�ور� ی�د ª��O & &/e�O ,��� ,و .�رای &''.
,��ع (� ��م . �ور�& ژ���� �����د را در ای��د ح��ت ��دا�� در �N 3¥'/� #�ی/� n���e& (�ادر«از ای� O S/O�O ا�� «,��د ی�د در .
�د�& ��wیس� �, ر & ی���2 (� (�ادر (3رگ �O�re�q, .� #س�ه��) .�د، .� & .� �O ��'O را (� ���� .� N&ا از (�ادران ر & .�د
,��/� (�ر #س�� (� د�/� &'p در� .� (�ا��� &ن از &e��� ,� oدن را در ا�2اد ا32ای�ده& و (3رگ &ن در �ورد اح���ل ه��'س��ا (
��ع ªw2 در ��دان را�) د�) �Tدق ا�). س��e �&ارد.'�ر �)ادران د��p (e'&ا�, در ای� n��در(�ر ز��ن .Se�N ای'���) .� ای�
��N, ی�2) ��&O � .ا�) ���ی´ ���(� ی� ��(
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –44
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
V?@ر ه��I �Hای��F در ح��ا��ت ر
&���dا�س�ن �3دی �) ,_��dO �&') �Nدر در �. ,Oا����ران و (�0�ص ح/��N و�����, ر��2ره�� ه��'س��ای��� در �2 �د �/3 دی&
����� (3رگ(�/� &'��� .(�رج �Oون �Tیح� ای� ��lی� را ��qح .�دN ����، #�و2س�ر دا���� (��N در �ا�) .� ه��'س��ای,، �ا�
���4 � و ح�iت و ��Oوزه�� دا�&��د �Nو �) ���dO 3ی�, ا�) .� در ا��� ��'/�eد ,� oدر ��ه� .�ه �T� .ده& ا� را ��
���'# ,hr)&دار� ���� �) ������ �N) (� ��ه�� دی�� و ��� ��ز� /d�O �) ��ا�¡ از ی` �'³ (� ع'�ان . '��� �� O��ی�در ای�
,� �د �Nی�3ی� �0O ا����د را (� ی` �0O (�رور ٢٠٠åدر ��ل .& ��ی�d، �'³ ی�د� #�ر� ��.�3 ح/�ا��ت وا�¡ در ای��ت ��ح&
(�غ وح���� �e���, و ژا#', �/3 34ار �O, در(�ر ه��'س��ای, (/� . '�ان �2ز�& ��د (3رگ .�د�&�Nی�3ی� .�د .� زوج �� �ن را (� ع
. ا�& #'���� ه�ی��ن �'��� .�د& �ن در �و._'& �/�زی_'& ���ه&�eر�O ,_. ,)� .ا�) ای� #&ی& ه��'/� در زیس���
�ه�ن. o/�� در روا(ª �4وه�� ��، ���T� �4و� �w و د��ل .��r��ل ا�) �r�ه�� ��ع دی��� روا(ª ای'�'/', در ��د. دار ا��ی�dی,
.از �4وه� رواج دارد
�, ٪ã �O١٠.� در (ه��'س��ای, در 4���'&ان �د ����p دی& (o0) وت در ح����O �) ه�� �r/', از �¥3 و e�r2/���� ه��ا
/�/�ی, ا�) . ،& ��_� درون ری3 '��, ا���م ª��O �. ,O�re�q��ژیd, و زیس) '���, v4�/��Oار�&e�� 3/2ی�. ���ن داد ع�ا
����� رو� ��e �. ,ی´ ای� (�ر�/�� (� (�ر�/��ی��� �)��� .ا�) ه�� ا�س��, ا���م داد
,�4���'&ان �� .�ه, ا��ی�dی, �/3 از ای� ��l (� دو د��� wOس/� &�� :,���& و �4و دی�� ���� .� در4/� روا(ª ه��'س��ای���
..� ای'���� �/س�'&
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V?@ه� ��?L�ای�ن روا�H
,��ن Oح_/� روا�, در2�4) .� ادع� ��4ای, (� .�د در ه�� ا�2اد ^, ��� روا�,، دوN'" در ا(�&ا� ��ن (/س��، ���ح¤, ���l #/�ا
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,��'� ,���#�وه���� ع_�, . ا�& &، (/���� ای� (�د .� ا.¤� ��دم در �r^�w, دارا� ��O(/�ت و ی� ع�ا^ ه��'" �4ای��� (�د
