Machiya and TransitionA Study of Developmental Vernacular Architecture

John E. Linam Jr.

Thesis submitted to the Faculty of theVirginia Polytechnic Institute and State University

in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Master of Architecture

Bill Galloway, ChairDr. D. KilperDr. J. Wang

November 30, 1999Blacksburg, Virginia

Keywords: Machiya, Japan, Vernacular, Architecture

T h e s i s P r o p o s a l

John Linam, Jr.4 1 1 . 5 7 . 8 5 3 2

CAUS + VPI

MACHIYA AND TRANSITIONA Study of Developmental Vernacular Architecture

ABSTRACT

The historical, vernacular, residential forms and processes ofurban Japan are to be explored as a potential source of powerwith regards to the concept of developmental vernaculararchitecture. This theory is a relatively new and vaguelydefined approach to a combined method of conservation andprogressive growth; balanced elements of a “smart growth”strategy. Therefore, a clarification of the term, along with aninitial analysis of the definitions and values of vernaculararchitectures, is needed.

Secondly, The Japanese machiya type will be explored as aunique vernacular form, indicating its diversity over time andsimilarity over distance. The essential controls and stimulusof its formal evolution and common characteristics will beexamined. Machiya, a Japanese term, translates roughly totownhouse, in English. It is typically a city dwelling whichalso includes a small shop or metting space that fronts thestreet. This is the typical dwelling of the urban merchantclass. The long of history of its development and its manytransformations will be discussed.

These analyses ultimately lead to the design exercise whichinvestigates the machiya type as an intelligent base for adevelopmental vernacular process within the context of theJapanese urban environment. Therefore, the conclusion is topresent, or to infer, the merits of incorporating such a programinto a wider extent of the current built environment; poor andaffluent, urban and rural.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Thank you, Yoko.

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OUTLINE

AcknowledmentsAbstract

Section One – Vernacular

• Vernacular Architecture Definition• Developmental Vernacular Architecture Definition

Section Two – Machiya

• Clarifications• Precursor• Origins• Developments• Construction and Form• Transformations

Section Three – Developmental Machiya

• Machiya as Developmental Vernacular• Case Study• Goal-Form Relationship• Conclusion

Glossary of TermsIndex of Images – CreditsReading List

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Machiya and Transition:A Study of Developmental Vernacular Architecture

Section One:ABSTRACTVERNACULAR DEFINITIONDEVELOPMENTAL VERNACULAR DEFINITION

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VERNACULAR ARCHITECTURE

Derived from the Latin root vernaculus, the term vernacularwas first used in England in 1839, and later gained wider usein the 1950’s. Therefore, it is a rather new term. It is a phrasethat has been used in a linguistic study to describe anindigenous idiom- a common speech. Paul Oliver explains,based on the linguistic use of the term, that vernaculararchitecture may be understood as “the common speech ofbuilding.”i

The term vernacular architecture could almost be consideredan oxymoron. Certainly is not an easy word to define, as it iseven more difficult to properly consider what works should beplaced under such a heading. The distinction is notnecessarily economic, nor is the difference between vernaculararchitecture and Architecture of so called “high design” basedon the distinction between monumental and residentialstructures. Studies, such as Bernard Rudolfsky’s“Architecture without Architects”, have shown that even themonumental and religious structures of many cultures may beexactly the work that serves to define a particular vernacular.Alternative phrases have often been employed in attempts todefine the term- ‘indigenous’ architecture, ‘anonymous’architecture, ‘spontaneous’ architecture, ‘folk’ architectureand, possibly the most widely used, ‘traditional’ architecture.These all encompass a large segment of the whole ofvernacular forms, but all fall short of a true total description.The term ‘indigenous’ architecture does not include thevernacular of a colonial or immigrant community, and‘anonymous’ architecture reflects an harmful attitude thatprefers architecture by “named” (famous) architects. Each hasits particular shortcoming.

Therefore, what must be kept in mind is that vernaculararchitecture is a subject which eludes a concise definition forgood reason. The body of works is far too rich and diverse,permeated with various levels of technique and culturalmeanings, for a single definition. Vernacular architecture isdynamic. The permanence of change must be recognized.Seeking a sole interpretation may thus be detrimental to theoverall study by excluding one or another potentially valuableaspects. It is possible, however, to use some generaldescriptions which take into account the most commonfeatures of vernacular architecture. These conditions include:

• Owner-built/ community-built• Utilization of traditional technologies• Strong relation to local environmental context• Materials from local resourcesii

These objective and physical properties are only part of theoverall description. Another critical characteristic ofvernacular architecture is the embodiment of communityvalues- traditions and myths. A penetrating feature ofvernacular forms is the reflection of belief systems and

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conceptions of the cosmos within a common group.Furthermore, vernacular architecture may be significant andunique in terms of the concept of balance within everyday life-the balance of ecology and consumption, myth andtechnology, inside and outside, public and private, light anddark. The direct relation to human need and accommodationof economy, beliefs, and cultural values yields aphenomenological sense of place that is therefore of importantvalue to the study of architectural design- and the future of thebuilt environment.

The approaches to vernacular architecture studies are asdiverse as the definitions. Possibly the earliest type of studywhich included an investigation of vernacular structures is inthe field of archeology. Architectural artifacts are often usedto assist in the dating of sites, and are increasingly seen in thefield of cognitive anthropology as a way to understand thespatial theories of early human behavior. Historical studies,geographic studies, and “diffusionist” studies- the patterns ofhuman settlement and mobility- may also use informationgathered from a kind of analysis of vernacular buildings.Today, the conservation, preservation, and museologicalmethods may be the most common frames through which thevernacular is viewed. There is much benefit from any one ofthese fields, as well as some criticism attributed to any onemethod as opposed to another. A strictly museologicalapproach- preservation of vernacular forms in a museum-likesetting- is often seen as lacking a feel for the true setting andcharacter of the community from which a building has beentaken. On the other hand the conservationist approach maykeep a structure in its “native” environment, but may have tosacrifice some material or structural “integrity” to do so. Inboth cases, authenticity is the crucial argument. Kevin Lynchargues:

