morris dimensions antecedents consequences emotional labor

The Dimensions, Antecedents, and Consequences of Emotional LaborAuthor(s): J. Andrew Morris and Daniel C. FeldmanSource: The Academy of Management Review, Vol. 21, No. 4 (Oct., 1996), pp. 986-1010Published by: Academy of ManagementStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/259161Accessed: 23/09/2008 12:52

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?0 Academy of Management Review 1996, Vol. 21, No. 4, 986-1010.

THE DIMENSIONS, ANTECEDENTS, AND CONSEQUENCES OF EMOTIONAL LABOR

J. ANDREW MORRIS DANIEL C. FELDMAN

University of South Carolina

This article conceptualizes the emotional labor construct in terms of four dimensions: frequency of appropriate emotional display, attentiveness to required display rules, variety of emotions to be displayed, and emotional dissonance generated by having to express organizationally desired emotions not genuinely felt. Through this framework, the article then presents a series of propositions about the organizational-, job-, and individual-level characteristics that are antecedents of each of these four dimensions. Frequency of emotional display, attentiveness to display rules, variety of emotions to be displayed, and emotional dissonance are hypothesized to lead to greater emotional exhaustion, but only emotional dissonance is hypothesized to lead to lower job satisfaction. Implications for future theory development and empirical research on emotional labor are discussed as well.

Although emotions have long been a topic of interest to sociologists and psychologists (Clark, 1992; Hochschild, 1983; Thoits, 1990), the display of emotions in organizations has become a topic of greater interest to organizational scholars during the past several years (Ashforth & Hum- phrey, 1995; Fineman, 1993; Mumby & Putnam, 1992; Rafaeli & Sutton, 1987, 1989). Increasing attention has been given to how workers express emotions in a variety of work settings, and more theoretical and empirical research has been conducted on the relationship between this emotional expression and employee effectiveness (Rafaeli & Sutton, 1987, 1989; Sut- ton, 1991).

Increased competition among service providers, along with overall growth in the service economy, has forced organizations to focus greater attention on the nature and quality of services provided to customers and clients (Schneider & Bowen, 1995; Zeithaml, Parasuraman, & Berry, 1990). Because the perceived quality of the service often is directly influenced by the customer's interaction with the service provider (Bowen & Schneider, 1988), how the service provider acts and speaks with the customer has become a much more salient concern of management. According to Hoch- schild (1983), organizations are increasingly willing to direct and control how employees present themselves to others. In other words, the images employees create for customers and the quality of interactions between employees and customers have come increasingly under the control of

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management. As a consequence, a key component of the work performed by many workers has become the presentation of emotions that are speci- fied and desired by their organizations.

An under-researched, yet critical, aspect of the literature on emotions in organizational life concerns these organizational attempts to control and direct how employees display emotions to customers. Emotional labor, generally defined as the act of expressing organizationally desired emotions during service transactions, is the central focus of this article. This article seeks to extend previous theoretical work on emotional labor in three ways.

First, a more complex conceptualization of emotional labor is presented. Rather than conceptualizing emotional labor as a generalized phenomenon, which is either present or absent in service jobs, the framework presented here suggests that emotional labor can be best conceptual- ized in terms of four distinct dimensions: (a) frequency of appropriate emotional display, (b) attentiveness to required display rules, (c) variety of emotions required to be displayed, and (d) emotional dissonance generated as the result of having to express organizationally desired emotions not genuinely felt.

Second, in this article, we more carefully examine the antecedents of emotional labor. Building on general emotion research and impression management studies, we identify organizational characteristics, job characteristics, and individual difference variables that might predict these different dimensions of emotional labor. Antecedents include such organizational factors as explicitness of display norms and closeness of employee monitoring, such job characteristics as form of interaction and task routineness, and such individual difference variables as affectivity and gender.

Our third goal is to explore the consequences of performing emotional labor. Previous research has implicitly or explicitly concluded that emotional labor has negative and dysfunctional consequences for workers (Adelmann, 1989; Erickson, 1991; Hochschild, 1983). We argue that although some dimensions of emotional labor (e.g., variety of emotions that are displayed) are likely to be associated with higher emotional exhaustion, it is mainly emotional dissonance that is likely to lead to lower job satisfaction.

THE CONSTRUCT OF EMOTIONAL LABOR

We define emotional labor as the effort, planning, and control needed to express organizationally desired emotion during interpersonal transactions. There are four assumptions underlying this definition that warrant closer attention.

First, our definition is embedded in an interactionist model of emotion. Even though the question of exactly what is emotion remains hotly con- tested (see Goleman, 1995; Kemper, 1990; Lutz & White, 1986; Oatley &

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Jenkins, 1992, for reviews of emotion research), the interactionist model of emotion accords considerable importance to social factors in determining the experience and expression of emotion. This perspective suggests that individuals make sense of emotions through their understanding of the social environment in which the emotions are experienced; this approach, then, suggests that emotion is at least partly socially constructed. Conse- quently, emotional experience and expression can be and often are subject to external direction, enhancement, and suppression (Ashforth & Hum- phrey, 1995; Hochschild, 1990; Kemper, 1990; Thoits, 1990).

