muslims in colorado: from a novelty religion to a thriving community
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Muslims in Colorado: From a NoveltyReligion to a Thriving CommunityPatrick D. BowenPublished online: 13 Oct 2009.
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Muslims in Colorado: From a Novelty Religion to aThriving Community
PATRICK D. BOWEN
Abstract
In the US state of Colorado the Muslim population has grown ten-fold over the last
half century. Consequently, the state has had to adjust from having little contact
with non-Muslims to communicating with them on a regular basis. This article
first presents the historical development of Colorado’s Muslim community and the
difficulties it has faced in the wake of recent world political events. The article
then describes the growth of Colorado’s interfaith community and its interaction
with the Muslim ummah. In Colorado, Muslim/non-Muslim interfaith activities
have increased exponentially since the mid-1990s, especially since September 11,
2001, due to the increased interest of various groups which have attempted to
understand and teach each other about their respective world views. Currently
there is at least one interfaith event every week in the state. As a result of this inter-
action, the Colorado Muslim community has become more integrated into the
Colorado community-at-large, not only religiously, but also socially and politically.
Introduction
During the past 25 years, Colorado’s Muslim community has quadrupled, making
it increasingly visible and subsequently the target of attention and discrimination. In
response, members of the Colorado religious communities have initiated several inter-
faith dialogue groups which have seen a surge in participation especially since September
11, 2001. This essay will first examine the history of Muslims in Colorado, highlighting
their population surge in the 1980s and 1990s and the accompanying discrimination.
It will also present a historical description of the concomitant growth of Colorado’s
interfaith community. While current literature has examined modern Muslim minority
communities and interfaith dialogues separately, expositions of their interactions over
time have not been expanded on completely. Over the last 30 years these two Colorado
communities have developed a network of ties which have created a particularly strong
relationship today.1
Population
The population estimates of Colorado’s Muslim community today are not very exact.
For the United States as a whole, in fact, there is a wide range of estimates, from 1
million to 6.5 or even 7 million Muslims in the country. Due to Public Law 94-521
(1976), the Census Bureau is restricted from asking for religious affiliation. In addition,
there were no official attempts to measure the population by religion before the year
2000. The Association of Religion Data Archives estimated Denver’s Muslim population
in 2000 to be 14,855.2 This seems particularly small when compared with estimates
Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, Vol. 29, No. 3, September 2009
ISSN 1360-2004 print/ISSN 1469-9591 online/09/030345-10 # 2009 Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs
DOI: 10.1080/13602000903166614
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given by the local Muslim leaders throughout the years. The Association of Religion
Data Archives’ method of contacting religious centers for information—which does
not account for the many small mosques that are reticent to talk to outsiders, the
many individuals who are scared to admit their affiliation out of fear of government or
civilian harassment, and the fact that the majority of US Muslims are not members of
mosques—makes their number seem questionable, though it does account for a possible
overlap of membership. The Lewis Mumford Center for Comparative Urban and
Regional Research at the University of Albany also estimates close to 14,000, but uses
an alternative method.3 Their research involves taking official numbers from the 2000
US census and counting all people as Muslim who identify themselves as natives or des-
cendants of natives from all-Muslim countries. This method fails to account for the fact
that some members of those countries were not in fact Muslims (perhaps the reason for
their emigration), nor does it account for the fact that some Muslims came from non-
Muslim countries such as India, nor does it account for the growing numbers of
African American, Anglo American and Latino Muslims. Lastly, Adherents.com,
which compiles its own list of religious populations, references a Denver newspaper
article that estimates ten thousand Muslims living in Colorado currently.4 However,
newspaper articles often receive their information solely from members of the Muslim
community who could have a vested interest in exaggerating their numbers.
