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Korean-American student perceptionson literacy and identity: perspectivesfrom an ethnographic case studyJeonghee Choia, Heriberto Godinab & Yeon Sun (Ellie) Roc

a Department of Teacher Education, Arkansas State University,Arlington, TX, USAb Department of Teacher Education, University of Texas, El Paso,TX, USAc Department of Instruction and Curriculum Leadership, Universityof Memphis, Memphis, TN, USAPublished online: 04 Dec 2013.

To cite this article: Jeonghee Choi, Heriberto Godina & Yeon Sun (Ellie) Ro (2014) Korean-Americanstudent perceptions on literacy and identity: perspectives from an ethnographic case study, AsiaPacific Journal of Education, 34:3, 259-272, DOI: 10.1080/02188791.2013.856285

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Korean-American student perceptions on literacy and identity:perspectives from an ethnographic case study

Jeonghee Choia*, Heriberto Godinab and Yeon Sun (Ellie) Roc

aDepartment of Teacher Education, Arkansas State University, Arlington, TX, USA; bDepartment ofTeacher Education, University of Texas, El Paso, TX, USA; cDepartment of Instruction andCurriculum Leadership, University of Memphis, Memphis, TN, USA

(Received 19 April 2012; final version received 2 January 2013)

This ethnographic case study examines perceptions of literacy and identity for aKorean-American student in a third-grade classroom. The researchers examine howteachers can misinterpret Asian identity in the classroom due to perceptions related tothe Model Minority Myth and other stereotypical representations of Asian culture. Byfocusing solely on academic success, teachers miss opportunities to gain insight fornurturing other areas of student success and adjustment in the classroom environment.Implications for identity formation and authentic integration of language and literacypractices are discussed. Educators interested in culturally-relevant instruction forimmigrant students should find this study informative.

Keywords: Korean American; biliteracy; model minority myth; identity; culturaldiscourse

Students of Asian descent experience an array of interpersonal perceptions upon entering

the US educational system, and many of these students may have had little choice in how

they are associated into preconceived norms of social behaviour within the US school

environment. This research seeks to render a more insightful perspective on Asian identity

and focuses specifically on Korean-American students situated within an elementary

classroom setting. A sophisticated level of understanding about cultural differences will

help teachers add depth to day-to-day classroom activities and is also essential for

integrating all students within a shared democratic process for legitimate participation in

US school environments (Dewey, 2012; Goodlad, Mantle-Bromley, & Goodlad, 2004;

Soder, 2001).

Researchers for the study collaborated on the design, data-collection procedures, data

analysis and writing of the report. Two researchers share native-language proficiency in

Korean and one of these researchers took primary responsibility for data collection at the

school site. All three researchers share an expertise in literacy education for linguistically

and socio-culturally diverse students. These research questions guided the study: What

cultural variables do Korean-American students experience as they adjust to classroom

activities in the US? What role does language and literacy play for Korean-American

students seeking to integrate within a US classroom setting? The term “Korean-American

student” is used in this study to describe those settled and recent immigrants who are of

Korean descent, and in a more general context are also defined as part of the growing

“linguistically and socio-culturally diverse student” demographic.

q 2013 National Institute of Education, Singapore

*Corresponding author. Email: jchoi@astate.edu

Asia Pacific Journal of Education, 2014

Vol. 34, No. 3, 259–272, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02188791.2013.856285

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Perspective on Korean-American students

Koreans represent the fifth largest Asian/Pacific Islander immigrant group in the US with

approximately 1.4 million people (US Census Bureau, 2010). For over a decade, South

Korea has been ranked as one of the top ten countries of origin for immigrants arriving in

the US. Many Korean and Korean-American parents believe that acquiring English at an

early age would be important for their children. Increasingly, Korean parents decide upon

educational purposes for immigration or opt to send their children to English-speaking

countries so that they can acquire native pronunciation and fluency. The imperative for

young children to acquire English proficiency is a relatively new social phenomenon in

Korea, and has also resulted in a focus on emotional and educational issues in the field of

early bilingualism for both native Koreans and Korean Americans (Park & Abelmann,

2004).

