Conceptualized & Prepared by: Irfan Pathan

Topics covered:

• History : Beginning – Decline - Revival

• Ideology :Reason to rise in India

• Location of Naxalism : State Movement and their Condition

• Charu Mazumdar : The Initiator of the Concept

• Kanu Sanyal : Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist)

• Movement to Peace : Salva Judam (Peace Campaign) :

• Surrender : Central & State Government Scheme

• Conclusion

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THE NAXALITE MOVEMENT IN INDIA

• INTRODUCTION Naxalite or naxalism is an informal name given to communist groups that were born

out of the Sino-soviet split in the Indian Communist movement. Ideologically they

belong to various trends of Maoism. Initially the movement had its centre in West

Bengal. In recent years, they have spread into less developed areas of rural central

and eastern India, such as Chhattisgarh and Andhra Pradesh through the activities of

underground groups like the Communist Party of India (Maoist). They are conducting

an insurgency, the naxalite-maoist insurgency. They now have a presence in 40% of

India’s geographical area, and are especially concentrated in an area known as the

“Naxal Belt,” comprising 92,000 square kilometres. According to India’s intelligence

agency, the Research and Analysis Wing 20,000 insurgents are currently in

operation, and their growing influence prompted Indian Prime Minister Manmohan

Singh to declare them as the most serious threat to India’s national security.

The CPI (Maoist) and some other Naxal factions are now considered terrorists by

the Government of India and various state governments in India. In Feb, 2009,

Central government announced its plans for simultaneous, co-oriented counter-

operations in all Left-wing extremism-hit states-Chhattisgarh, Orissa, Andhra

Pradesh, Maharashtra, Jharkhand, Bihar, Up and West Bengal, to plug all possible

escape routes of Naxalites

• History :

The term comes from Naxalbari, a small village in West Bengal, where a section of

Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI (M)] LED BY Charu Majumdar and Kanu

Sanyal led a violent uprising in 1967, trying to develop a “revolutionary opposition” in

opposition to the CPI (M) leadership. The insurrection started on May 25, 1967 in

Naxalbari village when a peasant was attacked by hired hands over a land dispute.

Local peasants retaliated by attacking the local landlords and the violence escalated.

Majumdar greatly admired Mao Zedong of China and advocated that Indian

peasants and lower classes must follow in his footsteps and overthrow the

government and upper classes whom he held responsible for their plight. He

engendered the Naxalite movement through his writings, the most famous being the

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‘Historic Elight Documents’ which formed the basis of Naxalite Ideology. In 1967

‘Naxalites’ organized the All India Coordination Committee of Communist

Revolutionaries (AICCCR), and later broke away from CPI (M). Uprisings were

organized in several parts of the country. In 1969 AICCR gave birth to Communist

Party of India (Marxist-animist).

Practically all Naxalite groups trace their origin to the CPI (ML). A separate tendency

from the beginning was the Maoist Communist Centre with evolved out of the

Dakshin Desh-group. MCC later fused with people’s was Group to form Communist

Party of India (Maoist). A third tendency is that of the Andhra revolutionary

communists, which was mainly presented by UCCRI (ML), following the mass line

legacy of T. Nagi Reddy. That tendency broke with AICCR at an early stage.

During the 1970s the movement was fragmented into several disputing factions. By

1980, it was estimated that around 30 Naxalite groups were active, with a

combined membership of 30,000.

A 2004 home ministry estimate puts numbers at that time as “9300 hardcore

underground cadre... [holding] around 6,500 regular weapons beside a large number

of unlicensed country-made arms”. According to Judith Vidal- Hall (2006), More

recent figures put the strength of the movement at 15,000, and claim the guerrillas

control an estimated one fifth of India’s forests as well as being active in 160 of the

country’s 604 administrative districts.” India’s Research and Analysis Wing,

believed in 2006 that 20,000 Naxals are currently involved in the growing

insurgency.