Despite these problems, one cannot deny that there was surge in the Muslim population
growth during the 1980s and early 1990s. The sheer number of Islamic institutions estab-
lished in Colorado during and since that time reflects this surge. Some ascribe this swelling
to the US oil boom in the mid-1980s as well as an increasing number of South Asian,
Middle Eastern and North African people who have been emigrating in search of a
better standard of living. In my interviews with Muslim leaders throughout the state, I
have heard a wide variety of estimates of today’s Muslim population from as few as
15,000 to as high as 50,000. In this paper I will present estimates that seem to generally
follow the trend of growing Muslim organizations. That the estimate of 15,000 was con-
sistently used throughout the 1990s, and the likelihood that the formal estimates might be
somewhat undershot, suggests that the current Colorado Muslim population is around
25,000, with probably 20,000 in Denver. The population of Colorado in 2000 was 4.3
million—making the Muslim population less than one percent of the total. However,
it is important to note that while Colorado’s population has tripled since the 1950s,
its Muslim population has increased at least ten-fold, and appears to be still growing.5
History
Early Muslim arrival in Colorado followed a pattern of trickling immigration. Around
1900, a few Muslim prairie peddlers came to Colorado with the first wave of Middle
Eastern immigrants to the US.6 They were mostly Syrian and Lebanese men who
usually intermarried with local Christian women. In 1914, Kamiss Mahmoud Shelby
arrived from Palestine. He would become Denver’s only imam for the next 30 years.
During that time, Shelby oversaw only two Muslim wedding ceremonies—one of
which was for a family from Utah who came to Denver because Shelby was the closest
imam.7 Throughout the years, Shelby gave sermons (khutba) in Denver and Wyoming.
In 1933, he was quoted as saying Denver was home to “less than ten” Muslim residents.8
The Muslim community remained very small through the 1950s. In July 1957, a local
newspaper noted that 28 Muslims gathered for prayer in a Denver park for the
Bairam feast.9
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Though the Muslim community was still small, consisting of around 200 families in
the 1950s, a group of about seven men formed the Colorado Muslim Society (CMS)
as a way to keep the community together. Because the community was so small, just
to survive, the members had to overlook each other’s theological (Sunni and Shi’a),
cultural and ethnic (Arab, Afghan, Egyptian, Indian, Pakistani, etc.), and political differ-
ences. CMS was therefore apolitical and focused on observing, preserving and practicing
the fundamental traditions of the Islamic culture. Whenever possible, two or three
families would meet in each other’s home for worship and discussions. Soon, they
moved to a church basement to accommodate the slowly growing Muslim population
that was immigrating since the United States passing of the Immigration and Nationality
Act in 1965. In 1974, CMS purchased its own building, a small house, which accommo-
dated close to 200 people.
In the 1970s, international students from Muslim countries including the wealthy
Arab nations: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, United Arab Emirates, represented a
major component of the Muslim community. Moreover, their membership in CMS
became close to a majority. Relying on their number and generous donations, they press-
ured to control the Society’s management. However, because the students were predo-
minantly non-citizens and transient, the resident Muslim community, objected and
resisted their interference in the affairs of the Society. The problem became eminent
during the process of revising the Society’s constitution. The newly revised Constitution
resolved the problem by combining the students together with non-resident community
members who have non-voting Associate Membership status.
Additionally, during the early 1980s, and for convenience, the students purchased a
house near the University of Denver (DU), and used it for their worship. As it became
crowded, because the overflowing resident community began to join them there, the stu-
dents sold the house and bought a larger building. Due to the 1980s recession, the unset-
tling conditions in the Middle East, and the Iraq/Iran war, hundreds of students
departed to their home countries. Their governments felt the students were potentially
at risk and called them to return. The building these students left behind eventually
became the current community-run Islamic center named The Denver Islamic Society.