One of the more predominant social processes includes how model-minority

stereotypes may erroneously label some Asians as inherently being more intelligent and

achievement oriented (Chan &Wang, 1991; Chou & Feagin, 2008). However, in the midst

of these problematic associations, teachers may not fully realize the scope of institutional

discrimination by the US White-dominant culture upon linguistically and socio-culturally

diverse students when juxtaposed with the consistent guise of positive images about

students of Asian descent. Through the model-minority categorization, teachers may

become predisposed to set high and unrealistic expectations for Asian students. Teachers

may also fail to recognize the more subtle social dilemma of Asian students’ limited

participation and lack of influence in the classroom (Cheatham & Ro, 2010). By

recognizing only Asian students’ academic success, teachers may ignore other important

emotional, social and academic needs.

According to Wu (2002), unique Asian values have traditionally placed strong

emphasis on hard work, family values, and a belief in the American meritocracy. Contrary

to these popular beliefs, the overly positive caricature of Asian Americans as a model

minority is in reality false (Yoo, 2012). The model-minority myth is an inaccurate and

distorted comparison that leads to adverse effects in the lives of Asian-American students

(Li & Wang, 2008; Wong & Halgin, 2006). For instance, these stereotypes may motivate

Korean-American students to achieve higher in tests and performances at school due to

high expectations from teachers and parents; however, it can also lead to more stress,

unfair discrimination, and the sense of feeling overwhelmed and isolated from society and

more age-appropriate activities (Yoo, 2012).

Ogbu (1992, 2003) has argued that social perceptions of minority students play an

important role in socializing students into successful school behaviour; whereas, minority

students who may fall victim to negative stereotypes seem predestined to fail in

educational settings. He observed how the academic performance of different racial and

ethnic groups can resemble a caste-like system that predetermines a course for school

failure. To illustrate these patterns, Ogbu distinguishes between involuntary and voluntary

minorities. Some students inherit their involuntary status through a negative historical

legacy of colonization or slavery. Involuntary minority examples in the US include

African Americans, Mexican Americans, and Native Americans. In contrast, he also

defines voluntary minorities as those minorities who more recently immigrate to another

country and anticipate a better life, such as recent Korean-American immigrants. Students

in the voluntary minority category can also experience initial, but not lingering, school

failure. Voluntary minorities also enjoy more opportunities than entrenched involuntary

minorities. Ogbu argues that involuntary minorities, who consistently perform poorly in

school across standardized assessments and graduation rates, also fail to assimilate into

260 J. Choi et al.

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expected cultural norms. According to Suarez-Orozco and Suarez-Orozco (2009),

globalization is the reason that the numbers of immigrant children who come to the US are

drastically increasing, yet the experiences of immigrant children in multiple contexts

remains an under-studied area.

A basic component of Ogbu’s theory is the role of cultural inversion that describes how

some minorities may regard certain behaviours as inappropriate because they can be

characterized as unique to the dominant group, in this case Whites. Suarez-Orozco and

Suarez-Orozco (2001) observe how Ogbu’s theory falls short of taking into account how

gender variables can confound how others view minority students in the classroom. While

some generalizations can be made about teacher’s perceptions, those perceptions need to

be framed through a consideration of not only race and ethnic background, but also how

social class and gender can influence problematic assumptions (McCarthy, 1988).

Korean-American students are situated in an area of unique demographic growth and

opportunity within the US educational system. An atmosphere of positive expectations in

relation to classroom participation can help nurture and assuage the misgivings of a

student unfamiliar with contemporary US practices in schools. However, there still may

exist problems associated with distorted perceptions and lost opportunities for more

authentic and meaningful learning opportunities and interactions across different cultural

and linguistic groups. For Korean-American students situated within the voluntary

minority group, the researchers for this study hope that these problems do not linger and

become further impediments for academic success.

Theoretical framework

The theoretical framework deployed for this study intersected previous research

perspectives on identity and language as key components underlining literacy

participation in the elementary classroom. The teacher’s role for instructing linguistically

and culturally-diverse students is also taken into account. The researchers for this study

defined an operational definition for “culture” as racial and ethnic differences that serve to

generalize variations in language, literacy and identity practices derived from home,

school, and community venues. We used this definition of culture to design the theoretical

framework and derived generalizable associations relative to culturally and linguistically-

diverse students from more specific findings relative to the case study built up around a

focal Korean-American student named “Min”.