• Genesis : The Mode of Formation The Santhal tribals of Naxalbari, armed with bows and arrows, forcibly occupied the land of the kulaks and ploughed them to establish their ownership. Demonstrations were organized against persons holding paddy in their godowns. In many cases, the entire stocks were lifted and distributed or sold locally at cheaper rates. There were violent clashes. Between March and May 1967, nearly a hundred incidents were reported to the police. The situation progressively deteriorated. After some dithering, the West Bengal government ordered the police to take action. The movement was squashed, but “Naxalbari exploded many a myth”.

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The extremists, following Mao’s dictum that “if there is to be revolution, there must be a revolutionary party”, formed, on April 22, 1969, the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist). It was declared that “the first and foremost task of our Party is to rouse the peasant masses in the countryside to wage guerilla war, unfold agrarian revolution, build rural base, use the countryside to encircle the cities and finally to capture the cities and to liberate the whole country”. The Chinese Communist Party welcomed the formation of the CPI(ML). The Marxist-Leninist groups of other countries like UK, Albania and Sri Lanka also extended their recognition.

• The Beginning of The New Terror :- The Naxalite movement, drawing inspiration from the Maoist ideology, had a meteoric phase for about two years from the formation of the party till the end of June 1971. The ripples starting from Naxalbari spread in ever-widening circles to practically all parts of the country. The only areas which remained untouched were the north-eastern states and the Union Territories of Goa, Pondicherry and Andaman & Nicobar Islands. The dominant strand of the movement was the annihilation of class enemies. It was viewed as a “higher form of class struggle and the beginning of guerilla war”. Charu’s assessment was that “every corner of India is like a volcano” about to erupt, that “there is the possibility of a tremendous upsurge in India”, and he therefore called upon the cadres to start as many points of armed struggle as possible. “Expand anywhere and everywhere” was his message. Such expansions were particularly noticeable in Srikakulam in Andhra Pradesh, Debra-Gopiballavpur in West Bengal, Mushahari in Bihar and Palia in Lakhimpur district of UP. The Naxalite violence was at a peak from about the middle of 1970 to the middle of 1971. It is estimated that there were a total of about 4,000 incidents in the country from the middle of 1970 to the middle of 1971. The bulk of these were from West Bengal (3,500) followed by Bihar (220) and Andhra Pradesh (70). The political parties realized the emergence of a new force. The government became conscious of a new threat not only to law and order but to the very existence of the democratic structure of the country.

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• The Decline : The Death of Charu Mazumdar The Government of India organized joint operations by the army and the police in the bordering districts of West Bengal, Bihar and Orissa which were particularly affected by Naxalite depredations. The operations were undertaken from July 1 to August 15, 1971 and were code-named Operation Steeplechase. The broad strategy of the Security Forces was to surround as large an area as possible and seal the routes of entry and exit. The Army formed the outer cordon and the CRPF the inner ring. The local police, which was generally accompanied by a magistrate, carried out thorough search of the area. Suspected Naxalites were arrested, illicit weapons, ammunition and explosives seized. Wherever possible, simultaneous action was taken in the neighbouring area also so that the Naxalites sneaking out were caught while attempting to escape. These operations covered Midnapur, Purulia, Burdwan and Birbhum districts of West Bengal; Singhbhum, Dhanbad and Santhal Parganas of Bihar, and Mayurbhanj of Orissa. The operation achieved the desired results, though not to the extent anticipated by the administration. The organizational apparatus of the Naxalites in the aforesaid districts was thrown out of gear and the party activists fled from their known hideouts to other places in search of safety. Violence registered a drop. Incidents of arms-snatching fell down. Above all, it restored the confidence of the people in the strength of the administration. Charu Mazumdar was also arrested by the Calcutta Police detectives on July 16, 1972. A few days later, he died. Charu’s death marked the end of a phase in the Naxalite movement. The period following his death witnessed divisions and fragmentations in the movement.