Other mosques began to appear in the 1970s. Muhammad Mosque 51 was granted the
status of being the first official Nation of Islam mosque in Colorado in 1972. Within a few
more years, Masjid Al-Haqq, a Sunni African American mosque was started. By 1980,
there were an estimated 3,000 Muslims in Denver, and Colorado college towns had
several groups forming. That year, the Greeley Islamic Center was formed and the Uni-
versity of Colorado (CU) at Boulder students started their chapter of the Muslim Stu-
dents Association (MSA). Reshad Field, of the Sufi Mevlevi order, began teaching
classes in Boulder in 1976, and other tekkes (Sufi meeting places) began springing up
in the 1980s for the Chisti, Naqshbandi, and Jerrahi orders. Also, in Fort Collins, a
city 45 miles north of Denver and home of Colorado State University (CSU), a
Muslim community emerged in 1980. They acquired a former church to establish
their first Islamic center, following the formation of the CSU MSA in 1978. The follow-
ing year, both the Sunni Denver Islamic Society (DIS) and the Wahhabi-Sunni Islamic
Center of Boulder (ICB) opened their doors to serve the mushrooming population. In
1983, the CMS built Denver’s first distinctly “Muslim” mosque with the features of a
dome and minaret. The 10,000 square foot mosque was built in a southeast Denver
suburb. By then, the Muslim population had doubled its 1980 numbers.
By 1992, the local press said there were 15,000 Muslims in Colorado.10 The following
year, community members organized the first Muslim school, the Crescent View
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Academy, in the building of their Islamic center. However, because of strong enrollment
and limited space at the CMS, in 1994 they purchased another building nearby. The
school is still in use and provides instruction from kindergarten through eighth grade.
Like similar schools throughout the country, it instructs students on subjects such as
history, math and science, but also teaches Arabic and Qur’anic studies—while offering
the children an environment that does not require students to adjust their schedules for
non-Muslim related holidays (such as days off for Thanksgiving) and provides special
holidays for Muslim festivals such as the two Eids.
The rest of the 1990s were marked with more expansion. In 1995, the first Shi’a
community center was established in a west Denver neighborhood. The next year saw
the installation of two prayer spaces at the Denver International Airport: one inside
for travelers and one outside for Muslim taxi drivers. About 30 Indian and Pakistani
Shi’a Muslims formed the Imamia Education Society (IES) in 1998, which promoted
religious and cultural programs, including youth activities. In the following year, while
the CMS was seeing 500 regular attendees to its Friday prayers, Masjid Ikhlas opened
in a northern Denver suburb. A year later, some members of Masjid Al-Haqq left it
and formed Masjid Shuhada’a and the North East Denver Islamic Center. Both commu-
nities follow the teachings of Waris D. Muhammad. By 2001, the Fort Collins Muslim
community, which had grown from 200 people in 1980 to 1,200, was beginning to
plan for the building of a new mosque. However, as has been the trend throughout
the US,11 no mosques have been constructed in Colorado since September 11, 2001
following the terrorist bombings in New York and Washington.
Encountering Local Challenges
As the Muslim population in Colorado grew, so did the amount of controversy between
the local Muslim and non-Muslim communities. When the CMS built Colorado’s only
traditional-looking mosque in the early 1980s, residents of the suburban community
opposed it at city council meetings. When CMS prepared to make an addition to the
mosque in the late 1990s, residents spoke up again, but to no avail. Prior to 1991,
there were no headlines about violence towards Muslims. However, during the Iraq
war in 1991, there were several reported incidents of Muslims students being harassed.12
That same year, the basketball team Denver Nuggets’ point guard Mahmoud Abdul
Rauf (formerly Chris Jackson) caused a stir by converting to Islam—several newspaper
articles detailed how his Gulfport, Mississippi hometown was overwhelmingly disap-
pointed in his conversion.13 After the Oklahoma City bombing in 1995, various
Muslim groups were threatened again—despite the CMS publicly condemning vio-
lence.14 In 1996, Nuggets player Abdul Rauf made national headlines again by refusing
to stand during the national anthem before NBA games, citing religious reasons, despite
the CMS’ (Abdul Rauf’s main place of worship) statement that they did not support the
action.15 Nevertheless, soon local “shock jock” DJs went to the CMS mosque with a
trumpet and bugle playing the “Star Spangled Banner” during the middle of a prayer.