Second, and also consistent with the interactionist model of emotion, we argue that even in situations in which there is congruence between the individual's felt emotion and the organizationally desired emotion, there will still be some degree of effort (or "labor") required in expressing emotions. Certainly there will be less effort required when the felt emotion and organizationally desired emotion are congruent, but individuals will still have to exert some effort to ensure that what is felt will be displayed in organizationally appropriate ways (i.e., that the feeling of happiness is displayed in an appropriate smile or greeting). Thus, we argue that Wal-Mart greeters who experience emotional congruence between their own felt emotions and the emotions required by the job still have to expend some effort ensuring that the felt positive emotion is actually displayed in desirable forms, although they will expend clearly less labor than if their felt emotions conflicted with the required emotions (Tolich, 1993). In most work settings, then, we argue that it does indeed take "labor" to display organizationally desired emotions, because felt emotion must still be translated into appropriate emotional displays.

Third, consistent with Hochschild's (1983) original notion of emotional labor, our definition of emotional labor suggests that the expression of emotion, which was once privately determined, has now become a market- place commodity. Indeed, the emotional expression of the service worker has become part of the service itself (Wichroski, 1994). However, rather than focus on the management of feeling (as suggested by Hochschild, 1983), we focus here on expressive behavior, because it is appropriate expressive behavior that is organizationally desired.

Fourth, according to this definition of emotional labor, there are standards or rules that dictate how and when emotion should be expressed. Within the context of service organizations, Hochschild (1979, 1983) argued that there are indeed common expectations regarding the appropriate emotional behaviors of service workers. For example, flight attendants are supposed to appear friendly and cheerful, whereas funeral directors are supposed to appear somber and reserved (Ashforth & Humphrey, 1993). Ekman (1973) called such norms about appropriate emotional expression display rules. According to Ekman (1973), display rules are standards of behavior that indicate not only which emotions are appropriate in a given situation, but also how those emotions should be conveyed or pub- licly expressed. Thus, the ritual look of delight on the face of the first


runner-up as the new Miss America is announced is a product of the display rule that dictates that losers should mask their sadness with an expression of joy for the winner (DePaulo, 1992). In the next section, we draw upon our definition of emotional labor and its underlying assumptions to build a four-component conceptualization of emotional labor.

DIMENSIONS OF EMOTIONAL LABOR

Our focus here is on the level of planning, control, and skill that are required to present appropriate emotional display in organizational settings. Consequently, in this article we conceptualize the emotional labor construct along four dimensions: frequency of appropriate emotional display, attentiveness to required display rules, variety of emotions to be displayed, and emotional dissonance.

Frequency of Emotional Display

Frequency of emotional display has been the most examined component of emotional labor; most previous research, in fact, has focused on the frequency of interaction between service providers and clients as the key dimension along which jobs can be arrayed in terms of emotional labor. The premise has been that stakeholders (customers or clients) are more likely to do business with an organization when the affective bonds of liking, trust, and respect have been established through employee behavior (Wharton & Erickson, 1993). Consequently, the more often a work role requires socially appropriate emotional displays, the greater the organization's demands for regulated displays of emotion will be.

Clearly, frequency of emotional display is an important indicator of emotional labor. However, conceptualization of emotional labor only in terms of frequency of appropriate emotional display may miss some complexity in the construct, because frequency alone does not capture the level of planning, control, or skill needed to regulate and display emotional expression. Thus, three additional dimensions of emotional labor also must be considered.

Attentiveness to Required Display Rules

The second dimension of emotional labor is the level of attentiveness to display rules required by the job. The more attentiveness to display rules required, the more psychological energy and physical effort the service job will demand from employees-and hence the more "labor" emotional displays will entail. Attentiveness to display rules required consists of both the duration of emotional display and the intensity of emotional display.

Duration of emotional display. Sutton and Rafaeli's (1988) and Rafaeli's (1989a) work with convenience store clerks suggests that short interactions with customers often involve highly scripted interaction formats-a simple thank you, perhaps a slight smile. This finding implies that the level of


effort required for emotional displays of short duration is quite minimal. Conversely, emotional displays of longer duration should require more effort and thus more emotional labor.

Research on job stress and burnout supports this argument. Cordes and Dougherty (1993) reported that longer interactions with clients are associated with higher levels of burnout. There are two reasons why duration may have an impact on the effort required to express organizationally desired emotion. First, the longer emotional displays go on, the more likely they will become less scripted; consequently, longer emotional displays require greater attention and emotional stamina (Hochschild, 1983). Sec- ond, more information about the customer or client may become available as the interaction becomes prolonged. This knowledge makes it harder for employees to avoid showing their own personal feelings, thereby violating organizational or occupational norms (Smith, 1992).

Intensity of emotional display. Emotional intensity refers to how strongly or with what magnitude an emotion is experienced or expressed. Frijda, Ortony, Sonnemans, and Clore (1992) argued that it is the intensity of the expressed emotion more than any other factor that determines whether clients and customers change their behavior during service interactions, because people may be convinced or intimidated by the perceived intensity of service providers' emotions.

Hochschild's (1983) explanation of how emotional labor is performed provides support for this position. According to Hochschild (1983), employees perform emotional labor in one of two ways. Surface acting involves simulating emotions that are not actually felt. In contrast, deep acting involves attempts to actually experience the emotions one is required to display. Ashforth and Humphrey (1993) suggested that deep acting requires greater effort because the role occupant must actively strive to invoke thoughts, images, and memories to induce the associated emotion. Be- cause emotional intensity often is difficult to fake, we argue that work roles requiring display of intense emotions entail more deep acting and thus greater effort on the part of role occupants.