• The Revival The formation of People’s War Group in Andhra Pradesh subsequently in 1980 under the leadership of Kondapalli Seetharamaiah gave a new lease of life to the movement. The PWG’s program included :

� redistribution of land

� enforcing payment of minimum wages to the farm labour

� imposing taxes and penaltie

� holding people’s courts

� destroying government property

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� kidnapping government functionaries

� attacking policemen, and

� enforcing a social code The PWG is believed to have redistributed nearly half a million acres of land across Andhra Pradesh. Its activists also insisted on a hike in the daily minimum wages and the annual fee for jeetagadu (year-long labour). The poorer sections found that what the politicians had been talking about and the government promising year after year could be translated into a reality only with the intervention of Naxalites. Gorakala doras (Lord of the Bushes) is how the Naxalites came to be known in the interior areas. Kidnappings to secure the release of its own cadres was frequently resorted to by the PWG activists. The cause celebre was the kidnapping of six IAS officers including a Principal Secretary of the state government and Collector of East Godavari district on December 27, 1987 while they were returning from a tribal welfare meeting at Pulimatu in the district. The state government decided to play safe and released the eight Naxalites in Rajahmundry jail. The PWG got tremendous propaganda mileage out of the incident. The revolutionary writers of the Jana Natya Mandali, the cultural front of the PWG, greatly helped in preparing the environment in which the Naxalite ideology found ready acceptance. Its moving spirit was Gummadi Vittal Rao, better known as Gaddar. He was a balladeer who fought the establishment with the power of his songs. The People’s War Group gradually spread its organizational network to the coastal and Rayalaseema districts in the state. It extended its tentacles to the adjoining areas of Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh and Orissa and made a dent even in the bordering districts of Karnataka and certain pockets of Tamilnadu. The Andhra Pradesh government banned the PWG and its six front organizations in 1992. At the same time, the state police, assisted by the central paramilitary forces, undertook well-organized counterinsurgency operations. As a result, 248 Naxalites were liquidated and 3,434 activists were apprehended in 1992. The arrest of Kondapally Seetharamaiah and other important leaders meant further setback to the PWG. There was demoralization among the ranks and about 8,500 Naxals surrendered before the authorities. In Bihar, the Maoist Communist Centre, another major Naxalite formation, perpetrated acts of violence. Its organizational network extended to most of the Central Bihar districts. During the six year period from 1987 to 1992, there were eight major incidents in Gaya, Chatra and Aurangabad districts in which 42 Rajputs, 40 bhumihars, 5 Muslims, 1 BJP MP and 3 policemen among others were killed. What began as a fight for social and economic justice actually degenerated into a caste conflict with a veneer of class struggle. The MCC ran virtually a parallel judicial system in certain pockets. These were described as Jan Adalat or People’s Court

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where they would even shorten an accused by six inches – behead him, in other words!

• Present State of Movement The present phase – we could also call it the third phase - of the movement commenced with the holding of the Ninth Congress of the People’s War Group in 2001, when it was decided to militarise the armed component of the party by giving more sophisticated weapons to the People’s Guerilla Army. The total number of incidents of violence and resultant deaths in the country during the last five years have been as follows :

Total incidents Deaths 2001 1,208 564 2002 1,465 482 2003 1,597 515 2004 1,533 566 2005 1,594 669

Violence was thus at a peak in 2005 when 1,594 incidents took place in which 669 persons were killed, though 2003 had registered a slightly higher number of incidents. The Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, admits the spread of Naxalite movement to 76 districts in 9 states of the Union, namely, Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Orissa, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal. It further concedes that the People’s War and the MCCI are trying to increase their influence and operations in some parts of the states of Tamilnadu, Karnataka and Kerala and also in some new areas of the states already affected. The disturbing features of the movement are