The DJs were fired. Between 1998 and 1999, local papers cited “several” reports of
hate crimes against Muslims, including two murders of Muslim immigrants and
threats made by a man who was arrested with bomb-making material, four guns and
1,000 rounds of ammunition.16
After September 11, 2001, there was a marked increase in discrimination against
Muslims in Colorado—despite CMS’ repeated condemnation of terrorism.17 Hate
crimes doubled in the fourth quarter of 2001, making the total number that year 18.18
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These crimes included threatening phone calls to Muslims and Muslim organizations,
threats made in public and vandalism (broken windows, fires set, blood and graffiti splat-
tered on walls of mosques). Some mosques required 24-hour police surveillance for
several weeks following the attacks. Because of fear of violence and US government
pressure on individuals and organizations (e.g. not explicitly stating what an acceptable
Islamic organization is), more Middle Eastern Muslims began returning to their native
countries.19 Often, they were members of mosques to which they made large financial
donations. Furthermore, because of government scrutiny of Muslim non-profits,
Muslims began to withdraw from mosque participation. Without these donations,
Denver’s Shi’a mosque, Masjid Ahl-al-Beit, began experiencing financial problems20
and, because of a lawsuit filed by its main imam against the mosque, most members
left and created other Shi’a groups since 2004.
Post 9/11 Experience
Colorado was not alone in seeing a spike in hate crimes in the months immediately
following September 11—this was the trend throughout the US. And, like other states,
Colorado’s reported hate crimes significantly reduced in 2002 to three reported
incidents.21 That year, an MSA at the University of Colorado was formed, along with
the group Muslims Intent on Learning and Activism (MILA). Because a large percentage
of Colorado (and US) Muslims do not register themselves at a mosque (for example, at
CMS’ 2007 Ramadan Eid prayer, 2,000 people attended although there are only about
750 official members of the mosque) some members of the Muslim community
decided to organize a non-profit, focusing on Islamic education and charity—with the
hope of overcoming theological and cultural differences between the increasingly
separate Muslim groups in Denver. However, today they have around 300 members
and only between 30 and 50 who participate regularly.
Other groups continued to form in the community. In 2003, the Multicultural Mosaic
Foundation (MMF) was established. The MMF is a growing international movement
composed of primarily Turkish Muslims who follow the teachings of Fethullah Gulen.
Also, while Iraqi members of the Masjid Ahl-al-Beit continued attending there, others
began to funnel into two disparate groups. With roughly 60 participants each at impor-
tant prayers, the Imamia Education Society for South Asian Shi’as and an Islamic center
for Persian Shi’as have flourished and are open to worshippers from any ethnic and
national background. In addition, there has also been increased participation in national
organizations like the Muslim Youth Foundation and Muslim American Society, though
neither group has maintained strong support. Statewide, the Colorado Muslim Council
holds a monthly meeting for Colorado imams to establish consistent dates for the start
and finish of Muslim holidays (because they are dependent on the sighting of the
moon as they follow the lunar calendar which can be interpreted differently).
However, this Council does not have consistent participation and does not represent
a true unified coalition.
In the last decade, the ethnic backgrounds of Colorado Muslims have diversified. With
the increased media attention to Islam since the late 1990s, many Anglo and some Latino
residents have converted to Islam. Also, because of recent conflicts and economic pro-
blems in Muslim African states, there has been a significant increase in Sudanese, Mor-
occans, and especially Somali immigrants. At the same time, Middle Eastern students
are slowly beginning to re-enter Colorado universities. In Denver’s north suburb, North-
glenn, a significant Afghani community has emerged and has even set up its own
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mosque. Nevertheless, neither the Afghani community, nor any other Muslim commu-
nity in Colorado, has created any sort of “neighborhood” similar to those that have been
observed in larger US cities. Generally, though, several mosques are located in southeast
Denver and its adjoining suburbs. Because Colorado Muslims, like their brethren
throughout the US, are typically well-educated, there is an effort amongst some to live
on that side of town as it is closest to Denver’s most elite school district, Cherry Creek.