,���r ا�س��, O��یiت دوN'" �4ای��� دار�& ��T�r ادع� �N (ا.¤�ی �. &''. .,��ر �O دم��.''& �4ایN o'س, (��iف ���� (/���
����» ه��'" �4ا«و » دN�4'" �4ا«�4و ٢ی` ��¥/� 4سس�� �/س) .� (� /# ��/¥�� �d_) ،د� `/d�O ت�/T�ا�) .� ��
درT& از (�e¥/� ا��ی�dی, (�ا� O��م ع�� �'ح��ا åده'& .� ح&ود ���ن �,» .'�3«34ار �ت . ه� را �/3 دارا�) ��(/� ای� �4و
(� ای� ح�ل درT& ا�2اد� .� (� . ا�& " �4ای��� (�وز داددرT& �/3 در �r^�w, از ز�&4, ر��2ره�� ه��' ١٠ه��'" �4ا هس�'& و ح&ود
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –45
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
�رد ا���lر ا�)��ر (�ا(� (� ه� دو N'" را(�q دار�& .��� از �/3ان ^ .,��ا�& (� ع_) ��2ره�� ا�N��ع (� ا�2اد (� & .� ���� را ای� O
,��ر ��� N (ی�دN�4'" «ی� » ه��'" �4ا«'س, را از ��/� .'& (� �iف �jای3 درو�, ��د و (� ^�ر ����د��4 (�pس���� �q_� ه
.(�vی��&» �4ا
�, (� LGBT ��'Nه�� .'�3، (� ه��ا ��r2ن �4و &/.�O ,س'N �4ای���� (/e�/� ری0, و�O ت .'�3 ه��'/� . .�د ه���re�q�
,� & ���ت vNب &ن (� N'س/) ا�d) و �� 3eو��(.'& و �&رO� ���ن داد .� �4ایN o'س, در دوران ح/�ت �2د در ��Nت ��0_ ر
,�����وO, را �2اه� &'. .o�0, �4ای ه�� N'س, ��د را O¥//� ده& و ه��'/� r)/& ا�( .� ای� ا��Oق ��در )س/�ر ��در ا�( .�
�رت رخ دادن T داو^_����«در «& �) .,�����وO, #/&ا ا�� �4ه, O��یiت N'س, 4س��ش �ه�N و & �//¥O ش�ی�('& و ی� د��0
,� &''. .�,» �����ر ا�N��ع,«ه�� ��lی� �2اه'��ر ای& �/h� �) ª�O��دا�& و �w�r& ا�) (�ی& (� O��یiت N'س, O'�� در را
�ب �Oری0, �ن ���یس)pر��p .�r��N ات�/��O ل�ا�) و ی` وی�O ,4ح) .'��ل ا�س�ن و اراد او در ای� ���، �4ایN o'س, �ح�
�د �حس�ب ��, دار�&، .� در (/��� روا��'���. &/wس, ع'N تiی��O ����/# �� �اw2'& و (� ر�ن (� ���ی´ ._, �ز��ی��ت .'�3
,� �/d�O �4ای�ن "'N�4ا در دو ا����� (�دار و ا�_/) ��ار دار�& و ا.¤�ی) را دو "'N�4د i�. ده'& �ن ا�2اد .��i ه��'" �4ا و .�
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –46
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –47
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –48
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –49
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –50
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –51
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –52
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –53
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –54
& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –55
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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –56
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