Ø Spread over a large geographical area

Ø Increase in potential for violence

Ø Unification of PW and MCCI

Ø Plan to have a Red Corridor

Ø Nexus with NE insurgents and Nepalese Maoists

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The Government of India have already expressed concern over the spread of the Naxalite movement over a huge geographical area. The Prime Minister has described Naxalite movement as the single biggest threat to the internal security of the country. According to the Institute for Conflict Management, the movement has actually spread over 165 districts in 14 states and that the Home Ministry’s assessment in this regard is an understatement. The Naxals’ potential for violence has increased substantially with their acquisition of sophisticated weapons and expertise in the use of improvised explosive devices (IEDs). They are said to be in possession of at least 6,500 regular weapons including AK 47 rifles and SLRs. The movement got a tremendous boost when its two major components, the People’s War (PW) and the Maoist Communist Centre of India (MCCI), decided to merge on March 21, 2004, though a formal announcement was made on October 14, 2004 only. The unified party was called the Communist Party of India (Maoist). The merger, apart from augmenting the support base of the movement, has given it the character of a pan-Indian revolutionary group. The Naxals’ plan to have a Compact Revolutionary Zone stretching from Indo-Nepal border to the Dandakaranya Region is likely to get a fillip with the unification of their ranks. The Naxalite groups’ nexus with the other extremist organizations has added to the complexity of the problem. There are indications that the PWG cadres received training in the handling of weapons and IEDs from some ex-LTTE cadres. They have also some understanding with the National Socialist Council of Nagaland(I-M) for supporting each others’ cause. Some batches of CPML-Party Unity also appear to have received arms training under the guidance of United Liberation Front of Assam. The Communist Party of India (Maoist) has also worked out a strategic alliance with the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist).

• Situation in States

• Bihar & Jharkhand The Naxalite movement in Bihar is bogged down in caste based jealousies and rivalries. On January 5, 2005, the Naxalite killed the Superintendent of Police, Munger by blowing up his jeep. Six other policemen were also killed. Lately, the Maoist Communist Centre has shifted its focus to the Jharkhand region, which was carved out of Bihar on November 15, 2000. The Naxalites are said to be active in 15 out of the 22 districts of Jharkhand. They have been particularly targeting the police and the paramilitary personnel.

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• Andhra Pradesh : No Solution of any discussion Till Yet

Andhra Pradesh has gradually emerged as the epicenter of left-wing extremism in the country. The PWG set up a People’s Guerilla Army in December 2000 “to strengthen the political power of the people and to defeat the efforts of the State and the Central Governments to check the (revolutionary) movement”.

The most audacious attack by the PWG took place on October 1, 2003, when they tried to assassinate the Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh, N.Chandrababu Naidu, on a forest road between Tirupati and Tirumala in Chittoor district while he was proceeding to attend the Brahmotsavam celebrations. Claymore mines hit the car of the chief minister; the bulletproof armour over the car however saved him. Four others including the State’s Information Technology minister, B.Gopalakrishna Reddy, sustained serious injuries. The PW claimed responsibili ty for the attack, saying that it was “to eliminate a person who has been perpetuating state sponsored violence”. Peace talks were held between the People’s War Group and the state government of Andhra Pradesh during June-July 2002 at the initiative of ‘Committee of Concerned Citizens’. Three rounds of talks were held but unfortunately there was no agreement on the substantive issues. The PWG called off the talks in July 2002 in protest against the allegedly killing of their cadres in ‘fake encounters’. A second round of peace talks were held from October 15 to 18, 2004 at Hyderabad, but there were no fruitful discussions. The government took strong exception to the Naxals moving about with arms in towns and cities. The Naxalites’ annihilation of Narsi Reddy, Congress MLA, and eight others in a major attack on August 15, 2005 in Mehboobnagar proved to be the proverbial last straw. The peace process ended abruptly, and government reimposed the ban on the Communist Party of India (Maoist) and its front organizations.

• Madhya Pradesh & Chhattisgarh In Madhya Pradesh, following the bifurcation of the state in November 2000, Naxalite violence is now confined to Balaghat, Mandla, Dindori, and Sidhi districts only. The Madhya Pradesh Transport Minister, Lakhiram Kavre, was annihilated on December 15, 1999 in retaliation to the killing of four top PWG leaders. In Chhattisgarh, Naxalite violence is concentrated mainly in the Bastar area and in Rajnandgaon, Jashpur and Sarguja districts. The state government has been trying to mobilize the tribals through ‘Salwa Judum’ (peace mission). This is being vehemently opposed by the Naxalites, and they have been recklessly killing the Judum activists.

