JIABS Joumal of the International Associationof Buddhist Studies Volume 25Number 1-22002 Buddhist Histories Richard SALOMONand Gregory SCHOPEN Onan Alleged Reference to Amitabha ina Inscription on aGandharian Relief................................................. ...................3 Jinhua CHEN Sarlraand Scepter.Empress Wu's PoliticalUseof Buddhist Relics33 Justin T. McDANIEL TransformativeHistory.Nihon Ryoild and Jinakalamiillpakaral!am151 Joseph WALSER Nagarjunaand theRatnaval'f.New WaystoDatean Old Philosopher ................................................................................209 Cristina A.SCHERRER-SCHAUB Enacting Words.ADiplomatic Analysis of theImperial Decrees (bkasbead)and their Application inthesGrasbyor bam po giiis pa Tradition. ....... ......................... ... .............. ................ .................. ...263 Noteson theContributors.................................................................341 e watermarkThe Journal of the International Association ofBuddhist Studies (ISSN 0193-600XX) is the organ of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, Inc. It welcomes scholarly contributions pertaining to all facets of Buddhist Studies. JIABS is published twice yearly, in the summer and winter. Address manuscripts (two copies) and books forreview to: The Editors, JIABS, Section de langues et civilisations orientales, Universite de Lausanne, BFSH 2, CH-1015 Lausanne, Switzerland. Address SUbscription orders and dues, changes of address, and business correspondence (including advertising orders) to: Professor Cristina Scherrer-Schaub, Treasurer IABS, Section de langues et civilisations orientales, Faculte des lettres Universite de Lausanne, BFSH 2 1015 Lausanne-Dorigny Switzerland email: iabs.treasurer@orient.unil.ch Fax:+4121692 30 45 Subscriptions to JIABS are USD 40 per year for individuals and USD 70 per year for libraries and other institutions. For informations on membership in IABS, see back cover. Copyright 2002 by the International Association of Buddhist Studies, Inc. Printed in Belgium EDITORIAL BOARD SCHERRER-SCHAUB Cristina A. TILLEMANS Tom J.P. Editors-in-Chief BUSWELL Robert COLLINS Steven Cox Collet GOMEZ Luis O. HARRISON Paul VON HINt.i"BER Oskar JACKSON Roger JAINI Padmanabh S. KATSURA Shoryu KuoLi-ying LOPEZ, Jf. Donald S. MAcDONALD Alexander SEYFORT RUEGG David SHARF Robert STEINKELLNER Ernst ZDRCHER Erik ON AN ALLEGED REFERENCE TO AMITA.BHA IN AKHAR01;)TH1 INSCRIPTION ON AGANDHARAN RELIEF RICHARD SALOMON ANDGREGORY SCHOPEN 1.Background:Previous study and publication-of theinscription Thisarticleconcernsaninscription in scriptandGandharl language oil the pedestal of a Gandharan relief sculpture which has been mterpreted as referring to Amitabha and Avalokitesvara, and thus as hav-inganimportantbearingontheissueof theoriginsof theMahayana. Thesculpture in question(fig.1)hashadarather complicated history. According to Brough (1982:65), it was first seen in Taxila in August 1961 by Professor Charles Kieffer, from whom Brough obtained the photograph on which hiseditionof theinscription wasbased.Brough reportedthat "[o]n his[Kieffer's] return to Taxila a month later, the sculpture had dis-appeared,and noinformation aboutitswhereaboutswasforthcoming." Later on, however, it resurfaced as part of the collection of Dr.and Mrs. George Lehner,and iscitedassuch in Davidson1968(where the piece is illustrated on p. 23, fig.23) and v.Mitterwallner 1987: 228 (illustrated on p. 229, fig.4). fu Lee 1993:315, it is said to be in the Villanor Museum of Fineand Decorative Artsin Tampa, Florida,which hassubsequently closed.Currently,the relief isin thecollection of the Johnand Mable Ringling Museum of Art in Sarasota, Florida (accession no. MF 94.8.5)1. One of the authors of this article (Salomon) wasable tostudy it there on March 21, 2001, and this direct examination of the original inscription has enabled usto clarify some important pointsconcerning theinscription (see particularly part 2 below). ITheauthorswishtothanktheRinglingMuseum,andin particular itsCollections Manager,Rebecca Engelhardt,forfacilitatingourstudyof thisobject,forproviding photographs of it, and for granting us permission to print them. Thanks are also due to Prof. JohnHuntingtonof OhioState Universityforproviding uswith hisphotographsof the inscription in question. Journalof the International Association of Buddhist Studies Volume 25. Number1-2 2002 4RICHARDSALOMON AND GREGORY SCHOPEN Fig.1:An inscribed Gandharan relief Unknown Artist,Gandharan. Untitled (fragment of relief depicting a Buddha),3rd-4th century A.D. Gray schist,12x9112inches,MF94.8.5 Gift of Eleanor B.Lehner, Collection of the John and Mable Ringling Museum of Art, the State Art Museum of Florida ALLEGEDREFERENCE TO AMITABHA IN A INSCRIPTION5 The publication of this important inscription has similarly been subject to various vicissitudesand delays.In his1982 edition of the inscription, entitled "Amitabha and Avalokitesvara in an Inscribed Gandharan Sculp-ture," Brough confessed to having waited until many yearsafter receiv-ing the photograph to publish it, and expressed his"regrets for so lengthy a delay," which was due"not only to pressure of other work,. but also to some hesitation on my part about the inscription, which appeared to show unambiguously Mahayana names, and I hesitated to publish prematurely, in case some alternative reading might suggest itself. However, the inscrip-tion isclear enough,and Ifeel now that Imust make it available to col-leagues,and give toothers the chance of agreeing or of proposing some other reading"(p.65). The authors of the present article have also delayed this publication for many years,and for similar reasons. For although we dohavesuchanalternativeinterpretationtopropose,theinscription remainsproblematicandambiguousincertain respects,and wedonot claim to have decisively solved all of the problems. Nonetheless, in view of thegreatinterestthatthesculptureandaccompanyinginscription have aroused in Buddhological and art historical circles, we feel that it is important to point out that there are several problems with Brough's inter-pretation of the inscription - as he himself realized. Atimely reminder of the importance of thisinscription, which fmally stimulatedustocompletethepresentarticleafteralongdelay,was recentlyprovided in theformof anotein Fussman1999:543n.482, who, in the course of adetailed discussion of this inscription and its sig-nificancetothecultof AmitabhaandSukhavatI,notedthat"Schopen 1987,130 n. 50 annonce un article de R.Salomon montrant que'there is noreferencein ittoAmitabhaatall,...seemsverylikely.' L'article n'est pas pam et je ne vois pas comment on pourrait lire l'inscrip-tionautrement."Thealternativeinterpretationinquestionwasbriefly proposed in Salomon 1996:4443,but in the present article it is presented 2The inscription is also discussed in Fussman 1987: 73-4 (see also Fussman 1994:36-7), and hasalsobeen referred to in other art historical studies, for example in v.Mitterwallner 1987:228. 3.....theinscription on aGandharan sculpture published by Brough ... , thecorrect reading of which seemstobe [*bludhamitrasa ...danamukhebudhamitrasa am( r )ida(e), 'Piousgiftof Buddhamitra,forBuddhamitra's(own)immortality.'"Thisreadingand 6RICHARDSALOMON ANDGREGORY SCHOPEN and explained in detail, in order to justify, albeit belatedly, the claim that "there is no reference in it toAmWibha at all."This reinterpretation will in tum unavoidablycall intoquestion thevariousconclusionsthat have beendrawnon thebasis' of Brough's interpretation;forexample,Fuss-man's tentative conclusion (1999:546;see also p. 550) - wisely offered "avecquelqueshesitations"- that"lesetiquettesdurelief publie par Brough permettent de reconnaitre ... Amitabha sur une seriede quatre, peut-etre cinq, reliefs provenant d'un meme atelier dit de Sahr-i-Bahlol." 