“One may… criticize the historic preservation movement onthree related counts: first, that it too often displaces the peoplewho live in the areas about to be restored; second, that itconveys a false, purified, and static view of history (vividlysensible, one might say, but falsely so); and lastly, that thevalues on which the criteria of preservation are based arenarrow and specialists. Large-scale preservation, moreover,will impair the fit to new functions and inhibit futureadaptation.”iii

An understanding of vernacular processes enhances theunderstanding our own built environment and the architecturaland cultural patterns of those outside our own. It is necessaryto take into account “the perceptions and motivations to whichresearch in vernacular architecture is both subjected andindebted.”iv Vernacular forms and the aesthetic valuesadhered to are parts of our language of symbols of socialconsequence. These symbols become critical instruments ofpersonal and community identity, and in fact serve asjustification for, or factors of, social orders. The difficulty liesin the observer’s ability, or lack of ability, to overcome the

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restraints of the orders and preconceived notions from his orher own culture. Exploration and analysis of these symbolsalso relate to people’s methods of architecturalcommunication, and the aesthetic values that may beperceived. Ethnographic studies, giving equal weight tointention and response and their interaction, provide adescription, if only a narrative, of how the architecturallanguage of a group employs both utilitarian and aestheticvalues, and attempts to understand what meaning these valuesproduce.v This brings out the very important distinction of thenon-functional significance of vernacular architectures; it isnot simply a utilitarian process. “The aesthetic abides informs that may be considered only part of a useful function.”vi

The meanings, the social values, that are explored invernacular studies penetrate through the concepts of aestheticsand into core human belief structures and the ways that suchbeliefs become manifest, are abstracted into, built form. Thebasic needs of societies (along with the definitions of comfort)are also represented, as are the conceptions of socialhierarchies and the roles of the sexes. “The house forms acosmos in miniature, a microcosmos.”vii

As explained further in the case study of the Japanesevernacular, the “life expectancy” of buildings varies betweencultures. This may be seen as a reflection of various lifeattitudes or decisions which must be made on simple needs orrecognition of external forces. In relation to this, it isinteresting to note that the external forces can be results of asocial hierarchy. As indicated by David Stea “...the myth ofthe ‘unselfconscious builder’… sees vernacular communitiesas pristine, primitive, cognitively egalitarian and non-specialized settings in which each person is a dweller-user-architect-builder-decision maker, determining the design, useand construction of buildings in terms of shared, unchangingtraditions… [however] most cultures have their ‘cognitivecaretakers’ of what is architecturally appropriate, specialistswho do not carry the label ‘architect.’”viii This helps toreemphasize the need to see vernacular architecture as a wellcontrolled and even constricted pattern of change andprogress- yet not a static aesthetic. Again, the Japaneseexample will show particular consequence of this.

Still even deeper analysis of the vernacular process reveals adistinctive view of the concepts of phenomenology;particularly hermeneutic phenomenology. This type of studyattempts to interpret the phenomena of places which are noteasily apparent to the eye. Vernacular architecture is a majorpart of our daily experience, and thus it reflects a quality or“sense of place” that comes about through the interaction ofour physical environments and cultural myths. Theproportions, the forms, the patterns of material, light, dark,circulation of air, the roof, and the garden shape this sense.“Sense” of place may often be equated to comfort, or to asense of belonging in a particular space- “dwelling in acoherent cosmos.”

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“Phenomenology is a methodology which attempts to see,analyze, describe, and interpret phenomena that areelementary and intrinsically meaningful within the organizedrealms of everyday life and that are at the same time open,indeterminate and ambiguous at the margins.”ix

Vernacular architecture is not the only type of built structurewhich posses this power, but it is, nonetheless, one of itsdominant strengths.

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DEVELOPMENTAL VERNACULAR ARCHITECTURE

In addition to all of these various viewpoints and studies, thereis the concept of developmental vernacular architecture. If weconsider this as a new classification in the approach tovernacular studies, it may therefore be considered a relativelynew approach. If, however, one carefully considers the term“development,” it is arguable that this is simply a basiccharacteristic of vernacular buildings, and therefore it seemspeculiar to describe developmental vernacular as if it isseparate from vernacular architecture as a whole. Rather, theterm development, in this context, is meant to describe thehuman act of improving, or attempting to improve, well-being.

“It is both the process of achieving this well-being and theproducts that manifest its achievement. It views vernaculararchitecture (and architecture in general) as part of oneaspect of development (better shelter, settlement, builtenvironment), among several (better food through agriculture,better goods through industry).” x

Unfortunately, this concept- this approach- does not have ahighly articulated set of principles, theories, or even dialogue,as is the case with regards to the conservation or preservationapproach. There are, however, some studies, and even somebuilt works which may help to illustrate. Certainly the mostobvious example may be the work of Hasan Fathy in the NewGourna village of Egypt. Seeking a self-reliant system ofbuilding which would be based on local material, process, andcommunity participation (including local architects), Fathyattempted to produce not only a pleasing architecture but alsoa valuable process based on local patterns. His work has beencriticized for being too focused on the aesthetic product andlosing site of the community participation, yet it is still avaluable step towards the awakening of this new concept.

The Architectural Association of London initiated a TropicalStudies Unit, under the leadership of Dr. Otto Koenigsberger,in the 1960s as a way to explore the bioclimatic benefits andthe developmental potentials of vernacular architectures.xi

The Indian architect, Charles Correa deals with a form ofdevelopmental vernacular in his search for the “elegantsymmetry” of past and present concepts of the cosmos throughmanipulations of symbol manifestations of Hindu beliefs.Correa’s work begins to indicate the possibilities of suchmethods beyond projects for the poor.xii Other work has alsobeen done by various charity and social assistanceorganizations that often goes unnoticed. Unfortunately, whensuch groups offer complete imported solutions to somecultures, the affects may be disastrous; but if work is done bysharing new technology and incorporating communitypatterns, the work can be quite rich and rewarding.

“It (developmental vernacular architecture) expresses thevalues and the needs of the local, especially poorer,communities and, not least, to survive, it demonstrates

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continuity with change: remaining rooted in the past and thelocal, while incorporating the new and the external to meetcontemporary needs.Its simplicity encourages community participation and itsaffirmation of local values and approaches encourages self-esteem.”xiii

It is fine to consider the good that such an approach mayprovide to an economically poor or unstable community, but itmust not be limited to just such groups. The socioeconomicissues, the material and construction technique advancements,and the merger of tradition and technology, may be crucial tothe development of viability of depressed or “under-developed” regions. These factors, these questions, and themore illusive phenomenological characteristics of place,however, are not limited to just the “unadvanced” villages ofthe world. And in fact, in some instances it may be arguedthat some of the more advanced communities may strugglewith viability issues, as well as sense of place, even more thanthe less advanced.