Despite the increasing number of Muslim groups, discrimination against Colorado
Muslims has not been completely thwarted. The CMS was vandalized with hate graffiti
in 200322 and received bomb threats after the death of a US soldier in Iraq in 2004.23
The federal government detained Denver resident Haroon Rashid from 2002 to 2006
and failed to produce evidence of his terrorist involvements.24 Other incidents include
a remark by Colorado Representative Tom Tancredo that the US should bomb Mecca
as a way of ending all terrorism; five reported incidents of Denver talk radio hosts
making discriminatory remarks about Islam and Muslims in 2007; and multiple
gunshots were fired at the Greeley mosque that same year.25 For many members of
the Muslim and Christian community alike, these discriminatory incidents and world
events over the past 25 years have been the impetus for interfaith dialogue.
Interfaith Dialogue: Moving Forward
Before the 1980s, there were just a handful of instances when a Muslim spoke as a repre-
sentative of his/her faith to a non-Muslim audience. These meetings transpired via
church invitations to a few prominent Denver Muslims. But for the majority, the only
opportunity for most Colorado non-Muslims to hear about Islam from Colorado
Muslims throughout the first 80 years of the twentieth century was through the sporadic
newspaper interviews with members of the Muslim community. Those articles’ purpose,
primarily, was to describe Muslim rituals and beliefs—they were only newsworthy in the
sense that their practices were unique in Colorado. However, as the Colorado Muslim
population increased and world affairs made it seem more and more rational to work
out peaceful solutions for relations with the Middle East, members of the Colorado
religious community began working on interfaith dialogue, following in the footsteps
of other national and international religious groups.
Colorado interfaith dialogue did not commence with the inclusion of the Muslim
community because of its small size. Small “interfaith” groups before the 1980s were
primarily focused on work between disparate Christian churches. Leaders from the
various religious communities in Colorado began to talk regularly and, in 1985, clergy
from various Jewish and Christian groups began formally meeting as the Denver Area
Interfaith Clergy Conference (DAICC). At the time, because the CMS imam spoke
little English, the Muslim community was not involved. The DAICC dissolved in the
mid 1990s without ever having a Muslim representative. However, during the late
1980s, some members from the DAICC decided to begin interfaith work with lay
people, this time including the Muslim community.
The first major interfaith group that included Muslims began in the fall of 1988.
During the previous spring, a representative from the US Interreligious Committee
for Peace in the Middle East met with the executive director of the Colorado Council
of Churches, Gil Horn, who had also been involved with the DAICC. The result of
the meeting was the creation of a Denver chapter of the committee. The group had up
to five representatives from each of the Abrahamic traditions, each religion had
members of both sexes and both lay people and religious professionals. Although the
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focus remained on peace in the Middle East, interfaith dialogue grew to be the most
valued aspect. Each meeting would be held at various members’ homes and places of
worship which provided participants the opportunity to get to know members from
other faiths on a personal level. Sometimes, though, differences in opinion over political
issues (especially the Palestine-Israel conflict) threatened to fracture the group, but it
survived until 1995. In 1989, a rabbi from the group invited a Palestinian Muslim to
speak at his temple—a first in Denver. Other issues the group faced were: inhibition of
opinions to maintain group harmony, which consequently prevented the airing out of
true ideas; because it took time and several meetings to build good relationships with
others, when new members came into the group it would require much effort to cultivate
new relationships, especially when they had to deal with political issues; because there
was not a solid agenda, attention to the group eventually started to dwindle, eventually
leading to its dissolving. One tangible result from the Committee was their efforts to get
the Denver airport to build a prayer center for Muslims, which was completed in 1996.26
The next major group for interfaith activities coalesced after the death of Gil Horn in
1998. Members of the Colorado religious community wanted to continue Horn’s legacy
and started a chapter of the Interfaith Alliance. The Colorado chapter, like its national
counterpart (started in 1992), continues to function today with two goals: interfaith dia-
logue with all religions and supporting public policy that aids religious tolerance. The
group has five different commissions run by an almost all-volunteer staff; there are
over 800 people on its mailing list; and it sponsors around ten activities including
public policy forums, dialogues, and an annual music event that draws nearly 700
people. Members of the Muslim community usually participate in the dialogues, but
are not well represented in the public policy area. However, they are not unlike many
other Colorado religious groups in this respect, as many communities do not want to
be involved in political issues. Nevertheless, the Interfaith Alliance exhibited a striking
show of solidarity with the Muslim community as its members, and those of the
Unitarian church linked hands and encircled the CMS mosque on September 21,
2001 after CMS had received numerous threats.
