Numen 62 (2015) 169196brill.com/nu koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 215|doi 1.1163/15685276-12341362Religious Violence and Hagiography inLate AntiquityMar MarcosUniversity of Cantabria, Departamento de Ciencias Histricas,Edificio Interfacultativo, Cantabria, Santander 39005, Spainmaria.marcos@unican.esAbstractSanctity is in many ways a social construct, and hence the profile of saints and the prac-ticesthatqualifythemassuchchangewiththepassingoftime.Thedestructionof temples and idols as a way to signal sanctity is a good example of this. The subject came to form part of hagiography in the late fourth century, reached its peak in the Theodosian period, and fell off in the sixth century when Christianization was believed to be com-plete.Hagiographymadeiconoclasmoneofthemostextraordinaryexpressionsof divine power, adding it to the saints repertoire of miracles and ascetic virtues. The aim of this article is to study the origins and early development of this motif, which legiti-mated and subtly encouraged the use of violence in the conversion process. It is within apologetic and polemical contexts that the episodes of the violent destruction of late antique paganism have to be assessed.Keywordsreligious violence iconoclasm hagiography Late AntiquityIn antiquity, both pagans and Christians believed in the capacity of daimones to foresee the future, but they did not agree on which ones truly possessed this ability. In De divinatione daemonum (On the Divination of Demons), written at *ThispaperhasbeenwrittenwiththefinancialsupportoftheSpanishMinisteriode EconomayCompetitividad(MINECO,ResearchProjectHAR-HAR201235185Universidad de Cantabria).170 MarcosNumen 62 (2015) 169196the height of the campaign to suppress paganism in North Africa (ca. 406411), AugustineofHipporecalledadebateonthatmatterthatheheldoneEaster morning with a group of laypeople.1 The issue arose from the news that the god Serapis, who was renowned for his prophetic powers, had foretold the destruc-tion of his temple in Alexandria shortly before it actually happened in 391/392.2 ThedestructionoftheSerapeum,regardedasoneofthegreatestwonders oftheworld,3causedadeeppsychologicaleffectamongstbothpagansand Christians, who regarded it as a symbol of traditional religion.ThepeopleAugustinewasdebatingwithwonderedifprophesiesofthat kind were not displeasing to God. Augustine responded that God tolerates reli-gious practices that he dislikes. In fact, God commands and permits the demo-litionofthetemplesandtheprohibitionofpagansacrifices(Dediv.1.32.4). The time had now come for the fulfillment of biblical prophecies announcing thattheGodofIsraelshallbeworshippedbyallnations,andthatfalsegods will be ousted both from their shrines and from the hearts of their worshippers (Isa 19.1; Zeph 2.11; Zech 13.2). Augustines conviction about a dramatic end of paganism, as it had taken place in Alexandria, was shared by other Christians atthetime.CommentingontheBookofIsaiah(in408/409),Jeromealso consideredthedestructionoftheEgyptiantemplestobethemanifestation ofthefulfillmentofOldTestamentprophecies(Comm.inIsaiah7.23).The Theodosian Age, in which Augustine and Jerome were writing, was perceived by Christians as the start of a new era in the economy of salvation, a providen-tial time in which destroying the idols contributed to building the kingdom of 1Ed. G. Bardy, Beckaert, and Boutet 1952:654693. Augustine deals with the theme of demons also in the City of God, especially 810.2TheattackontheSerapeumwasheadedbyBishopTheophiluswholaterusedthefinely carvedstonestobuildaChristianchurch(EunapiusVitaeSophistarum474).Themost detailed description of its destruction is given by Rufinus Historia Ecclesiastica 11.2223. See further information in Socrates Scholasticus Historia Ecclesiastica 5.1617; Sozomen Historia Ecclesiastica 7.15; and Theodoret Historia Ecclesiastica 5.22. A law of 16 June 391, sent to the comes of Egypt and to the praefectus augustalis, to be applied in all Egypt, forbade sacrifices with punishments of large fines for offenders (Codex Theodosianus 16.10.11). However, it does not contain any instructions about the destruction of temples or other places of worship. For the demolition of temples in Alexandria under the leadership of Theophilus, see Trombley 1995, 1:129145. For the history and archaeology of the Serapeum, see McKenzie, Gibson, and Reyes 2004; Hahn 2008.3Ruf.HE11.23,assumesthateveryonehadheardaboutitandthatmanyhadvisitedit.To Ammianus Marcellinus Res Gestae 22.16.12, who visited Alexandria before its destruction, the Serapeum was the most important building in the Roman Empire after the Capitol. Cf. also Expositio totius mundi et gentium 3436. 171 Religious Violence and Hagiography in Late AntiquityNumen 62 (2015) 169196God.4 Thedemonsresistancetotheirevictionwouldjustifythesevereanti-pagan legislation issued by the Emperor Theodosius and his sons,5 as well as other forms of religious coercion, including physical violence.AlthoughviolencewasnotanagreeablepracticeforGod,asAugustine points out,6 the obstinacy of the demons and the blindness of their worship-persmadeviolenceanecessarymeans.Anyonewhofacedthedangerous taskofcombatingidolatryshowedhimselfasatrueholyman.Lateantique Christianliterature,hagiographyinparticular,madeactsoficonoclasman expression of divine will and power. The aim of this paper is to study the ori-gins and early development of this hagiographical motif, which legitimated and subtly encouraged the use of violence in the conversion process.Sacred Violence: A Note on History and HistoriographyThe Serapeum is a paradigmatic example of the ways in which the Christians werereadytocollaborateinfulfillingthedivineplan.Thedemolitionof thetemplewasnotanisolatedevent,butformedpartofawidercampaign against shrines in Alexandria. A tumult in the city gave the Bishop Theophilus a pretext to intervene, sack the building and reveal the tricks that, according to the Christians, the priests had devised to make Serapis look like a true god. The adyta were profaned and the gods statue was beheaded and burned in the amphitheater for general ridicule. The temple was set on fire, the ornaments andimagesofworshipwereconfiscated,andthebuildingwasfinallyturned into a church.7 The disappointment of the pagans with the impotence of their god led to the conversion of many, while the Christians who died in the riots were acknowledged as martyrs (Sozomen, Historia Ecclesiastica 8.15).Indeed,sacredviolencehadspiritualadvantagesforthosewhoheroically carrieditout.ThisiswellillustratedbythecaseofthebishopMarcellusof ApameainSyria.Adivinemanwithaburningspirit(Theodoret,Historia Ecclesiastica 5.21.6), Marcellus was murdered (in 386) while he supervised from 4Cf. Ruf. HE 11.19 and Theod. HE 5.21. See Thelamon 1993.5Anti-pagan legislation of Theodosius in Cod. Theod. 16.10.1012 (in the years 391 and 392); of Honorius and Arcadius in Cod. Theod. 