As noted above, one of the intrinsic values of the vernacularprocess is the sense of balance- further, the sense of place.The notion of balance is of pivotal importance to thisargument for developmental vernacular. Balance describesthe state of stability between, among, two or more entitieswhich may or may not be quite the opposite of each other-ecology and technology, black and white, mass and velocity,light and dark, etc. Often, in discussions concerning the futureof our cities, our rural landscapes, our built environment as awhole, the various topics for focus involve questions ofbalance. The measures of density, proportion, and Lynch’sconcept of “grain,” as well as the study of demographics andgrowth patterns all may seek to describe varied states ofbalance or the lack there of in the multifarious systems of ourvery complex world. The architect, planning professional andconcerned persons of communities from the large to small allface this challenge and use these figures as a way to measureand control the desired equilibrium of prosperity and wellbeing.

Ironically, some of our modern architectural and planningfeats stand to remind us of ways in which certain aspirationsor goals caused a loss of balance- take Pruitt Igo or the city ofLos Angeles as an example. Pollution, crime, inner citydecay, traffic jams, and that infamous catch word- “sprawl,”all serve to indicate some sort of system imbalance in the builtenvironment. The “green” movements and preservationprograms serve as reactions, but if taken to an extreme, mayrun the risk of causing an equally detrimental effect as theproblems they claim to combat.

The relatively new phrase, “smart growth,” begins to indicatethe thinking that extremes of any type are certainly not a goodanswer when dealing with the future of our communities.

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“Smart growth has the potential to bring together progrowthand antigrowth forces under a common agenda for communitypreservation, economic success, and environmentalprotection. It can provide the common ground on whichdisparate elements of the community can collaborate for thebenefit of all.”xiv

Smart growth accepts the notion that development, increasingthe level of human comfort and viability through thesustainment of natural as well as man made processes andadvances, is not only inevitable, it is in fact necessary.Nonetheless, smart growth, does propose restrictive as well asprogressive methods. The restrictions (density limits andwetlands protection) are intended to maintain the balance orthe viability of systems (plant and animal) which may not beconsidered essential in planning or advancing other systems(industry and transportation). Progressive methods mayinclude such policies as the reduction of capital gains tax onthe sale of homes in the United States (allowing homeownersto trade down to smaller, less expensive homes withoutincurring a tax penalty- providing the opportunity to use theproceeds from the sale of their house to buy and renovate anexisting home and invest in existing communities).xv Theincrease of discussions concerning “smart growth” in thepublic realm does indicate that the concept of “balance” in thebuilt environment is becoming more clearly identified as aconscious goal.

The advancement of human well-being though progressivepractice, although at a slower pace than we may recognize asprogressive, along with the understanding of strict limitsimposed by climate, environment, and the need to sustainother forms of life, is most certainly a feature of the vernacularbuilt community. Therefore, it would seem logical, if oneaccepts the values of smart growth principles, that to activelypursue development (not just the preservation) of, or based on,vernacular forms and processes would prove of great benefitto all scales and types of community, not just simply thepoorest.

“Stopping sprawl… Development is not the problem; it isreally the solution. The real problem is the patterns ofdevelopment. The key is putting quality development in theright place.”-xvi

It would not be fair or wise, however, to promote the notion ofdevelopmental vernacular practice as a total solution to theneeds of sustainable growth. Sustainable growth is a conceptwhich takes on a much wider range of issues than architecturalpractices alone may solve, yet it seems that very often the truevalue of the architectural design process is strangely missingfrom the debate. Many proponents of “smart growth” are tobe found in the fields of ecological, environmental, andeconomic studies. Proposals given for sustainable growthpatterns, guidelines and policies, focus on the issues relatedparticularly to these fields as well. In the United States, the

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President’s Council on Sustainable Development identifies thefollowing three main points which relate to sustainablegrowth:

• Environmental Health• Economic Prosperity• Social Equity and Well-Beingxvii

We may assume that while architectural practice touches oneach one of these issues, none directly give recognition to theidea of “sense of place”- an essential element of architecturalstruggle in design, and an essential, yet seemingly mysteriouselement of the city. The general notion of Social Equity andWell-Being of the city may infer that the phenomenologicalproperties of places should be considered, yet few textswritten on sustainability attempt to tackle what is admittedly arather elusive, highly subjective, topic. New governmentpolicies aimed at the smart growth issues, such as theTennessee State Growth Policy Mandate (Senate Bill 3278,May 1, 1998)xviii and the Oregon Urban Growth LimitPolicies, quite often spell out rather specific requirements-ratios and limits- for sustainable growth patterns.Unfortunately, we have seen too often where simplyattempting to meet the minimum requirements of such newcodes does not insure a quality design- a quality place.

Therefore, it may prove beneficial to include thedevelopmental vernacular design concept as an opportunity togive weight to a community character, by focusing on thesocial and cultural patterns and processes that have formed agiven community, while serving as a valuable “smart growth”tool.

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Section One Endnotes

i Oliver, p.xxiii Ibid., p. xxiiiiii Lynch, p. 259iv Oliver, p. xxiv Egenter, p.34vi Glassie, p.5viivii Schefold, p. 7viii Stea, p.19ix Mugerauer, p. 55x Ashfar and Norton, p. 27xi Ibid., p.28xii Correa (a+u), p.12-13xiii Ashfar and Norton, p.25xiv Pawlukiewicxv Ibid.xvi McMahonxvii President’s Council on Sustainable Developmentxviii English

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Machiya and Transition:A Study of Developmental Vernacular Architecture

Section Two:THE MACHIYA FORM, CONTENT,AND TRANSFORMATION

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CLARIFICATIONS

At least two important clarifications are needed beforeoffering a description of the machiya type. First of all, it mustbe understood that the word machiya is not used to define astyle, and in fact it is not exactly even a description of form;but rather it is a content and process which is typified. Thisunderstanding is necessary in order to avoid the mistake thatmost foreign studies of Japanese architecture make byattempting to determine styles based on formal elementsalone. Yoshinobu Ashihara addresses this point in his book,The Hidden Order.