Immigrant students do not move from one cultural identity to another in a clear-cut

manner (Igoa, 1995). Student’s negotiation of bicultural boundaries should be understood

through a multi-dimensional modality (Yi, 2008). Hall (1990) argues how cultural

identities are always constituted within representation, and students can identify with one

culture better than another by performing their sense of comfort and belonging to shifting

cultural affiliations. Contextual circumstances and an individual’s emotional state of mind

can also enforce one cultural identity over another. Cultural identity should be recognized

as a constantly shifting and multi-faceted component of child development.

Concepts about language are a shifting influence for a developing student’s cultural

identity. Linguistic capital accumulated during the early stages of schooling informs a

student’s subsequent social status (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1990). In the US, students

encounter problems negotiating the boundaries between identity and language when their

native language differs from English (Macedo, 2000). In addition, perceptions of race and

racial differences in school settings in the US have been reported as the apparent factor for

shaping immigrant students’ identity and related linguistic practices (Pang, Kiang, & Pak,

Asia Pacific Journal of Education 261

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2004). English language learners who acquire an acceptable code of English for classroom

participation can still struggle in school when concepts of identity conflict with the norms

and values of the dominant educational environment (Godina, 2004). Immigrant students

learning a second language, such as English, inherently also risk the loss of their native

language (Fillmore, 1991; Kouritzin, 1999; Tabors, 2008), and the resulting language loss

has implications for the student’s self-esteem, identity formation and family relationships

(Ro & Cheatham, 2009).

Besides teaching academic content, teachers also invoke and define cultural norms and

values for their students. However, schools neglect viable definitions for diversity because

they focus on content about ethnic groups without creating a dialogue about how cultures

are defined or represented in school settings (Banks, 1993; Henry, 1994). Immigrant

students who encounter obstacles preventing their full participation within the school

setting may be subjected to less explicit goals for social indoctrination, such as what can be

understood as an aspect of the culture of power (Delpit, 1995). In contrast, a culturally-

relevant approach has greater potential to negotiate meaning between both students and

teachers and could better validate all student knowledge within classroom instruction

(Godina, 2008; Ladson-Billings, 1999).

Methodology

Setting and participants

Pseudonyms are used to describe all persons and places in the study. Data collection took

place at Central Elementary in the Midwestern US. Central Elementary is a public school

located in a middle-to-low income suburban neighbourhood and employs a faculty of

about 40 teachers. Central Elementary has a student enrolment of about 450 who are

categorized as approximately 80% White, 15% African American, and 5% Asian

American.

Educators at Central Elementary made a sincere effort to promote cultural diversity,

and some of the resources included a selection of multicultural literature made available

for teachers. Certain performance groups had also been invited for students, such as a

Chinese acrobatic team who had been invited to perform for the Chinese New Year.

However, these efforts might simplify a more viable definition for diversity because they

only integrated content about ethnic groups without creating a dialogue that could

interrogate the authenticity of representation of those ethnic groups within prominent

White interpretations (Banks, 1993).

The focal participant for the case study is named Min. Secondary participants who

triangulated data forming the case study included Min’s mother, Mrs. Benson, Min’s

classroom teacher, his other teachers, and Min’s friends from school and church. Born in

Korea, Min first immigrated to the US at less than a year old when his father and mother

decided to pursue doctoral degrees at Midwestern University. After Min’s father graduated

and accepted a professional position in another state, his mother chose to stay and study for

another year. Min lived with his mother and younger sister while his father made

occasional visits. Because both parents had to work and study, Min attended an English-

speaking day care as soon as his family immigrated to the US. Min’s early immersion in

English helped him cultivate a native-speaking ability, but his limited exposure to Korean

prevented him from being fluent in oral or written Korean. Min’s fluency in English helped

him communicate with White peers and teachers at school.

There had been an initial level of discomfort in dealing with Min at the beginning

stages of data collection. Min’s parents always encouraged him to speak in Korean as

262 J. Choi et al.

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much as possible when he met other Koreans, especially adults, but Min did not seem sure

whether or not he could speak Korean at school because he thought speaking Korean in the

classroom would not be right. Min also refused friends’ requests to speak Korean at

school.

Mrs. Benson is a White female, born and raised in a middle-class Midwestern city. She

is in her mid-forties and has about 20 years of teaching experience in various schools.

Secondary participants also included Mrs. Benson’s class of 20 students (8 females and 12

males), as well as other teachers and parents from the school. Most students came from

middle-class families. Mrs. Benson’s class proportionately represented the diversity of the

entire school. The students are mostly White, except for three students, two African

Americans and one Korean American.

