messe in d-moll (cwv 91) für frauenchor, sopranund alt-solo und orgel, streicher ad lib.by peter...

Messe in D-moll (CWV 91) für Frauenchor, Sopranund Alt-Solo und Orgel, Streicher ad lib. byPeter Cornelius; Günter Wagner; Messe H-moll zu Ehren des Leidens Jesu Christi für Soli (adlib.), gemischten Chor und Orgel, Op. 73 by Johannes Evangelist Habert; Anton ReinthalerReview by: James DeavilleNotes, Second Series, Vol. 48, No. 4 (Jun., 1992), pp. 1438-1441Published by: Music Library AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/942162 .

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NOTES, June 1992 NOTES, June 1992

What finally becomes clear from studying the correspondence is that Ives had considered including the lines, he had had the opportunity to effect this revision along with that for the bells, and he had rejected it. Furthermore, although the added lines were never deeply-grounded structurally, Ives did modify other lines to accommo- date them (e.g., in the first movement, mea- sures 84 and 124); in correcting the proofs, he was concerned that the original notes be restored (since he did not restore the "shadow lines"), as seen in the instruction for measure 84 in Harmony's letter dated 28 June 1946. (The difficulty of a synoptic musical score is demonstrated here: the original notes belong to the version without the lines; the revised notes to the version with the lines, a subtlety missed in this edition.)

The musical significance of these lines, and the significance of Ives's ambivalence and final decision need to be contemplated in the context of the evidence. We regard the "shadow lines" as a curiosity, repre- senting a stage in Ives's development: his awareness of and experiment "in fuller as well as more freely made" sonorities.

The new edition is problematic on several counts. Donning the accoutrements of scholarship-a description of the sources, critical notes, annotations in the score, and so forth-the edition is, nonetheless, de- void of a reasoned editorial process. The manuscripts, the published editions, and the related correspondence are not eval- uated in regard to Ives's final statements and decisions, based on what can be ob- jectively known. Neither the decisions Ives communicated to Harrison or Herrmann for the 1947 edition nor the 1904 manu- script carry special weight. Since no one source has been determined to be more

What finally becomes clear from studying the correspondence is that Ives had considered including the lines, he had had the opportunity to effect this revision along with that for the bells, and he had rejected it. Furthermore, although the added lines were never deeply-grounded structurally, Ives did modify other lines to accommo- date them (e.g., in the first movement, mea- sures 84 and 124); in correcting the proofs, he was concerned that the original notes be restored (since he did not restore the "shadow lines"), as seen in the instruction for measure 84 in Harmony's letter dated 28 June 1946. (The difficulty of a synoptic musical score is demonstrated here: the original notes belong to the version without the lines; the revised notes to the version with the lines, a subtlety missed in this edition.)

The musical significance of these lines, and the significance of Ives's ambivalence and final decision need to be contemplated in the context of the evidence. We regard the "shadow lines" as a curiosity, repre- senting a stage in Ives's development: his awareness of and experiment "in fuller as well as more freely made" sonorities.

The new edition is problematic on several counts. Donning the accoutrements of scholarship-a description of the sources, critical notes, annotations in the score, and so forth-the edition is, nonetheless, de- void of a reasoned editorial process. The manuscripts, the published editions, and the related correspondence are not eval- uated in regard to Ives's final statements and decisions, based on what can be ob- jectively known. Neither the decisions Ives communicated to Harrison or Herrmann for the 1947 edition nor the 1904 manu- script carry special weight. Since no one source has been determined to be more