2.Thereading of theinscription AccordingtoBrough'sdescription,thedamagedreliefonwhose pedestaltheinscriptioniswritten"isclearlyafragmentof asculpture which originally consisted of three figures,of which that totheright of the central Buddha has been lost,together with (presumably)about one-third of the inscription, or possibly slightly more" (Brough 1982:65). The relief measures30.5cm in height by 24.1cm in width.The inscription (fig.2)coversa totalspaceof 20 cm,and itsrange in heightfrom1.4cm(tra)to3.1cm(sa);onaveragetheyareabout 2 cm high.The height of the pedestal on which they are engraved varies from3.7 to 4.0 cm. Workingsolely fromthe poar photograph whichC.Kieffer provided him,Brough (ibid., p.66)read the inscription as: budhamitrasa o[o'ipare danamukhebudhamitrasa amridaha ... and translated it (p.67): "The A valokesvara of Buddhamitra, a sacred gift, the Amrtlibha of Buddha-mitra ... " Fussman's reading(1999:543) is identical toBrough's, and he translated similarly,"Don de Buddhamitra, Avalokitesvara; de Bud-dhamitra, Amitabha ... " Brough did, however, admit tosome reservations (quoted above in the first part of thisarticle)about his interpretation, and in our opinion these translationhas,however,nowbeen revised asa result of an examinationof theoriginal inscription,asexplained below in part 2. ALLEGEDREFERENCE TO AMITABHA IN AINSCRIPTION7 Fig.2:Detail of theinscription on the relief doubtsarenot atallunjustified,particularly with regard tothefivesyl-lablesattheendof thesurvivingportionof theinscription,whichhe readasamridahaand interpreted asequivalent toSanskrit Amftabha or Amitabha. The second syllable of this word was correctly read by Brough asmri4,though with the comment (p.67)"the attachment of the conjunct -r sign tothevowel strokeisnot known tome elsewhere,but Ican see no other interpretation"(similarly Fussman 1999:544 n.49,"sans exem-pIe enBut now,an identical syllable5 has been found in two manuscript fragmentsintheSchpyencollection6.In Schpyen 4In theKiefferphotographpublishedin Brough1982:69,theupperportionof the i- voweldiacriticabovethe horizontal curve of theconsonant misnot clearly visible,so thattheletter lookssomewhat likea withasubscribed T.But ontheoriginalandin the photographs published here (figs.2 and 4),the upper portion of the idiacritic isclear. SThis parallel was pointed outtousby Andrew Glass. 6On the Schyen collection in general, see Braarvig 2000;on the manuscripts therein,see Salomon forthcoming:part IL2,and Allon and Salomon 2000. 12RICHARD SALOMON ANDGREGORY SCHOPEN us to expect a similarly Sanskritized spelling forthesecond half.Thus if theunderlyingnamewereinfactAmftabhaor thelike,wewould have expected it tobe writtenhereasamridabhe(oramridabhu,amridabho, etc.,theseallbeingpossiblenominativesingularmasculineendingsin Gandhan),or perhaps amridavheetc.;but hardlyasamridae. Thus in contrast tothe several philological and orthographic problems involved in interpreting theword amridae asthe equivalent of Amitabha orasimilarname,takingitastheequivalentof Sanskritamrtrlyais straightforward,regularandfitsintothenormalinscriptionalpattern. Common sense urges ustoaccept it,or at least prefer it. Theonlyotherpointof contention - butanimportantone- with regardtothereadingof theinscription isthefirstletter,which Brough readas"bu,"andtookasthefirstsyllableof budhamitrasa.Itisnot exactlyclear howhearrivedatthereadingbu,wherehisitalicupre-sumablydesignatesanincompleteorunclearelementof thesyllable. Broughdoesnotethatthereis"a verysmallfragment. ..lostfromthe right-handsideof theplinth,"(p.66),but hedoesnot explain howthis determinedoraffected hisreading;intheKieffer photograph whichhe used,there islittle if anytrace of a letter at the beginning of the inscrip-tion, before thefirst dha.Thus Brough presumably arrived at the reading budhamitrasa forthefirstword under theinfluenceof theclear reading of thisword later in the inscription. Butnowthatwehaveaccesstotheoriginalinscriptionandtothe better photographsprinted with thisarticle,it behoovesustodetermine whether thisreading,or rather reconstruction,iscorrect;and theanswer isthatit isnot.Thedha,whichisactually thefirstletterof theinscrip-ition,isveryclosetowhatisdefinitelytheoriginalrightedgeof the pedestal (fig.3). To the right of the dha,a small triangular portion of the upper right comer of the pedestal,1.3cm in maximum length (at the top) and2.2cmin height,isbrokenoff (aswasnotedbyBrough[po66], quotedabove).It istheoreticallyconceivablethattherehadoriginally been on thislost section part of a syllablebu,tucked upcloselyagainst the followingdhaasisdonein theword budhamitrasa furtheron in the inscription.However, if thishad been thecase,at least part of theu dia-critic at the base of the syllable would have survived at the intact portion of the bottom of the right edge of the pedestal. But a careful examination ALLEGED REFERENCE TO AMITABHA IN AKHARO$THI INSCRIPTION13 of theoriginal established beyond doubt that there is no trace of any part ofan otherwise lost syllable beforethedha8, Thusour revised readingof theinscription,on thebasisof anexami-nationof theoriginal,is: dhamitrasaoloispare9 danamukhebudhamitrasa amridae II/ Skipping for the time being the problematicsecond word,oloispare, our provisional translation 10of the rest of theinscription is: "Gift of Dhamitra[sic] .. , for the immortality of Buddhamitra ... " 3.Formulaic patterns asa guidetotheinterpretationof theinscription Buddhistinscriptionsingeneral,and dedicatory inscriptionsinparticular,typicallyarestronglyformulaicincharacter, and their interpretation should alwaysbe guided by reference toattested standard patterns and formulae (see e.g. Salomon 1981:18-19). Any inter-pretationwhichdoesnotaccord,atleastapproximately,withsuch nor-malpatternsisprima faciesuspect,thoughnotautomaticallywrong, whereasanalternativeinterpretation whichdoesfollownormal patterns is preferable.According tothe readingand interpretation of this inscrip-tion proposed by Brough ("The AvalokeSvara of Buddhamitra, a sacred gift,theAmrtabhaof Buddhamitra ... "),andacceptedbyFussman,it would constitute a sort of combined donative record and set of labels for the two surviving figures(and presumably also for the missing third one, which would havebeencontained inthelost endingof theinscription). In support of this,Brough notesthat"the namesof the Bodhisattva and 8On some photographs of the inscription, there doesappear to be a fainttrace of what couldbetheleftsideof theloopof suchanudiacriticbelowthebrokencomer of the pedestal,but our examinationof theoriginal showed that thisisdefinitely not part of an incised letter,but only asuperficialand insignificant bruising of thesurface. 9Beloweach of thefirstthreeak.yarasof theword %ispare arethreevertical lines, of which thesecond (under /0)is placed higher than the others, with itstop lying between the second and third syllables of the group (fig.3). It is not clear what, if any,significance theseextraneouslinesmighthavehad,but inanycasetheydonotaffect thereadingof the inscription. 10Acomplete translation will be presented below in part 5,after a discussion of other issuesthat arecritical toa fullunderstanding of theinscription. 14RICHARDSALOMON ANDGREGORY SCHOPEN the Buddha come immediately below the figures to which they refer,and it ispossiblethatthetwofactsareconnected"(1982:67),althoughwe would maintain that the relative location of the words in question (which we interpret differently)ismerelya coincidence. BothBroughandFussmanrecognizedthatthisinterpretationwould not fit into any of the normal categories of inscriptions. Brough conceded that "[t]he inscription isof a somewhat unusual form"and that "[t]he repetition of thedonor'sname iscurious"(ibid.),while Fussman remarkedthat"[l]e formulairedel'inscription est inusuel,maisIesens est clair"(1999:543). Suchaformulationwouldinfactbenotonlyunusual,but unique. As far aswe have been able todetermine, no other inscription, andforthatmatternootherBuddhist inscriptionof anykind,follows such a pattern.If, on theother hand,we read and interpret (asproposed above)thelastsurvivingwordasadativeamridae= Sanskrit am[tiiya, meaning literally "for the immortality (of Buddharnitra), "the inscription contains all of the normal elements of the donative formulae ofinscriptions:the donor's name in the genitive case (dhamitrasa);a state-ment of the gift in the nominative (danamukhe);the intended result or pur-pose of the donation in the dative (amridae),and the name of the intended beneficiaryinthegenitive(budhamitrasa) ,governedbytheaforemen-tioned noun in the dative. AtYpical example of an inscription of this type istheJamalgarhi pedestalinscription(Konow1929:114[no.XLVI]), which readsll: [alflJbaesavasethabhariaedalJamukhesa[rva](*sa)tva{lG puyaespamiasa [caaJro[gaJdak:jilJi Gift of AmM,wife of Savasetha, forthe honoring of all beingsand for the good health of [her]husband. Another example is the Shahr-i-Napursan pedestal inscription (ibid., p.124 [no.LVill]): salflghamitrasa(I?1) :jamalJasa da[lJaJmukhebudhorumasa arogadak:ji(*lJae) Gift of the monk:SaIi.ghamitra, for thegood health of Budhoruma [Buddha-varma]. 