Andhra Pradesh State

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Note :I couldn’t understand. Please, tell give me some information of graph.

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• West Bengal Naxalite violence in West Bengal is at a low pitch compared to the other states. This is to be attributed to the success of Operation Barga under which sharecroppers were registered and given permanent and inheritable rights on cultivation of their plots covering a total area of 11 lac acres. Besides, 1.37 lac acres of ceiling surplus and benami lands were acquired by the state government and distributed among 25 lac landless and marginal cultivators. The land reforms have seen the emergence of a new class loosely termed ‘rural rich’ and weakened the social and political power enjoyed by the landlords in the countryside. There is some Naxalite activity nevertheless in Midnapur, Bankura and Purulia districts.

• Other States Orissa witnessed a qualitative increase in Naxalite violence during 2000 and 2001. The MCC has established its presence in the northern districts while the PWG has consolidated its hold over the southern districts. The formation of Andhra-Orissa Border Special Zonal Committee gave fillip to Left Wing Extremism in the State. Uttar Pradesh has witnessed stirrings of Naxalite activities in the eastern belt in Sonbhadra, Gorakhpur, Ghaziapur, Ballia, Chandauli and Mirzapur districts. On November 20, 2004 Naxalites blew up a police jeep in the forests of Chandauli with a landmine, killing 13 PAC and 4 police personnel In Maharashtra, Gadchiroli is particularly affected, though there are incidents in Bhandara, Chandrapur, Gondia and Nanded districts also. In Karnataka, Naxalites have been active in the Kudremukh area following government’s move to evict the tribals from the forests. On Feb. 11, 2005, Naxalites killed 6 policemen of the Karnataka State Reseve Police in Tumkur district.

• REASON FOR THE RISE OF NAXAL IN INDIA The factors which gave rise to Naxalism in the country are, unfortunately, very much present today also. The extent of poverty in the country continues to be abysmal. Land reforms remain a neglected area. Unemployment figures are high. Tribals have been getting a raw deal. Poor Governance in the rural and remote area is also the key reason of it. Government Effort Government have prepared a comprehensive 14-Point Plan to deal with the problem. There is special emphasis on the socio-economic development of the affected areas, and the state governments have been asked to ensure speedy implementation of land reforms. Infrastructure is being developed and there are plans to provide employment to the youth in the remote, backward areas. The National Tribal Policy seeks to protect the rights of tribals. How far these measures produce the intended results, however, remains to be seen.

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• Maoist Communist Centre

In its self-identity and political image, MCC represents the ‘hardline wing’ of the Naxalite movement. Completely banned, MCC leads an entirely underground existence.12 As a result, reliable information on MCC is difficult to obtain. Thefollowing account is based on a series of interviews with the MCC spokesperson vin Bihar in July-October 1996, as well as on some primary literature supplied by him.MCC was formed on 20 October 1969. The initial differences between the MCC and the CPI(ML) are spelt out in a document circulated by MCC in June 1971.13 MCC considered the CPI(ML)’s political line and practice until 1971 to suffer from ‘left deviationism’ and asserted that this trend would have to be opposed, like its right counterpart (represented by the CPI(M)).Even though MCC’s central critique of the CPI(ML) line was its then extreme position, paradoxically, it is MCC which today is faced with the accusation of being katarpanthi (extremist)in the Naxalite camp. Even before the ban of its open fronts in1994, MCC’s emphasis was on underground party action and its mass fronts were relatively confined. In its inner-party functioning, in particular in the implementation of the principle of democratic centralism, MCC is known to be more centralised than democratic. As it turns out, MCC has achieved little success in building a mass People’s Army for guerrilla warfare. Instead, it has become known for actions that have invited condemnation not only from bourgeois circles, but also from the Naxalite movement itself. For example, on several occasions MCC has retaliated against massacres by upper caste landlords by carrying out counter massacres of upper caste men. In fact, MCC leaders have threatened to kill four ‘class enemies’ for every victim of a massacre. Other examples of actions that have attracted wide criticism include brutal punishments in people’s courts (justified as ‘the will of the people’) and severe threats against those who participate in elections.MCC is most active in districts that are now part of Jharkhand. In central Bihar, it is considered to be strongest in Gaya, followed by parts of other districts such as Jehanabad, Aurangabad, and Patna.