The importance of intensity becomes even clearer when the differences in emotional labor across groups of service workers are examined. For example, consider the difference in emotional labor demands between debt collectors, who are expected to convincingly display urgency and anger, and store clerks, who are expected to offer polite thank yous. If researchers simply count the frequency of expressed organizationally desired emotion, they might conclude these two jobs entail equivalent amounts of emotional labor. However, if researchers consider the level of effort required to display appropriate emotions, they will find that these two jobs are very different indeed.

Previous research suggests that duration of emotional display and intensity of emotional display are positively related. Short displays of emotion are more likely to be scripted and require little emotional intensity, whereas long displays are more likely to be unscripted and require


the display of more intense (sincere) emotions (Rafaeli, 1989b). Thus, clients do not expect emotional intensity in short scripted interactions with tele- marketers, but they do expect more intense exchanges in longer, non- scripted interactions with nurses. Moreover, Frijda and colleagues (1992) also noted that displays of intense emotion are more likely to occur when participants in the transactions have some history to their exchanges; interactions of longer duration are more likely to provide that history.

Variety of Emotions Required To Be Expressed

The third major dimension of emotional labor is the variety of emotional displays required by work roles. The greater the variety of emotions to be displayed, the greater the emotional labor of role occupants will be. Service providers who must alter the kinds of emotions expressed to fit specific situational contexts have to engage in more active planning and conscious monitoring of their behavior. Consequently, the amount of psychological energy they have to expend in emotional labor will be greater as well.

Emotional displays in organizations have been characterized as positive, neutral, or negative in nature (Wharton & Erickson, 1993). Positive emotional displays are aimed at increasing bonds of liking between employees and customers; display rules emphasizing emotional neutrality are used to convey dispassionate authority and status; negative display rules emphasizing anger and hostility often are employed to intimidate or subdue clients (e.g., bouncers).

Given the dynamic nature of many service encounters, it is not surpris- ing to find that different sets of occupational and organizational display rules are sometimes utilized as the demands of a given transaction change (Sutton, 1991). For example, salespeople may be encouraged to give indi- vidualized attention to customers when business is slow, and they may be encouraged to speed up transactions as the number of customers waiting in line increases or as it nears closing time (Leidner, 1989; Rafaeli, 1989a). Similarly, some jobs (such as those of professors) often require frequent changes of emotions that are displayed: positive emotions to build enthusiasm, negative emotions to support discipline, and neutrality of emotions to demonstrate fairness and professionalism. Thus, the amount of emotional labor involved in regulating emotional expression may be significantly influenced by variety.

The extent to which the variety of expressed emotions changes over time also may have an impact on the planning and adjustment needed to display organizationally desired emotions. For example, a debt collector who works on bills that are 30 days overdue on Monday, 90 days overdue on Tuesday, and 6 months overdue on Wednesday exhibits a fairly wide variety of emotional displays, because interactions with different kinds of delinquent accounts requires different amounts of cajoling, sympathy, and anger (Sutton, 1991). Additionally, the same debt collector who works on all three types of overdue accounts within a single day will need to


engage in even greater emotional adjustment, because potentially every new call that day may require a different type of expressed emotion. In summary, then, frequent changes in the variety of emotions displayed over a limited period of time require more planning and anticipation on the part of employees, and thus they entail greater emotional labor.

Emotional Dissonance

Middleton (1989) defined the conflict between genuinely felt emotions and emotions required to be displayed in organizations as emotional dissonance. Workers may experience emotional dissonance when the emotional expression required by the job's display rules clashes with their inner or "real" feelings. In previous examinations of emotional dissonance, researchers typically have considered dissonance a consequence of emotional labor (Adelmann, 1989). However, rather than being a consequence, emotional dissonance can and should be considered as the fourth dimension of the emotional labor construct.

What makes regulation of emotional expression more difficult, and thus more labor intensive, are exactly those situations in which there are conflicts between genuinely felt emotions and organizationally desired emotions. It seems unlikely that considerable control or presentational skill is necessary when the emotion the employee is expected to display matches the emotion actually felt (Leary & Kowalski, 1990); for example, it should require little emotional "labor" to sell products one genuinely believes in. However, the act of expressing desired emotions during interpersonal transactions becomes much more demanding when it requires greater skill to control true feelings. Thus, it is much more "labor" for a nurse to display emotional neutrality when a long-term patient whom he or she likes is dying. When mismatches between genuinely felt and organizationally required emotions exist, then, greater control, skill, and attentive action will be needed.

Relationships Among the Four Dimensions of Emotional Labor

Figure 1 summarizes the relationships among frequency of emotional display, attentiveness to required display rules, variety of emotions to be displayed, and emotional dissonance.

Frequency of emotional display and attentiveness to required display rules should be negatively related, because the longer and more intense the display of emotion, the fewer opportunities an employee will have for multiple service interactions within any given time period. For example, Hochschild (1983) noted that flight attendants were more likely to routinize, shorten, and limit the magnitude of expressed emotion as the number of passengers to be served increased. Leidner's (1989) work with counter workers at fast-food restaurants further supports this relationship. Leidner found that these workers are strongly encouraged to routinize interactions and minimize interaction time, because time spent waiting in line violates customers' expectations of good service.