“The chief focus of attention of such styles of architecture asshinden zukuri (the style of residence of the Heianaristocracy) or buke zukuri (style of residence of theKamakura warrior class) is not so much form as defined byexterior appearance as content, the lifestyle and functions thattook place inside.There are various forms of architecture in Japancorresponding to each historical period, but they do notqualify as architectural style per se. I believe it is moreaccurate to associate each with a particular lifestyle, that is, agiven way – content – of life.”i

This is a crucial part of being able to understand that the termmachiya describes a rather wide range of forms, and it istherefore rather difficult to offer a concise definition, as is thecase with the overall concept of vernacular.

Second, it is important to point out that the machiya typerepresents a stratum of the Japanese society and architecturalhistory which is very often missed by, or misunderstood by,Western investigations. The residential examples which weare often presented with as being quintessential models ofJapanese house architecture, in fact only illustrate samplesfrom the very highest socioeconomic sectors. The importanceof this distinction will be elaborated upon later, yet the ideashould be kept in mind from the beginning of the narration andthat is why it is mentioned here.

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TIMELINE

Jomon (10,00 bc – 300 bc)

Yayoi (300 bc – 300 ad)

Kofun (300 – 710)

Asuka (593 – 710)

Nara (710 – 794)

Heian (794 – 1185)

Kamakura (1185 – 1333)

Muromachi (1333 – 1568)

Azuchi-Momoyama (1568 – 1600)

Edo (1600 – 1868)

Meiji (1868 – 1912)

Taisho (1912 – 1926)

Showa (1926 – 1989)

Heisei (1989 – present)

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PRECURSOR

Remains from the Jomon Period of prehistoric Japan indicatethat the earliest dwellings were generally pit-like shelters(tateana), supposedly covered by a simple system of posts andthatch. It is almost impossible to determine with completeaccuracy the true nature of the structures which covered thedug out pit, but the existence of hollow pillar holes, suggestthat four columns, located in the rounded corners of arectilinear (or sometimes circular) dug out shape, supported aset of four beams which formed an approximate square. Poleswould then be leaned against the beams and this secondarystructure might have been covered by thatch, forming a roof-wall protective surrounding.ii

Archeological findings from the earlier Yayoi period showthat structures with elevated, boarded, floors (takayuka) beganto appear during that time. Images of such buildings havebeen found on period earthenware objects, but unfortunately itis not made clear if these structures were dwellings or in factused as storehouses, which is the most common theory.Recent findings suggest that residences with elevated floorsmay have existed in the northern Kyushu area and WesternJapan at about this same time. The fact that the records ofthese types of structures are found inscribed in pottery andsome early bronze artifacts suggest that in either case,dwelling or storehouse, the elevated floor was one of the firstdistinctions of use and/ or class which appeared in Japanesearchitecture. The raised floor became a sacred space, or aplace reserved for special functions ( i.e. sleeping, eating,storage of food and valuables). The significance of the raisedfloor remains a critical aspect of Japanese residences to thisday. Tracing the patterns of development with regards to thesize, material, and use of the elevated floor will, in a sense,provide a brief summary of the entire history of Japaneseresidential architecture as well as the evolution of classes.

The term yuka, or raised floor covered with wooden board ortatami, is depicted by the Chinese character which originallymeant “a platform on which to sleep or sit.” The presence ofthe elevated floor, however, is only made clear and distinct bythe fact that the earthen or sunken portion of the floor alsomaintains a presence through the development of residentialforms. Even today, in the smallest of apartment units found intall complexes, many floors above the “ground surface,” asmall portion of recess, typically found at the entry doorremains an essential part of the lifestyle.

All functions of living, sleeping, and eating are enclosed in thesingular space of the pit dwelling. The introduction of theelevated floor led to the next major development, thedefinition of specific and non-specific function space. This ofcourse goes hand in hand with the development of the roof asa singular element, raised off the ground, and distinguishedfrom the wall, or shutter like enclosures between structuralcolumns. At this point, the language of architectural elements

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gathered its basic vocabulary- column, beam, floor, wall, androof- in Japan.

Similar to the history of the pit dwelling, it is still admittedtoday that very little is known with great certainty concerningthe development of the early dwelling forms into the first“style,” shinden, of the Heian period. A relatively simpleanalysis is that a core space (moya) with an elevated floor,possibly used as the sleeping area, became surrounded orflanked by a space of open bays (hisashi).

“In the Heian period, the bedroom was smaller than the day-room, but in the Nara period or pre-Nara period buildings,the bedroom was larger. We might say that the pit-dwelling,which consisted entirely of an enclosed sleeping space,developed into the shinden (residential style) as the size of thesleeping area decreased.”iii

This draws attention to the second critical aspect of Japaneseresidential forms- the ambiguously defined space. The hisashiportion of such early forms indicates the origin of theverandah (engawa) and the in-between of both interior andexterior character. Such a feature is also found to be as acommon thread of the Japanese vernacular, but this aspect hasnot remained as strong as the distinction of floor levels.

With only this very simple, yet already highly refined,vocabulary of elements and upon the basis of these twoideological principles, along with the origins of Shintoreligious values in Japan, the Ise Shrine was built. As hasbeen noted by people including Norman Carver and KenzoTange, this structure is at one moment the prototype of pastand present Japanese architecture. “Ise perpetuated theelemental purity of ancient building forms and became theeternal model against which all subsequent Japanesearchitecture was consciously or unconsciously measured,”argues Carver. The shrine was established by the daughter ofEmperor Shujin around 680 AD as a dedication to the Shintogoddess Amaterasu, a mythical mother of the Japanese nation,and as a repository for a holy treasure sacred mirror.

The shrine is mentioned here for two significant reasons.First, it represents one of the earliest “caretakers” (as definedearlier) of the Japanese vernacular. The dominance of itssense of place and the influence it has had on nearly all ofJapanese architecture reinforces the notion that the vernacularis not a “dumb” architecture, but instead may be the result of avery complex pattern of rules and cultural ideals. Second, it isimportant to note that even this most sacred of architecturalsymbols is not a static form. In fact the shrine has not onlybeen ritually deconstructed and built anew many times, it hasundergone many subtle transformations of form andconstruction technique. This emphasizes the idea thatJapanese architecture, residential and monumental alike, isthought to be of a temporary nature- a major contrast to thereasoning behind the architectural motivations of the West.