In 2001, as a new housing community was being constructed in the Denver Stapleton
area, the development company for the project asked religious leaders to advise them
about the religious aspects of the community in order to ensure that people from all
faiths would have equal representation in planning decisions. Following the Columbus
Day protests in 2000, various clergy from the Christian Ecumenical Ministries Inc.
talked about working on dialogue to bridge the gap between Denver communities—
this group would be their opportunity. Thus Stapleton Interfaith group was formed
and has continued to grow, with a welcome center for the community, and some
members now teach courses in religion at a Denver Johnson and Wales University site.
Recently, they sponsored the Conference on the Conversion of Science and Spirituality.
Also in early 2001, members of the religious community began to take notice that the
Muslim community was isolated. In the midst of conversations between several Muslims
and Christian leaders, September 11 caused many Christian communities to suddenly
have hostile views towards Muslims. In response, in 2002 the Abrahamic Initiative
was established to foster religious dialogue between the Muslim, Christian and Jewish
communities—leaving political views aside. The group puts together about ten events
per year which are made up of dialogues, panels and speakers (often internationally
known). Like the Interfaith Alliance, the Abrahamic Initiative has roughly 800 people
on its mailing list and averages around 50 attendees to their events. Often, participants
at these events convene later for dinners in members’ homes. Sometimes, these dinners
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have up to 50 attendees, who come to these events to gain better personal relationships
with each other as individuals.
In 2007, an unrelated formal dinner group was created called Common Tables. In that
group, people meet with a set roster of people four times over six months, changing
locations each time (usually a home), to encourage becoming personally acquainted
with each other in a relaxed environment. Common Tables also has around 800
people signed up. Numerous other smaller interfaith groups have sprouted throughout
Colorado: The Thanksgiving interfaith service, Network of Spiritual Progressives
(NSP), Common Voice, the Pikes Peak Interfaith Council, the Pueblo Interfaith
Council, the Multi-Faith Coalition of Northern Colorado, Fort Collins Area Interfaith
Council (Christian), Interfaith Hospitality Network of Greater Denver (homeless
shelter), Seeking Common Ground (dialogue for teens), Tent of Abraham, Hagar and
Sarah, and other small groups. In addition, various religious centers have initiated
dialogues on an ad hoc basis, sometimes inviting people from different religions when
the parishioners feel a particular desire to reach out.
The Role of Academia
Academic institutions have also seen a swelling of interfaith activities since the late
1990s. One of the earliest efforts came from Colorado College, a Christian University,
which shifted to an interfaith direction in 1988 when it hired its new chaplain. The
school felt that it was necessary to address the diversifying campus because they felt prac-
tice in dialogue would be a skill that would become more and more useful in the future.
In 2002, they opened an interfaith house where students from different faiths live
together. Regis University, a Catholic school, started the Institute on the Common
Good in 1996, hosting various Nobel Prize winners and religious speakers, in addition
to arranging dialogue sessions. In 2005, Colorado State University’s United Campus
Ministries Center changed its name to the Geller Center and also shifted its focus to
promoting interfaith dialogue. The decision to change the direction of the center came
as a response to the new trend in higher education to provide dialogue and give students
an accessible way to explore various faiths. The University of Denver also followed suit in
2007 when they hired a chaplain to promote those ideals on campus. Prior to hiring a
chaplain, in 1997 DU created a Religious Advisory Council that involved school officials,
local clergy, and professors from nearby Iliff School of Theology. One of their main
programs has been Bridges to the Future, a group that brings in well-known speakers
to discuss interfaith issues. The school also has an incipient interfaith student group
and a student interfaith dialogue run through its Center for Multicultural Excellence.