16.10.15, 16.10.16 and 16.10.18 (399), 16.10.19 (ca. 407/408) and 16.10.25 (435).6Dediv.2.4.Cf.alsoAugustineSermon62.11.17;302.23.21.Augustinesattitudetotheuseof coercion is ambiguous and changes with the circumstances. He appears to be more in favor of it when it refers to heretics. See Brown 1964; Marcos 2013.7See n. 2 above.172 MarcosNumen 62 (2015) 169196a distance for he was afflicted with gout and was therefore unable to fight thedestructionofthetemplesinhiscity,whichhehadordered,suspect-ingthatitwouldnotbeeasyotherwiseforthem[i.e.,theheathens]tobe convertedfromtheirformerreligion(Sozomen,HistoriaEcclesiastica7.15).8 WhenMarcellussonswantedtoavengehisdeath,thecounciloftheprov-ince prohibited them from doing so with the argument that they rather should give thanks to God for having considered Marcellus worthy of dying for such a cause (Sozomen, Historia Ecclesiastica 7.15; cf. Theodoret, Historia Ecclesiastica 5.21).TempledestructionalsohadmaterialadvantagesfortheChurch.The places snatched from the demons were Christianized and occupied, both sym-bolically by purifying them, and materially by turning them into churches.Variouscasesareknownofthedemolitionoftemplesandstatuesinthe last decades of the fourth century and the early fifth century (the crucial time in the anti-pagan offensive), and much scholarship has dealt with the topic in recentdecades.9However,asahistoricalphenomenon,sacredviolence shouldnotbeoverestimated.Withoutdenyingthefactthatseveralformsof coerciondidformpartoflateantiquereligiousconfrontation,recenthisto-riographyhasreassessedChristiannarrativesonviolence,lookingintotheir rhetoricaldimensionsandtheimpacttheirauthorswantedtoachievewith them (Saradi 2008), concluding that there was not a systematic policy of coer-civeeradicationofpaganismeitherbytheChurchorbythestate,andthat physicalviolencewasmorelimitedthanwhatChristiansourceswouldhave us believe (Sotinel 2004; Salzman 2006). Other aspects, such as the decline of paganpiety,disaffection,andabandonmentmayhaveplayedamoreimpor-tant role in the end of paganism than coercion and violence.10IficonoclastactionsdonotformanintrinsicpartoftheChristianization process,thenwemaystillwonderwhyChristianliteratureemphasizesthese episodesandthefunctiontheyplayintheeconomyoftheaccounts(see Fowden1978;Marcos1998).Whereas,officially,theChurchprohibitedthe destructionofidols,Christianintellectualsdefendedpersuasioninsteadof 8Trans. Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, vol. II.9The destruction of pagan temples and their conversion into churches has been thoroughly studied.SeeDeichmann1939;Spieser1976;Fowden1978;Hanson1978;Trombley1985, 1995;Saradi-Mendelovici1990;Marcos1998,2002;Grossmann1994;Klein1995;Beatrice 1996;BuenacasaPrez1997;Foschia2000;Bayliss2004;Caseau2001,2004;Sotinel2000, 2004;Ward-Perkins2003;Gaddis2005;Zimmermann2006;Drake2006;Hahn,Emmel, andGotter2008;Hahn2008;Shaw2011;LavanandMulryan2011;Busine2013.Arecent issue of the Journal of Late Antiquity (vol. 6.2, 2013) dedicates a dossier to the topic.10Caseau 2001; Sotinel 2004. This was, for instance, the case with the end of ancient Egyptian cults, as has been demonstrated by Dijkstra 2008. 173 Religious Violence and Hagiography in Late AntiquityNumen 62 (2015) 169196coercion, and imperial legislation tried to avoid vandalism (Kunderewicz 1971; Lepelley 1994), hagiography makes iconoclasm one of the most extraordinary expressions of divine power, adding it to the saints repertoire of miracles and ascetic virtues. It is within this apologetic and polemical context that episodes of the violent destruction of late antique paganism have to be assessed.Dominating the Demons: The Fantastic Deeds of Gregory ThaumaturgusThemotifofthesaintwhoheroicallycombatsthe(pagan)demonsappears for the first time with all its symbolic, evocative potential in Gregory of Nyssas Life of Gregory Thaumaturgus (ca. 380).11 The extant text is a development of an oration, probably given in the Church of Neocaesarea in Pontus (Asia Minor), whereGregory Thaumaturgushadbeenbishoponecenturyearlier(ca.240270). In the opening words, Gregory of Nyssa explains its aim (skopos):Both my speech and the congregation gathered here have one purpose, toreflectuponthegreatGregory.AsfarasIamconcerned,Ithinkitis besttodescribethestrengthofhisvirtueandhiswonderfuldeedsand to ask for his help, so that such a sublime example may help us to know how to lead our lives...Listening to this speech is like having a torch to guide lost sailors over the dark sea, a torch that lights our souls through his memory and which offers upright men a way towards good. We want everyonetowishtoachievesuchlaudableandhonourablebehavior. (PG 46.893)AmongthemiraculousdeedsattributedtoGregory,whowasconvertedto ChristianityfromphilosophyafterhearingtheteachingsofOrigen,Gregory ofNyssarecallsthepurificationofatemplethatwasfamousforitsoracles. Significantly,thiswasGregorysfirstthaumaturgicalaction.Accordingtohis panegyrist, the motive which led him to Neocaesarea was in fact to rid the city and its region of temples and idols, for which he trained like an athlete ready to fight in combat (PG 46.913). The biography gives a detailed account of the episode, which is similar to many others in later hagiographical texts. Gregory arrived in the city in the evening and a heavy storm made him seek shelter in atemple,onewhosedaimoneshadoracularpowers.Whenheenteredwith 11Vita Gregorii Thaumaturgi in PG 46.893957. For the limited historical value of Gregory of Nyssas account, see Van Dam 1982.174 MarcosNumen 62 (2015) 169196somecompanions,thedemonwasbroughttoahaltonhearingthename ofChrist.Gregorypurifiedtheairbymakingthesignofthecrossandspent thenightprayingandsinginghymns,andthusthetemplewasturnedintoa place of prayer. At sunrise, when the custodian came to make the usual rites, hecouldnotgoonbecauseGregoryhadblockedtheway.Hetriedtocall the gods to the temple but they did not respond. The custodian then began to insult Gregory, tried to hit him, and threatened to take him before the authori-ties for profaning the place. Gregory confronted him, and in the end, the guard-ian was convinced of his divine power, which he recognized as superior to that ofthedemons,andheconvertedtoChristianity.12Gregoryperformedsome other miracles (such as moving and carrying some huge stones), which made the custodian of another temple convert, too, together with all his family, his friends, the temple priests, and all their assistants (PG 46.915920). Gregory of Nyssa concludes the story of Gregorys iconoclast miracles by adding:Thus this great man overcame the power of the daimones and exhibited thetempleguardianlikethetrophyofavictory.Withfaithandcour-ageheenteredtriumphantlyinthecity,notwithchariotsandhorses, withtheostentationofalargenumberoffollowers,butenvelopedby his numerous virtues. The whole city came to know more about the new prodigy and they all wanted to see the man called Gregory. They regarded him as a god, full of authority and capable of doing all he wanted against the daimones to dominate them. Having submitted their patron (the god) to his authority and appropriating the honour that had previously been attributedtohim,Gregorychangedthewayoflife(ofthepagans)and everything that involved. (PG 46.920)Thestorycontinueswiththemassiveconversionofthepopulationof Neocaesarea and its region to the God of Gregory.Like most of Gregory of Nyssas narrative in the Life, these episodes of exor-cism are fiction. Gregory Thaumaturgus could hardly have carried out such a deed, which is unimaginable in the third century. His panegyrist was project-ing anachronistically an attitude that was acceptable and praiseworthy by the last decades of the fourth century.12The episode of Gregorys aristeia against the demons is narrated in the Latin, Syriac, and Armenian Lives as well. It is also mentioned by Rufinus, who added it to his translation of Eusebius Church History (Ruf. HE 6.30). Basil of Caesarea De Sancto Spiritu 74 says that Gregory had tremendous power over the demons. For the several accounts of Gregorys life and miracles, see Mitchell 1999; Clausi and Milazzo 2007. 