manchester presentation on italian foreign policy

8/14/2019 Manchester presentation on italian foreign policy

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GB Manchester 30th March 2006 1

Italian Foreign Policy

Giovanni Brauzzi

with the cooperation ofRenato Benedetto

andAlessandro Fabiocchi


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... to clarify what had been the bases,both material and moral, on which the

foreign policy rested, such as the forcesand sentiments which surrounded the

policy itself and also, in that historical

period, the diplomatic initiative. In other words, passions and affections,

ideas and ideologies, the situation of thecountry and of its people, all that makesthe foreign policy a moment or an aspect

of the wider and more complex historicalprocess, which encompasses the wholelife of a nation and does not allow forwatertight compartments; a moment for

foreign relations which is intertwinedwith the moral, economic, social andreligious life in the interior.

Federico Chabod,

History of Italian Foreign Policy from1870 to 1896


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Material bases

Geography

Energy

Population


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Facts and Figures Area: 301,336 sq km

Land boundaries: 1,932 km

Coastline: 7,600 km

Population (2005): 58.462.375

Population Growth Rate : 1,1% birth rate: -18,396

immigration rate: +181,080

Life Expectancy at Birth: 79,25 years

GDP Composition by Sector:

agriculture 2%

industry 30%

services 68%


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ITALY ON THE MAIN MARKETS (%)

1,11,9China

5,26,6Middle East

8,09,6MediterraneanCountries

10,510,5EU Candidates

5,77,1EU

2,53,3Latin America

1,92,3US

20041995


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Italian Crude Oil Imports (2005)

IRAQ

5%

IRAN13%

RUSSIA

18%

ALGERIA

5%

SYRIA4%

NORWAY

3%OTHERS

15%

SAUDI

ARABIA

14%

LYBIA

23%


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THE NETHERLANDS

17%

NORWAY

7%

NIGERIA

4%

ALGERIA

34%

RUSSIA

36%

LYBIA

2%

Italian Natural Gas Imports (2005)


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Italian Population in the XX

Century(ISTAT 2005)

32,966

35,845

39,94441,652

42,994

47,516

50,624

54,137

56,557 56,778

1901 1911 1921 1931 1936 1951 1961 1971 1981 1991


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Italian Population Projections

2010 - 2050(ISTAT 2005)

48

50

52

54

56

58

60

2010 2015 2020 2025 2030 2035 2040 2045 2050


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THE CONSTITUTIONAL

FRAMEWORK

Art. 11 of Italian Constitution: Italy rejects war

as an instrument of aggression against the

liberties of other people and as a means for

settling international controversies; it agrees,on conditions of equality with other States, to

such limitations of sovereignty as may benecessary for an international order aimed at

ensuring peace and justice among Nations; it

promotes and encourages international

organizations having such ends in view.


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The Multilateral Approach


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We the peoples of the United Nations,determined to save succeeding

generations from the scourge of war..determined to safeguard thefreedom, common heritage and

civilisations of their peoples, foundedon the principles of democracy,individual freedom and the rule of

law.

an ever closer union among

the peoples of Europe


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NATIONAL INTEREST

Few commodities and energy sourcesAging and shrinking population

We cannot keep our gates closed

Cultural and institutional pluralism

Universal visionLessons learnt from the past

thus

PURSUING NATIONAL INTEREST

THROUGH MULTILATERAL FORA


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N ti l I t t i


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National Interest in

International Fora

Italian priorities Being part of the leading group in the

European integration process

Strengthening transatlantic relations

Avoiding marginalisation at the UN


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Being part of the leading group

in the European integration process

25 March 1957-29 October 2004:

from Rome to Rome;

Simultaneous widening and deepening; Union of people and states;

Close the democratic gap;

Principle of subsidiarity;

European pillar of transatlantic relations;

From the EDC to the ESDP;

Being always part of the leading group, as

a vocation and a necessity.


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The Way Ahead in the European Constitutional Process

Still committed to the ratification and entry into force of

the European Constitutional Treaty;

En attendant 2007 (elections in France and NL);

50th

anniversary of the Rome Treaty ;Premature to reopen the text before;Working on policies is not an alternative to institutional

developments;

Ready to improvements made without changing theTreaties;

Defining Europes borders would be helped by a

constitutional dimension of the integration process.

St th i


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Strengthening

the transatlantic link

From Cold War

to new threats Coalitions

of the willing

are not enough

From the Balkansto Afghanistan:

the arc of crisis

Relaunch

NATOs

Political Dimension

New members,

New partners,

New capabilities,

Enduring commitment


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Complex challenges of international

securityNuclear

Proliferation

Terrorism

Failed, rogue states

Illegal immigration


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Troops engaged in international missions (updated 10/03/06)

8.411 military engaged in 28 missions in 19 countriesand 3 geographic areas


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Avoiding marginalisation and

oligarchic backsliding at the UN

World Government vs. Global Governance;

Effective Multilateralism;Criteria for the use of force;

National sovereignty, democracy and human rights;

Agenda for peace and agenda for development;

A role for the European Union;

UNSC Reform.


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The compass of

Italian foreign policy

North, towards Europe;

South, towards theMediterranean, theMiddle East and Africa;

East, towards the

Balkans and Russia;

West, towards Americaand globalisation.

F i


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Farnesina

Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs

Facts and Figures


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REPRESENTATIONS ABROAD (2005)


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GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION OF THE EMBASSIES

(2005)


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DIPLOMATIC-CONSULAR NETWORK, STAFF AND

BUDGET OF THE MINISTRIES OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS

A COMPARISON IN EUROPE (year 2004)

2.52016.000453UNITEDKINGDOM

2.21513.210347GERMANY

2.17517.231430FRANCE

1.5618.245338ITALY

BudgetStaffDiplomatic/consular

network


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the dividing line between progressive andreactionary falls along a very new andsubstantial line: those who conceive the essential

purpose and goal of struggle as being the ancientone, the conquest of national political power, andwho, although involuntarily, play into the hands of

reactionary forces, letting the incandescent lava ofpopular passions set in the old moulds, and thusallowing old absurdities to arise once again, andthose who see the main purpose as the creation ofa solid international State, who will direct popular

forces towards this goal, and who, even if theywere to win national power, would use it first andforemost as an instrument for achievinginternational unity.

A provocative conclusion


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the foundation must be builtnow for a movement that knowshow to mobilize all forces forthe birth of the new organismwhich will be the grandest

creation, and the newest, thathas occurred in Europe forcenturies; in order to constitutea steady federal State, that willhave at its disposal a Europeanarmed service instead ofnational armies; that will breakdecisively economic autarkies,the backbone of totalitarianregimes; that will havesufficient means to see that itsdeliberations for themaintenance of common orderare executed in the individualfederal states, while each State

will retain the autonomy itneeds for a plastic articulationand development of political lifeaccording to the particularcharacteristics of the variouspeoples.


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If a sufficient number of men in the main Europeancountries understand this, then victory will soon fall intotheir hands, since both circumstances and opinion will befavourable to their efforts. They will have before themparties and factions that have already been disqualifiedby the disasterous experience of the last twenty years.Since it will be the moment for new action, it will also be

the moment for new men: the MOVEMENT FOR A FREEAND UNITED EUROPE.

Altiero Spinelli, Ventotene (Italy) 1941


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Do we have better alternatives for Europe ?

manchester presentation on italian foreign policy

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