Data collection procedures and analysis

Participatory observation of Mrs. Benson’s class took place two to three times a week with

an average of three hours per visit over a five-month period. The researcher responsible for

on-site data collection observed mostly reading and writing workshop blocks and followed

the class to recess and lunch hour as time allowed. Data was gathered through observation,

examination of students’ work, and audio and videotaping of participants’ interactions.

Min’s mother was interviewed during a home visit made twice during the data collection

period. All interview and conversation with the students, teachers and a parent were

recorded and fully transcribed.

Data was analysed following ethnographic research methods that bounded a

generalizable case around the focal subject, Min. One of the main principles of

ethnographic research is not only to analyse data through a prescriptive hypothesis to

prove, but to also let data guide the interpretation of recurrent and emerging patterns and

themes (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). In order to find recurrent patterns, the researchers read

through all of the field notes and transcriptions and then categorized the contents by

labelling them as “model minority myth”, “classroom curriculum stereotypes” and

“Korean identity practices” which developed into key themes and subheadings for the

results of the study. The process of triangulation helped to gather as much data as possible,

and also to find strong relationships among each data set to develop a highly textured and

reliable explanation for prominent themes. Along with triangulation, the researchers

frequently did member checking, as another way of improving the validity and credibility

of the ethnographic case study by sharing the researchers’ findings with participants to

detect any misinterpretation.

Results

The students in Min’s class did not participate in a dialogue with educators about obvious

cultural differences, and the teacher implemented superficial, but well intentioned, views

of culture reflecting the norms and values of a White, middle class, monolingual-English

speaking community. The learning environment at the school reflected a general lack of

depth for interpreting the cultural differences that existed among the students. Outside of

the classroom, Min revealed a more sophisticated and meaningful engagement with

literacy activities and had a richer array of interpersonal social relationships when he got to

practise his multilingual abilities at home and with friends in the Korean-American

community.

Asia Pacific Journal of Education 263

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Min being a model student

Teacher perspective on Min

During recess Min was mostly by himself, but he sometimes played with Ivan, a Chinese

boy from another third-grade classroom. They would wander around the playground and

just sit and chat. On a few occasions, Min and Ivan sometimes joined other students and

played a four-square game. However, Min appeared not to enjoy himself as much as other

students. When asked whyMin did not play games like other students, Min indicated being

bored. Interestingly, when Mrs. Benson was asked why Min often played by himself, she

answered: “He likes to challenge himself. Some of these games are just games; there is

nothing really challenging for him. He doesn’t want to just sit around. He wants to work

hard.” Mrs. Benson’s perceptions of Min as a model student might cause other sides of

Min such as his lack of social skills to go unnoticed.

Min could be considered an academically bright student. Besides going to the

academically oriented Extended Learning Program (ELP), several classmates informally

commented about Min’s skill in mathematics. Mrs. Benson described Min as someone

who “cares about his work and wants to do well. He is not someone who makes a bunch of

noise”. Min always sat in front of the class and would not talk to anyone. He rarely raised

his hand or shared in discussion. He often disappeared from the whole picture when more

assertive students made themselves noticeable.

Mr Parker, an ELP teacher, described Min as being active in his class, but he also

noticed how Min tended to sit back and just kind of “take it all in and think”. Min

expressed his opinion when asked and helped others when he thought it necessary.

Although he could not be considered very popular, many students in the school liked Min.

Min created new friendships through a competitive spirit toward academic success. Mrs.

Benson described Min’s competitiveness when she described how John always tried to

catch up with Min in academic subjects, and how they had become friends through

friendly competition.

In classroom observations, Min rarely raised his hand to share his opinion. A few other

students also did not participate in classroom discussions, but Mrs. Benson would

periodically pose direct questions to them. She would call out their names and prompt

Anthony andDavid to bemore involved in discussion, butMrs. Bensonwould never directly

call on Min. During a subsequent interview, Mrs. Benson interpreted Min’s lack of

participation as a reflection of Min’s social generosity. She explained howMin had simply

been allowingmore opportunities for his classmates to speak.When attempting to gauge her

understanding about her students’ different cultural backgrounds, Mrs. Benson claimed

individual students could be best understood by asking questions about what foods they ate,

the language they spoke at home, and the particular holidays they celebrated.