175 Religious Violence and Hagiography in Late AntiquityNumen 62 (2015) 169196Between Legality and Autonomy: The Iconoclast Actions of Martin of Tours and Porphyry of GazaTwobiographies,TheLifeofMartinofTours(V.Mart.)writtenbySulpicius Severusaround397400and TheLifeofPorphyryofGaza(V.Porph.)written byMarktheDeaconsoonafterPorphyrysdeathin420,depicttheenthu-siasmforiconoclasmoftwoholymenwhowereatonetimeasceticsand bishops.However,theydifferedintheirmethods. WhileMartinactedonhis ownaccordinapersonalcrusadeonthefringesofthelaw,Porphyrymoved withintheboundsoflegalitybyobtainingedictsfromtheimperialcourtin Constantinople. The comparative study of the two cases can reconstruct a pic-ture of the difficult balance between legality and autonomy in the campaign to eradicate paganism in the Theodosian age.After a variety of ascetic experiences, Martin became bishop of Tours in 371, acclaimed by the people.13 As a bishop, he continued to follow his old ascetic habits and settled in a monastery outside the city in an isolated and wild loca-tion at Marmoutier. Although life at the monastery was devoted to prayer and manual labor, Martin sometimes went out for missionary purposes accompa-nied by some of his monks. These were occasions for him to perform numerous miracles,themostspectacularofthemassociatedwithcombattingidolatry. Threechaptersofthetwenty-fourintheLifearedevotedtodescribingthese heroic deeds that the hagiographer places among the excellences that Martin displayed as a bishop (V. Mart. 1315). In all of the episodes, the saint risks his life and then saves it at the last moment, proving his divine favor once again. He started by destroying an ancient temple in a village without encountering anyopposition.However,whenheattemptedtofellasacredpinenearthe shrine, the priest and heathens tried to stop him, challenging him to hold it up when they cut it down themselves, which Martin did. Astonished at the mir-acle, nearly everyone there converted. Thanks to Martins miracles the region wasChristianized,becausewherehehaddemolishedtemples,heimmedi-ately built there churches and monasteries (V. Mart. 13).Othericonoclastmiraclesfollowedthis.Inavillage,Martinhadsetfireto apopularancientshrine,andtheflamesbegantospreadtowardsanearby house;heclimbedontotheroofandstoppedthefire(V.Mart.14.12).Ina place called Leprosum (Lvroux), when Martin tried to pull down an opulent temple,acrowdofpagansprotestedandtheirviolencemadehimceasehis 13For Martins biography, see Stancliffe 1983, as well as the extensive introduction and notes to Sulpicius Severus Life of Martin by Fontaine 1967.176 MarcosNumen 62 (2015) 169196attempt.14Forthreedays,hefastedandprayed,imploringGodtodemolish the temple. Comforted by two armed angels who offered to help him, Martin returned to the place, pulled down the temple to its foundations, and smashed thealtarsandimages.Asaresult,mostofthewitnessesacclaimedthesaint andabandonedtheidols,whoappearedunabletohelpthemselves(V.Mart. 14.37).Finally,inthelandoftheAedui,afuriouscrowdthrewthemselves uponMartinwhenhewasdemolishingatemple.Oneofthemattackedhim with a sword, and when Martin was about to be stricken, the attacker fell back-wards onto the ground and began to ask for pardon (V. Mart. 15.12). Similarly, whenMartinwasdestroyingsomeidols,someonewantedtowoundhim with a knife; as he did so the weapon slipped from his hands and disappeared (V. Mart. 15.3).InthethirdoftheDialogues(datedto403/404),SulpiciusSeverusmen-tionstwomoreofMartinsiconoclastattacks.InthevillageofAmboise,an old fortress occupied by numerous monks, there was a splendid pagan temple endowed with many treasures. Martin had asked the local priest, Marcellus, to destroy it several times, but he had not done so, claiming that such a massive building could not be pulled down, not even by soldiers and the villagers, and that it was an impossible task for harmless clergymen and feeble monks. Thus, Martinresortedtodivinehelp.Hespentthewholenightinprayerandthe next morning a storm destroyed the temple. Sulpicius cites Marcellus himself asawitnesstothis(Dial.3.8.47).Onanotheroccasion,Martintriedtopull down a large column with an idol at the top. Since he himself did not achieve this, he turned to his habit of prayer. A large column fell from the sky over the first one and smashed it to pieces. Here Sulpicius mentions another eyewitness (Dial. 3.9.12).However, despite Martins numerous acts of iconoclast violence, propitiated by divine support, Sulpicius recalls that the holy bishop always preferred per-suasion to violence: Often, when peasants opposed him and asked him not to destroy their shrine, he appeased their pagan spirit with his holy preaching, so that by showing them the light of truth, they pulled down their temples them-selves (V. Mart. 15.4).Thehistoricalvalueofthesenarrativeshasbeenquestioned,15andithas beennotedthatMartinsviolentattacksagainstpaganismshouldnotbe 14This was probably the most important shrine of the Bituriges, located about eighty kilo-meters southeast of Tours. The importance of the temple explains Sulpicius precision in locating it.15See, most recently, Barnes 2010:233, who denies that Martin was ever a soldier as Sulpicius states, and consequently wonders if the rest of the Life is not equally fictitious. 177 Religious Violence and Hagiography in Late AntiquityNumen 62 (2015) 169196 overestimated.Includingtheepisodewhenhestoppedafunerarycortege bymistake,thinkingthatitwasapaganprocession(V.Mart.12),therewere only a total of nine incidents during the twenty-six years of his episcopate and none of them involved physical violence against people. It has also been high-lighted that, as his biographer states, Martin preferred persuasion to coercion (Salzman 2006:281282). However, there is nothing to make us believe that his iconoclast acts did not really take place. On the contrary, the Life was written soon after Martins death when witnesses to the events were still alive, which strengthens the hypothesis of its veracity.Whether nine episodes of violence in twenty-six years of his episcopate is a small or large number, taking into account that there could have been more,16 isamatterofopinion.However,therecanbenodoubtaboutMartinsvio-lent and provocative attitude towards paganism at a time when legislation did not authorize the destruction of temples. Martins status as ex-soldier and the numerous violent situations mentioned in the Life (bandit attacks, robberies, physical threats) might help to put his iconoclast actions into context. In any case, what counts for our purpose here is that the hagiographer considers icon-oclasm as one of Martins most relevant virtuous actions, worthy of admiration and of being emulated. As we shall see below, Martins example spread in Gaul, where he had a large number of imitators.17ThecontemporaryexperienceofPorphyry,bishopofGazabetween395420,isanexceptionalexampleofthemethods,difficulties,andprogressof personalcrusadesagainstpaganism.HisLife,afirstdraftofwhichwaswrit-tenshortlyafterhisdeathbythedeaconMark,aneyewitnesstotheevents, provides a great deal of historical information, with unusual precision for this literary genre. The oldest version that has reached