11This reading and translation isacorrected version of the onegiven by Konow. ALLEGEDREFERENCE TO AMIT.ABHAIN AINSCRIPTION15 Notethat in both of theserecordstheobjectthat isgiven - that is,the imageon which theinscription isengraved - isreferred toonly by the generaltermdal}amukha- "gift,"andthatthefigureorfiguresrepre-sented in that imagearenot mentioned;and thisisthestandard pattern. We therefore propose to interpret the inscription in question according to thiswell attested pattern, and translate it accordingly as"Gift of Dharni-tra ... for the immortality of Buddhamitra." But we admit that some prob-lemsanduncertaintiesremain in thisinterpretation.The firstof these is thatam[ta- isnotoneof thetermswhicharemostcommonlyusedto expresstheintended result of the gift ininscriptions. More typical expressions in this context are puyae "for the honoring of," "for thegoodhealthof"(bothof theseoccurringinthe specimen inscriptionscited above),hitae"for the benefit of", and the like (see Konow 1929:cxvii). Various other expressions are also attested, though lesscommonly,such asvardhase,ayubalavardhie,and dirghayu [*tabhavatuJ(Konow,ibid.).The equivalent of Sanskrit am[ta- assuch doesnot seem to have been previously attested in inscriptions, but the Panjtar inscription (ibid., p.70 [no. XXVI]) has what may be a sim-ilarexpressioninthephrasep[uJfiakarenevaamatasivathalarama .... ma (line3),whichKonowtentativelytranslatedas"Through thismeri-toriousdeed ...immortalplacesof bliss,"takingamataasequivalent to Sanskrit am[ta. The latter phrase ishowever damaged and problematic, and hence does notofferverystrongsupportforourinterpretationof the"AmiHibha" inscription.More to the point isthe fact that the word am[taand various phrasescontainingit,suchasSanskritam[tam padam/Paliamatarrz padarrz,arecommonlyused asexpressionsfornirval}a(theCritical Pali Dictionary, for example, gives more than two dozen canonical references foramataas"a synonym of nibbana"),and a wish fortheattainment of nirval}aisoneof thestated intentionsfoundinotherinscrip-tions.For example, the silver reliquary inscription of Indravarma (inscrip-tion no.VI;Salomon 1996:428) concludes with sarva satva paril}ivaito, "all beings are [hereby]caused to attain nirvaI).a."The "Aso-raya inscrip-tion"(Bailey 1982:149) similarly ends with paral}ivaiti, and theinscriptionof Ajitasena(Fussman1986)concludes(line6)l}ival}ae saba[vaJdu,"May it be fornirvaI).a." 16RICHARDSALOMON ANDGREGORY SCHOPEN ThusawishfornirviiflaseemstohavebeenanormaloneinKha- inscriptions,andsinceamrtaisacommon synonymfornirviifla, the word amridae in our inscription can be said to be at least broadly con-sistent with the normal formulaic patterns of donative records. Moreover,in a Brahm1 inscription on the pedestal of a Buddha image in theBritish Museum,dated byD.C.Sircar (1968-9:269) tothe fourthor fifthcenturyA.D.,theintentionof thededicationof theimageisstated assatviiniim eva tacchiintyai syiid ciimrtaprada[m],"May it be for the peace of [all]beings,and[may it]produce immortality [i.e.nirviifla] forthem."Soherewedohave,atleastin aBuddhist inscriptionof a somewhat later period,theexplicit useof thewordamrta"immortality, nirviifla"to expresstheintention of adedication. Theothermaindifficultyaboutourproposedinterpretationof the inscription isthe peculiarity of the donor's name,Dhamitra. It wasper-hapsthispeculiarity that induced Broughand,followinghim,Fussman andothers,toreadthedonor'snameasbudhamitra,i.e.thecommon Buddhist nameBuddhamitra.But asdiscussedintheprevioussection, an examination of the original object has now shown that this is definitely not correct.Although dhamitrasa is hardly a normal Buddhist name, this isclearlythereading,andwehavetodealwithit.Onesolutionisto proposethat theintended readingwasdhamitrasa,i.e.that the donor'snamewasthecommonDharmamitra12,fromwhichthescribe accidentlyomitted thesecond syllable.But thisisperhapstoospecula-tive,especiallysincetheinscriptionasawholeiswellwrittenandthe scribeand/or engraver seem tohavebeen quitecompetent (which isby no means always the case in inscriptions of thistype).But it is also pos-,.,sible that,strange as it may seem to us,dhamitra was in fact the donor's name;peculiar namesare,afterall,not at allrarein inscrip-tions. Thuswecannot be sure exactly how we are tounderstand the donor's name. But it is certain that,contrary to what Brough and Fussman thought, 12Thisname isattested,forexample,inaJauWininscription(Konow1929:95 [no.XXXVI.5]) and in a graffito (dharmamitro)from Hunza-Haldeikish (Neelis 2001:171),aswellasinothergraffitiin Brahmi fromtheNorthern Areasof Pakistan (ibid.). ALLEGED REFERENCE TO AMITABHA IN A INSCRIPTION17 thereisnorepetitionof thedonor'sname13,and thisisacrucial point. Bothof themacknowledgedthatsucharepetition,accordingtotheir understandingof theinscription,was"curious"(Brough1982:67)or "tres inhabituel"(Fussman1999:544),and understood it tomean that the inscription consisted of labelsof the(originally)three main buddha! bodhisattvafigures,witheachof theirnamesprecededbythedonor's name,repeatedthreetimes(thelasttimenowlost).But nowthatit is clear that in fact there is no such repetition of the donor's name, their inter-pretation is no longer possible, and the inscription can be seen to follow the standard pattern for donative inscriptions:it records a pious gift by one person named, apparently, Dhamitra, given in honor of another, Buddhamitra. To judge from the usual pattern of similar inscriptions, the latter person was probably the donor's "companion" or "co-residential pupil" (sadaviyari fr(1019-79) hasdated thisedict tothe fifth month of Shengli 3 (25March - 23April 700).Thisisapparently incorrect given that the edict condemnsan event which happened on"the fifteenth day of theseventh month of thisyear"(jinnianqiyue shiwu ri4-otJj +.li 13), which impliesthat thisedict must have been issued either in or after the later half of theseventhmonthof theunspecifiedyear.Isit possibleto correlatethisedictwiththereliquaryenshrinement reported intheTang huiyao?Wedonot havesufficient evidence todoso.Even if thisedict wasdirected at that reliquary enshrinement, it was issued in order to pre-vent the repetition of the practice of enshrining the Buddha's relicsaccom-paniedbyasecularritual- afactwhichprovesthatthereliquary enshrinement had already happened. Thus,thisedictbyEmpressWucannotprovethatthereliquary enshrinementreportedbyTanghuiyaoandtheZizhitongjianwascan-celled.Indeed,EmpressWu'scancellation of her own attendanceatthe relic-enshrinement ceremony does not necessarily imply the cancellation of theceremony itself.Some circumstantial evidence suggeststhat such 122The relic wasenacted in this way probably in accordance with some customs related totheUllarnbanafestival(Le.Yulanpen jie ~ ~ ~ 1 i J- the"Ghost Festival"),inwhich thespiritsof one's ancestorswerehonored.In one of hisrhapsodies,the"Yulanpen fu" ~ ~ ~ ~ ,the renowned early Tang poet, Yang Jiong mijiiJ(650-693?)describesthisfes-tival in Ruyi P D ~2 (22 April- 22 October 692),twoyearsafter EmpressWu's officially announced ascension tothe throne;see Yang Jiong's biography at Jiu Tangshu190:5003; forhis"Yulanpenfu,"seeQuanTangwen190.8b-lla,forwhichStephenTeiser pro-videsanEnglishtranslationin hisGhostFestivalinMedievalChina(Princeton,New Jersey:Princeton University Press,1988;pp.72-77). It seems that at that time some Bud-dhist monksattempted toinclude the reliquary enshrinement (or entombment) asa part of theghost festival.T.H.Barrett (" Stiipa,Sutra and Sarlra in China,"p.40)suggeststhat EmpressWu's government censured thiseffortasit involved treatingthedeceaseof the Buddha asan occasion of actual ril-ther than apparent loss. This understanding is supported bywhat issaid in EmpressWu's edict. 86JINHUACHEN a relic enshrinement ceremony might have indeed happened at Songshan in 700. The Quan Tangshi containstwo poemsattributed to Zhang Yue(667-731) and Xu Jian(ca.659-729)123.Entitled "Song Wu Yuanwai xueshi shi Songshan shu shelita" ;r1j:t1t(Farewell to Director Wu of the Bureau of Evaluation with the Title of Academician, WhoisLeaving forSongshan for the Imperial Mission of Preparing for[i.e.,Overseeing the Construction of]a Pagoda), the poem attributed toZhang Yue reads: ' ,a