The University of Colorado and University of Northern Colorado also have dialogue
programs, though neither emphasize interfaith dialogue. CU, however, has held
interfaith dinners with Muslims and faculty in the past.27
The most identifiable Muslim interfaith group has been MILA, which has consistently
worked with Abrahamic Initiative events by attending, participating, and sponsoring.
MILA, like many Colorado mosques, has also participated in small, one-church dialo-
gues. The CMS has had several of its members over the years participate in the interfaith
groups and in small interfaith activities at churches, primary schools, and secondary
schools. When they do this interfaith work, they often invite participants to come visit
the mosque (making clear, though, they are not trying to convert them)—some
schools even ask to take tours of the mosque. The CMS mosque has recently participated
more in the greater Denver community by partaking in an interfaith prayer for the mayor
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in 2003, becoming a polling site in 2004 and hosting an annual open house beginning in
2006. All the MSA’s throughout Colorado have participated in some sort of interfaith
activity, whether it be hosting a table for a religious diversity day on campus or actually
participating in dialogues. The Northeast Denver Islamic Center has made a strong
effort in interfaith relations as well, creating the Greater Denver Interfaith Alliance
and the interfaith Guidance behind the Walls which provides prison parolees spiritual
and financial support as they readjust to society.
Still, although many Colorado Muslim groups and individuals have shown a much
greater interest in interfaith work in the last ten years, some groups do not participate
in it. Often, because these groups are small, they feel they cannot afford to chance
becoming embroiled in controversy through difficulties in dialogue—a reality that has
been experienced by some Muslims in Colorado, most often in discussions about the
Palestinian–Israeli conflict.
Conclusion
In Colorado, Islam has grown from being a novelty religion to a thriving community that
participates in many social, political and economic areas of civil society. Especially in the
last 20 years, the development of the community has been countenanced by Colorado’s
bourgeoning multi-faith population. Today, there is nearly one interfaith event every
week, most mosques readily welcome visitors, and, despite a few aberrations, conflict
between Muslims and non-Muslims has been relatively rare. In addition, there has
been a visible growth in the number of converts to Islam. Interfaith work has provided
the Muslim community with means to become involved in the Colorado community-
at-large and has therefore assisted in the establishment of a strong, self-sustaining
minority Muslim community.
NOTES
1. Thanks are due to all the members of the Muslim and interfaith communities who provided me with
information and answered my questions. I would also like to express special thanks to Dr. Mohamed
Nabil Hamdy for his assistance in the final stages of this paper.
2. The Association of Religion Data Archives, “State Membership Report: Colorado”, 2002, available
online at: ,http://www.thearda.com/mapsReports/reports/state/08_2000.asp. (accessed 23
February 2008).
3. Lewis Mumford Center for Comparative Urban and Regional Research, “Counting White and Black
Subgroups”, available online at: ,http://mumford1.dyndns.org/cen2000/BlackWhite/Diversity
BWDataPages/2080msaBWCt.htm. (accessed 23 February 2008).
4. Adherents.com, “Islam”, available online at: ,http://adherents.com/Na/Na_334.html. (accessed
23 February 2008).
5. Leon F. Bouvier and Sharon McCloe Stein, “Colorado’s Population in 2050: A Road Paved With
Good Intentions”, available online at: ,http://www.npg.org/poll0301/colorado.pdf. (accessed
23 February 2008).
6. Jane I. Smith and Karen Isaksen Leonard, “United States of America”, in The Oxford Encyclopedia of
the Islamic World, ed. John L. Esposito, New York: Oxford University Press, 1995. Oxford Islamic
Studies Online database, available online at: ,http://0-www.oxfordislmicstudies.com.bianca.penlib.
du.edu:80/article. (accessed 23 February 2008).