FIGURE 1 Relationships Among Four Dimensions of Emotional Labor

Frequen (0) riety of of Emotional Emotions

Display Expressed

Attentiveness to Required __________ Emotional

Display Rules ?)Dissonance

In contrast, there may be no direct relationship between frequency of emotional display and variety of expressed emotions; rather, characteristics of the job and situation should have a greater impact on variety. For example, counter workers at fast-food restaurants and convenience store workers frequently must express desired positive emotions, but their job demands and work context are quite stable across interactions (Rafaeli, 1989b). However, secretaries also have to frequently display desired emotions, but they are required to display a much wider variety of emotions; their jobs require them to engage in interactions with many different stakeholders in widely divergent contexts. Wichroski's (1994) examination of the emotional labor requirements of secretaries, for instance, suggests that secretaries are expected to express irritation when dealing with a vendor who is late in delivering a package, show emotional neutrality while interacting with rude or frustrated coworkers, and provide encour- agement and support to managers and supervisors.

In general, frequency of emotional expression and emotional dissonance should be positively associated. This relationship is likely to occur because the more frequently employees are required to display organizationally desired emotions, the greater the probability that they will encoun- ter situations in which their "real" feelings will conflict with expected emotions. Kuenz (1995), for example, reported that longtime employees of Disney World, whose jobs required frequent interaction with "guests" at


the park, were much more likely to report instances in which they experienced significant conflicts between what was expected of them and what they actually felt.

Attentiveness to required display rules should be positively associated with variety of expressed emotions. As the duration and intensity of interactions increase, employees often are called upon to display a wider and wider set of emotions. For instance, Sutton (1991) found that debt collectors who interacted with debtors on an almost continuous basis were likely to display many different types of emotions because their demeanor varied dramatically from client to client. When debtors sounded indiffer- ent, debt collectors were expected to express anger; when debtors sounded angry or upset, debt collectors were expected to express emotional neutrality.

Attentiveness to display rules also should be positively associated with increased emotional dissonance. The longer and more intense the emotional display, the greater the probability that an employee's "real" feelings will conflict with expected emotions. As noted previously, interactions of longer duration are more likely to become unscripted and to reveal personal information about the customer; this knowledge makes it harder for employees to control their own personal feelings. It is for this reason, James (1989) noted, that physicians often keep interactions with patients short. Shorter, less intense visits make it less likely physicians will become emotionally involved with patients, thereby violating occupational norms of emotional neutrality.

Finally, variety of expressed emotions and emotional dissonance should be negatively related. This should be true because a highly restricted range of emotions at work simply increases the chances that expected emotion will conflict with genuinely felt emotion. The typical range of emotions outside the workplace runs the gamut from very positive to very negative; a restricted range of emotions to be displayed at work increases the probability employees will have to express emotions that they do not really feel (Wharton & Erickson, 1993).

ANTECEDENTS OF EMOTIONAL LABOR

The preceding discussion highlights the fact that different organizational and job characteristics and individual difference variables are associated with different dimensions of emotional labor. In this next section, we present several propositions illustrating the relationships among organizational characteristics, job characteristics, individual differences, and the four dimensions of emotional labor that we identified (frequency of emotional display, attentiveness to required display rules, variety of emotions expressed, and emotional dissonance.) Although there are obviously a wide variety of variables that potentially could be considered, here we focus on antecedents that are expected to have the greatest impact on each dimension and on antecedents that would be most useful for researchers


interested in untangling previous inconclusive research results. A summary of these hypothesized relationships appears in Figure 2.

Antecedents of Frequency of Emotional Display

Explicitness of display rules. As noted previously, display rules are learned norms regarding how to express emotions at work. Rafaeli and Sutton (1987, 1989) indicated that one of the key mechanisms for learning appropriate emotion display rules is socialization. For instance, both Van Maanen and Kunda (1989) and Kuenz (1995) reported that Walt Disney World uses classes, handbooks, and billboards to teach newcomers exactly which positive and esteem-enhancing emotions they must convey to "guests" at Walt Disney World.

In addition, these authors suggested that the more contact employees have with customers and the more an organization believes that the control of employees' emotional behavior will produce organization gains, the more likely the organization will attempt to control expressive behavior through explicit display rules.

Proposition 1: Explicitness of organizational emotional display rules will be positively associated with frequency of desired emotional display.

Closeness of monitoring. The extent to which emotional expression is monitored by supervisors is the second organizational predictor of frequency of emotional display. Van Maanen and Kunda's (1989) examination of Walt Disney World's culture showed that supervisors at Disney paid considerable attention to ensuring that employees displayed desired emotions. Because a rude employee could potentially cost Disney future "guests," supervisors clearly believed that active monitoring was both necessary and appropriate. A relationship between direct monitoring of employee behavior and requirements for performance of emotional labor was also found in Tolich's (1993) study of supermarket clerks. In fact, not only was there direct supervision and monitoring of clerk-customer interactions by management, but also customers were actively encouraged to scrutinize and evaluate the clerks' performance. In much the same way, an organization's use of "secret shoppers," persons who go to stores and rate the service of employees, can sensitize employees to the need to consistently display required emotions, because such monitoring can be both covert and random (Kuenz, 1995). As Proposition 2 suggests, then, closeness of monitoring should be positively correlated with frequency of emotional display, because the presence of close monitoring is a strong signal to employees that an important part of their work roles is the appropriate display of emotion.

Proposition 2: Closeness of monitoring will be positively associated with increased frequency of emotional display.


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Propositions 1 and 2 warrant an important qualification. The extent to which organizations have explicit display rules and monitor employees' expressive behavior will depend on the level of skill and training required to perform the work. In many cases, part of the training process for highly skilled professionals involves learning the appropriate display of emotion. Smith and Kleinman (1989), for instance, stated that an important part of a physician's first-year training involves learning how to interact with patients. Thus, it is more likely that display rules governing expressive behavior already have been internalized by highly skilled workers, and, consequently, there should be less need for organizations to formally monitor their expressive behavior.