lll9=t-=f3 ' a 'a iill:fi:1ia. Like thevijaya dhiiralJl sidra,this text begins with a pan-icked brahmin who learns from a prognosticator that he istodie in seven daysandistobereborninthehellforcontinuoussuffering.Upon this terrifying revelation, the brahmin runs to the Buddha for help.The Buddha him to repair a collapsing pagoda which contains some relics of aTathi:igataandislocatedbesidea roadinKapilavastu.TheBuddha assuresthatbrahminthatif heputsinsidethepagodaawoodtablet inscribed with some dhiiralJzsand worshipsit with various offerings,his 203FajiezongwuzulUejii:M'!!*E.:tl3.l!I/tliC(ABrief Accountof [theLivesof]the Five Patriarchsof theFajie[i.e.Huayan]Sect;completed1680), XZJ 134.548al-2. 204Kaiyuanshijiaolu,T vol.55,no.2154,p.566c3-4. 205Songgaosengzhuan,Tvo!.50,no.2061,p.719c5-6. 206See SiklWJ)andother countries.Makinggreat offeringsin the place of the Buddha's alms-bowl,King Daxing would maintain the Law 238Tvol.14,no.535,p.819bl-5.Fortheimportanceof Candraprabha inChinese ,propheticand eschatological literature,see E[rik]Ziircher,"Eschatology and Messianism in Early Chinese Buddhism"(LeydenStudiesinSinology:PapersPresented at theConfer-enceheld inCelebrationof theFiftieth Anniversary of the Sinological Instituteof Leyden University,December 8-12,1980 [ed.W. L. Idema, Leiden:E.J.Brill,1981], pp. 34-56), andhis"PrinceMoonlight:MessianismandEschatologyinEarlyMedievalChinese Buddhism"(T'oung-paoLXVIII1-3[1982],pp.1-75);theShenri jingprophecyabout Candraprabha's rebirth in China isdiscussed in "Eschatology and Messianism," pp. 46-47 and"Prince Moonlight,"p.24;seealsoKangLe "Zhuanlunwangguannianyu zhongguo zhonggu de fojiaozhengzhi"Bulletin of the Instituteof Historyand Philology,Academia Sinica67/1(1996),pp.128-30. 239T no.545, completed in 583. This text is related to the Candraprabha-kumara siUra both in content and form.N arendrayasas has biographies in the Xugaoseng zhuan (T vol.50, no.2060,p.432a-433b)and the Lidai sanbao ji,T vol.49,no.2034, pp.102c-l03a. . EMPRESS WU'S POLmCAL USE OF BUDDHIST RELICS127 of theBuddha by copyingcountlessMahayana"ExtensiveandEqual" (Ch.fangdengSkt. vaipulya) sutras;by making countless Buddha-imagesandBuddha-pagodas(fota andbyarousingcountless sentientbeings'"never-retreating"(Skt.avaivartika,Ch.butuizhuan /fJg") faith in the Law of the Buddha. Subsequently, the Buddlia turns to prophesy the fatecif King Daxing himself.By virtue of all the merits accumulated through theofferings he had made tothe Buddha,Candra-prabha (now King Daxing) would be reborn in the places of the immeas-urable,boundlessandineffableBuddhasandwouldalwaysruleasthe Cakravartin King in all the "Buddha Realms"(JochaSkt. buddha- Alwayspossessed of the good fortuneof encountering the Bud-dha, he would worship, respect and praise the"Three Jewels,"and erect pagodasand temples.In themiddleof hislife-span,hewould abandon secular life and join the sarp.gha,setting an example for all the people in Jambudvlpa toemulate.Finally, theBuddha prophesiesthat King Daxing will become a Buddha in the future241. In his Lidai sanbao ji, Fei Zhangfang, a.Buddhist ideologue of Emperor Wen, quotes this prophecy in the Dehu zhangzhe jing and asserts its verac-ity by referringtothe Northern Zhou persecutionof Buddhismandthe effortsEmperorWenmadetorescuethereligionfromthissevereset-back242. Interestingly enough, a very similar passage is found in a Chinese ver-sion of the Ratnamegha siitra, the Baoyu jing, prepared by Empress Wu' s . Buddhist ideologues in 693. In this passage, a Devaputra (Ch.tianzi :Rr), alsocalled Candraprabha,isprophesied by the Buddha toappear in the last periodfollowingtheParinirvliI}.a(i.e.thefourthfive-hundredyear period)when thedharma isabout to fadeaway,in Mahacma (i.e.Great China) in the north-western region of this continent of Jambudvlpa, where he,manifestinghimself inafemalebody,willassumethepositionof 240Understanding the fotaas relic-shrines, Ziircher believes that the text here refers to Emperor Wen'simitation of King Moka's effort toconstruct Buddhist pagodas.Asthis did not happenuntil thevery beginning of theseventh century,Ziircher ("Prince Moon-light,"p.26) suspects that theinsertion of this passage intothe Dehu zhangzhe jing may have been made at thisdate,or somewhat later. 241T vol.14,no.545, p.849b-c.A partial English translation of thispassage isfound in Ziircher,"Eschatology and Messianism," p.47. 242Tvol. 49, no.2034,p.107b7-25. 128.JINHUA CHEN Avaivartika (i.e. Avaivartika Bodhisattva, the never-retre,ating Bodhisattva whogoesstraight tonirvalJa).He/shewillsustain and promote the Law of theBuddha,erect pagodasandtemplesandhonorthesramaI.lasby offering them all the necessities. Endowed with the name "Yuejingguang" ("Moon-likePureLight"),he/shewillbeanAvaivartlkaBod-hisattva and a Cakravartin King243.AsAntonino Forte and other scholars rightly point out,this passage,which isnot found in other threeChinese versionsof the Ratnamegha sidra,wasforged by EmpressWu's Buddhist ideologues244. However, its remarkable similarities with the passage in the Dehu Zhangzhe jing (e.g.the rebirth in China asa great king,theideals of thecakravatinkingand never-retrogressingfaith[orBodhisattva]245, the protection of the"Three Jewels,"etc)stronglysuggest that thispas-sagein theBaoyu jingwasactuallyinspired by if not directlymodeled on that in theDehu zhangzhe jing concerning Emperor Wen246. SomeConcluding Remarks Assoon aswe examine Empress Wu's involvement in relic veneration throughouthersustainedrule,weimmediatelyfindthatitstartedand ended with the Famensi relic, which was closely related to, if not directly derived from,the Renshou relic distribution campaigns sponsored by her Sui relative, Emperor Wen. We also note with interest the important role that Daoxuan,whocan be takenasa"dharma-nephew"of Tanqian,an architect of the Renshou relic-distribution campaigns, played in escorting 243See Forte,Political Propaganda,pp.130-32 foran English translation of thispas-sage.In thesamebook(p.131,footnote23)Fortesuggeststhatthenameof Yuejing-..guang waschosen purposely inorder toremind thereader of the name of the Devakanya Vimalaprabha (Jingguang),theobject of theBuddha's prophecyintheDayunjing. 244Forte, Political Propaganda,pp.132-36. 245Asamatterof fact,theSanskrittermavaivartikacanmeananavaivartikabod-hisattva and avaivartika faith aswell, since the two are considered inseparable (an avaivar-tikabodhisattva isa bodhisattva with avaivartikafaith). 246Ziircher("EschatologyandMessianism,"p.48)hasalreadynotedthatEmperor Wen's political use of the Prince Moonlight legend had set up a precedent which Empress Wu and her ideologuesmight have followed.This issupported by Hubert Durt, Problems of Chronologyand Eschatology;Four Lectures ontheEssaysonBuddhism by Tominaga Nakamoto(1715-1746)(Kyoto:Italian School of East Asian Studies,1994), p.54.How-ever, neither of them has raised the possibility that the two passages in the Dehu zhangzhe jingand the Baoyu jing might have been directlyconnected. EMPRESSWU'SPOLITICAL USEOF BUDDHIST RELICS129 therelic back tothe Famensi in 662.When EmpressWu wasapproach-ingtheend of her life,bothpoliticallyandbiologically,sheonceagain resortedtotheFamensirelic,apparentlyin hopeof haltingthegradual dwindlingof her power asher ageand health turnedagainst her.In this case,the"divine relics"proved tobeasinefficaciousastheyhadbeen exactly one century earlier with her great Sui relative who embraced them with equal fervour,enthusiasm and high expectations.Just like Emperor Wen,whodied (or wasmurdered by hisown Crown Prince assome his-torianssuspect)three monthsafter thethird relic-distribution wasunder-takenunder hiscommand247,EmpressWualsobreathed her lastbarely ten monthsafter bringing the Famensi relic toher capital. In comparison withEmperorWen,EmpressWuappearstobethemorepitifulfigure giventhatshewasevenbetrayedby,amongothers,aBuddhistleader whom she had trusted for yearsand who wasa,if not the,director of the Famensi relic veneration of 705. Theexhumingof thenumerousrelicsintheGuangzhaiquarterand their subsequent distribution allover the country was obviously an important aspect of the ideology prepared for theempress's subsequent usurpation. It is important to note that Guangzhai (19October 684 - 8 February 685) becamethesecondreigntitlethattheempressadopted forher regency afterdeposingoneof hersons,Zhongzong,andthenneutralizingthe other(Ruizong),whomshehadsetupandmanipulatedasapuppet-emperor until she had him abdicated in 690.By doing this,she obviously hoped torefreshand reinforce people's memoryof theGuangzhai relics and their profound implications. It isclear that this politico-religious strat-egywasinspired by theRenshou relic-distributioncampaigns,although thelatterweremoredirectlydrivenbyEmperorWen'sexpansionist agenda,rather than theneed tolegitimatea likewise problematic rule. This makes the following fact particularly meaningful for us to understand the complicated relationship between Empress Wu and her relatives in the Sui:oneof hergrand-uncles,YangXiong,had figuredintheRenshou relic-distributioncampaign.Ourbrief comparisonbetweenSuiWendi 247Emperor Wen died on13August 604 (Renshou 4.7.13[dingwei]), only three months afterthethird andlast relicdistribution during theRenshouera,whichwasexecuted on 11May 605(Renshou4.4.8). 