7. “Bride Just an Onlooker during Mohammedan Wedding in Denver”, Rocky Mountain News, 4
December 1943.
8. H. M. Tenny, “Ten Mohammedans Residents of Denver, Says Former Priest”, RockyMountain News,
26 February 1933.
9. George Brown, “Moslems Pray Toward Mecca as Islam Holy Rites Begin”, The Denver Post, 8
July 1957.
Muslims in Colorado 353
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10. “Muslims Fast to Observe Ramadan: An Estimated 15,000 in State Follow Tradition During Islam
Holy Month”, Rocky Mountain News, 5 March 1992.
11. Vincent F. Biondo III, “The Architecture of Mosques in the US and Britain”, Journal of Muslim
Minority Affairs, Vol. 26, No. 3, 2006, pp. 399–420.
12. “Young Arab-Americans Say They’re Called a ‘Terrorist’ or ‘Son of Saddam Hussein’ in a Show of
Prejudice at School: Classmates’ Taunts Sting”, Rocky Mountain News, 21 January 1991.
13. “Jackson Conversion Stuns Friends: Nugget’s Move toward Islam Leaves Hometown in an Uproar”,
Rocky Mountain News, 9 August 1991.
14. “Bomb Scares Put Area on Edge: School and Offices Searched”, Rocky Mountain News, 21 April
1995.
15. “Effort to Sway Abdul-Rauf Failed: Muslim Leader Tried to Urge Nuggets Star to Obey Rule”, Rocky
Mountain News, 14 March 1996.
16. James Brooke, “Colorado Man is Suspected of Planning Mosque Attack”, The New York Times,
13 May 1999.
17. Jean Torkelson, “7 Colorado Muslim Leaders Sign Declaration to Fight Terrorism”, Rocky Mountain
News, 28 July 2005.
18. “Fallout of Hatred—FBI Reports that Crimes Doubled after Terror Attacks”, Rocky Mountain News,
December 2002; “Colorado: Hate Crimes Rise 50% after 9/11 Attacks”, Washington Crime News
Service, 17 January 2003, available online at: ,http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_ga3985/is_
200301/ai_n9203989. (accessed 2 December 2007).
19. “Some Students from Mideast Going Home Because of Fear”, Rocky Mountain News, 21 September
2001.
20. Jim Kehl, “Islamic Groups Report U.S. Scrutiny Causing Them Financial Woes”, The Denver Post,
15 November 2002.
21. “Anti-Islamic Graffiti Removed”, Rocky Mountain News, 1 November 2003.
22. Ibid.
23. “Denver Mosque Receiving Threats,” TheDenverChannel.com, 13 May 2004, available online at:
,http://www.thedenverchannel.com/print/3301210/detail.htm. (accessed 2 December 2007).
24. “Eid Works to Build Muslim Trust”, Rocky Mountain News, 19 May 2007; John Ingold, “Charges
against Local Pakistanis Labeled ‘Absurd’”, The Denver Post, 2 April 2003.
25. “Tancredo: If They Nuke Us, Bomb Mecca”, FoxNews.com, 18 July 2005, available online at:
,http://www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,162795,00.html. (accessed 23 February 2008); “Local
Muslim Leader Gets Air Time to Respond to Clear Channel Host’s Bigoted Remarks”, Colorado
Media Matters, 20 June 2007, available online at: ,http://colorado.mediamatters.org/items/printable/200706200001. (accessed 9 December 2007); Vanessa Delgado, “Greeley Mosque
Damaged by Apparent Gunfire”, The Tribune, 18 May 2007.
26. Jane I Smith, “Christian-Muslim-Jewish Dialogue in Denver, Colorado”, Muslim-Christian Dialogue:
Promise and Problems, eds M. Darrol Bryant and Syed A. Ali, St. Paul, MN: Paragon House, 1998,
pp. 253–262.
27. “Muslims Gather to Dispel Myths About Islam”, Rocky Mountain News, 5 December 2001.
354 Patrick D. Bowen
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