• Charu Majumdar : The Initiator Of Naxal Concept

Charu Majumdar (1918–1972) was a communist revolutionary from India. He was born on 1918 in Siliguri, West Bengal. His father was a freedom fighter. He dropped out of college in 1938. In 1946,Maumdar joined the Tebhaga movement. He was briefly imprisoned in 1962.

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During the mid 1960s Majumdar and Kanu Sanyal organized a leftist faction in CPI(M) in northern Bengal. In 1967, a militant peasant uprising took place in Naxalbari, led by the Majumdar-Sanyal group. This group would later become known as the Naxalites. The same year, Majumdar and Sanyal broke away and formed the All India Coordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries. AICCCR founded the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) in 1969, with Majumdar as its General Secretary. He was captured from his hide-out on July 16,1972,and died in police custody at the Alipore.

He announced the formation of the original CPI (ML) on Lenin's birthday in 1969 at a public rally in Calcutta. He came out with the seminal Terai report on Indian revolution.

Sanyal proposed that the Jugantar revolutionaries be a highly secretive and cabalistic group who would periodically surface to commit acts of terrorism such as political assassinations and armory raids. Sanyal actively solicited help from the communist regime in neighboring China to further his goals. Sanyal had publicly declared on several occasions that he was receiving some kind of support from the Chinese government. It was never established as to whether that support was moral, tactical or financial. The Indian home ministry has argued that Sanyal only managed to obtain ideological support from China.

After the failure of the Naxalite uprising, Sanyal went into hiding. The death of his colleague Charu Majumdar was followed by the breakup of the Naxalite movement, and Sanyal claimed to have abandoned violent means and accept parliamentary practice as a form of revolutionary activity

• His Arrest : Violence in West Bengal

He was eventually cornered and arrested in August 1970. News of his arrest sparked of region-wide violence by the radical communists. CPI(ML) cadres destroyed property, raided and attacked educational institutions, and engaged in rioting. For seven years Sanyal was imprisoned in a jail in Andhra Pradesh.

Kanu Sanyal, born in 1932, is an Indian communist politician. He was one of the founding leaders of Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) formed in 1969. He was one of the key leaders behind the abortive Naxalite insurrection attempt by radical communist to initiate an "Indian revolution" by violent means.

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• Formation of COI(ML)

In 1985 Sanyal's faction along with five other groups, merged to form the Communist Organisation of India (Marxist-Leninist). Sanyal became the leader of COI(ML).

On January 18, 2006, Sanyal was arrested with fellow agitators for disrupting a Delhi-bound Rajdhani Express train at the New Jalpaiguri Railway Station near the hamlet of Siliguri, protesting against closures of tea gardens in the region.

• Location to Operate

The most prominent area of operation is a broad swatehe across the very hartland of India, often considered the least developed are of the country. The Naxalites operate mostly in the rural and Adivasi areas, often out of the continuous jungles in these regions. Their operations are most prominent in (From North to South) Jarkhand, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, eastern Maharashtra, the telengna (northwestern) region of Andhra Pradesh, and western Orissa. It will be seen that theses area are all inland, from the coastline The People’s War is active mainly in Andhra Pradesh, western Orissa and eastern Maharashtra while the Maoist Communist centre is active in Bihar, Jharkhand and Northern Chhattisgarh.