Parent perspective on Min

Min’s mother had a different view and expressed concerns about Min’s silence in class:

“I worried about his lack of participation, but Mrs. Benson interpreted it in a positive way,

like he is being patient and had a lot of inside thinking.” Min’s mother felt something

missing about how the teacher cared about her son’s involvement in class. She explained

that while Min’s personality could be one of the reasons for his limited participation, the

teacher’s certain expectation for Min might have allowed the teacher to care less about

Min’s voice being heard by others as long asMin got a good grade and did not disturb others.

Min’s mother revealed concern for teachers’ general lack of awareness: “Teachers usually

264 J. Choi et al.

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don’t say much about him because they may think he is doing just fine. Most teachers seem

to have a pretty positive image of Asians, but they don’t know much about us.”

Min held a moderately positive interpersonal status with his peers at school. He was

not viewed as a popular kid, but he was not disliked either. Some research indicates how

peers progressively reject boys who possess nerd qualities (Adler, Kress, & Adler, 1992;

Goto, 1997). Culturally and linguistically diverse students also have more to negotiate in

comparison to White students because they are also subject to the hierarchical influence of

White social norms (Martino & Pallotta-Chiarolli, 2003). For example, stereotypical

images of Asian men as not being strong, independent or masculine often appear when

compared to similar images of White counterparts (Chen, 1996; Eng, 2001). How Min

understood himself as a boy could not be separated from the manner in which others

viewed him through a stereotyped lens.

Min’s mother explained most Korean men she knew, including her husband, were not

active in sports. Min’s mother agreed language barriers and cultural differences would

play a role in preventing Korean males from participating in sports with Whites. Asian

families in the US may be disposed to working hard and encourage educational

achievement among their children, more than being good at sports and being tough.

Martino and Pallotta-Chiarolli (2003) discuss an example of a Vietnamese boy’s cultural

identity shaped in different ways from cool to macho forms of masculinity. Likewise,

Min’s demonstration of a less-macho masculinity and limited social relations could be due

to family values imposed a different significance on academic study and sports. Min’s

parents might have been familiar with social expectations for academic performance, but

not familiar with how athletic and social relationships also determine status in school.

Min recognized how academics could play an advantage for him to gain a certain form

of status among his peers. Mrs. Benson explained how Anthony, known as being a bully in

the classroom, tended to pick on less able students but left Min alone. One of the reasons

for Anthony being close to Min might have been due to Min being identified as intelligent

by peers. Min’s mother also shared her son’s belief that a strong academic standing could

help him make friends: “You know he has a different skin colour. But, I think, some

students have some kind of attitude toward him, like respect him, because he is smart.”

Classroom curriculum stereotypes

There were many incidents when literacy activities in the classroom bordered on

inappropriate stereotypes. On one occasion, Mrs. Benson implemented a textbook derived

from commercially popular media in an attempt to acknowledge Asian culture through

Mulan, a story about a Chinese girl who fights for her country while disguised as a male

(Bancroft & Cook, 1998). The narrative had the potential to generate a more insightful

discussion about disrupting gender norms (Butler, 1990) and the corporate manipulation of

ethnic stereotypes (Giroux, 2001). Sadly, after orally reading the story in class, a couple of

boys felt compelled to mimic representations of Asians by pulling their eyes lids to both

sides and proclaiming “I am from China”. This seemingly innocent behaviour

demonstrated some disturbing emergent ideas about stereotyping minorities and should

have been critiqued by the teacher. However Mrs. Benson did not inquire as to why

students render a stereotyped image used to describe Asians, and the absence of any

discussion about cultural representation could reinforce students’ stereotype.

As part of a social studies unit, the class studied Japan for over six weeks. Students read

andwere exposed to a variety of books related to Japan, such as informational books, folktales,

and literature written by Japanese authors. Students watched videos showing Japanese

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students’ daily lives and US students’ experiences in Japan. Students looked at the world map

to locate Japan, and they drew a picture of Japan’s national flag. As the last activity of the

Japanese unit, the class summarized factual information bymaking charts andwriting notes in

their journal about sports, houses, food, and transportation in Japan. Classroom discussions

and students’ journal writing revealed erroneous misconceptions about their knowledge of

Japan. For example, students were imagining “kids in Japan do not learn computer until

junior-high” or “boys and girls wear different colours of backpacks in schools”.