Gender. Previous research suggests that women show greater emotional expressivity than men (e.g., Deaux, 1985; LaFrance & Banaji, 1992). Women are clearly expected to smile more often than men (Birnbaum, Nosanchuk, & Croll, 1980) and to do so in a wide variety of situations (Rafaeli, 1989a). For example, Rafaeli (1989a) found that female store clerks convey higher levels of positive emotions to their customers than do men. She proposed that women may show more emotion for three reasons: (a) women may be socialized to act in a warmer and friendlier manner (Deutsch, 1990; James, 1989), (b) women may have a greater ability to encode and present their emotions than men (LaFrance & Banaji, 1992), and (c) women may show more positive emotions because of a greater need for social approval (Hoffman, 1972).

Hochschild (1989) also argued that women are expected to do more emotion management than men both at work and at home. As Hochschild (1989: 182) noted, "the world turns to women for mothering, and this fact silently attaches itself to many job requirements." Interestingly, even within the same occupation, women often are expected to perform more emotional labor than men (Adelmann, 1989; James, 1992; Wharton & Erick- son, 1993; Wichroski, 1994).

Proposition 3: Women will have a greater frequency of emotional display than will men.

Routineness of task. Jobs vary widely in terms of routineness, even within the service sector. Sales clerks and counter workers at fast food restaurants are two examples of routine service jobs (Leidner, 1989; Rafaeli, 1989a); emotion work for these workers often follows highly scripted formats (Leidner, 1989; Morgan, 1986). Leidner (1989) noted that organizations often use scripted interaction formats when the job requires frequent interaction with customers, but little personalization of the interaction is expected by customers.

Proposition 4: Task routineness will be positively associated with frequency of emotional display.

Antecedents of Attentiveness to Required Display Rules

Routineness of task. Even though task routineness should be positively associated with frequency of emotional display, routineness of task is


expected to be negatively associated with attentiveness to display rules. There are two reasons for this proposition. First, as previously noted, what appears to be of utmost importance in many routine service jobs is that the interaction with the customer be done quickly and uniformly. For instance, Schneider and Bowen (1995) noted that for most routine service interactions customer evaluations of service quality appear to be based more on the speed at which the interaction occurs rather than on the sincerity of the employee's emotional display. Second, expression of intense emotion tends to impair routine task performance by distorting stan- dard operating procedures (Ashforth & Humphrey, 1995).

Proposition 5: Task routineness will be negatively associated with attentiveness to required display rules.

Power of role receiver. A variety of studies indicate that people express emotion differently when addressing different target persons (e.g., Good- sell, 1976; Waldron & Krone, 1991). Kuenz's (1995) examination of work practices at Disney World suggests that Disney World employees are expected to provide more sincere and personalized service to high-status "guests" (called PXs). Further, Hochschild (1983) found that many flight attendants believed that they should engage in longer and more sincere displays of positive emotion to passengers in first class and business class, and they actually did so.

Proposition 6: Power of the role receiver will be positively associated with attentiveness to required display rules.

Antecedents of Variety of Emotional Display

Power of role receiver. Power of the role receiver also is likely to be associated with the variety of emotions expressed on the job. Descriptions of the emotional behavior of service professionals (Leary & Kowalski, 1990; Sutton & Rafaeli, 1988; Wichroski, 1994) suggest that the extent to which some types of emotions are displayed depends on the power and status of the target. Here we argue that when dealing with more powerful role receivers, service providers will restrict the range of emotions expressed to positive emotions. This proposed relationship is consistent, for instance, with Kipnis, Schmidt, and Wilkinson's (1980) work that suggests expressing anger at a subordinate is much more common than expressing anger at a supervisor. Along the same lines, Flett, Blankstein, Piner, and Bator (1988) found that individuals who engaged in impression management reported their negative emotions were less frequent, less intense, and shorter in duration.

Proposition 7: Power of the role receiver will be negatively associated with the variety of emotional display.

Task variety. As Hackman and Oldham (1975) noted, variety on the job can derive from numerous sources: the different types of clients served, the different types of manual duties performed, the different types of work


conditions encountered, and the different types of employee skills utilized in the performance of the job. The greater the task variety of employees, the greater the variety of emotions expressed is likely to be. Particularly in service transactions, the greater the variety of clients served and the greater the variety of service tasks performed, the greater the array of emotions that will need to be called upon by employees. For example, medical residents rotating through various services (OB/GYN, Oncology, and ER) will have to express a broader range of emotions than X-ray technicians.

Proposition 8: Task variety will be positively associated with variety of emotional display.

Antecedents of Emotional Dissonance

Form of interaction. DePaulo (1992), Ekman (1985), and Saarni and Von Salisch (1993) indicated that nonverbal behavior is more difficult to regulate than verbal behavior. This research suggests that work roles that require face-to-face interaction will require greater control of emotional expression, because both vocal and facial expressions must be regulated.

When workers are out of sight of their customers, they should experience less emotional dissonance because they have more ways to express felt emotion without violating organizational display norms (e.g., doodling, making faces to coworkers). In contrast, in jobs requiring face-to-face contact, having to express emotions that one does not genuinely experience is more keenly and immediately felt, and it creates greater emotional dissonance.