basic than others, the score itself is a col- lection of information gleaned from every source, and of unclarified typefaces and annotations (slashes and brackets are inter- mittently used with no defined purpose). The decisions underlying the "Critical Commentary" are substantiated by subjec- tive comments like "correct" and "error" (lst mvmt., m. 52), "best" (1st mvmt., m. 78), and "for opposite decision"-the editor's decision-(lst mvmt., m. 84). Without well-reasoned commentary or historical background, the editorial process is arbi- trary, as in the treatment of the first chord in measure 45 of the third movement. Har- rison drew attention to this spot (in his letter from shortly after 11 May 1946), pointing out the conflict of D and D# in the 1904 score and making an elaborate and com- plicated plea for retaining and reinforcing the conflict; with Ives's apparent acquies- cence, four Dl's and one D# in the 1904 score were changed to four Dt's and one Dt in the 1947 edition. In this new edition, the editor sharped all the Ds in the score and added this note: "or all concert Dtt's may be 1," contradicting the intent in both versions. The presumed advantage of hav- ing all sources available does not guarantee editorially scrupulous results: the editor justified dismissing Ives's instruction to eliminate a repeated phrase in the 1904 score (in the memoranda, labeled source W in this edition) by stating, "However, the unison imitation an 8th later deserves rep- etition as here" (critical commentary, 2d mvmt., 126 [3.b]-128 [2.b]). While the challenges presented by this new edition are welcome, one wishes the edition had been determined by disciplined criteria.

CAROL K. BARON State University of New York,

Stony Brook

basic than others, the score itself is a col- lection of information gleaned from every source, and of unclarified typefaces and annotations (slashes and brackets are inter- mittently used with no defined purpose). The decisions underlying the "Critical Commentary" are substantiated by subjec- tive comments like "correct" and "error" (lst mvmt., m. 52), "best" (1st mvmt., m. 78), and "for opposite decision"-the editor's decision-(lst mvmt., m. 84). Without well-reasoned commentary or historical background, the editorial process is arbi- trary, as in the treatment of the first chord in measure 45 of the third movement. Har- rison drew attention to this spot (in his letter from shortly after 11 May 1946), pointing out the conflict of D and D# in the 1904 score and making an elaborate and com- plicated plea for retaining and reinforcing the conflict; with Ives's apparent acquies- cence, four Dl's and one D# in the 1904 score were changed to four Dt's and one Dt in the 1947 edition. In this new edition, the editor sharped all the Ds in the score and added this note: "or all concert Dtt's may be 1," contradicting the intent in both versions. The presumed advantage of hav- ing all sources available does not guarantee editorially scrupulous results: the editor justified dismissing Ives's instruction to eliminate a repeated phrase in the 1904 score (in the memoranda, labeled source W in this edition) by stating, "However, the unison imitation an 8th later deserves rep- etition as here" (critical commentary, 2d mvmt., 126 [3.b]-128 [2.b]). While the challenges presented by this new edition are welcome, one wishes the edition had been determined by disciplined criteria.

CAROL K. BARON State University of New York,

Stony Brook

Peter Cornelius. Messe in D-moll (CWV 91) fiir Frauenchor, Sopran- und Alt-Solo und Orgel, Streicher ad lib. Bearb. und hrsg. von Giinter Wagner. Mainz: Schott (European American), 1990. [Preface in Ger., Eng., pp. 2-3; score, pp. 5-72. ED 7730. $45.00; duration: 40'.]

Johannes Evangelist Habert. Messe H-moll zu Ehren des Leidens Jesu Christi fur Soli (ad lib.), gemischten Chor und Orgel, op. 73. Hrsg. von Anton Reinthaler. Wiesbaden: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1989. [Preface in Ger., Eng., p. 2; score, pp. 3-24. Partitur-Bibliothek Nr. 5223. DM16.00.]

Peter Cornelius. Messe in D-moll (CWV 91) fiir Frauenchor, Sopran- und Alt-Solo und Orgel, Streicher ad lib. Bearb. und hrsg. von Giinter Wagner. Mainz: Schott (European American), 1990. [Preface in Ger., Eng., pp. 2-3; score, pp. 5-72. ED 7730. $45.00; duration: 40'.]

Johannes Evangelist Habert. Messe H-moll zu Ehren des Leidens Jesu Christi fur Soli (ad lib.), gemischten Chor und Orgel, op. 73. Hrsg. von Anton Reinthaler. Wiesbaden: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1989. [Preface in Ger., Eng., p. 2; score, pp. 3-24. Partitur-Bibliothek Nr. 5223. DM16.00.]