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• Movement to Peace : Salva Judam (Peace Campaign) : Recently though, the movement is betraying signs of flagging in the wake of Maoist retaliation. With grossly inadequate state security force deployment in the far-flung areas, the initiative of the tribals invited instant retaliation from the Naxalites who gheraoed over half-a-dozen villages with arms, burnt down many houses and attacked the villagers. They have also been kidnapping village leaders, including sarpanches and kotwars, for extending help to the government-sponsored drive against them. Even children and women of the leaders are being targeted. Maoists have already killed more than 60 people since end-June. More than 10,000 villagers — mostly women, children and the elderly — have reached the district police headquarters of Bijapur in search of safety. In Dantewada, 175 families migrated from their villages and had to take shelter in the district headquarters. To add to all this, the worst-ever naxal attack on security personnel, in which 24 crpf personnel were killed, has driven fear into the tribal populace. The state government has been ineffective in giving police protection to the villagers, but some leaders have been kept confined in the nearest police station premises since the attacks started. The Nagaland police battalion and Chhattisgarh police saf and crpf are deployed at rallies for protection against the Naxalites. The police is trying to counter the Naxal retaliation through pamphlets in local languages and Hindi asking villagers to kill Naxalites who are damaging roads, bridges and destroying trees to block traffic. ‘‘Bastar Bachao-Naxali Bhagao” slogans have been painted on the walls of buildings in the area. On the pattern of the Maoists’ organisational hierarchy, the police have set up a parallel organisation. The Jan Jagaran Samiti in the South West division of Bastar was formed to promote the anti-Naxalite campaign. The state government claims the campaign is getting an overwhelming response. Ram Vichar Netam said the reaction against the Naxalites is spontaneous. Describing the anti-Naxal campaign as “historic and unprecedented,” he added that the tribals of Bastar have been denied the benefit of development schemes reaching their villages

People Power: Villagers brave the elements to turn out for a demonstration Photo by Rupesh Yadav

The apprehension of selective reprisals has led to a withdrawal of open support to the movement, contrary to the state’s claims of increasing public support. Senior police officials rue the government’s failure to seize the opportunity

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by the Naxalites. Raman Singh, equated the campaign with the Satyagraha of Mahatma Gandhi against colonial rule. The apprehension of more selective reprisals in future has, however, led to a withdrawal of open support to the movement, the state government’s claims of increasing public support notwithstanding. Senior police officials are concerned that Salva Judum would have achieved bigger goals had the state government taken proactive steps in steering it in the right direction. On condition of anonymity, some senior police officials, who have experience of handling Naxalite-violence or of terrorism in Punjab at its peak, confided that the state government has failed in leveraging the opportunity. “Such an opportunity does not come often. People have collectively determined to root out the menace that has crippled growth for the last two-and-a-half decades. The movement should have been dealt with in a more professional and proactive manner. More funds and security personnel should have been directed to the area to give a sense of security to the people for them to come out more openly. However, the state government lost precious time, which the Naxalites have used to full effect to crush the movement,” a senior police official said. Another officer rubbished the administration’s apprehension that the 12 bore rifles to be given to the Gram Suraksha Vahinis might fall into Naxals’ hands, “It is an open secret that Naxals have sophisticated weapons in their arsenal. They have ak-47s, ak-56s, snipers, rocket launchers, gelatin sticks and bomb devices. In fact, they are in possession of state-of-the-art equipment to detect our radio frequencies. Under these circumstances, the view that they would be eyeing the rifles is misplaced.” He feels that the government should have constituted village security committees and promptly given them such weapons to give them a sense of confidence. It is to be noted here that the chief minister while speaking to some media men informed that he had intelligence reports to the effect that Maoists leaders from across the country are now in Bastar in a bid to foil Salva Judum. While the movement loses vigour, political parties in the state capital, Raipur, are divided over the way it is being led and operated. While it is an open secret that the movement has got all support from the state government, it denies any active role. Sharp differences have arisen within the ruling bjp as well as the Opposition Congress over the person at the forefront of the movement: Mahendra Karma, the Leader of Opposition in the state Assembly and a senior tribal leader. Hailing from Dantewada district — the worst Naxal-affected district in the state —Karma has a long history of opposing Naxalites. When he took up the lead, there was no opposition on the state government’s part, perhaps to give a sense of