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Consider the following passage from the Hojoki (Tale of theTen Foot Square Hut), written by the hermit Kamo-no-Choumei in the thirteenth century which reflected andreinforced such an attitude.

“Ceaselessly the river flows, and yet the water is never thesame, while in the pools the shifting foam gathers and is gone,never staying for a moment. Even so is man and hishabitation.”iv

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ORIGINS

One may follow along, as is typically the case in historicalanalysis of Japanese residential development, to explore thetransformation from the pit dwelling to shinden to shuden toshoin to sukiya (life)styles, and so on. Yet, this really onlytraces one branch, admittedly the most prominent branch, ofthe Japanese residential architecture tree. The actual range offorms and methods are much larger than most studies infer. Itshould be noted that even the simple form of the pit dwelling,or a close relative- the ground level structure- continued useand some transformation until even into the Muromachi periodin the Tohoku northern region of the main Honshu island.Such dwelling types did not simply disappear just because ofthe development of a new type.

The rural farmhouse, or minka, is another form whichdeveloped parallel to the residences of court aristocracy andwarrior classes. The overpowering dominance of the thatchroof and the preservation of a large portion of earthen floorarea, often used as a kitchen and/ or stable, distinguish thisform from the urban relatives. The minka is a unique and richform that deserves far more analysis than can be allowed here;but it is important to note here that this is a not a dwelling thatshould be affiliated with poverty, as is often confused, and infact was a residence of distinction in the rural sociallandscape. Thus the machiya shares more than just the formalsimilarities with the minka- both represent a change in socialrelations and a growing state of control and influence which amiddle class gained over their dwellings and the makeup ofthe village or town.

The cityThree capital cities in Japan preceded the establishment of theHeiankyo seat of power in 794 by the emperor Kaman.Naniwa (near present-day Osaka), Fujiwara (near present-dayNara), and Heijo (in present-day Nara) all held claim to briefdesignations as the center of imperial rule; Heijo holding thetitle the longest period of 74 years. Heian-kyo, in contrast tothese early attempts, remained the capital city for over onethousand years until the Emperor Meiji moved his court toEdo (now known as Tokyo) in 1868.v Therefore, it is here, inthis most important urban political, economic, and culturalcenter of Japanese history, that the machiya prototype is firstrealized and refined.

Heiankyo (known today as Kyoto) was established in Japan ata time of strong relations through international trade andcommunication with the Asian mainland. The earlier Heijo(Nara) capital was based on the Chinese Tang-dynasty citymodel of Changan, and the Heian plan was in turn based uponthis type as well; although with some modifications ofmeasure and proportions. Over time, and through repeatedrebuilding due to fire and war, the city grew asymmetrically tothe north east; but the formal grided street pattern and regularsubdivision of land characterized the early city plan. The

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smallest parcels of the divided blocks became the sites of theresidences for the urban commoners.vi

Period documents and measured drawings of the earlyresidential structures of the common folk are practicallynonexistent, yet scroll paintings, such as the late 12th centuryNenchu Gyoji Emaki, provide some glimpse of the early urbanresidence. This illustration of the Shijo-dori streetscape ofearly Heiankyo shows small, roughly built wooden structureswith orderly lined ridges parallel to the streets. The facadesare divided in half with one side serving as the entry and awall with a small window located on the other side. Earthenfloors were typical, although it is believed that sections ofraised wooden plank flooring could be found inside some.One author states, “They all follow a basic, existing patternand it can be assumed that this style of building had beenfollowed for a thousand years.”vii

The villagesOutside the capital city, urban villages began to develop astrade routes improved. Similar structures to those in the Heiandistricts began to appear, although they tended to be evensimpler and cruder constructions. Another picture scroll, theIppen Shonin eden (1299), illustrating the travels of the monk,Ippen, provides a glimpse of life in early Fukuoka in the mid-13th century. Note that in this scene, the sale of goods from amarket stand along the street is permitted. Yamano points outthat the early village plans illustrate a critical distinctionbetween Chinese and Japanese city development that isnecessary in order to understand one of the important featuresof the machiya. The Heiankyo capital, and particularly theouter provincial towns like Fukuoka, were not particularlyconstricted by the massive protective walls typical of the earlyChinese cities. The outlying communities and villages in factspread quite freely along the major transportation routes and,as noted before, Heiankyo easily and rapidly “sprawled”

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beyond it’s early formal boundaries. Therefore, the densitiesof early Japanese towns were typically not as high as those ofearly China. This, Yamano, explains is the reason that thecommon urban residence of Japan did not adopt the Chinesecourtyard pattern, since there was not as much pressure topreserve a place of quiet and open air in an urban form thatwas not so severely restricted.viii

Early scroll painting documents do clearly indicate that withinlarge city centers such as Heiankyo, groups of machiya likehouses typically formed a block with a hollow center, servingas a common garden, trash, and lavatory space for thesurrounding houses. Such common grounds did not last longunfortunately. These “courts” were filled by the growing sizesof individual houses, increased use of storehouses, and theinfill of very small rental units, and tenement housing. ix

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DEVELOPMENTS

The development, the first stage of transformation, from thesimple shelter illustrated, in the Nenchu Gyoji Emaki scroll, tothe combined shop and residence sort, as noted earlier, ismuch more a result of political evolution than almost anyother aspect. Surely this may be said for many vernacularcommunities other than those of Japan, but the criticaldifference is a matter of degree, to such a point that it may beunequaled in all the rest of the world.

“It is usually explained that the Japanese are driven bycollective concerns. And indeed, Japan appears todemonstrate the possibility of life organized in a genuinelycommunalist manner. As far as outsiders can tell, mostJapanese accept with equanimity the daily demands that theysubordinate their individual desires and interests to those ofthe community. This striking communalism is, however, theresult of political arrangements consciously inserted intosociety by a ruling elite over three centuries ago, and theJapanese are today given little or no choice in acceptingarrangements that are still essentially political. Under thesearrangements, a Japanese individual must accept as inevitablethat his intellectual and psychological growth is restrained bythe will of the collectively.”