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Music Reviews

The Cecilian revival of the nineteenth century was a movement of far greater complexity and significance than is cur- rently portrayed in the standard literature. Whereas most sources define one Cecilian style, that which features a return to late Renaissance choral style and an "authentic" use of Gregorian chant, Johannes Schwer- mer, in one of the most insightful studies about the revival ("Der Cacilienismus," in Geschichte der katholischen Kirchenmusik, vol. 2 [Kassel: Barenreiter, 1976], 229), iden- tifies four degrees of "Cecilian style": a pure, historicizing a cappella style, based on late Renaissance music (Michael Haller, Franz Xaver Witt); a variant of the pure style that accepted some modernisms (Jo- hann Georg Mettenleiter, Peter Gries- bacher); a mid- to late-nineteenth-century musical style openly employed by the so- called Neuromantiker (Franz Liszt, Anton Bruckner, Peter Cornelius); and the newly created Palestrina-Bach polyphony of the Munich school (oseph Rheinberger). That none of the figures in Schwermer's first category-i.e., those composers most di- rectly involved in the German Cecilian movement-ever achieved more than a regional prominence except within the context of the Catholic Church, had its basis in their reactionary musical styles. These members of the Allgemeiner Deutscher Cicilien- Verein were intentionally elitist, dogmati- cally rejecting the sacred music endeavors of the other categories of Cecilian and Cecilian-influenced composers. They also opposed the Viennese Cecilian movement, as represented by Johannes Evangelist Habert (1833-1896), who was founder of the Cacilienverein fur Osterreich and a staunch adherent of the principle of in- strumental accompaniment for sacred music. Ironically, the third category of composers under Cecilian influence, the group most despised by the reactionaries, is now considered to have had the greatest success in composition-it includes not only Liszt and Bruckner in the German-speaking countries but also Charles Gounod in France. Unfortunately, the dearth of readily accessible, modern editions of the scores of any "orthodox" Cecilian composers has hindered twentieth-century musician-scholars from forming their own opinions about the overall Cecilian compositional output and from understanding

the impact of that movement upon major nineteenth-century composers.

As a result, the publication of a Cecilian Mass by Habert and of a Cecilian- influenced Mass by Cornelius (1824-1874) should be welcomed as important steps to- ward developing a more complete and accurate picture of nineteenth-century sacred composition. The divergence in the cre- ations of the two composers can be seen as reflecting the widely varying degrees of influence exerted by the Cecilian revival itself. Whereas the work of Habert is by a mature composer, fully committed to the Cecilian cause (albeit in his own interpre- tation), Cornelius's Mass falls within that movement more by association than by vo- lition. His work is the product of a student of composition, laboring under the influence of the Cecilian-minded teacher Sieg- fried Wilhelm Dehn (1799-1858) and searching for models in the sacred music of earlier masters. Only in later years, in Liszt's Weimar, would Cornelius come to develop an individual style and then in the realms of song and opera.

Cornelius's Mass in D minor for female choir, two soloists and piano-called Messe fur Sopran und Alt mit Clavier-Begleitung by his son in the autograph and indexed by Gunter Wagner as CWV (Cornelius-Werk- Verzeichnis) 91-is probably the most significant of his pre-Weimar sacred works that had not yet been published, and thus its appearance is especially welcome. Cor- nelius composed the Mass between 6 and 31 July 1849 for the Sisters of Mercy, in whose chapel in Berlin it was performed on 15 August 1849. The performance's loca- tion probably influenced the choice of accompanying instruments: the small chapel appears to have had a piano as its only keyboard instrument, which was not un- common in Catholic churches of the nineteenth century.