Of course, through such an exposure to a variety of cultures, students could learn new

facts and concepts related to other cultures beyond their own. No one questioned the

essentialized representations of Asian culture. These examples could not describe how

cultural discourse had been articulated in the classroom and raised concerns about how

unsaid messages and essentializing processes about other cultures could influence student

perceptions about cultural differences.

In retrospect, during the entire six weeks of study on a Japanese unit, not once did the

teacher ask questions about Min’s experiences in Korea. Interestingly, during recess and in

informal conversation, some students did initiate an interest not acknowledged by the

teacher. Students would ask Min about physical and geographical closeness. Min told his

friends about his school experiences in Korea when he attended a Korean school for two

months during a previous visit. Min described how the experience was similar to what the

class learned about Japan. However, students did not hear Min during the classroom

discussion, and Min never again publicly shared experiences related to his cultural

heritage and customs. On the contrary, Min acknowledged how his ideas about Korea did

not have a place in his classroom environment.

Unsanctioned literacy activities

Min engaged in different writing activities between home and school. At school, Min

wrote two short stories during writing workshop; one story about a group of dinosaurs

going camping and another story about a spaceship. Min’s stories could be considered

well-developed, but not much different from those of his classmates. However, Min’s

writing did lack of sense of personal voice. The absence of cultural references in open-

ended literacy activities revealed as much about the social norms in the classroom as it did

about Min’s disposition to just blend in with his classmates. Min did not need to reveal

himself as a Korean because he had no problem communicating with his peers in English,

and he disengaged from his creative potential during writing workshop activities.

At home, Min and Hannah, one of his best friends, had fun together to write stories for

recreation; such as, The Football Game Story that was proudly displayed for visitors to

read on the wall of Min’s house. Min and Hannah also wrote another story entitled The

War of Life that consisted of 15 single-spaced, typed pages. It described a fictional war

between aliens and the US and included how China, Japan and Korea fought against the

US at first, but later supplied goods to the US. In the story, Min described himself as a

captain in the Korean army.

When asked why Min wrote about sports and war, he indicated he really did not have

any interest in sports and he really did not want to reveal how he is Korean at school. When

asked why, Min simply responded: “I don’t know.” At home, Min with the help of

Hannah, could better craft his own emerging sense of writing voice to better express his

genuine interests and cultural identity. There is some correlation for dissonant writing

activities for Asian immigrant students. Fu (1995) describes a Laotian boy, Sy, who

similarly demonstrated a different dimension of himself as a storyteller in his personal

266 J. Choi et al.

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journal, but remained passive and quiet during creative writing in the classroom. Sy’s

personal journal became a space for free and relaxed expressive writing. Min similarly

found an alternate space where he could just enjoy creative writing. Min’s story crossed

cultural boundaries, but did not even enter the sanctioned classroom discourse. The story

further revealed Min’s insecurity about demonstrating his Korean background in front of

his White peers.

Korean identity practices

Min seldom had opportunities to acknowledge and share his Korean identity in class, but

outside of school his relationship with close friends and family centred on specific Korean

identity practices. Min’s family preserved Korean cultural traditions that included food

recipes and holiday practices. Min’s parents taught their children about Korean history and

values, such as a reverent respect for the elderly. Min’s family consistently attended

services at a Korean Baptist Church for their religious preference and also for sharing

collaborative support with other Korean-American friends and families. Min’s parents

sent him to Korean-language school provided by this church once a week hoping that it

would motivate him to learn more about Korean heritage, but also to prevent a

communication breakdown between themselves and Min.

Ironically, Min’s mother revealed how Min did not really enjoy attending the Korean-

language school. Min felt it difficult to learn Korean. One source for his disenchantment

with learning Korean was its lack of place in school. On previous occasions, Min

questioned the appropriateness of using Korean language in the classroom. When his

friends requested, he became reluctant to demonstrate his language ability. However,

Min’s parents had been staunch about helping their children learn Korean by encouraging

them to speak only Korean at home and to speak Korean with other Korean friends and

adults at church. Min’s mother encouraged him to read Korean newspapers and to write

letters in Korean to his father. Min’s mother admitted she could not monitor all his

behaviours and prevent him from speaking English with his Korean friends but believed it

important to help all children learn their home language and recognize their cultural

heritage. Yuh (1996) argues parents’ performance of ethnic behaviours become critical

factors influencing their children’s ethnic identity and cultural orientation. Min held an

identity conflict between home and school where he tried to maintain his affiliation with

Korean culture and at the same time attempting to assimilate into the mainstream culture

dominated by Whites. Min revealed he was motivated to recognize his cultural heritage.