This statement by Karl vanWolfren, from his book, TheEnigma of Japanese Power, may sound a bit too strong, orover dramatic, in describing the overall living conditions ofthe Japanese people, but it does help to illustrate the point thatpolitical motivations, controls, transformations, propaganda,and struggles are such a pervasive element of all aspects ofthis culture- including, most especially, the architecture.Again, it is the difference of degree, in comparison to otherAsian and Western cultures, which demands that this beconsidered.

In early Heian period times, the sale of goods in the city limitsof Heiankyo was only allowed in specific market areasdesignated within the central city districts. Note the locationof the East and West Markets in the city plan. As is typical ofa Feudal system, like that found in Japan and Europe alike, the

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rise of a merchant class was strongly discouraged. In the laterpart of the Heian period, however, restrictions in the capitalwere eased, the East Market became a place for festivals ratherthan commerce, and trade spread to other intersectionsthroughout the city. Eventually, certain streets, such as MachiStreet (present-day Shinmachi Street of Kyoto), as opposed tobounded market blocks, became known as commercialdistricts. The Rakuchu rakugai zu picture screens (mid 16th

century) illustrate scenes from the parade-like Kyoto GionFestival, which is still observed today. The significance of theimages in the scenes are that the elaborate floats and pageantrythat are depicted there were financed not by the governmentbut by local neighborhood organizations, indicating the risingpower of the merchant class by the late Muromachi period(1333 – 1568).x

One assumption concerning the increased relative vigor of themerchant class is to consider that it may be in part a result ofthe Onin no Ran (Civil War) which officially lasted from 1467to 1477 and the period of general disunity and ambiguity ofcentral authority that would follow it for over one hundredyears. Possibly, the fact that power became divided made iteasier, and even quite necessary, for merchant groups to bandtogether. During this period, unions of machiya guilds (themachigumi) were formed and became a more pronouncedsector of society.

Tokugawa RuleThis power, however, was not without limit. In the end of thedays of the civil struggle for control by many various regimes,there emerged a Shogun warrior leader of Japan that broughtthe nation together under an unprecedented era of unity, peace,and stability. Tokugawa Ieyasu (1543-1616), the so called seiitai shogun, or “barbarian-subduing generalisimo,” and hisimmediate successors sought to establish a clear sense ofcontrol and social order over the land and the numerousdaimyo, or domainal lords. Through the conception of laws,

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or rather codes of conduct, such as the Buke Shohatto (Lawsfor the Military Houses) and the Kinchu Narabi ni KugeShohatto (Laws Governing the Imperial Court and Nobility),the Tokugawa leadership believed it was of the utmostimportance to define political and particularly socialrelationships clearly in a rigid hierarchical order. The intentwas to assure a distinct “placement” for all peoples and toprevent any disruption to the overall order of the socio-political system. To reemphasize an earlier notion here- this isnot to say that such an arrangement or practice was unique toJapan, but rather that it is the degree of complexity andacceptance which is of significance here. Of course, in a timeof limited speed of correspondence between distant localesand a country with few guns, relatively speaking, thesecontrols were in reality only as strong as the “length of thegeneral’s sword.” In other words, as noted by Yamano, theoutlying prefectures certainly had a little bit of freedom tochange, or sometimes even ignore, the regulations handeddown by the Shoguns. Nonetheless, the hortatory andprohibitory nature and spirit of the codes had a deep impact onthe social fabric of all the land, and even when, in the laterpart of the Edo period (1600-1868), the specifics of the codemight be completely disregarded, the basic essence of theguidelines were internalized into daimyos’ domainal codes,and the “national mentality.”

The Tokugawa Shogunate issued ofuregaki, “matters to beannounced,” or admonitory guidelines to the various sectors ofthe populace and to the villages within the shogun controlthroughout their time of rule. These admonitions,prohibitions, and stipulations might include very specificguidelines concerning the construction of a merchant classhouse and shop. The essential focus of such rules was toensure that members of a specific class did not do anything to“compete” with a higher class, through the use of certainforms, materials, colors, and construction techniques. Yet, asmight be expected with any socio-economic group, such as theowners of the new urban machiya, who were enjoying newfound wealth and moderate freedom from direct dependenceon the feudal lords, the natural desire to “acquire the finerthings” and “keep up with the Tanaka’s (Jones’s)” could notbe completely suppressed. As suggested by Engel,“Consequently, the simple and unassuming exterior of gentlysloped and tile covered roofs, often hides an exquisitelycrafted, impressive set of rooms.”xi

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These codes of conduct and craft had yet another veryimportant effect which must be noted. The Tokugawaadministration, rather than disbanding or disallowing theguilds of merchants, the machigumi, saw such organizations asan opportunity. The groups, and their relation to the localdaimyo, could in fact be used to strengthen the establishmentof social order that was desired by the shogun- provided thatthey “kept their place.” The use of commerce based relationsas a controlling, almost family-like, system in the overallsocio-political framework of Japan would become one of thedominant aspects in the production-consumption basedenvironment of the modern nation. Therefore, as we willexplore later, this characteristic which may have contributedso soundly to the delightful unity and continuity of themachiya forms, may ironically be a large reason for theircurrent downfall.

“…the Tokugawa Shogunate gave the household… a socio-political function that in some way prefigures that of thecorporation. And there was an even more immediate model…the vigorous labor market created by rapidly expandingentrepreneurism in Meiji Japan. This market was originallyformed by bands of workers controlled by bosses, whoreferred to each other as oyakata and kokata (literally, peoplewho fill the role of ‘parent’ and ‘child’ respectively)”xii

Unity and diversity“Diversity over space and unity over time,” may be a choicedescription for a large portion of the world’s vernaculararchitectures and the machiya form is a particularly clearexample of this type of order. The fact that the orders givenby the Tokugawa Shogunate authority were adhered to withvarying degrees of acceptance suggests that local deviations ofthe general machiya type were many. And yet anotherpossible reason for the diversity of forms is, ironically, thetrend toward standardization of construction techniques andthe use of component parts.