130JINHUACHEN andEmpressWunotonlypointstothedirectp o l i ~ i c a lconnections between them,but it alsosuggeststhat thewholeseriesof pro-Buddhist policiesadoptedbyEmpressWuwasverylikelymodeledatleastas much on Sui Wendi as it wason ideas taken from Buddhist canonical lit-erature.Weare herepresentedwithtwoexcellent examplesof howthe familyfaithof twomedieval Chinese rulersinformed their political per-spectives. Astwo of the most "Buddhist" rulersof a unified China, both Emperor Wenand EmpressWuseem tohave been obsessed,at least in a certain phaseof hisor her rule,with the visionof establishinga Bud-dhist kingdom in China. Evidence even shows that they might have tried tosupplementtheirexpansionisticpursuitswiththeirBuddhistideals. Fordifferentreasons,theireffortsinthisaspectfailed,but notwithout leavingsome profound legacies,which requireseriousassessment. Althoughtraditionattributesthediscoveryof theGuangzhai relicsto the prognostic ability of an unspecified soothsayer, it appears tobe of lit-tledoubtthat therelicswereburiedthereinadvanceby EmpressWu's ideologues for excavation. Throughout the Guangzhai relic campaign, the roleof a sofaralmost entirely neglected man isparticularlysuspicious. HeisFacheng,or WangShoushen.Both hissecular and monasticbiog-raphiesdepict him notonlyasa prudentandwiseofficial butalsoasa devoutBuddhistpractitioner.However,giventhatbeforebecominga monk Wang Shoushen had been ianimportant member of Empress Wu's secret police system and that he was latter ordered to reside at the Guang-zhaisi(theQibaotaisi)- apparentlyasaleaderof thishighlypolitical monastery,Isuspect that thisman wasverylikely a mastermind behind theGuangzhaireliccampaign(Iamevenwillingtosuggestthathis ::issumptionof a monasticlife might have beenarranged forsupervising theGuangzhaisi).Hisrolein theconstructionof the"Pond forReleasing Life" in the Western Marketplace of Chang' an, which pointedly reminded people of the connections between the Sui and Great Zhou dynasties through the prophesy borne on a stonestele,alsobetrayshisintention of justify-ingEmpressWu'susurpationwithsomesort of divinelegitimacy.It is alsonoteworthy that thisproject might have been accomplished through hiscollaboration with Empress Wu's daughter Princess Taiping. ItwarrantsourattentionthattheRenshoureliccampaignsappearto have been a main source of inspiration for Empress Wu' s political use of EMPRESS WU'SPOLITICAL USE OF BUDDHIST RELICS131 Buddhist relics,asis remarkablyshown by the casesof the relic veneration surrounding the Fanjingsi,the Renshousi Maitreya Pavilion and probably also the Jingzhou Dayunsi. On the other hand,although the scale of the dis-tributionof theGuangzhairelicswasevenlarger incomparisonwithits Sui precedent, no evidence shows that the empress followed the Sui prece-dent by building new pagodas toenshrine therelics. Empress Wu's deci-sionof notfullyfollowingherSuirelativeinhandlingthedivinerelics mighthavebeenprimarilyoutof economicconsiderations.Also,there might have been the suspicion that the Renshou campaigns had not exactly gone well- Emperor Wen died soon after the last Renshou relic campaign. fusofarasrelicvenerationisconcerned,EmpressWudifferedfrom herSuirelativeinonemoreimportantpoint.WhileEmperor Wen was limited tothecorporeal relicsof theBuddha,Empress Wu was perhaps the flIst Chinese ruler to promote the cult of "dharma-relics," which again werecheaper,easiertoproduceandcontrol.It isalsoimportant tonote that the empress's patronage of the dharma-relic veneration based on the Wugoujingguangdatuoluoni jingwasfosteredtowardstheendof her reignandlife.It seemstohavebeenlargelyderivedfromher personal concernsandfears:herheart-feltrepentanceforsomeheinouscrimes that she had committed in thecourse of seizing andsolidifying supreme power, her strong desire to lengthen her life and toneutralize all her bad karma in order toescape punishment in theafter-life248 AlthoughnoevidenceshowsthatEmpressWuconstructedpagodas during theGuangzhai relicdistribution in 678,shedid haveat least one pagoda built atSongshan,probablyaround700,foronehundredgrains of relics,which probablycame fromtheGuangzhaiquarter too.Thisis another indicator of her fondnessfor Songshan,a mountain which she fre-quented,either along with her husband or on her own,and at which two 248The bitterness with which the empress repented her previous crimes is demonstrated byaninscriptioncarvedona"goldslip"(jinjianJit:M)anddated29May700(Jiushi 1.7.7). In thisinscription the empress humbly begged Taoist deities to pardon her by remov-ingher namefromthe recordsof thesinners.Thisinscription isincluded inDaojiao jin-shi We (comp. Chen Yuan and ed.Chen Zhichao et aI,Beijing:Wenwu chuban-she,1988), p.93. For an excellent reproduction of the"gold slip" bearing this inscription, seeTono joteiSokutenBukotosono jidaiten (Tokyo: TokyoNationalMuseum,1998),p.158.Barrettquotesanddiscussesthisinscriptionin his"Stiipa,SUtraand SarITainChina," pp.47-48. 132JINHUACHEN of her kinsmen retired asreclusesforlong periods.It isremarkablethat in 700,thesame year thattheempressundertook her VIsittoSongshan, which was probably driven - at least partly - by her unfuifilled desire to"cut the ribbon"forthe newlycompleted reliquary pagoda there,the empresssummoned to Luoyang the most prominent Northern Chan leader atthetime- Shenxiu249Given(i)theinfluenceof NorthernChanat Songshan,where there wasa largeandactivegroupof meditation prac-titionersled by Shenxiu's chief disciple Puji,and(ii) Wu Pingyi's close associationwithPujiatSongshan,itistemptingtospeculatethatthe empress'sinterestinNorthernChanmighthavebeenarousedand increased during her stay at Songshan and that the summoning of Shenxiu mighthavebeen,atleastpartly,duetotherecommendationof one,or both,of her two hermit-kinsmen wholived on the mountain. Songshan was, however, not the only "sacred mountain" implicated in Empress Wu's relic veneration. Wutaishan alsostood out in this respect, especially for her cult of dharma-relics.Aswealreadynoted,what was at stake here was not only the Wu family's divine status, but also China's allegedstatusasthe Buddhist center of the world (or of theuniverse,as EmpressWu'sBuddhistideologueswouldclaim)asaresultof the empress'srulingasthecakravartinsovereign.Thisideological project proved to have had epochal significances in the development of Buddhism in East Asia.For example, thisirrtageof China asthe new Buddhist cen-terintheworld,supportedbyWutaishan'sreputationastheabodeof Mafijusrl and other stories both historically true and fake,was extensively exploitedbymembersof theJapaneseTendaischool,whichlackeda directrelationshipwithanIndiansidra.Theyseemedmoreeager than of their Chinese "dharma-brothers" to establish China's position as a newsource of authorityin Buddhism250. What particularly intriguesusis,however,theinclusion of adharalJl text like thevijaya dhiiralJl siitra, which was functioning as 249Shenxiu'sgloriousentryintoLuoyangisrecordedinhisbiographiesin theSong gaoseng zhuanand severalChan chronicles,in addition to his funeralepitaph written by ZhangYue.Foracarefulanddetailedreconstructionof thiseventbasedon thesehis-torico-biographical sources,see McRae,TheNorthernSchool,pp.51-54. 250See Chen Jinhua, Makingand Remaking History: AStudy ofTiantai Sectarian His-toriography(Tokyo:The International Institute for Buddhist Studies,1999), pp.135-40. EMPRESS WU'S POLmCAL USE OF BUDDIDST RELICS133 a core of the cult of dharma-relics,in this. major politico-religious prop-aganda.Wasit- theintrinsicconnectionsbetweentheAsokan idealand relicveneration 'ingeneralthatinvitedEmpressWu'sattentiontoour dharar;.z text?It sounds logical, although thisrequires furthersupporting evidence. Bibliography Thetranslationof Chineseand Japanesetitleshas been supplied by theauthor of the present article in parentheses inroman script and with no quotation marks. For secondary literatureinChinese and Japanesewhich already has an English title,this has been indicated initalics (inthecaseofbooks) or within quotation marks (inthecase of articles). (I)Abbreviations used in the footnotes SChinese manuscripts from Dunhuang in the Stein Collection, British Library, London; references made to the Dunhuang Baozang (see Biblio-graphy llI). TTaishOshinshil daizokyo (see Bibliography llI). XZJXinwenfeng (Taiwan) reprint of the Dai Nihon zokuzokyo ;k B (see Bibliography llI). emPrimary sources: Baoyu jingFoshuobaoyu jing Baqiongshijinshi buzheng (Baqiongshi's Supplementary and Cor-recting Remarks on Metal and Stone Inscriptions),130 juan, by Lu Zengxiang (1833-89) and ed. Liu Chenggan (d.u.);Shike shiliao xinbian I.6.3947-I.8.6129. Bei shi(History of the Northern Dynasties,386-581),100 juan, completed by Li Yanshou *}ifW (d.after 659) in 659 on the basis of the draft left by his father Li Dashi **roti (?-628);Zhonghua shujuBeijing, 1974. Bianzheng lun (Treatise on Deciding the Rightful),8 juan, by Falin (572-640),T no.2110, vol.52. Cefu yuangui (The Original Tortoise, Precious Treasure of the Document Store), 1,000 juan, compiled by Wang Qinruo(d.after 1013) between 1005-13;Zhonghua shuju, Beijing,1960. Chang' an zhi (A Description of Chang'an), 20 juan, by Song Minqiu *filr.ilfo1.'a, recto,1.1-2 TaboRN129:deest bsTan'gyur,sDe dge,T6hoku N4347,vol.Co,fo1.154a4-5 Ishikawa1990:98 fol.63b1bya I : I MvyS 4239, Mdhvy 297da. ra. nil . :les. bya. ba I a.rba.gran. than.I dha.ra.ya.n.n.dha.ra.ni2 :les.bya.steIIsnags.kyi.chos.gi.don. dan.tshig.myi.brjed. par.'dzin. cm. khyad. bar.gi. rim. pa.(2) thob. par.'gyur. ba'i. mym.steI gzuns.:les.bya.I :I MvyS 4240,Mdhvy 298 man.ta. la . :les. bya.ba.IIsfiill.po.'am.dbyms.sam.dkyil.laobya.Ila. ni.adani3 < ........................... >1.7 -.wIIsans. rgyas.dan I byaiJ..chub.sems.dpa'. thams. cad.laophyag.'tshal. 