Proposition 9: The more the job requires face-to-face interaction, the greater the emotional dissonance will be.

Job autonomy. Autonomy has been defined as the degree to which an employee has freedom, independence, and discretion in carrying out the tasks of the job (Hackman & Oldham, 1975). Although somewhat conceptu- ally related to closeness of monitoring, within the context of service work, job autonomy specifically refers to the extent to which role occupants have the ability to adapt display rules to fit their own interpersonal styles. For example, Tolich (1993) found that even though supermarket clerks often were subject to formal monitoring of expressive behavior, there was still some discretion over how they could enact the required emotional displays.

Research has shown that job autonomy is positively correlated to job satisfaction and other attitudinal outcome variables (Hackman & Oldham, 1975). Previous studies on emotional labor suggest that emotional labor is significantly less aversive among workers who have greater job autonomy (Adelmann, 1989; Erickson, 1991; Wharton, 1993). In keeping with Rafaeli and Sutton's (1989) work, we suggest that autonomy is an important ante- cedent of emotional dissonance. Indeed, one of the reasons that emotional labor is, in fact, "labor" is that the employee's regulation of emotional expression is organizationally directed. Employees who have more auton-


omy over their expressive behavior may be more likely to violate organizational display rules when those rules conflict with their own genuinely felt emotions. Hence, employees who have more job autonomy should experience less emotional dissonance.

Proposition 10: Job autonomy will be negatively associated with emotional dissonance.

Affectivity. Affectivity has been defined as a general tendency to experience a particular mood (e.g., to be happy or sad) or to react to objects (e.g., jobs, people) in a particular way or with certain emotions (Lazarus, 1993). Positive affectivity reflects the extent to which a person feels enthusi- astic, active, and alert. Negative affectivity subsumes a variety of aversive mood states, including anger, contempt, disgust, and fear (Watson & Tel- legen, 1985). Although some previous research indicates that positive and negative affect are two separate constructs (Watson & Clark, 1984), Judge (1992) suggested that positive and negative affect represent opposite ends of one construct that concerns the amount of happiness an individual experiences over time.

A number of researchers have tested the behavioral consequences of affective states (see Isen & Baron, 1991; Judge, 1992, for reviews). Affect has been related empirically to helping behavior (George & Brief, 1992), evaluations of others (Cardy & Dobbins, 1986), biases in information pro- cessing (Alloy & Abramson, 1988), and performance on decisional and interpersonal tasks (Staw & Barsade, 1993).

We argue in this article that positive and negative affectivity also may have significant influences on emotional dissonance. Simply put, individuals may be better suited for their positions when there is conver- gence between the expected emotional expression on their jobs and their own predisposition to experience the same type of emotions. Thus, individuals who experience positive emotions more often than negative (positive affectivity) should find that emotional labor that requires the display of positive emotion requires less active monitoring of emotional experience, because there will be less frequent dissonance between their genuinely felt emotions and emotions to be displayed.

Proposition 11: Positive affectivity will be positively correlated with emotional dissonance when the display rules require the expression of negative emotion.

Proposition 12: Negative affectivity will be positively correlated with emotional dissonance when the display rules require the expression of positive emotion.

CONSEQUENCES OF EMOTIONAL LABOR

The bulk of the previous research on emotional labor has focused on the potential negative consequences of emotional labor for the psychological well-being of employees. For instance, Hochschild (1983) reported that


emotional labor can be linked to such problems as drug abuse, alcohol abuse, and absenteeism. In exploratory research on flight attendants, Hochschild (1983) contended that having to perform emotional labor causes eventual alienation or estrangement from one's genuine feelings, and it thereby has detrimental consequences for various aspects of psychological well-being.

Adelmann (1989) found mixed support for Hochschild's alienation hypothesis about the consequences of performing emotional labor. In the first of her two research studies, she coded jobs as either high or low in emotional labor (using Hochschild's 1979 classification schema). Data analysis revealed that workers in jobs requiring high amounts of emotional labor reported significantly lower job satisfaction, lower self- esteem, poorer health, and more depressive symptoms. However, in her second study in which questionnaire responses from table servers were used to measure emotional labor, emotional labor was not significantly related to measures of psychological well-being.

Using questionnaire responses from frontline service workers, Erick- son (1991) also found the relationship between emotional labor and well- being is not as straightforward as was first proposed by Hochschild. Erick- son's data showed that the effect of emotional labor on well-being was dependent upon job autonomy; individuals with high job autonomy suf- fered fewer negative effects of emotional labor than did those with low job autonomy.

Wharton's (1993) examination of the emotional labor construct provides results that often directly contradict earlier studies. Sampling employees from multiple job categories in a large bank and a teaching hospi- tal, Wharton could find no evidence that workers who perform emotional labor are more likely to suffer from emotional exhaustion. In addition, emotional labor was found to be positively related to job satisfaction, a finding inconsistent with Hoschshild's (1983) work.

Wharton's findings appear to lend support to Wouters's (1989) assertion that Hochschild's (1979, 1983) focus on the "costs" of emotional labor perhaps underestimates the potential benefits of emotional labor. Ashforth and Humphrey (1993) suggested that emotional labor actually may make interactions more predictable and help workers to avoid embarrassing interpersonal problems. This understanding, in turn, should help reduce stress and increase satisfaction. In addition, Ashforth and Humphrey (1993) indicated that performing emotional labor may help employees to psycho- logically distance themselves from unpleasant situations. For example, emotional labor may help medical students show concern while remaining sufficiently aloof in order to retain their impartiality (Ashforth & Hum- phrey, 1993).