Min had a growing sense that he needed to learn more Korean as the conversation with his

two close Korean friends, Hannah and Sarah, revealed:

Interviewer: Do you think you have to read, write and speak in Korean?

Hannah: (shaking her head to express negative response) Huh-uh . . .

Min: Of course, we have to learn.

Interviewer: Why do you think like that?

Min: Because we have to go to college in Korea. If you don’t know how to write and read inKorean, you can’t pass the college exam and can’t get a job

Interviewer: Do you think you will go back Korea?

Sarah: We will not go back to Korea. My dad works here.

Hannah: We will not be going either. Then we don’t have to learn Korean.

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Min: No, we still have to learn.

Interviewer: Why?

Min: Because – I am a Korean?

Min’s closing utterance, “Because – I am a Korean?” could be further explained

through a double-voicedness where his voice could reflect voices of his parents or other

Korean adults who explain to their kids why it is important to learn Korean. Min’s mother

worried about a communication breakdown between generations saying

[Min’s] grandparents live in Korea and they often want to talk to him over the phone, but theysometimes don’t understand what he says, and he feels that and doesn’t want to speak to them.We just let him [not talk to his grandparents] although we know it’s not right.

Min’s mother felt that as Min learned more about and spoke better Korean, he could better

identify himself as a Korean and relate to Korean heritage. As Tobin (2002) has argued

how utterances can be considered a hybrid construction with multiple associations, Min

constructed his rationale of why he had to learn Korean out of the small amount of the

language he had learned and heard. Min presented hybrid voices in a new context when he

socialized with two Korean kids whose attachment to their own sense of Korean identity

did not seem to be as strong as Min’s. Thus, Min’s speech could be used to exemplify some

of the social norms he struggled with, and he internalized other minority voices into his

personal sense of identity about being Korean.

Outside school, Min formed friendships with mostly Korean students and a few

Chinese boys who attended the same after-school programme provided at the Central

Elementary. Min’s mother thought the reason he hung around with Asian friends would be

due to more than physical similarity:

When I look at other Chinese boys and their parents, I think the way their parents haveexpectations for their children is similar with ours. Maybe Min and they share how they feel,why they have to do more work than most White students.

Although it is possible students just want to be with someone who looks like them, Min’s

mother explained many Asian parents’ pursuit of education as a means to succeed against

language barriers and racial discrimination also helped them to be close. Min’s mother

also expressed mixed feelings about him being close with Asians. She recalled how at a

young age Min had preferred Asian friends:

When I sent him to the day care, there were no minority students at all. All White, he refusedto go at first, but soon after he was okay. He got along with all the White boys. But when oneChinese boy came, the peer relationship he had with others was broken as he and that Chineseboy became best friends.

Min made friends with Asians could imply he felt a sense of difference from White

students, and this feeling of difference caused him to want to be with someone whom he

felt more comfortable with due to a physical and cultural similarity. Worrying about the

possibility Min would maintain a preference for Asian friends and alienate himself from

White friends, Min’s mother asked, “Do we always have to think about being included in

the mainstream? Yes, we do. That’s why we have our children work hard and succeed.”

Conclusion

Student self-concept and identity is significantly influenced by differences between home

and school language practices (Heath, 1999). Min is similarly developing in his identity

beliefs, but in a manner that does not garner much support or understanding from his

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teachers or classmates who perceived Min as being more Americanized due to his fluency

in English. Min’s intelligent and socially-inactive personality only reinforced perceptions

about a model-minority stereotype. The teacher missed gaining an in-depth understanding

about Min’s true feelings that reflected a sense of cultural remoteness. The potential to

share more mutually constructive interaction within the classroom remained a lost

opportunity. Min maintained a strong affinity to Korean language and culture through his

family, friends and Korean community support. His close circle of friends, mostly Koreans

and a few Chinese, provided him with a comfort zone, but his mother expressed concern

about him not fully fitting in with the school culture. Despite his teacher’s good motives,

the lack of attention to cultural differences gave the impression that Min had to simply

blend in with the existing learning environment.