us is not the original, but the work of a later writer who nonetheless preserved the genuine core.18 This later 16SulpiciusmentionsingeneraltermsthatMartinbuiltchurchesandmonasterieswher-ever he destroyed temples, without specifying which; V. Mart. 13.17MartinsiconoclasticactionsarethebestdocumentedonesintheWestforhistime. However,othersimilaractsmayhaveoccurred,evenearlierintime.GregoryofTours Gloriaconfessorum77mentionsthecaseofSimplicius,namedbishopofAutunin364. When he saw a procession of the goddess Berecynta (another name for Cybele) in which the idol was transported by oxen and cart with a large number of followers he prayed to God for Him to knock the statue down. That is what happened and caused the conversion of four hundred people.18The date of the Life of Porphyry has been extensively discussed. A Greek and a Georgian ver-sion exist, the latter of which is based on a shorter Syrian text. There is general agreement that the Greek version is the original, although the one that is extant is a later text. The historical value of the Life has also been questioned, although there is also agreement that, 178 MarcosNumen 62 (2015) 169196author was very selective in the events he chose to relate: most of the extant Life(eighty-nineoftheonehundredandthreechapters)isaboutPorphyrys deeds as a bishop, focusing on a few years at the start of his episcopate when he succeeded in obtaining the recognition of the inhabitants of Gaza, an emi-nently pagan city; this was thanks to his ability to do miracles and, above all, to his obstinacy and efficiency in fighting the gods and temples.In the prologue, which was added by the later author, it is made clear that itwasPorphyrysardentloveofChrist,asexpressedinhisobsessivefight against idols, which made him a man of extraordinary sanctity, a new apostle worthy of remembrance:What punishment shall I not justly suffer, if I commit not to writing the life of a man, so beloved of God, that may teach us to love wisdom through him, who strove zealously after the heavenly life? We shall tell the history of his wars and his standing up not only against the leaders and champi-ons of the madness of idols, but even against a whole people filled full of all madness. For he remembered the words of the blessed apostle, hereby he saith: Take up the whole armour of God, that ye may be able to with-standintheterribleday,andhavingovercomealltostand[Eph.6.13], having put on this whole armour the said apostle went in unto the fight; but Porphyry also, having like adversaries, and as mighty, and being set to a conflict like unto the apostles, was crowned with an equal victory, and did raise up a trophy in the midst of the city of the Gazaeans, even that holy church of Christ which he did found. But that which gave him the victory was not his human nature, but his purpose, which drew unto itself thedivinegrace:fortheloveofChristbeingexceedinghotwithinhim, he had power to suffer and to do all things. How many warlike onslaughts didthismanabideatthehandsofhisadversaries;howmanyplottings and mockings did he endure! (V. Porph., prol. 2)19despite containing some inaccuracies, it provides reliable data. See Grgoire and Kugener 1930;Trombley1995,1.188282;Teja2008;Sfameni-Gasparro2009:210221;Barnes2010. Surprisingly,PorphyryisnotsubjectmatterinthemostrecentbookonChristianGaza inLateAntiquity,acollectionofessayseditedbyBitton-AshkelonyandKofsky2004,in which the discussion about Porphyrys Life and mission is confined to a footnote (p. 7 n. 12).19Trans. Hill 1913. The prologue was borrowed from Theodorets Religious History, which was published in 444445. 179 Religious Violence and Hagiography in Late AntiquityNumen 62 (2015) 169196Porphyrysiconoclastvocationmanifesteditselfearlierinhisasceticcareer. Coming from a noble family in Thessalonica, he felt the attraction of a monastic life in his youth. He traveled to Egypt first and, around 377, he went to Palestine, where he met Mark. In the Church of the Anastasis in Jerusalem, Porphyry had avisionthatrevealedhismissionofbecomingacombatantagainstidolatry. HesawChristonthecross,tellinghim,Takethiswoodandkeepitforme. WhentheBishopofJerusalemmadehimapriestandgavehimthedutyof looking after the relic of the cross, Porphyry understood the reach of this mis-sion (V. Porph. 10). An additional sign strengthened this call: the Bishop of Gaza had died and the Gazaeans, who disagreed about his successor, had asked the metropolitan of Caesarea to give them a priest who should be able by deeds and by speech to withstand the idolaters; the metropolitan had a vision that that man would be Porphyry (V. Porph. 12).PorphyrysjourneytoGazawasfullofobstaclesandhumiliations.The pagans in the villages near the city filled the path with thorns, spread rubbish, and burned smelly substances that were dangerous to the eyesight (V. Porph. 17). Once in Gaza, he had his first tour de force with the god Zeus-Marnas, whose temple,theMarneion,wasoneofthemostmagnificentintheEast.During adrought,whileMarnaswasunabletoproviderain,Porphyrymanagedto dosoeasilyinthecourseofanostentatiousprocession.Thisbroughtasa resultthefirstofseveralmassiveconversions(V.Porph.1921).Afterendur-ing abuse and attacks from the pagans, Porphyry decided to send Mark to the courtinConstantinople(ca.398)toasktheEmperorArcadiusforthetem-ples to be destroyed. What Mark got was a decree to close them. An assistant ofthemagisterofficiorum(masterofoffices),Hilarius,wasputinchargeof enforcing this order (V. Porph. 2627). Mark arrived in Gaza accompanied by twocommentarienses(officialsresponsibleforpolicingandlegalfunctions), whowereattheserviceofthegovernorofPalestinewithnumerousassis-tants and officials from other cities in the province. Hilarius informed the city notablesabouttheorderandheoverturnedalltheidolsinthemandshut them up,20 although he allowed the Marneion to remain standing after a bribe (V. Porph. 27). Impotent against the idolaters, who continued abusing Christians andstoppedthemfromcarryingoutpublicduties,Porphyry,withthemet-ropolitan of Palestine, went to Constantinople to ask the emperors with the approval of the King of Heaven, for the destruction of the temples of the idols 20This statement is rhetorical, since the next chapters say that later the temples remained standing. This is, in any case, what might be expected as the imperial orders referred to closing the temples, not to demolishing them.180 MarcosNumen 62 (2015) 169196(V. Porph. 32). After numerous contacts at the Court, they obtained the order to demolish all of them to their foundations and put them to the fire (V. Porph. 51). Meanwhile, the Empress Eudoxia made a large donation to build a church and a hostelry in the midst of the city (V. Porph. 53).The iconoclast offensive began as soon as Porphyry arrived in Gaza. A mar-ble statue of a naked Aphrodite, placed in one of the citys entrances, was exor-cizedwiththecrossand,oncethedemonhadrunaway,pulleddown.Itfell upontwopagans,breakingtheheadofoneofthemandthebackandhand ofanother(V.Porph.5962).Aftertendays,theimperialenvoy,headedby Cynegius, who had been chosen because of his Christian zeal, arrived in Gaza with the army and some civil officials. The city counted eight public temples and many more shrines in houses and in the nearby villages (V. Porph. 