Cornelius's Mass exhibits the variety of styles and textures that might be expected in a work by a composition student. As Elmar Seidel notes ("Zur Kirchenmusik von Cornelius," in Peter Cornelius als Kom- ponist, Dichter, Kritiker und Essayist [Regens- burg: Bosse, 1977], 181), at times the music takes on the character of a simple accom- panied song (especially in the Kyrie, Bene- dictus, and Agnus Dei), at other times it calls to mind the pompous late-eighteenth-

1439



NOTES, June 1992

century orchestral Mass (above all in sections of the Gloria and Credo). Devices such as unison passages and tremolos are intended to create the impression of orchestral tuttis. However, the lyrical sections are by far more effective, showing the composer's remarkable gift in the creation of melodic lines that perfectly set the text. These passages foreshadow the Weimar- era sacred songs including the Vaterunser- lieder (1854) and Weihnachtslieder (1856). Also, the double counterpoint in the final section of the Kyrie and double fugue at the end of the Credo point ahead to con- trapuntal devices in such later works as the Deus Israel conjungat vos of 1851 or the so- called Versuch einer Messe iiber den Cantus firmus in der dorischen Tonart of 1852. The piano accompaniment is the most disap- pointing aspect of the work as a whole- often it is inadequate to support the voices. The Mass, despite its great charm, is perhaps most interesting as a document for an historical stage in Cornelius's development as a composer of sacred music, although it does contain passages of great beauty and powerful effect, such as the intimate "Et incarnatus est" and the harmonically strik- ing "Gratias agimus tibi."

Editor Guinter Wagner must be thanked for bringing this interesting work to light. He has done an admirable job, not only in providing an accurate reading of the autograph but also in making intelligent decisions regarding modifications of performing forces in conformity with nineteenth-century performance practice (e.g., the arrangement of the piano part for organ and the addition of accompanying string parts). The brief but quite informa- tive introduction gives proof of Wagner's thorough knowledge of the music of Cor- nelius and its related source materials.

In comparison with Cornelius's Mass, Habert's Messe zu Ehren des bitteren Leidens und Sterbens unseres Herrn Jesu Christi, op. 73 is a model of stylistic (and thematic) unity. Belonging to his last compositional period (the work was completed on 16 March 1889, according to the autograph), the Mass reveals Habert's concern above all for easy performability, as demonstrated through his use of limited natural ranges for the singers. Of the utmost simplicity, the work is predominantly homophonic

(only the "Christe" and "Et resurrexit" por- tions adopt imitative counterpoint), avoid- ing soloistic passages for the singers, and the legato, unornamented organ accompaniment essentially doubles the voices. While Habert's Mass does not employ a Gregorian cantus firmus, a device that unifies other products of the Cecilian muse, it does nevertheless draw on earlier models for unity by making use of a head-motive, which not only appears at the beginning of move- ments but also at key points within them ("Gratias agimus tibi" of the Gloria and "Et homo factus est" of the Credo). The head- motive itself is a plagally inflected chord progression, whereby Habert introduces harmonic tension that during the course of the Mass gradually resolves with the es- tablishment of B minor as tonic. He makes effective use of the head-motive and of var- ied texture, dynamics, and tempos in the Credo, from "Et incarnatus est" to the end of the movement, and in the "Adoramus te Christe" insertion within the Benedictus.

Nevertheless, this work also reveals what Carl Dahlhaus calls "the weakness of [Ce- cilian] music" (Nineteenth-Century Music [Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989], 181). The ongoing homophony becomes tedious, especially in lengthier sections like the opening of the Credo. In his desire for ease of performance, Habert dis- pensed with creating diverse, interesting thematic material-although the shape of melodic lines betrays some indebtedness to the Renaissance, the ideas lack the differ- entiated rhythms of that style.

The score is taken from the collected edition of Habert's works, which was edited in part under his supervision. The editor, An- ton Reinthaler, has produced a reliable version of the earlier score, which clearly was intended as a performing rather than a scholarly edition. Considering that the Mass is unknown to all but the specialist, it is unfortunate that Reinthaler did not provide more extensive notes, which could help to explain Habert's problematic position within the Cecilian movement.