“My freedom thus consists in my moving about within thenarrow frame that I have assigned myself for each one of myundertakings. I shall go even further: my freedom will be somuch the greater and more meaningful the more narrowly Ilimit my field of action and the more I surround myself withobstacles. Whatever diminishes constraint, diminishesstrength. The more constraints one imposes, the more onefrees one’s self of the chains that shackle the spirit.”- IgorStravinskyxiii

The words of Igor Sravinsky may not have been meant todescribe the state of residential construction and design in 17th

century Japan; but he does rather elegantly illustrate a point,an apparent contradiction, which is quite particular to theJapanese vernacular. Engel argues, “The construction of theJapanese house, both the act and the system, albeit refined indetail, has never quite left its original primitive stage.” Hemay be a bit too narrow and oversimplified with such a view,

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but, Engel does further illustrate the point that, “… theimmutability of the basic construction system which directedthe handicraftsman’s imaginative spirit to detail and providedcenturies for gradual empirical improvements. Whileprimitiveness of structural system might at first sight appearcontradictory to the refinement of constructional detail, itbecomes evident that one was only the logical consequence ofthe other.”xiv

Over time, from even the age of the earliest takayuka (raisedfloor) structures, the families of Japanese craftsmen found thepractical logic of standardizing the sizing and placement ofmajor wooden structural members based upon modules andmultiplication of column sections. The implementation anddevelopment of the standards are not as clear cut and purelyderived as many foreign interpretations have indicated, but itmay be safe to say that Japan did realize and refine a basicorder of measure and process very early on, and such a patternof construction was well established by the time of the 16th

and 17th centuries in which the machiya form grew into aunique and significant feature of the built landscape.

Along with the political pressures for standards andprohibitions, the spread of woodblock print and scroll recordsof contractor’s techniques in the Tokugawa period attributedto both the exchange of new methods over space and unity ofdispersion over time. Despite the fact that the simplicity ofthe structural order could have led to further diversity of form,Japan’s unique history of the development of prefabricatedbuilding components acted to place diversity and unity intosuch a distinctly rich balance and dialogue. Yamano adds thatthe creation of contractor catalogues in the mid 18th century,which advertised standard building parts, such as door screensand shutters, also added very much to the harmony of themachiya forms.

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Like so much of the historical development of residentialtypes in the west, the Japanese vernacular was subject to acomplex network of influences based on changes in “taste”and the desire to copy the styling of the very wealthy. Thetokonoma, or decorative alcove, the verandah, and the designof the garden are certainly a set of features which, like theoverall austerity of scheme, can be attributed to the influencesof the “tea culture.” Chanoyu or Way of Tea, is a ceremonialappreciation and custom of Zen Buddhist influence whichreached a high level of sophistication among the aristocracy ofthe early Muromachi period. Guided and refined by “teamasters” such as Takeno Joo (1502 – 1555), and Sen noRikyu, the philosophical appreciation of this movementdeveloped into an ideal of rustic simplicity known as wabi.Wabi ideals became a manner of design and use of materialsnot only for the ceremony itself but in the construction of theelegant structures within which the ritual is still practiced.The tea room, or chasitsu, was pivotal in the refinement offeatures such as the tokonoma and the use of materials thatexpressed very subtle sophistication with natural materials.The performance of the ceremony may have originally beenlimited to the wealthy ruling classes, but the influence that ithad on the domestic architectures of the common classes cannot be over stressed. We may, however, relate this influencein some way to the influence of, for example, Shakerarchitectural aesthetics in the domestic design of the UnitedStates. Even as some might admire and use the “styling” orfurnishings of the simple Shaker things, it certainly does notindicate that the user of such things is a faithful follower ofShaker religious practice, nor does it always follow that anentire residential structure will be based upon this influencealone. The same can almost be said for the influence of teaculture on the development of machiya design. We may findexamples of adulterations and strange modifications with both.The difference, however, is again the degree to which thisinfluence had a unifying and stabilizing affect on theresidential architecture of Japan.

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CONSTRUCTIONS AND FORM

The general construction method followed for the earlymachiya was that the major columns, hashira, were placed instandard intervals along the groundsill beams, dodai. Then, asystem of floor beams, ashigatame, and eave beams, alongwith some intermediate horizontal tie members, nuki,completed the basic frame box. The roof structureimmediately followed- a system of typically heavy anduntreated wooden beams topped with a network of secondaryposts, purlins, and rafter, plus wooden slats or clay tiles setinto a mud-thatch mixture. Within this quickly assembled gridand under a fully protective and massive roof structure, thedelicate and highly refined organization and definition ofinterior spaces and enclosures could proceed with littleconcern for structural ramifications. The strength of theelegant, yet complex, joinery and the generalovercompensation of member sizes in the basic structuralassembly allowed not only a certain degree of freedom withregards to overall layouts but especially to the subtlemodifications of “infill” materials.

The coreIt simply can not be emphasized enough that the description ofmachiya as it is discussed here is meant to indicate a processas much, or more than, an actual form. If, however, one islooking for a prototype plan of the average machiyaconstruction, then the following diagram and description maysuffice. The machiya has a close kinship to the rural minkapattern in that it typically includes an earthen floored areawhich flanks the living spaces. This dry packed ground entryand hall (doma or torinawa) ordinarily runs the length of thehouse from front (mote- street side) to back (ura- garden side).In the earliest structures, the kitchen facilities (daidokoro)could be found within this hall passageway. From street torear garden, the hall served not only as circulation space forthe inhabitants but also as a duct for natural breezes to passthrough the house. Therefore, the divisions of this hallway, ifthere need be any, was generally accomplished with the use ofshort hanging curtains (noren) that could be used to visuallyseparate spaces without blocking the passage of sound andcooling winds. The use of noren to provide a “soft” division

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or definition of space is still very much in use in manycontexts within the Japanese city today.

“Homes should be built for summer. In the winter, one canlive anywhere, but dwellings unsuited to the hot months areunbearable.”- Tsurezuregusa (Essays in Idleness) by YoshidaKenko (1283-1350)

This inclination towards a light and open construction in theordinarily hot and humid climate of Japan not only explainsthe need and practicality of such forms as the torinawa andmaterials such as the noren, but as we will later see, mayaccount for the open grill-like patterns of exterior door andwindow screens as well.