One of the reasons why there may be so much confusion surrounding the possible consequences of performing emotional labor is the incomplete way in which the construct has been previously operationalized. A categorization of jobs requiring emotional labor provided by Hochschild (1979)


established the foundation from which every empirical study of emotional labor has since proceeded. The primary criterion for inclusion as a job requiring high emotional labor was frequency of contact with the public. However, Hochschild (1983) clearly acknowledged that her categorization of jobs requiring emotional labor was merely suggestive and needed further empirical testing.

In this next section, we consider the impact of the four dimensions of emotional labor (identified previously) on the two dimensions of psychological well-being most frequently investigated in emotional labor research, namely, emotional exhaustion and job satisfaction. A brief summary of these hypothesized relationships also appears in Figure 2.

Dimensions Associated with Emotional Exhaustion

Emotional exhaustion is a specific stress-related reaction, and it is considered a key component of burnout (Maslach, 1982). Emotional exhaustion refers to a state of depleted energy caused by excessive emotional demands made on people interacting with customers or clients (Saxton, Phillips, & Blakeney, 1991), and it has been associated with increases in withdrawal behavior and decreases in productivity (Cordes & Dougherty, 1993; Jackson, Schwab, & Schuler, 1986).

Jackson, Schwab, and Schuler (1986) suggested that emotional exhaustion is most relevant for work roles that are very involving. Specifically, Jackson and colleagues (1986) indicated that emotional exhaustion pre- sumes prior states of high arousal and activation. Thus, the role of Wal- Mart greeter is unlikely to be emotionally exhausting, because few, if any, interactions between the greeter and customers are emotionally charged.

For those work roles that are involving, though, Maslach's (1982) work suggests that frequent face-to-face interactions with clients and interactions that are emotionally intense and of longer duration are associated with higher levels of emotional exhaustion. Her work also suggests that greater planning for a wide variety of emotional displays is emotionally exhausting as well. Along the same lines, Kahn's (1993) work suggests that caregivers (such as nurses and social workers) are more likely to suffer from emotional exhaustion, because intense display of emotion is often required on their jobs.

Proposition 13: Frequency of emotional display will be positively associated with emotional exhaustion.

Proposition 14: Attentiveness to display rules required will be positively associated with emotional exhaustion.

Proposition 15: Variety of expressed emotions will be positively associated with emotional exhaustion.

Emotional dissonance can be considered a form of role conflict (Rafaeli & Sutton, 1987). According to Kahn (1964), role conflict involves


conflict between the needs and values of a person and the demands of others in his or her role set. Previous research suggests that a key anteced- ent of emotional exhaustion is such role conflict (Jackson et al., 1986; Lee & Ashforth, 1993). In the case of debt collectors, for example, emotional dissonance can be said to exist when debt collectors feel sympathy and compassion for distressed debtors, yet they are expected by the debt collection agency to express negative emotion to these same debtors.

Proposition 16: Emotional dissonance will be positively associated with emotional exhaustion.

Dimensions Associated with Job Satisfaction

Previous theoretical work on emotional labor suggests a negative relationship between emotional labor and job satisfaction. However, researchers who conducted two empirical tests of this relationship (Adel- mann, 1989; Wharton, 1993) did not find a negative relationship. In fact, Wharton (1993) found that high emotional labor was positively related to job satisfaction.

Person-environment fit theory (Caplan, 1983) and the dispositional approach to attitudes (Arvey, Bouchard, Segal, & Abraham, 1989; Staw, Bell, & Clausen, 1986) both suggest the possibility that some employees may not find expression of organizationally desired emotion particularly unpleasant. In some cases, employees can go on "automatic pilot" and experience only "emotional numbness" during emotional labor (Leidner, 1989). Further, emotional labor that reduces uncertainty or helps to avoid embarrassing interpersonal situations actually may be associated with increased job satisfaction (Ashforth & Humphrey, 1993; Goffman, 1959).

Thus, it may not be frequency of emotional expression, the attentiveness to required display rules, or the variety of required emotional displays that influences job dissatisfaction. Instead, we contend that the key dimension of emotional labor that is negatively associated with job satisfaction is emotional dissonance. Rutter and Fielding (1988), for instance, found that a perceived need to suppress genuinely felt emotion in the workplace is negatively associated with job satisfaction. Similarly, Lawler (1973) suggested that it is the discrepancy between the employee's perceptions of conditions that should exist and those that actually do exist that determines job satisfaction.

Proposition 17: Emotional dissonance will be negatively associated with job satisfaction.

IMPLICATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS

Conceptualizing emotional labor as a multidimensional construct suggests several directions for future research. First, researchers should focus on developing and validating measures of the four components of emotional labor. A number of research methodologies appear useful. For


instance, direct observation of emotional expression would be a useful way to quantify frequency, duration, and variety of emotional labor. An excellent example of this type of data collection can be found in Rafaeli's (1989a) study of the emotional expression of store clerks. Self-report meth- ods also may be useful. For example, Wallbott and Scherer (1989) indicated that the use of a questionnaire to collect information about emotional experience and expression can offer a number of advantages, including access to more emotional experiences over a longer period of time. In addition, the questionnaire may be the only way to get subjects to reveal especially sensitive information such as emotional dissonance (Sudman & Bradburn, 1974).