64). The soldiers began with the Marneion, but the priests, who were ensconced inside, obstructed their path. They then attacked other temples, pulling them down, settingfiretothem,andtakingthesacredobjects.Porphyryhadforbidden theChristianstotakeanysacredobjects,21andtheyabstainedfromdoing so. The campaign lasted ten days. After some uncertainty about how to destroy theMarneion(somesaiditshouldbedemolished,othersthatitbeburned, and yet others that it should be purified and turned into a church), a clairvoy-antchildannouncedthatthetempleshouldbesetonfirefrominside,and he even gave details of the flammable material that should be used. After this fire, the temple was to be purified and turned into a church. The temple was destroyed in accordance with the childs instructions (V. Porph. 6670). Then, the houses were inspected in search of idols, which when found were burned or thrown in the mud; books with magic formulae were also confiscated and burned. Many pagans converted, some from fear and others out of repentance fortheirpreviouslife(V.Porph.7172).SomeChristiansthoughtthatthey should not accept people who converted through coercion, but Porphyry justi-fied this practice by arguing that:Therebealsovirtueswhichcomebychanceuntomenfromcircum-stances. For even as a man who hath gotten a froward servant first admon-isheth him by all means to behave himself wisely and to serve him with a simple heart, but when he findeth him nowise obedient unto his admo-nition,thenthereafterofnecessityhelayethuponhimfearandblows and bonds and other such things, desiring not to destroy him but that he 21Several constitutions issued by this time establish the prohibition of temple pillage: Cod. Theod. 16.10.12 (8 Nov. 392); 10.18 (20 Aug. 399); 10.20 (30 Aug. 415). See n. 5 above. 181 Religious Violence and Hagiography in Late AntiquityNumen 62 (2015) 169196shouldbesavedandacknowledgethatwhichbehovethhim;evensuch may ye suppose God to be, enduring our frowardness with long suffering, and oftentimes persuading us for our profit both through the scriptures and through other holy men; but when we are not persuaded, desiring in all things like a good and merciful master to keep us and not to thrust us away, he layeth upon us his fear and his teaching, calling us of necessity toacknowledgethatwhichbehovethus. Thereforethedivinescripture saith: When he slew them, then they sought him, and they returned and inquiredearlyafterGod[Ps78.34(77.34)].Andagainitsaithconcern-ing them who behave themselves unruly and stiffen their necks against God: With muzzle and bridle ye shall hold in their jaws lest they come nigh thee [Ps 32.9 (31.9)]. It is needful therefore, my children, that man-kind be admonished by fear and threats and discipline. Therefore again it saith: It is good for me that thou hast humbled me, that I may learn thy statutes [Ps 99.71 (98.71)]. These things have I said because of those who desire to come unto our holy faith. For even if they come doubting, time is able to soften their hearts, if Christ consent. But, that I may tell you yet another thing, even though they be not seen to be worthy if the faith, hav-ing been already in a state of evil, they that are born of them can be saved, by having converse with the good. (V. Porph. 73)In place of the Marneion, a church was built with the money donated by the Empress, in a cross shape which she had designed. When the area of the tem-ple was cleared, marble plates that had belonged to it were reused to pave the square, so that they could be walked upon not only by men, but also by women, dogs,pigs,andwildanimals.Thisgreatlyoffendedthepagans,especially thewomenwhoneversetfootagainuponthosemarbles(V.Porph.7576). ThestoryintheLifepracticallyendswiththeconsecrationofthechurch, whichwasgiventhenameofEudoxiana,in407.Suchasuddenend(itcon-cludesaround410,tenyearsbeforePorphyrysdeath)suggeststhatthelater authorremovedpartoftheoriginaltext.Theparthewantedtohighlight wasthetimeofthecrusadeagainsttheidols,whenPorphyrywonhispres-tigeasaholybishop.Thefinalchapter,describingthesaintsdeath,thus concludes:(hedied)havingheldhisbishopricfourandtwentyyearsandeleven monthsandeightdays,andfoughtthegoodfightuntotheendagainst the idolmadmen until the day of his falling asleep. And now he is in the Paradise of delight...(V. Porph. 103)182 MarcosNumen 62 (2015) 169196Iconoclasm as Hagiographical Leitmotiv: East and WestThedestructionofidolsbecamealeitmotivofhagiographicliteratureinthe first half of the fifth century and declined later, when paganism was in decline andmosttempleshadbeenabandoned.Inthoseareasinwhichtheconver-sionprocesshadnotbeenaccomplished,iconoclasmappearsinChristian rhetoricasanefficientinstrumentinthesuppressionofpaganism.Thisis particularly well attested in Egypt (see Frankfurter 2000, 2008). The iconoclast saint already appears in the Historia Monachorum in Aegypto (Hist. Monach.), writteninGreekaround395,andsoontranslatedintoLatinbyRufinus ofAquileia(seeFestugire1961).Afterlivinginsolitudeforfortyyears, Apollonius of Hermopolis received divine instructions to leave the desert and move to populated places to combat pagan philosophy and idols. On one occa-sion, together with a group of monks from the monastery that he had founded, Apollonius interfered with a pagan procession. While he kneeled and prayed, he kept numerous participants and the priests carrying the wooden statue of the idol from being able to move, only letting them go later.22 This resulted in the conversion of many worshippers, who proceeded to burn the statue them-selves. A large number of the converts went with Apollonius to his monastery. His fame and influence was so great that no pagans were left in the region, the hagiographer concludes (Hist. Monach. 7).Iconoclast miracles have an important place in the biographies of the Coptic saints,beginningwiththeLifeofShenoute(V.Shenut.).TheLifeofShenoute of Atripe (ca. 350465), the archimandrite of the White Monastery (from 385 untilhisdeath),hasbeenattributedtohisdiscipleandsuccessorasheadof themonastery,Besa.23Shenoute,thenephewofthefounderofamonastery the impressive remains of which can still be found in the proximity of modern Akhmim, was a man of outstanding culture and evangelizing zeal, who guided themonasterytoitsgreatestsplendorandwealth.Shenoutesauthoritarian character and strong Christian convictions drove him to start a violent offen-sive against heresy and paganism.24 An extensive corpus of Shenoutes writings survive in fragmentary copies, which include sermons against the pagans in an aggressive language, and record several of his anti-pagan actions in Atripe and 22The episode is very similar to Martin of Tours encounter with the funeral procession; see V. Mart. 12. See this episode above.23FortheLife,whichsurvivesinCopticaswellasinSyriac,Arabic,andEthiopic,see Lubomierski 2007.24For Shenoutes anti-pagan offensive, see Emmel 2008. 183 Religious Violence and Hagiography in Late AntiquityNumen 62 (2015) 169196thesurroundingareas,thatShenoutedeemstohavebeencarriedoutinan orderly fashion:For I have done nothing in a disorderly fashion: neither the time we burned thepagantempleinAtripe;northetimewewentwiththeChristians who were taken before the judge in Hermopolis and Antinoopolis when the priests lodged a complaint against them because of the other (?) tem-ple that they had destroyed in their own village. Or again: how many men besides seven monks did I take with me the day I removed the idols from that mans private chamber.25The Life raises Shenoutes violent actions to the rank of encomiastic deeds. It describes Shenoutes visit to the village of Pnueit with the purpose of casting down the idols there. When the pagans heard about this, they tried to stop him byburyingsomemagicspellsintheroadtothevillage.Thesaint,however, detected these spells since the mule he was riding stopped each time he had to pass over one of them. In Pnueit, Shenoute went into the temple, piled up the idols, and smashed them (V. Shenut. 