10II 1Recte:dhii ranf. 2Recte: dharayatftidhiiraJJf.Cf.Abhisamayiifaf[lkiirafoka,ed.Wogihara p.98:smrtir hi granthartha-dhiiralJena dharayatfti krtva dharalJf-saf[lbharaiti. 3The gi guistraced.Recte:malJ4a faies bya baIIsiiifl po'amdbyifls sam dkyif fabyaI fani a dii ne(seeVerhagen1994:42). Reading the sGra sbyor bam po giiis pa as a charter lProtocol [bstan'gyurToh. N 4347, vol.Co, fol.131bl-160a7. Tabo and Dunhuang partially extant] Decree(s)and ratification Prescriptions and rules ""'II Na mo Buddhaya IIrta'i lola btsan po Khri IDesron btsan Pho bran sKyi'i 'On can rdo na biugs I. -7 continues f- endswith IIsnags kyi rgyud dan snagskyitshig thu iin bsgyur du mi gnan noII 2MainBody[bstan'gyur fol.133al-160a4. Taboand Dunhuangare fragmentary] IApplication:Derivation of wordsaccording tonormative prescriptions skad kyi min snon gtan la rna phab pa dan min du rnathogspa lastheg pa che chUIlgi giUIldansgra'i giun las'byun ba dansbyar tebsad pa'i dan po'olll sans rgyaskyimtshan dan yon tan gyi mill la sogspaIIskad dka'ba mams thogthogbSad pa IIsans rgyaskyi mtshangyi mam graitslaI :lesbya ba sgra lasdrailsna gcig tu na Icesbya steI gti muggigfiidsailspas na mi gfudsailspa biin teI saftspa Iasfiegspa I yaftmam pa gcig tu na I buddher vikiisaniid buddha-vibuddha-padma-vat cesbya steI bio bye :lm rgyas pas na pa dma kha bye :lm rgyaspa daft' dra bar yail Mad de sailsrgyassesbya' 0II tshig gidon spyir na chos thamscad thugssuchudem rnaIuspar byaft chub pa Iabya II -7 continues f- endswith IIColophon[passageextant in thebstan'gyurversion only] Mahiivyutpatti Bye brag tu rtogs byed cheIl po I Madhyavyutpatti Bye brag tu rtogs byed 'brill po I Svalpavyutpatti Bye brag tu rtogsbyed chun nu I Vacavyutpatti sKad bye brag tubsad pa'di ni'brill po'o II chen po'i dka'ba'i gnas[chos]dansgra'i giun dan sbyar te bSadpa'i Paiijikii Madhyavyutpatti yin no II 3Eschatocol[extant in thebstan'gyur version only,fol.160a4-7] IAuthbritative decision pho bran'On can rdor Bod dan rGya gar mkhan po thamscad kyischos skad gtan la phab ste I r Je Blonmol nas regzegdumdzadpa skadgsar gyimin snonrnathogspa dan I gtan la rna phab pa la mkhas pa mams'tshogstemin du btags sin gtan la phab ste I IIConfirmation I Validation by the King IHa bTsan poKhri IDesron btsan gyisbskul nas bkas bcad demibe ospar biag pa rdzogsso II IIIDocument Authentication bkas bcad pa bla dpe biin brispa gian gyis kyait debiin duZUIrna be osso II Explicit sGra sbyor bam po gfiispa'o II ENACTING WORDS Three authoritative decisions ill 814 imperial decree II 795/783? Post bSam yas foundationand pre- bSam yas debate? imperial decree I - At the time of the Father (Yab) Siintarak#tajirst arrives inTibet? 763==> - At the time of the Forefathers(yabmyes) Sron btsan sgam po Edificatory narrative? Khri IDegtsug btsan? (r.712-755) 'Dus sron?(r.676-704) Ratnamegha and Lailkiivatiira possibly circulated in Tibet unspecified authoritativedecision Fig. B 327 328 SCHERRER-SCHAUB Samples ofpatterns for lexicographicalPattern I:The term isanalysed for the firsttime. 1.[Sanskrit term] ies bya ba 2.[According tothe literal twofold interpretation] sgra las dransna 3.[First literal interpretation] gcig tu na. 4.[Sanskrit exegesis/derivation] ies bya ba ste 5.[Tibetan translation of the Sanskrit derivation](s)te 6.[Tibetan meaning]siiegs (pa) 7.[Second literal interpretation] yan rnam pa gcig tu na 8.[Sanskrit exegesis/derivation] ies bya ba ste 9.[Tibetan translation of theSanskrit derivation](s)te 10.[Tibetan equivalent term]ies bya'o Option 11.[Common meaning of the word]tshig gi donspyir na 12.[Meaning of the word as it is generally known in Buddhist hermeneutics]la bya. MvyS 8 MvyS649,655 MvyS656 MvyS657 MvyS658 MvyS659 MvyS660 MvyS661 MvyS662 MvyS663 MvyS674 MvyS645 MvyS653 MvyS648 MvyS675 ENACTING WORDS Cited manuscripts (MSS) Pelliot tib814,843,845,1083,1085,1257( ~Pelliot Chinois2046) 1.0. Tib J 76,Tib 'J161,S8212 Tabo RN129 333 Turfan,Sanskrit MSS=;>Ratnameghasutra SH Till 945, Sanskrithandschriften aus denTurfanfunden, E. Waldschmidt, Wiesbaden,1971, Teil3 (Verz. der orient.Handschrift. in Deutschland Bd X,3), p.206-207[= T.659.246a28 f., T.600,660.288a14 f.] Cited Works Bacot, J.(1924)"La collection tibetaine Schilling von Constadt a la Bibliotheque del'mstitut" Journal asiatique T.CCV,fasc.2,pp.321-348. Bacot,J.,Thomas,F.W.&Toussaint,Ch.(1940-1946)DocumentsdeTouen-houang relatifs a ['histoiredu Tibet.Paris,Annalesdu Musee Guimet, T. LI. Bloch, 1.(1950)Les inscriptions d'Asoka.Paris, Les belles lettres. Beckwith,C.(1980)"The Tibetan Empirein theWest",in:Michael Arisand AungSanSuuKyi Eds.TibetanStudiesinHonourof HughRichardson. Warminster, pp.30-38. -, (1987) TheTibetanEmpireinCentral Asia:AHistoryof theStruggle for Great PoweramongTibetans,Turks,ArabsandChineseduringtheEarly Middle Ages.Princeton, Princeton University Press. Bogoslovskij, V. A.(1972) Essai sur l'histoire du peuple tibetain ou La naissance d'unesociete declasse.Paris,Klincksieck. Boucher,D.(2000)"On Huand FanAgain:theTransmission of "Barbarian" Manuscripts to China" Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies vol.23,Number1,pp.7-28. Burgess,J.(1975) Report ontheBuddhist CaveTemplesand their Inscriptions. Delhi, reproof Archaeological Surveyof WesternIndia,vol.Iv. Bu ston Rio chen grub.Chos'byun.bDe bar gsegs pa'i bstan pa'i gsal byed. Chos kyi'byungnasgsunrabrinpo che'i mdzod.TheCollected Worksof Bu-ston. Part 24 (Ya).Ed. by Lokesh Chandra, New Delhi, fol.633-1056. Sata-PitakaSeries,64. Cataloguedesmanuscrits chinois deTouen-houang(FondsPelliot chinois),T.I, N 2001 -2500.Paris,Bibliotheque nationale,1970. CataloguedesmanuscritschinoisdeTouen-houang,VolumeVI.Fragmentschi-nois duFonds Pelliot tibetain dela Bibliotheque nationaZe deFrance.Paris, EFEO,2001. Deb ther snon po. For the Tibetan edition, see 'Gos 10gZon nu dpal. For an Eng-lish translation,see Roerich,G.N.(1988repr.). Demieville, P.(1952) Le Concile de Lhasa. Paris, College de France, mstitut des Hautes Etudeschinoises,1987(reimpression). 334CRISTINA, SCHERRER-SCHAUB -, (1970)"Recents travaux sur Touen-houang"T'oung PaovoLLVI, Livr.1-3, pp.1-95.' -, (1979)"L'introduction au Tibet du bouddhisme sinise d'apres 1es manuscrits de Touen-houang.(Analysederecentstravauxjaponais)". In:Soyroie,M. Contributions aux etudes sur Touen-houang.Geneve, Droz. -, (1970)"RecentstravauxsurTouen-houang"T'oungPaovoLLVI,1-3, pp.1-95. Enomoto, F.(1994)"A Note on Kashmir asReferred toin Chinese Literature: Ji-bin". In:Ikari, Yasuke Ed. A Study of the Nflamata. Aspects of Hinduism in Ancient Kashmir.Kyoto,Institute for Research in Humanities,pp.3,57-365. Faure, B. (1989) Le bouddhisme Ch'an en mal d'histoire.Genese d'une tradition religieuse dans laChine des T'ang. Paris, BEFEO [= PEFEO, voLCLVIII). Forte,A.(1976)Political propagandaand ideologyinChinaat theend of the seventh century.Napoli,Istitutouniversitarioorientale.Seminariodi studi asiatici. Francke,A.(1927)"EinDokumentausTurfanin TibetischerSchrift,aber unbekannter Sprache". Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wis-senschaften zuBerlin, pp.124-130. Fussman, G.(1993)"Chilas, Hatun et les bronzes bouddhiques du Cachemire", in:Jettmat, K.[et al.]Antiquities of northern Pakistan.Reports and Studies. VoL2, Mainz, Verlag P.von Zabern, pp.1-60 + 40 planches. 'Gos 10gion nu dpal (1476-1478) Deb ther sJion po.Chengdu,1984.See Roe-rich,G.N. dGe'dun Chos'phe1 (1905?-1951) Deb ther dkar po. Dharamsala, Tibetan Cul-tural Printing Press,1978.d Hadano,S.(1983)"Chibettorudenrenkinooshitsubukkyo-Chokusaishohin vyutpatti to mokuroku "Denkaruma" 0megutte". In:Chibetto-Indogaku Shu-sei,voL1, Kyoto1986repr.,pp.304-336. Hiniiber,O.v.(1985)"Royal Inscription from North Pakistan" Journal of Cen-tral Asia VIII, pp.56-67. -, Q.987)"The Patola ~ a h i sof Gilgit. A forgotten Dynasty" Journal ofthe Orien-ff'tal InstituteBaroda, voL36, pp.221-229. -, Forthcoming.(Provisionaltitle.)DiePalolaShahis.IhreSteininschriften, Inschriften und Bronzen, Handschriftenkolophone und Schutzzauber. Materia-len zur Geschichte und Kultur von GiIgit und qrilas. Antiquities of Northern Pakistan. Hoffman, H.(1990)"Early and Medieval Tibet", in:Sinor, D. Ed. TheCambridge Historyof early Inner Asia.Cambridge,CUP, pp.371-399. Hu-von Hinuber,H.(1997)"The 17titlesof theVinayavastuin the Mahiivyut-patti.Contributions to Indo-Tibetan Lexicography II", in:Kieffer-Pulz,P. and Hartmann,J.-U.Eds.Bauddhavidyasudhiikara/:t.StudiesinHonour of Heinz Bechert.Swisttal-Odendorf,1997, pp.339-345. ENACTING WORDS 335 Imaeda, Y.