Second, the extent to which the concept of emotional labor can be generalized beyond frontline service roles to other organizational roles should be addressed in future research. As Ashforth and Humphrey (1993: 190) noted, "given that roles are essentially clusters of social expectations and that emotions are inevitably experienced in the performance of roles, it is difficult to imagine an organizational role in which display rules would not apply at various points." A broader study of variations in the emotion-management requirements across different types of work roles should provide additional insights into the antecedents of emotional labor.

Third, further exploration of the possible consequences of emotional labor in general is needed. Research on other outcomes, such as job- related self-esteem and anxiety, also may prove useful. Another variable that should be investigated further is role internalization; in some studies, this variable was used as a dependent variable (Hochschild, 1983), whereas in other work, researchers suggested it might mediate the relationship between emotional labor and psychological well-being (Rafaeli & Sutton, 1987).

Examination of the impact of emotional labor on organizational outcomes is especially needed, because one of the primary reasons why organizations require emotional labor is the expectation that regulated emotional expression will increase sales. However, in the only quantita- tive study of the relationship between emotional labor and sales, Sutton and Rafaeli (1988) found a weak, but significant, negative relationship between the two variables. The relationship between emotional labor and sales may be further complicated by the degree to which display rules differ from region to region. Simply put, emotional labor requirements that are appropriate in one service environment may be inappropriate and dysfunctional in another environment. Indeed, one of the reasons frequently cited for the poor performance of Euro Disney is that European "guests" do not appreciate the buoyant smiles and positive emotions displayed by Euro Disney employees (Rudolph, 1993).

A fourth direction for researchers is to examine the potential mod- erators and/or mediators of the relationships between dimensions of emotional labor and psychological well-being. Social support and self- monitoring appear particularly promising to this end.


Social support is thought to enable individuals to cope better with job stressors and to increase their sense of personal control (Cohen & Wills, 1985; House, 1981). In the context of research on emotional labor, workers who have supportive social relationships may be able to rely on others to aid them when they experience conflicts between organizationally desired emotion and felt emotion, and hence they experience less psychological distress (Wharton & Erickson, 1993). For instance, Hoch- schild (1983) found that flight attendants often used their time together before a flight to boost the morale of depressed coworkers and that strong social support among these workers provided opportunities for frustrated flight attendants to "blow off steam" and express their real feelings without violating role requirements.

Self-monitoring refers to the extent to which people observe and control the image of themselves they present in social interactions (Synder, 1987). Synder (1974) found that high self-monitors attended more closely to situational cues about which emotions should and should not be displayed; high self-monitors also were more skilled at presenting emotions, both with their faces and with their voices (Riggio & Friedman, 1982). Synder (1974, 1987) also suggested that people who hold jobs that require control of expressive behavior are more likely to learn or be predisposed to monitor their expressive behavior carefully.

Thus, previous research indicates that high self-monitors may be better at controlling their emotional displays. Moreover, role occupants who engage in greater amounts of self-monitoring should be more inclined to comply with organizational display norms, because high self-monitors exhibit a greater willingness to monitor expressive behavior. In addition, because high self-monitors may be more readily inclined to comply with organizational display norms, they should be less likely to find the emotional labor part of their jobs dissatisfying.

The practical implications of emotional labor research for managing service workers also warrants further attention. In discussing how emotion work can be managed, Rafaeli and Sutton (1987) noted that few, if any, selection tools currently exist that help predict expressive behavior or ability to display emotions. However, using more realistic recruiting tech- niques may prove useful. Wanous (1992) reported that one of the reasons realistic job previews help to reduce involuntary turnover is that they explicitly encourage self-selection. Organizations that make explicit their emotional labor requirements during the selection process can help individuals decide beforehand whether their expressive behavior matches the organization's display norms.

To the extent that emotional expression is dependent upon enduring dispositional factors, characteristics of the individual also may help managers to make better personnel decisions (Kendrick & Funder, 1988). Rafaeli and Sutton (1987) suggested that selecting employees on the basis of extra- version may be helpful, because extraverted employees are more likely to act in a friendly and social manner. Both Friedman, Prince, Riggio, and


DiMatteo's (1980) measure of nonverbal emotional expressiveness and Kring, Smith, and Neale's (1994) emotional expressivity scale may prove useful in helping organizations select employees for work roles requiring extensive emotional labor. In the long run, working on emotional labor from a selection perspective may be as valuable as the current focus on socialization because, as noted previously, selecting employees on the basis of their general tendency to experience certain emotions may lead to a better fit between an employee's expressive behaviors and work role requirements.

Finally, the bulk of previous research on emotional labor has been focused on its negative consequences for employee well-being. In this article, with its multidimensional conceptualization of emotional labor, we argue that emotional labor need not be uniformly damaging or equally damaging to all employees. Given the increasing demand for regulated emotional expression and the potentially important consequences of emotional labor, it is crucial that researchers continue to develop theories and measures that capture the complexities of emotion management as part of the work role. This article provides some theoretical ideas and sugges- tions for future research to that end.

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J. Andrew Morris is an assistant professor of management at the University of St. Thomas (Houston, Texas). He received his Ph.D. in management from the University of South Carolina. His research interests include emotional labor, gender and race issues, and cross-cultural management.

Daniel C. Feldman is Distinguished Business Partnership Foundation Fellow and a professor of management at the University of South Carolina. He received his Ph.D. in organizational behavior from Yale University. His research interests include managing careers in organizations, organizational socialization, layoffs and downsizing, and underemployment.

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