8384). On another occasion, he went toPanopolisforthepurposeoftakingawaytheidolsthatthecrypto-pagan landowner and ex-governor Gesios was hiding in his house. Accompanied by two monks, he left the monastery and crossed the river at night without need-ing a boat. When they arrived, the doors of the house opened up and the way towardstheplacewiththeidolswasleftclear.Shenoutegatheredthemup with the assistance of his companions, took them to the river, broke them into pieces,andthrewthemin. Theythenreturnedtotheothersideoftheriver, once again without the need of a boat (V. Shenut. 125127).OtherlaterCopticLivesincludeepisodesofasimilarkindtothese.The Panegyric on Macarius, Bishop of Tkow (Paneg. Mac.), attributed to Dioscuros ofAlexandria(444451),26tellshowthesaintdesiredtoendtheworshipof anidolcalledKothos,sohewenttothetempleontheoutskirtsofavillage, accompanied by some Christian notables. When they arrived, the worshippers of the idol captured him, and Besa, Shenoutes disciple, and a group of monks whofreedhimthensetfiretothetemple.Thetemplepriestwasburnedto death, along with the idols. As a consequence of this, many pagans converted, 25Quoted in Emmel 2008:162163. The list may be not complete, as the manuscript breaks off here. Shenoute remembers his anti-pagan activities in other works of his, compiled in Emmel 2008:182197.26Although the extant text is dated to the fifth or the sixth century, it contains an older core; Johnson 1980 (ed. and trans.).184 MarcosNumen 62 (2015) 169196and three hundred and six idols were thrown into the fire (Paneg. Mac. 5.111). TheLifeofMoses(ca.465550),BishopofAbydos,writtenshortlyafterhis death, attributed several deeds of this kind to its hero: the destruction of a tem-ple of Apollo and four other temples, the death of thirty priests together with their children, and the conversion of many. He is also attributed with putting an end to the oracular worship of Bes. The Life ends when Moses encourages hismonkstogoinsidethetemple(seeDijkstra2005:87).TheLifeofAaron containsrichinformationaboutthemonasticoccupationoftheislandof Philae and its first bishops, with many details about the destruction of its temples (ca. 535537).27ActionstakenagainstpaganworshiparedescribedinseveralotherGreek hagiographicalworks.Hypatius,thefirsthegoumenosintheMonasteryof Rufinianae near Chalcedon (ca. 406446),28 was, according to his biographer, obsessed with idols.DrivenbyhiszealforGod,hecleansedmanyplacesintheBithynian region of the mistaken worship of idols. As soon as he heard that a tree oranyothersimilarobject wasworshippedsomewhere,hewenttothe placeimmediately.Hetookthemonkswithhim,hisdisciples,hecutit downandsetfiretoit.Inthisway,(thesepeople)weregraduallymade Christian. In fact, saint Jonas, who had been his spiritual father, had civi-lized Thrace in this way and had made it Christian. (V. Hypat. 30)29The offensive against pagan worship seems to have been a part of the teachings and ascetic practice at Rufinianae. For a time, one of the most popular and con-troversial ascetics of the time, Alexander Akimetes (the sleepless one), stayed there.30FromanislandintheAegean,Alexanderhadfollowedasceticprac-tices first in Syria and later in Mesopotamia, where he founded a monastery on 27See Dijkstra 2008: 225270, with a discussion about the Life of Aaron as a historical source.28TheMonasteryofRufinianaehadbeenfoundedin393byFlaviusRufinus,Praetorian Prefect of the East, on his land on the Asian side of the Bosphorus. Monks were brought from Egypt to establish this first foundation. After Rufinus death, by order of the Emperor Arcadius, it was ruled by Hypatius, a monk from Phrygia, who made the monastery a cen-ter of attraction for ascetics; there were fifty in Hypatius lifetime. The Life of Hypatius, by his disciple Callinicus, must have been written shortly after the saints death; see Bartelink 1971:912.29The translation is my own from Bartelinks edition. As far as I know, there is no English translation of the Life.30Alexanders Life is translated in Caner 2002:249280. 185 Religious Violence and Hagiography in Late AntiquityNumen 62 (2015) 169196thebanksoftheEuphratesthatwelcomedmonksofvariouscultures.Itwas said that four languages were spoken in the monastery: Syrian, Coptic, Greek, and Latin. The founder achieved great fame for his ascetic rigor, his devotion to prayer, and his missionary zeal. The monks under his supervision, who were able to move around in groups of over a hundred (perhaps the figure is exag-gerated), were feared in the cities around the monastery because of the distur-bancesandviolencetheycaused;aformofapostolatethat,accordingtothe Life, succeeded in converting several Arab tribes. Alexander was once arrested as an agitator, but he managed to escape and fled to Constantinople where he founded a monastery some fifteen miles from Rufinianae, which soon gathered aboutthreehundredmonks.Whentheywereaccusedofheresyandperse-cuted, Alexander and some of his disciples sought refuge in Rufinianae, from where they undertook the foundation of other monasteries. The most famous ofthese,knownasthemonasteryoftheAcoemetae,becameanimportant centerofspiritualityandcultureintheConstantinopolitanareathroughthe work of his disciple, Marcellus (see Marcos 2003: 664666).Syrian monasticism, which was so rich and varied in its forms, also provides someexamplesoficonoclastsaints.Theirmissionarymethodsrangedfrom theeradicationofidolatrybysymbolicviolence(thesaintshowshispower bydefeatingthedemonsinaspiritualcombat,oustingthemfromtheir abodeandoccupyingithimself)tophysicalattacks,demolitions,andfires. AgoodillustrationofthefirstmethodistheexperienceofThalelaeus,told by TheodoretofCyrrhus(ca.444445)inhisPhilotheosHistoria,whoclaims tohaveseentheprodigiousspectaclewithhisowneyes(28.1).Thalelaeus settled down by a temple near the village of Gabala, where worshippers made numerousofferingstoplacatethecrueldemonsbywhomthepopulation wasbeingterrorized.Thalelaeusbuiltasmallhutthere.Thedemonstried tofrightenhimawaybyblowinggales(overfivehundredtreeswereblown down by a single gust) and also by making night-time noises and lights. When these had no effect on Thalelaeus, they finally left him alone. Theodoret visited Thalelaeus some years later, when he was living in a small cylinder hung in the air, where, because of the saints large size, he always had to remain seated with hisheadbetweenhisknees.Thalelaeusasceticrigorandhismiraclesmade himacelebrityamongthepeopleinthearea.Theodoretfinisheshishagio-graphic portrait:With their (the newly converted) assistance he has demolished the pre-cinctofdemonsanderectedagreatshrinetothetriumphantmartyrs, opposingtothosefalselycalledgodsthegodlydead.Mayitbethatby their intercession this man too may with the same victory reach the goal 186 MarcosNumen 62 (2015) 169196of the contests (agones), and that we, aided by both them and him, may become fervent lovers of the contests of philosophy. (Hist. Phil. 28.5)31Among the