(1975)"Documents tibetains de Touen-houang concernant Ie concile du Tibet"Journal asiatique T.CCLXIll, pp.125-146. -, (2000)"Rituel destraitesde paix sino-tibetainsdu VIII"auIX"siecle", in: La Serinde,terred'echanges, pp.87-98. Ishikawa, M. (1990) ACritical Edition of the sGra sbyor bam po giiis pa.. An Old and BasicCommentaryon the Mahiivyutpatti.Tokyo,The Toyo Bunko. Jettmar, K. (1993)"The Patolas, their Governors and their Successors", in: JeU-mat, K. [et al.]Antiquities of northern Pakistan.Reports and Studies.Vol.2, Mainz, Verlag P. von Zabern, pp.77-122. Jotion des Longrais, A. (1950),Age de Kamakura.Sources (1150-1330):archives, chartes japonaises (Monjo).Tokyo-Paris. Karmay,Samten G.(1972)TheTreasuryof Good Sayings.ATibetan Historyof Bon. London [London oriantla Serie26]. -, (1981)"King Tsa/DzaandVajrayana",in:StrickmannM.Ed.Tantricand TaoistStudiesin Honour of R.A.Stein.Bruxelles,Institut beIgedesHautes Etudes Chinoises [Melanges Chinois et bouddhiques Vol. XX], pp. 192-211. -, (1988)TheGreatPerfection.APhilosophicaland MeditativeTeachingof Tibetan Buddhism.Leiden, Brill.. KUO,Li-ying (1994)Confession et contrition danslebouddhisme chinois du Ve au X' siecle.Paris, PEFEO (Monograpbies N170). MvyS.Mahiivyutpatti.See.Sakaki, R.(1925). Mvy.Mahiivyutpatti.See Ishihama,Y.and Fukuda, Y.(1989). mKhas pa'i dga' ston(1986)Ed.by rDo rJe rgyal po.See dPa'bogTsug lag phren. Klimburg-Salter,D.(1997)Tabo.ALamp for the Kingdom.Early Indo-Tibetan Art in theWesternHimalaya.Milano, Skira. Kuwayama ShOshin(1994)"Dating Yasovarman of Kanaujon the Evidence of Huichao" Zinbun (Annals of the Institute for Research in Humanities,Kyoto University)29(1994),pp.1-15. Lalou, Marcelle (1929)"La version tibetaine des prajiiiipiiramita" Journal asia-tique Annee1929, pp.87-102. -, (1931) Catalogue du Fondstibetain dela Bibliotheque Nationale.IV Partie, 1- Les mDo-maIi..Paris,Geuthner. -, (1939)Inventairedesmanuscrits tibetainsdeTouen-houangconserves Iila Bibliothequenationale(FondsPelliottibetain)N1-849.Paris,Libraire d' Amerique et d'Orient,Adrien Maisonneuve. -, (1953)"Les textes bouddhiquesau tempsdu roi Kbri-sron-Ide-bcan"Jour-nal asiatique, Annee1953, pp.313-353. -, (1956dateof theoff-print)"RevendicationsdesfonctionnairesduGrand Tibet au VIII siecle". Journal Asiatique T.CCXLll.2,1955, pp.171-212 + 2planches. -, (1965)"Catalogue des principautes du Tibet ancien" Journal asiatique, T. CCLlII, 1965, pp.189-215 + 1 table 336CRISTINA SCHERRER-SCHAUB Li,F.Kand SouthCoblin,W.(1987)AStudyof theOld TibetanInscriptions. Taipei. Institute of History and Philology Academia Sinica, Special Publica-tions N9l. Macdonald-Spanien,A.(1971)."Une lecturedesPelliottibetain1286,1287, 1038,1047et1290", in:Etudestibetainesdedieesitlamemoire de Mar-celle Lalou, Paris, pp.190-39l. Martin,D.(1997)TibetanHistories.ABibliographyof Tibetan-LanguageHis-torical Worb.London,Serindia. Nail ral. niNa' bdag Nail ral Ni rna'od zeroChos'byun me tog siiin po sbran rtsi'i bcud.Lhassa1988. Naudou, J.(1968) Les bouddhistes kasmzriens aumoyen age.Paris, PUP. Nunberg,G.(1996)TheFutureof the Book.[Turnhout?],Brepols. dPa'bo[II] gTsug lag phren ba (1504-1566)mKhas pa'i dga'ston,Beijing, Mi rigs dpe skrun khang,1986, 2vols. dPalbrtsegsChoskyimam gransTohoku4363,sDedgevol.Jo,fol.289a5-294b6 -, Chos kyi roams grans kyi brjed byan Tohoku 4362, sDe dge vol. Jo, fol.231b6-289a5 Panglung, J. L. (1994)"New Fragments of the sGra-sbyor bam-po giiis-pa"Tabo Studies 1.Rorna,IsMEO, East and Westvol.44, N1, pp.161-172. Petech, L. (1939) AStudyonthechronicles of Ladakh.Calcutta -, (1950)Northern India accordingtotheShui-ching-chu.Rorna,Is.M.E.O. -, (1967)"Glosse agli annali di Tun-Huang" Rivista degli Studi Orientali, vol. XLII, pp.241-279. -, (1977)TheKingdomof Ladakh C.950-1_842 A.D.Rorna,IsMEO.SOR LI. -, (1996) Review of"P. K. S!ilrensen.Tibetan Buddhist historiography: The Mir-ror illustrating the Royal Genealogies,an annotated translation of the XIVth century Tibetan chronicle rGyal-rabs gsal-ba'i me-long (Asiatische Forschungen, Band 128), Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden,1994"Central Asiatic Journal 40/1, pp.149-154. -, (1997)"Western Tibet. Historical Introduction", in:Klimburg-Salter, D. Ric1!,.ardson,H.(1980,1998repr)"ThefirstChos-byung"TheTibetJournal, .I'vol.V,N3,pp.62-73.Reprintedin HighPeaks,Pureearth:Collected WritingsonTibetanHistoryandCulture.Michael Arls(Dir.).London, Serindia. -, (1983)"Bal-po and Lho-bal" Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies,46/1, pp.136-138. -, (1985) ACorpus of Early Tibetan Inscriptions. London, Royal Asiatic Society. -, (1988)"The Succession to GIang Darma", in:Gnoli, G.et Lanciotti, L., Ori-entalia Iosephi Tucci Memoriae Dicata.Rorna. Roerich, G.N.(1988repr-)TheBlue Annals. Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass. Scherrer-Schaub,C.(1992)"Sa cu:Qu'y a-t-ilau programme de la c1asse de philologie bouddhique?", in:Tibetan Studies.Proceedings of the 5th Seminar ENACTING WORDS 337 of theInternational Association forTibetanStudies.Narita,Naritasan Shinshoji,1992, Vol.1,pp.209-220. -, (1999)"Towards a Methodology for the Study of Old Tibetan Manuscripts: Dunhuang and Tabo", in:Scherrer-Schaub C.and Steinkellner E.(1999), pp.3-36. -, (1999b)"Translation,Transmission,Tradition:Suggestionsfromninth-centuryTibet"Journalof IndianPhilosophyvol.27,N1/2[Special issue.Guruvandana:EssaysinIndologyinHonour of K.Bhattacharya], pp.67-77. -, (1999-2000)"Priere pour un apostat. Fragments d'histoire tibetaine"Cahiers d'Extreme-Asie11, pp.217-246. -, (2001)"Un opusculedeTaboadresseauxtantristesheretiques?",in:Le Parolee i Marmi.Studi inonore di Raniero Gnoli nel suo70 compleanno. A cura diRaffaele Torella (et alii).Roma,IsIAO, pp.693-733. -, (Forthcominga)"Sutra,dhiiralJJ,vidyiirajfi.l(DevI?):Buddha!Dire les rites et ecrire 1'histoire.Les excesd' uneforme". -, (Forthcomingh)Reviewof:Cataloguedesmanuscritschino isdeTouen-houang,VolumeVI.Fragmentschinois duFondsPelliot tibetaindelaBiblio-thequenationale deFrance.Paris, EFEO,200l. -, (ForthcomingC)"Tibet.Usage de l'ecrit it l'epoque imperiale". Scherrer-Schaub C.and Steinkellner E.Eds.(1999) TaboStudies II. Manuscripts, Texts,Inscriptions,and the Arts.Roma,IsIAO[= SOR LXXXVll]. Seyfort Ruegg,D.(1975)"Autour du'lTaba'i khyad par de Ye sessde (version deTouen-houang,Pelliot tibetain814)"JournalasiatiqueT.CCLXIX, fasc.1-2, pp.207-229. -, (1981)TheLiteratureof theMadhyamakaSchoolof PhilosophyinIndia. Wiesbaden,O.Harrassowitz. -, (1983)"On translating the Buddhist Canon (a dictionary of Indo-Tibetan ter-minology in Tibetan and Mongolian: Dag yig mkhas pa'i 'byun gnas ofRol pa'i rdo rje) " , in:Perala Ratnam Ed. Studies in Indo-Asian Art and Culture, Vol.3(Acharya Raghu Vira Commemoration Volume), pp.243-261. -, (1989)Buddha-nature,Mind and theProblemof GradualisminaCompara-tivePerspective.OntheTransmissionand Receptionof BuddhisminIndia and Tibet.London,SOASUniversity of London[= Jordan Lectures1987] -, (1998)"Sanskrit-Tibetan and Tibetan-Sanskrit Dictionariesand some Prob-lems in Indo-Tibetan Philosophical Lexicography", in:Oguinenine, B. Lex-icographyintheIndianand BuddhistCulturalField.Proceedingsof the Conferenceat theUniversityof Strasbourg 25 to27 April 1996.Miinchen, Kommission fUrZentralasiatische Studien,Bayerische Akademieder Wis-senschaften, pp.115-142. Simonsson,N,(1957)Indo-tibetischeStudien.DieMethodendertibetischen Ubersetzer,untersucht imHinblick auf dieBedeutungihrer Ubersetzungen flir dieSanskritphilologie.Uppsala, Almquist & Wiksells. 338CRISTINA SCHERRER-SCHAUB Sircar,D.C.(1996) IndianEpigraphy.Delhi,repr.of the1965,'sedition. Skorupski,T.(1985)ACatlogueof thesTogPalaceKanjur.Tokyo,The Inter-national Institute for Buddhist Studies (Bibliographia Philologica Buddhica, SeriesMaior,IV).. Sorensen, P.(1994)TheMirror Illuminating the Royal Genealogies. An Annotated Translation of the XIVthCentury TibetanChronicle.rGyal-rabs gsal-ba'i me-long.Wiesbaden. Skorupski,T.(1985) ACatalogueof thesTogPalaceKanjur.Tokyo,ICABS. Spanien,A.etIrnaeda,Y.(1979)Choixdedocumentstibetainsconservesa la Bibliothequenationalecomplete par quelques manuscritsdel'IndiaOffice et duBritish Museum.Tome n. Paris,Bibliotheque nationale. Stein,R.A.(1961)UnechroniqueanciennedebSam-yas:sBa-bZed.Paris, Publicationsdel'InstitutdesHautesEtudeschinoises.TextesetDocu-ments1. -, (1963)"Deux notules d'histoire ancienne du Tibet" Journal asiatique T.251, pp.327-335. -, (1983)"Tibetica Antiqua I" BEFEO vol.72, pp.149-236. -, (1985)"Tibetica Antiqua m.Aproposdumotgcug-laget delareligion indigene"BEFEO vol.74, pp.83-133. -, (1986)"Tibetica Antiqua IV.La tradition relativeaudebutdubouddhisme auTibet."BEFEO, pp.169-196. Takasaki,J.(1978)"Some Problemsof theTibetan TranslationsfromtheChi-neseMaterial",in:Ligeti, L.Proceedingsof theCsomadeKorasMemorial Symposium,Mdtrafored,Hungary,24-30 September 1976. Budapest, Akade-miai Kiad6,pp.459-467. Takeuchi, T.