Perhaps the publication of these two Masses will inspire scholars to undertake editions of other works from this significant yet neglected repertoire. Such major Ce- cilian compositions as Haller's Missa Tertia, op. 7 or Witt's Missa in honorem Sancti Fran-

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Music Reviews Music Reviews

cisci Xaverii, op. 8 certainly merit study upon important contemporaries cannot be and performance. Though the music of denied. these more conservative Cecilian compos- JAMES DEAVILLE ers may be shown to be weak, its influence McMaster University

Orlando di Lasso. Lectiones. Hrsg. von Wolfgang Boetticher. (Samtliche Werke, neue Reihe, Bd. 19.) Kassel: Barenreiter (Foreign Music Dist.), 1989. [Intro. material in Ger., pp. vi-xx; plates, pp. xxi-xxiv; score, 165 p., cloth. BA 4199. $193.20.]

Orlando di Lasso. Lagrime di San Pietro. Hrsg. von Fritz Jensch. (Samtliche Werke, neue Reihe, Bd. 20.) Kassel: Barenreiter (Foreign Music Dist.), 1989. [Intro. material in Ger., pp. vii-xxii; plates, pp. xxiii- xxx; score, 109 p., cloth. BA 4200. $114.30.]

Orlando di Lasso. Prophetiae Sibyllarum. Hrsg. von Reinhold Schlot- terer. (Samtliche Werke, neue Reihe, Bd. 21.) Kassel: Barenreiter (For- eign Music Dist.), 1990. [Intro. material in Ger., pp. vi-xxx; plates, xxxi-xxxviii; score, 48 p., cloth. BA 4281. $120.00.] Orlando di Lasso. The Seven Penitential Psalms and Laudate Dominum de caelis. Edited by Peter Bergquist. (Recent Researches in the Music of the Renaissance, 86-87.) Madison, Wis.: A-R Editions, 1990. [Preface, pp. vii-xxi; texts and translations, pp. xxii-xxviii; plates, pp. [xxix- xxxii]; score, 200 p., paper. ISBN 0-89579-247-8. $59.90.]

cisci Xaverii, op. 8 certainly merit study upon important contemporaries cannot be and performance. Though the music of denied. these more conservative Cecilian compos- JAMES DEAVILLE ers may be shown to be weak, its influence McMaster University

Orlando di Lasso. Lectiones. Hrsg. von Wolfgang Boetticher. (Samtliche Werke, neue Reihe, Bd. 19.) Kassel: Barenreiter (Foreign Music Dist.), 1989. [Intro. material in Ger., pp. vi-xx; plates, pp. xxi-xxiv; score, 165 p., cloth. BA 4199. $193.20.]

Orlando di Lasso. Lagrime di San Pietro. Hrsg. von Fritz Jensch. (Samtliche Werke, neue Reihe, Bd. 20.) Kassel: Barenreiter (Foreign Music Dist.), 1989. [Intro. material in Ger., pp. vii-xxii; plates, pp. xxiii- xxx; score, 109 p., cloth. BA 4200. $114.30.]

Orlando di Lasso. Prophetiae Sibyllarum. Hrsg. von Reinhold Schlot- terer. (Samtliche Werke, neue Reihe, Bd. 21.) Kassel: Barenreiter (For- eign Music Dist.), 1990. [Intro. material in Ger., pp. vi-xxx; plates, xxxi-xxxviii; score, 48 p., cloth. BA 4281. $120.00.] Orlando di Lasso. The Seven Penitential Psalms and Laudate Dominum de caelis. Edited by Peter Bergquist. (Recent Researches in the Music of the Renaissance, 86-87.) Madison, Wis.: A-R Editions, 1990. [Preface, pp. vii-xxi; texts and translations, pp. xxii-xxviii; plates, pp. [xxix- xxxii]; score, 200 p., paper. ISBN 0-89579-247-8. $59.90.]