several iconoclast monks in the Syrian region, the most outstand-ing is Barsauma (or Bar Sauma), of whom a biography written by Samuel, one of his first disciples, is extant.32 Although novel-like in many ways, the Life con-tains a reliable historical core in regards to the numerous episodes of violence against pagans and Jews (Acerbi 2007:278279, 284). Barsauma and his monks alternatedtheiranchoriticorsemi-anchoriticlifeintheTaurusMountains with evangelizing expeditions to the Holy Land, undertaken outside any con-trolbycivilorecclesiasticalauthorities.Around420,hewenttoJerusalem, accompanied by forty followers behaving like a ravaging militia. On the march towards Jerusalem, Barsaumaentered the land of the Phoenicians, the Arabs and the Palestinians. He begantosubverttheJewishsynagogues,destroythemeetingplacesof theSamaritans,andburnthetemplesofpaganidols.Afterprayingin Jerusalem and going to the mountains of Sinai, he walked along the des-ert road. At that time, the pagans were still powerful in those places; they weretheownersofthelandandthecitiesintheregion. Thecitygates closed on his arrival. Sometimes they passed by, other times they insisted and forced open the city gates and entered. On one occasion they reached alargecityinthatlandcalledRequemdeGaa(Petra),whichclosedits gates. (Barsauma) was surprised by the citizens fear, as there were only forty men with him. He threatened to declare war on them and burn the city down if they did not let him enter. He entered. It had not rained for four years and he announced rain for them. So much rain fell that the city walls collapsed. The priests of the idols converted.3331Trans.Price1985.Nothingisleftofthismartyrium.Theodoretmentionsothercasesof supplanting similar cults of Maron in Cyrrhestique (Hist. Phil. 16.1) and of Abraham in a Lebanese village (Hist. Phil. 17.2).32TheversionoftheLifeofBarsaumathathasreachedus,inSyriac,datesfromthesixth century. It has been partially edited and translated into French by F. Nau in several issues oftheRevuedelOrientchrtien:(1913),18:272276,379389;(1914),19:113114,278279, 414440; (19151917), 20:332. Although the figure of Barsauma has been studied, as far as I know, his biography has not been written. The best account of his activities, both against paganism and in ecclesiastical politics, always marked by his extremist and violent tem-perament, is in Acerbi 2007.33Based on a translation in Acerbi 2007:283. 187 Religious Violence and Hagiography in Late AntiquityNumen 62 (2015) 169196From Petra, they walked on towards the Port of Maan along the Roman road to the east of the Dead Sea, burning down synagogues and destroying temples as they went. Accompanied by a hundred men, Barsauma undertook another journey to the Holy Land, where he met the Empress Eudocia, Theodosius IIs wife,whohadexiledherselfinBethlehem.TheEmpresswasfascinatedby Barsaumasdeedsandaskedtoseehimandtookhimunderherprotection. In a new expedition to the Holy Land in 438, Barsauma went to the temple of Jerusalem,wherenumerousJewshadgatheredbecauseoftheimperialoffer ofre-establishingit,andhestartedagreatriot. TheLifedoubtlesslyexagger-ates the figures: over a hundred thousand Jews were gathered for the feast of Sukkoth; they began to stone Barsauma and his monks who, despite being out-numbered,wontheday. Thereweresomedeaths,andthemonksweretried bytheRomangovernorandfoundguilty.Anearthquakeoccurredduring their arrest, and Barsauma succeeded in persuading the governor, by this and other miracles, that the Jews deaths were due to divine will. This earned him a redoubled reputation as a holy man. He was invited by Emperor Theodosius II totakepartintheSecondCouncilofEphesusin449,whereherepresented Eastern monasticism against the Nestorians and played a prominent and vio-lent part. But his luck changed at the Council of Chalcedon in 451, and he was condemnedafterbeingaccusedofkillingBishopFlavianofConstantinople, whohaddiedasaresultofphysicalviolenceattheCouncilofEphesus. Barsauma was then dispossessed of his post as archimandrite, although he was laterrehabilitatedandallowedtoreturntohismonastery,wherehelivedat least until 457 (Acerbi 2001).ThemotifoftheiconoclastsaintenduredinlaterByzantinehagiography. Although it goes beyond the chronological limits of this paper, it is worth tak-ing a brief look at the figure of John, monophysite Bishop of Ephesus, who was knownforhisevangelizationcrusadeintheruralareasofthewesternprov-inces of Asia Minor in the mid-sixth century (Trombley 1985). The progress of his campaign is described by himself in his Church History:Intheyear542,thekindnessofGodvisitedAsia,Caria,Lydia,and Phrygia,thankstothezealofthevictoriousJustinianandbytheactiv-ity of his humble servant (John of Asia)...When God opened the minds (of the pagans) and made them know the truth, he aided us in destroy-ingtheirtemples,inoverturningtheidols,ineradicatingthesacrifices whichwereofferedeverywhere,insmashingtheiraltarsdefiledbythe blood of sacrifices offered to pagan gods, and in cutting down the numer-ous trees which they worshiped, and so they became estranged from all 188 MarcosNumen 62 (2015) 169196the errors of their forefathers. The saving sign of the cross was implanted everywhereamongstthem,andthechurchesofGodwerefoundedin every place. (see in Trombley 1985:333)John claims to have saved many thousands of people of the error of idolatry in the mountains of Caria, near the city of Tralles, an area that he says was com-pletelypagan.AtempletherewasconsecratedtothegoddessDareira(prob-ablythetempleofthegoddessMotherIsodromia,mentionedbyStraboin Geography 9.5.19), on which fifteen hundred smaller temples depended. With the approval of the civil authorities, John ordered the destruction of the temple andtheconstructionofamonasteryinitsplace,whichreceivedlargedona-tionsfromtheEmperorJustinian.TheDareiramonasteryheldjurisdiction overfourteenchurchesandsevenmonasteriesinJohnslifetime.Inanother ofhisworks,TheLivesoftheEasternSaints,adossierwithbriefbiographies of Johns collaborators in Asia, he gives some figures about their evangelizing achievements: eighty thousand conversions, ninety-eight churches, and twelve monasteries built between 536566.34 John benefitted from the collaboration ofseveralmonophysitebishops,priests,andmonks,whocomplainedabout the hardship of their mission, for which they had to climb mountains and enter ruggedruralareas.Theirmissionwaslargelyfundedbyimperialresources, privatedonations,andataxpaidbyChristians.AllJohnscollaboratorshad been monks, in the present or in the past; and most of them were Syrians apart fromsomeArmeniansandPersianArameans.Similarevangelizingactions inAsiaMinorareattestedintheLifeofNicholasofSion,hegumenofHagia Sion monastery in Lycia (sixth century),35 and of the Life of Theodoret of Sykeon inGalacia(seventhcentury).36Despitealltherhetoriconmassiveconver-sions associated with these campaigns, paganism survived in the East until the Arab conquest.Western hagiographic tradition is less rich in recounting iconoclast deeds, with the notable exception of Gaul, where the historical and hagiographic pro-file of Martin was very influential (Caseau 2001:8384). In Merovingian Gaul, the best example of an emulator of Martin in the physical combat against idols is Vulfilaic,aradicalasceticwhoreceivedGregoryof Toursinhismonastery forashorttime(ca.585).ItisGregorywhonarratesthestoryinhisHistoria Francorum,whichhewastolddirectlybyVulfilaicaspartoftheaccountof hisasceticconversion(8.15).VulfilaicfeltdevotiontoMartinwhenhewasa 34Figures that Trombley 1985:330331 considers realistic.35Ed. and trans. Sevcenko and Sevcenko 1984.36There is a partial translation in Dawes and Baynes 1977:88192. 