(1984)"On the Old Tibetan Word lho-bal"Proceedings of the 31st CISHAAN,Tokyo,vol.2, pp.986-987. -, (1992)"On theOld TibetanSaleContracts"in:TibetanStudies.Proceed-ingsof the5th Seminar of theInternational Association forTibetanStudies. Narita,Naritasan Shinshoji,1992,Vol.1,pp.773-792. -, (1994)"Tshan:Subordinate Administrative Unitsof the Thousand-districts in the Tibetan Empire"TibetanStudies.Proceedings of the6th Seminar of theInternationalAssociation forTibetanStudies.Oslo,TheInstitutefor Comparative Reserach in HumanCulture,vol.2,pp.848-862. -, (1995)Old TibetanContracts fromCentral Asia.Tokyo,DaizoShupp an. Tucci,G.(1950) TheTombsof theTibetanKings.Roma,IsMEO[= SOR I]. -, (1978)Minor Buddhist Texts.Part I&II,published ontheoccasion of the Buddha Jayanti.Kyoto,Rinsen,Reprint[Roma,IsMEO1956&1958]. Uebach,Helga(1987)NeZ-papafl4itasChronikMe-togphreii-ba.Handschrift derLibraryof TibetanWorksand Archives.TibetischerTextinFaksimile, Transkriptionund Ubersetzung.Miinchen, Kommission fur zentralasiatische Studien.BayerischeAkademiederWissenschaften[=StudiaTibetica. Quellen und Studien zur tibetischen Lexikographie, Band I]. ENACTING WORDS 339 -, (1990)"On Dhanna-Colleges and their Teachers in the Ninth-century Tibetan . Empire", in:Daffina P.Indo-Sino-Tibetica.Studi in onore di Luciano Petech. Roma[StUdiOrientali IX], pp.393-417. -, (1992)"Notes on the Section of Law and State in the Chos-'byung oflDe'u", in:TibetanStudies.Proceeding of the5th Seminar of the International Asso-ciationfor TibetanStudies.Narita, Naritasan Shinshoji, vol.2,pp.823-831. -, (1997)"Eminent Ladies of the Tibetan Empire according to Old Tibetan Texts", in:Kannay,S.et Sagant,P.LeshabitantsduToitdumonde.Hommagea Alexander W.Macdonald.Nanterre,Societed'ethnologie,pp.53-74. -, (1999)"Onthethirty-sevenholyplacesof theBon-posintheTibetan Empire", in:Helmut Eimer [et al.]Studia Tibeticaet Mongolica (Festschrift Manfred Taube).Swisttal-Odendorf, pp.261-277. Deyama,D.(1982)"Tonkaniokerozen noshosa",Ryakoku Daigakuronsha 421,pp.114-115. Dray,G.(1968)"Notes on a chronological problem in theOld TibetanChroni-cle" ActaOrientalia HungaricaT.XXI, pp.289-299. -, (1972)"Thenarrativeof legislationandorganizationof themKhaspa'i dga'ston.The origins of the traditions concerning Sroil-brtsan sgam-po as first legislator and organizer of Tibet" Acta Orientalia HungaricaXXVI, 1972, pp.11-68. -, (1975)"L'annalistique et la pratique bureaucratiqueauTibet ancien". Jour-nal asiatique T.CCLXV,1975, pp.157-170. -, (1979)"The Old Tibetan Sourcesof the History of Central Asia up to 751AD.: A Survey", in:J.Hannatta, ed.Prolegomena tothe Sources on the History of Pre-islamicCentral Asia. Budapest, pp.275-304. -, (1989)"Contributions tothedate of the vyutpatti-Treatises" Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hung.T.XLll (1),pp.3-21. -, (1990)"TheTitledban-poinearlyTibetanrecords",in:Daffma,P.Ed. Indo-Sino- Tibetica.Studi inonare di Luciano Petech.Roma, IsMEO[Studi orientali vol.IX]. -, (1992)"The Structure and Genesis of the Old TibetanChronicle of Dunhuang" , in:AlfredoCadonna,Ed.Turfanand Tun-Huang:theTexts.Encounter of CivilizationsontheSilk road.Firenze, pp.123-143. Dray,G.[postumus]andDebach,H.(1994)"Clanversusthousand-district versusannyintheTibetanEmpire"TibetanStudies.Proceedingsof the 6thSeminar of the International Association for TibetanStudies.Oslo, The InstituteforComparativeResearchinHumanCulture,vol.2,pp.913-915. Verhagen,P.C.(1994) AHistoryof SanskritGrammatical LiteratureinTibet; Volumeone.Transmissionof thecanonical literature.Leiden,Brill. -, (2001)AHistoryof SanskritGrammaticalLiteratureinTibet.Volumetwo. Assimilationintoindigenous scholarship.Leiden,Brill. Veyne,P.(1983)LesGrecsont-its cru a leursmythes? Paris,Seuil. 340CRISTINA SCHERRER-SCHAUB Vitali, R.(1996)TheKingdomofGu.gePu.hrang According to mNa' risrgyal rabsbyGu.gemkhan.chen.Ngag.dbanggrags.pa.Dharamsala. Waldschmidt, E.(1971) Sanskrithandschriften aus denTurfanfunden, Wiesbaden, 1971, Teil 3,Verz.deranent.Handschrift.in Deutschland Ed X,3. Wangdu,P.andDiemberger,H.(2000)dBabzhed.TheRoyalNarrativecon-cerningthe Bringing of theBuddha's DoctrinetoTibet.Wien,OAW. Yamaguchi,Z.(1979)"Nikan-hon yakugoshaku"kenkyil"NaritasanBukkyo KenkyiljoKiyo W4,pp.1-24. NOTESON THECONTRIBUTORS Jinhua CHENteaches at the University of British Columbia, where he.also serves asCanada ResearchChair in East AsianBuddhism.Theauthorof Makingand Remaking History:AStudyof Tiantai Sectarian Historiography(Tokyo,1999), Monksand Monarchs,Kinshipand Kingship:TanqianinSuiBuddhismand Politics (Kyoto,2002), he isnow in the process of completing book manuscripts on early Chan, Fazang, meditation and vinaya traditions in V -vnth century China, andtheformationof JapaneseTendaiEsotericBuddhism(basedon his1997 Ph.D dissertation). Justin McDANIELisPhDCandidate,Department of Sanskrit and Indian Studies, HarvardUniversity.Lecturer in PhilosophyandSoutheast AsianStudies,Ohio University. Recent Projects/Research Interests:Buddhist Narrative, Nissaya Manu-scriptsinLannaandLanxang,Evolutionof PilIiGrammarinSoutheastAsia, Pedagogy and Ritual in Thailand and Laos, Magical and Protective Textsin Thailand andLaos,Historyof ReligiousInstitutionsinLaos,Codicologyof Southeast Asian manuscripts. RichardSALOMONisProfessorof AsianLanguagesandtheAliceandHiram Lockwood Professor of theHumanitiesattheUniversityof Washington.Heis author of four books and numerous articles on Sanskrit and Prakrit language and literature, Indian epigraphy,and Gandharan Buddhist literature Cristina SCHERRER-SCHAUBisProfessor of Tibetanand Buddhist Studiesat the Universityof Lausanneandof the Historyof LateIndian Buddhism(U'h_XIIth) at the EPHE, Sorbonne, Paris.She is the author of Commentaire a la soixantaine sur Ieraisonnement ou Du vrai enseignement dela causalite par IeMaitreindien Candrakfrti. Bruxelles, Institut beIge desHautes Etudes chinoises, 1991(Melanges chinois et bouddhiques vol. XXV)and of several articles on phi-losophy, intellectual historyand methodology of Tibetan and Indian Buddhism. Gregory SCHOPENis Professor of Sanskrit and Buddhist Studiesat the University of California,LosAngeles.He haspublished extensivelyonIndianBuddhism. Asecondcollectionof essayswillbe published under thetitle Buddhist Monks and Business Matters thisyear (2003)bythe Universityof Hawai'i Press. Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies Volume25Number1-22002 by RebeccaRedwoodfrench 404pp.,7 x 10,81b&w photosandlinedrawings ISBN1-55939-171-5$21.95 paper "Rebecca Frenchhas writtenoneof the two best booksof thelast twenty yearsonthelegalculturesandlegal history of Asia ... French willsurely be thelast anthropologist tohave studied anundilutedpre-modernliterate legal systemby talking toitspractitioners." -ANDREW HUXLEY,TheYaleLaw Journal " ... a work of thehighest caliber, a must-read for anyone whowantsa realisticpictureof life inoldTibet." -PROF. ROBERT A.F THURMAN, ColumbiaUniversity REBECCA REDWOODFRENCHis currentlyProfessor of Law at SUNY Buffalo.ShehasanLL.M.from YaleLaw School anda Ph.D.inAnthropology from YaleUniversity. Snow LionPublications Website!catalogfor Tibetanculture: The International Association of Buddhist Studies Colette Caillat President Gregory Schopen Vice-president Oskar v.Hiniiber General Secretary Cristina Scherrer-Schaub Treasurer Regional Secretaries: Janet Gyatso (Cambridge, MA, USA) S.Katsura (Hiroshima) Peter Skilling (Bangkok) D.Seyfort Ruegg (London) Members of the Board: R.Buswell (Los Angeles), H. Durt (Kyoto), R.Gupta (Shantiniketan), K. Kimura (Saitama), D.S. Lopez, Jr., (Ann Arbor), A. Macdonald (Paris), D.Seyfort Ruegg (London), E. Steinkellner (Vienna), T.Tillemans (Lausanne), A. Yuyama (Tokyo) TheInternationalAssociationof BuddhistStudies,foundedin1976,isdevotedto promoting and supporting scholarship in Buddhist Studiesin allitsaspects,past and present, around the world. Membership is open to scholars of all academic disciplines. MembershipduesareUSD40forfullmembers,USD20forstudentmembers, USD 1000 for life members. Subscriptions to the JIABS for libraries and other institu-tions are USD 70. Dues and subscriptions may be paid in the following ways: 1.bydirectbank tobank transfersinUSdollarsor intheequivalent amountin Eurosor Swissfrancs.Thetransfersshould betothelABS accountsat theBanque Cantonale Vaudoise, PI. Ch-1001Lausanne,Switzerland (SWIFT CODE: BCVLCH2L,clearingno.7677),accountnumbers,986.51.04forUSdollars, 5042.09.82 for EUR and 983.51.02 for Swiss francs. 2.by Visa or Mastercard 3.bychequepayabletothe"AssociationInternationaled'EtudesBouddhiques (lABS)."TherewillbenosupplementarychargesforchequesdrawninSwiss currency on Swiss banks. Otherwise, please add 10 dollars or 15 Swiss francs to cover our processing charges. 4.by Eurocheque in Swiss francs. Prospective members fromdeveloping countries maycontact the Treasurer concerning subsidizedmembershiprates.Duesandsubscriptionsarepayablepercalendaryear by December 31of the previous year.Payments other than direct bank transfers should besenttoProfessorCristinaScherrer-Schaub,Sectiondelanguesetcivilisations orientales,Universite de Lausanne, BFSH 2, CH-1015 Lausanne, Switzerland.