The recent publication of several scholarly editions devoted to music by the pro- lific sixteenth-century composer Orlando di Lasso (1530/2-1594) offers us the opportunity to reflect upon some of his most interesting compositions. Aside from the Mass ordinary, Renaissance composers rarely wrote extended compositions. Lasso was an important exception, as the music under consideration shows. He consciously created cycles by imposing a large-scale musical plan either on a lengthy text (such as the thirteen poems of the Prophetiae Sibyl- larum or the twenty stanzas of the Lagrime di San Pietro) or on a group of related texts (such as the seven Penitential Psalms or the nine Lessons drawn from the Book of Job). Modality served as his primary means of organization. (For an important discussion of modality in Lasso, see Harold S. Powers, "Tonal Types and Modal Categories in Re- naissance Polyphony," Journal of the Amer- ican Musicological Society 34 [1981]: 428-70, where several of these pieces are dis- cussed.) The seven psalms, with the telling addition of an eighth piece (a motet using

The recent publication of several scholarly editions devoted to music by the pro- lific sixteenth-century composer Orlando di Lasso (1530/2-1594) offers us the opportunity to reflect upon some of his most interesting compositions. Aside from the Mass ordinary, Renaissance composers rarely wrote extended compositions. Lasso was an important exception, as the music under consideration shows. He consciously created cycles by imposing a large-scale musical plan either on a lengthy text (such as the thirteen poems of the Prophetiae Sibyl- larum or the twenty stanzas of the Lagrime di San Pietro) or on a group of related texts (such as the seven Penitential Psalms or the nine Lessons drawn from the Book of Job). Modality served as his primary means of organization. (For an important discussion of modality in Lasso, see Harold S. Powers, "Tonal Types and Modal Categories in Re- naissance Polyphony," Journal of the Amer- ican Musicological Society 34 [1981]: 428-70, where several of these pieces are dis- cussed.) The seven psalms, with the telling addition of an eighth piece (a motet using

the text of Psalms 148 and 150), are the most clear-cut examples of modal organization: each piece is in a different mode, and the modes run in order from one to eight. The thirteen items in the Prophetiae Sibyllarum are organized as six, rather than eight, components (Prologue, 1-2 in mode 8; 3-4 in mode 1; 5-6 in mode 2; 7-8 in mode 7; 9-10 in mode 3/4; and 11-12 in mode 6); modes 3 and 4 are combined, while mode 5 is not used. In Sacrae Lec- tiones, each of the eight modes is represented among the nine items, though not in numerical order; mode 2 appears twice. In Lagrime di San Pietro, composed at the very end of his life and published in a special, posthumous edition, Lasso returned to a strict numerical ordering (1-4 in mode 1, 5-8 in mode 2, 9-12 in mode 3/4, 13-15 in mode 5, 16-18 in mode 6, 19-20 in mode 7). Although the final piece-a motet written in cantus durus, with high clefs and ending on A-was perhaps intended to represent mode 8, it seems more likely that Lasso reflected its anomalous position in the cycle by breaking the modal order.

the text of Psalms 148 and 150), are the most clear-cut examples of modal organization: each piece is in a different mode, and the modes run in order from one to eight. The thirteen items in the Prophetiae Sibyllarum are organized as six, rather than eight, components (Prologue, 1-2 in mode 8; 3-4 in mode 1; 5-6 in mode 2; 7-8 in mode 7; 9-10 in mode 3/4; and 11-12 in mode 6); modes 3 and 4 are combined, while mode 5 is not used. In Sacrae Lec- tiones, each of the eight modes is represented among the nine items, though not in numerical order; mode 2 appears twice. In Lagrime di San Pietro, composed at the very end of his life and published in a special, posthumous edition, Lasso returned to a strict numerical ordering (1-4 in mode 1, 5-8 in mode 2, 9-12 in mode 3/4, 13-15 in mode 5, 16-18 in mode 6, 19-20 in mode 7). Although the final piece-a motet written in cantus durus, with high clefs and ending on A-was perhaps intended to represent mode 8, it seems more likely that Lasso reflected its anomalous position in the cycle by breaking the modal order.

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