189 Religious Violence and Hagiography in Late AntiquityNumen 62 (2015) 169196boyfromonlyhearinghisnameandwithoutknowinganymoreabouthim. When he was an adult, being instructed by Abbot Avidius, he visited Martins tomb in Tours, from where he took a little earth. This was the cause of a mira-cle which made Vulfilaic become faithfully devoted to the saints memory. He moved to Trier and built a monastery there with his own hands and a church which became famous for its relics of Martin as well as other saints. Vulfilaic achievedhisprestigeasanasceticwiththedestructionofastatueofDiana thatnooneelsehadbeenabletopulldownbefore.Hewentupacolumn nexttothestatueandstayedthereandprayedrepeatedlyuntilheobtained fromGodthestrengthtooverturnit.Whenitwasontheground,hebroke thestatueintopieceswithahammer.Thedemoninsideittookrevengeby fillingVulfilaicsbodywithboils,whichhecuredwithholyoilbroughtfrom St. Martins church. The local bishops finally managed to persuade Vulfilaic to stopemulatingSimeonStylites,toleavehiscolumn,andtogolivewiththe monksinhismonastery.Thisepisode,fullofpicturesquedetails,isreminis-centofthestorythatSulpiciustellsofMartinsfightagainstthestatueona column (Dial. 3.9.12).TheLifeofSt.GallbyGregoryofToursalsocontainsanepisodeoficon-oclasm.WhenGallwastravellingwithKingTheodorictoCologne,hesawa templefullofreligiousobjects,whereitwassaidthatthebarbarianscarried out their rites and orgiastic banquets and left votive offerings to acknowledge the healings performed by the god. Gall went with a companion and set fire to the temple, while no devotees were inside. When the heathens saw the smoke, theychasedGallwiththeirswords.ThekingcalmedthemdownandGalls lifewassaved.Hishagiographerconcludes,(Gall)wouldoftenshedtears when he told this story and say, Oh, how wretched I am for not losing my life then (Vitae Patrum 6.2). Other Merovingian saints, like Queen Radegund, the founder of a monastery in Poitiers, included the destruction of idols amongst their evangelization work.37TheevocativepowerofMartinsiconoclastmiraclesreachedwellintothe MiddleAges.ARomanesquecapitalintheAbbeyofSt.MaryMagdalenein Vzelay, a major pilgrimage center in the Middle Ages, shows the saint in the act of cutting down the pine tree. The Romanesque artist, however, turned the pine tree into a palm tree. The fact that the image of Martin is part of a series of 37Radegund, the founder of a womens monastery in Poitiers in 544, who died in 587, was praisedintwoLives.Onewaswrittenbyherfriendandprotg,thepoetVenantius Fortunatus shortly after her death (Vita Radegundis I; see Krusch 1888) and the other is a continuation of the first, by an abbess at her monastery, Baudovinia, written in the early seventh century (Vita Radegundis II).190 MarcosNumen 62 (2015) 169196hagiographiccapitals,whichrepresentAnthonyandPaulthehermit,among others, must have confused the artist, who placed Martin in scenery reminis-cent of the Egyptian desert.ConclusionSanctityisinmanywaysasocialconstruct,andhencetheprofileofsaints and the practices that qualify them as such change with the passing of time. Thedestructionoftemplesandidolsasawayandsignofsanctityisagood example of this. The subject came to form part of the hagiography in the late fourth century, reached its peak in the Theodosian period (late fourth through early fifth centuries), the time of an increase in the legislation and fight against paganworship,andfelloffinthesixthcenturywhenChristianizationwas believedtobecomplete.Evenso,lateraccountsdescribeholyactsoficono-clasminruralareas,whichweremorevulnerabletoabuse.Thedestruction ofidols,whichiscategorizedwithineitherthevirtuesorthemiraclesofthe saints, fulfills several functions in the Lives. It is a form of sanctification and an ascetic exercise, a way to court martyrdom, and a manifestation of divine will and omnipotence. All this is given a triumphal touch to show Gods superiority over polytheistic gods, now reduced to the category of demons, and encourage conversions.Each story of the destruction of a pagan holy place is followed by an episode of conversion en masse. As an instrument of conversion, the smashing of idols had,however,onlylimitedsuccess.Whereitispossibletomakeastatistical study of the results of these miracles of conversion, as it is in the case of the Life of Porphyry, the figures are poor. However, the figures are not what count in sanctity, nor even the absolute accuracy of the stories. In fact, many of the Lives we have examined here are far from being completely reliable from a historical point of view. What counts is their function as examples to be followed, as it is invariably read in the prologues; that is what makes them relevant for Late Antique history.Hagiography provided role models and acted as a guide for the construction ofChristianidentity. Thedestructionofsacredplaceswasoneofthevirtues worthy of being admired and emulated. The iconoclast saint, in single combat against the demons, exemplified the victory of true religion over the falsity of polytheismandshowedGodspoweroverthedaimones.Oncethelatterhad beenturnedintodemons,theencounterbecameafightbetweenGodand thedevil.Theviolenceisthusjustifiedasanecessarymeansbecauseofthe 191 Religious Violence and Hagiography in Late AntiquityNumen 62 (2015) 169196resistance of the gods to being removed from their abodes, and as manifesta-tion of the struggle against the demon.Hagiographyreachedanextensiveaudience,includingtheilliterate,as thesetextswerereadinchurchesonthesaintsanniversaries.Furthermore, theywerefrequentlytranslated,makingitaninternationalliterarygenre that contributed towards shaping the behavior of Christians in very different cultural traditions. During the crucial years of the offensive against paganism, hagiographywasavehicleforthecallofecclesiasticalhierarchytodemolish and desacralize the temples and reuse them as churches.Finally,althoughthefunctionofhagiographywasnottoconstructahis-toricalaccountbuttoevoketheactionsthatledtosainthoodanditsmani-festations so that they might be imitated, a historical reality lies behind these narratives. Hagiography thus comprises the richest source about the destruc-tion of idols and the Christianization of pagan sacred places. Therefore, from two viewpoints, symbolic and historical, hagiography is relevant for the study ofreligiousviolenceinLateAntiquity.Itprovidesdatawhichshouldbe assessedwithintheconventionsofthegenre,andinformsusaboutamodel of religious behavior that, traveling in the popular vehicle of hagiography, sub-tly invited violence into a society prone to violence, where spiritual and non-spiritual interests overlapped.ReferencesAcerbi,Silvia.2001.Conflittipolitico-ecclesiasticiinOrientenellatardaantichit:ilII Concilio di Efeso (449). Madrid: Universidad Complutense.. 2007. Terror y violencia antijuda en Oriente durante el siglo V: la biografa del archimandritasirioBarSauma.InGonzaloBravoandRalGonzlezSalinero (eds.),Formasyusosdelaviolenciaenelmundoromano,Madrid:SigniferLibros, 276290.Bardy,Gustave,Jrme-AndrBeckaert,andJosephBoutet.1952.OeuvresdeSaint Augustin. X. Mlanges doctrinaux. 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