Initially, Min’s cultural differences were acknowledged during writing workshop, but

the recognition did not last very long. The teachers and classmates recognizedMin as being

able to speak English fluently and as one of the top students in the class. On the surface,Min

seemed assimilated to the prevailing White dominant culture. Researchers such as Lu

(2001) and Min and Kim (2000) observe how the assimilation of middle-class Asian-

American students into mainstream White values is a myth. In contrast, Asian-American

students maintain more frequent in-group social relationships than any other ethnic group

because Asian Americans share similar cultural and physical characteristics; as well as, a

tendency to remain attached to their ethnic enclave (Lu, 2001; Min & Kim, 2000).

There were multiple examples of how Min maintained an authentic embrace of his

Korean language and identity outside of the classroom setting. The social context of the

classroom simply did not support Min revealing his Korean identity. He obviously

preferred being with Korean and Asian friends with whom he could find comfort and a

sense of belonging. Min felt the necessity to learn and use Korean, but the process through

which he moved back and forth between being Korean and being more like an American

resulted in conflict.

Min’s mother never expected to encounter a growing resistance toward Korean cultural

identity because she had taken for grantedMin’s early positive attitude about being Korean.

However, Min had recently demonstrated ambivalent feelings, and he expressed

reservations about going back and living in Korea.When asked whether he would like to go

to Korea, Min said: “It depends on my father. I wish I could go back to Korea somehow.

Well, sort of, but I don’t have any friends over there.” Although he tried to demonstrate an

affiliationwith Korean culture, his experience in Korea madeMinmore conscious about his

differences in relation to his Korean counterparts. His Americanized ways of thinking and

behaving also seemed to reduce his ability to gain oral fluency in the Korean language. Min

could not gain acceptance to the culture of his US classroom, nor could he perceive total

acceptance into a completely Korean identity. ForMin, being bicultural meant he needed to

adjust to American culture while maintaining his Korean identity. The process had not been

without ambiguity or contradiction because Min could not convey a total sense of

belonging to either of those cultures. Min lived within two worlds. The lack of observable

conflicts should not equate the perception of Min as being well-adjusted. Rather, Min’s

bicultural identities and experiences drove him to consistently seek the right friendship, one

where he could find comfort and be fully accepted in the classroom setting.

Educational implications

There is a serious gap in providing culturally-specific services that address the unique

needs of Asian American populations in the US. In this study, the school curriculum

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included concepts about multiculturalism, but it did not help Min and other minority

students cultivate a sense of pride for their cultural differences. The approach to culture in

this classroom was not sophisticated, nor inclusive, but tended to reify the pre-existing

norms and values. Even though students may react with an initial sense of conflict and

resistance toward an effort to enact a multicultural education initiative, students do

eventually begin to infuse their own unique social and cultural identities into the

classroom (Dudley-Marling, 1997). It is consequently the students’ conscious decision

about how they negotiate the classroom discourse, and how they choose to represent their

own sense of cultural identity. It should simply be the teacher’s responsibility to create a

space where students feel comfortable engaging those differences. However, school

administrators also have a responsibility for providing teachers with resources and positive

support for how children transition into a new culture. Igoa (1995) serves as a role model

for teachers and school institutions who have to provide appropriate instructional services

to immigrant students. Cultural understanding encompasses patience, sensitivity for

differences in beliefs, support for language, and all the while maintaining a positive

academic trajectory for the student. When schools integrate conscious efforts to integrate

immigrant students, then students such as Min could have a better opportunity to unfold

their cultural voice in the class. Bicultural students have to juggle learning about new

surroundings while still maintaining affiliations with their ethnic group, but cultural

identity is not something that can be solely based on ethnic group affiliation. Identity

formation is also a consistent feature of how schools and teachers shape and nurture their

student population.

Teachers should also be responsible for helping raise students’ critical awareness about

stereotyped interpretations in commercially-marketed media. More research is needed on

how both students and teachers internalize particular interpretations of cultural differences

emanating from a wider social discourse. Teachers should particularly learn how their

perception of successful students may not reveal the struggles these students encounter or

how their learning environment could be improved. In addition, teachers need to carefully

examine the family context. Min’s mother shared how there were few teachers who were

interested in the cultural differences that shaped Min’s performance in school. In order to

better appreciate students’ bicultural identities, it is important for teachers to pay more

attention to students’ social relations outside of the classroom and how cultural factors such

as family and community relations could contribute to establishing a students’ sense of

identity and their authentic integration within the classroom.

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