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belongingness to the tribals associating with the movement. However, resentment in ruling party circles is brewing. The bjp leadership was averse to give the leadership and credit of the movement to a person from the Congress camp. The issue came up at several party meetings in the recent past. But given the fact that Karma has been leading the movement, and the bjp doesn’t have a leader of his stature, mass acceptability and deep knowledge of Bastar, the party has shied away from exerting any additional pressure on the government. On the other hand, the Congress camp has also seen much dissention to Karma’s leadership of the movement. Several Congress leaders have blamed Karma for the death of the 60-odd tribals who have been killed by Naxalites since Salva Judum began. Ajit Jogi, the former chief minister, termed it a ‘failed movement’, and said that Karma, a Congressman, should not lead it. According to Jogi, unless people have the weapons to fight Naxalites and safeguard themselves, no movement of this nature would succeed. Rajendra Pambhoi, an MLA from Karma’s district of Dantewada, has also demanded strong action against him by the party for leading the movement.

• Central Government directions to the State governments

Each of these problems need to be dealt with in different ways. There is a call for a closer co-operation between Center and states. Even the problems are in a single state but encompass several states. In a federal and unitery in nature like Government such as Ours, where the law and order is a state subject. States have to maintain law and order strictly. Without this, economic development is impossible and also it threatens our unity, stablity and democracy. The followings are the measures taken by the Central Government to the state governments in accordance with law and order. 1) Modernisation of State Police in terms of Modern Weaponry, Communication, Mobility and Infrastructure. 2) Revision of Security Related Expediture (SRE) scheem. 3) Supply of Mine Protected Vehicles. 4) Long-term deployment of Cetral Para Military Forces.

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5) Sanctioned Indian Reserve Battalion mainly to strengthen security apparatus. 6) Recruitment in Central Para Millitary Force and ect., In order to ensure accelerated Socio-economic development and justice in Social, Economic and Political to the naxal affected areas, the states are asked to do the followings. 1. Effective implementation of the land reforms and Panjayat Raj institutions. 2. Formulating a resettlement and rehabilitation policy for displaced tribes. 3. Improving Good -governance. 4. Setting up better delivery system for people centric/people driven development programmes in the Naxal affected districts. 5. Providing proper and fullest utilisation of various funds allocated to the respective states in various scheems like.

• Bharat Nirman

• National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheem

• BDI, BRGF, PMGSY and Mid day Meal Scheemect.,

• Surrender Scheme

The Ministry of Home affairs has requested all the Naxal affected states to implement the " SURRENDER-CUM-REHABILITATION" scheem for the Naxalites who want to shun and join in the majority interest of the mainstream Government. For this scheem centre has provided assistance to the state governments. Recently, the Jharkhand govt has offered monthly allowance of Rs.2000, Life insurence worth Rs.10 lakh, vocational training for two years, one acre agri-land and free education to the Naxalites and their families.

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• Conclusion :-

The approach to the Naxalites problems needs a blend of firm but sophisticated, handling of Naxalites violence with sensitive handling of the developmental aspects. Government cannot blame the Naxals, because they are also the subjects of the nation. But their violence is not acceptable by the government. Naxal groups have been raising mainly land and livelihood related issues and they blame the Government settings and Bureaucracy. For a dabate, if a plan or Government establishment are changed in accordance with their likes, then they can not assure that even in those establishment also a naxalism which was handled by them will not rise its head again. Now, India has benn facing many challenges like Equality, Jutice (in Social, Economic and Political), Liberty, Fraternity, Peoples' economic development through high economic growth rate and Defence ect.,. These are all the difficult values to be satisfied by India which is a responsive welfare provider. Overcoming and concentrating on the Naxlism gives extra burden to the administration. We spend bulk of money which is the contribution of tax payers(citizens) for the high growth rate in Indian economy and welfare activities, to control the Naxalism through various measures. If Government look after the issue more seriously then we can definitely root out the burning issue from the country.