The front room, as indicated in the prototype diagram, wasquite often used as the shop space, the mise-no-ma (mise-shop; ma- room). The shop might be an actual place for labor(such as the maker of tatami mats), sale of goods (such assmall ceramic wares or foods), or, quite often, a meeting placefor middle-men merchants to receive clients and discussbusiness and trades over a hot cup of tea. In any case, themise-no-ma is truly one of the most critical aspects of themachiya type not only because of its function giving credenceto the definition of the title, but because of what this spaceleant to the overall urban pattern. First, of course, the mise-no-ma, a shop under the roof of a residence enhanced whatKevin Lynch might call the “fine grain,” the patterns of mixeduse, within the city. Second, the placement of this space at thefront of the structure acted as a sort of extension of the houseinto the street and vice-versa. This led to the feeling of theroad as a special “place,” a public room, a place to pause andgather, as opposed to simply a route for circulation. Thestreets in areas of the early machiya became places for smallcookouts and other community gatherings.xv Such scenes aredepicted even in the picture scrolls shown earlier.

The middle room, or naka-no-ma (literally “middle room”),behind the mise-no-ma was generally, as so often the casewith ANY room within the common Japanese house, a multi-purpose room for the family. Family dining might often takeplace here, but the fact that the low and simple furniture of theroom could be moved and stored away allowed a great deal offlexibility in how the room might be used- for sleeping,studying, etc.

The rear room, the one farthest from the entry, ironically inmany documentations is described as the reception room, oroku-no-ma. It may seem strange that the room for entertainingguests would be placed so far from the entry, but this roomwas very often located closest to the rear garden (niwa), andtherefore afforded the most pleasant, quietest, views.

Accessory spaceFlanking the sides of the raised floor living spaces, oppositethe torinawa, small bays of storage space might be found.

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Storage space, however, in the Japanese house is certainly afeature of maximum utility within minimum space. As anexample, the space under stairs could be converted into a veryelegant set of drawers and cabinets. Additionally tucked intothe auxiliary bay of storage spaces, the decorative alcove, ortokonoma, could often be found in the oku-no-ma.

Bathing and toilet facilities were most often found as a semi-detached structure behind the main house. Like the kitchenfacilities found in the earthen hallway, however, theimprovement of modern supply and waste systems, as well asthe changes made in household appliances have allowedincreased flexibility in the location of these functions.

Second FloorThe transition from one story (hiraya) to two story machiyastructures is yet again a result of changes in political control.As strict controls from the Tokugawa era on the height of rooflines and the uses of second floor spaces changed or becameeased, the machiya went from being a one story space, to oneand a half, to what is now most commonly a two storeyconstruction. As the space increased and the shop spacesbecame more common and successful, the second story wentfrom being a place for storage to an extension of family livingspaces. This might have been used to allow for increaseddemand for the lower floor to be maintained as a place ofbusiness and reception, or to house a growing, multi-generation family.xvi

Measure“The meaning of modern module, however, has anoutstanding precedence in Japan, where for the last two orthree hundred years the ordinary house of the entire nationhave been built on the basis of a modular order which isunique in the history of world architecture. Indeed, theJapanese ken module is an extraordinary phenomenon inarchitecture without equivalent elsewhere; and, though itscomplicated past is anything but clear, its uniqueness amongall architectural measures, modules, and standards, past andpresent can not be contested.”xvii

Engel goes on to explain that the order, the modular system ofmeasure and construction, of the Japanese is residentialvernacular is unique for five reasons:

• It acknowledges economy and practicality as importantfactors

• It subjects form to structural and utilitarian requirements• It functions by means of a constant module that is not

relative to the size of the building• It has evolved as independent module for residential

architecture in particular, and• It is applied universally over and above differences of

wealth or social standing.xviii

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Engel does present the system of measure in Japaneseresidential architecture in perhaps too ideal of a portrayal. Hispoints, however, are revealing as to the notion that, like othervernacular systems, a seemingly simple indigenous methodmay in fact contain a highly refined and advanced system ofconstruction and order.

The module of column spacing, the ken, is not simple toprovide with clear description of origin. In fact, it is quiteobvious that at least two separate measures existed- one ofapproximately 6.5 feet, the other of 6 feet. The explanationsfor this split are many, but the most likely is the simple factthat construction outside the city was not as easily controlledby official rules of carpenter guilds, and therefore allowed theuse of a more practical (6 foot) measure; where the largermeasure tended to be used within the cities.

At least one 17th century construction document, the Shomei,indicates that the section size of secondary wooden membersvaried according to modifications of column spacing. Laterrecords reveal that the standardization of market sizes forlumber led the independence of actual column spacing fromthe modular order. The column section became standardized,and the multiple spacing of columns (1/2 ken, 1 ken, 1 ½ ken,2 ken) could be employed with a greater degree of freedom.

Pieces and PartsOne popular misconception concerning the measure ofJapanese architecture is that the modular flooring materialknow as tatami mat actually acts as the controlling factor forthe building layout. This is not the case. The modular systemdescribed above, based on column placement, took precedentin design decisions. The tatami, and its eventualstandardization, did however have a strong impact onstabilizing and reinforcing the standards of measure. Regionalvariations in the sizing of the tatami were quite commonbefore the ruling classes reigned in the variations of columnspacing techniques. Obviously, the tatami would be slightlydifferent in buildings where the ken module was measuredbetween column faces and a building where it was measuredfrom the center of one column to the center of the next. Theinterplay of accommodation between the two components,column and floor, served to bring about a balance of use, eachcontrolling the other, while still allowing each a singularidentity. This once again illustrates the refinements andbalances of this vernacular method.

Sliding panels of opaque paper covering a thin wooden frame,fusuma, are used the primary partition material of interiorspace. The fusuma support only their own weight, andtherefore being rather light, are easily moved in or removedfrom the wooden tracks in which they lay. The tracks at thefloor are generally rather shallow while the top track is deepenough to allow the panel to be lifted up and moved out of thetrack entirely. The panels almost never extend from floor toceiling, but are instead only around 6’ in height. Above the

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fusuma, the transom section of clay wall serves to support theupper track and act as an additional horizontal brace betweencolumns. It is often found that a grill-like or paper coveredopening, or ramma, is inserted into the transom; or it mayeven serve as the entire transom structure. The wooden grillallows for greater air circulation within the house. Thefusuma and ramma are both quite utilitarian in origin and use,but often they are also used as a means of expression of statusand taste. The heavy paper used to cover the fusuma screencould be given decorative patterns or used as a canvas forcalligraphy or mural paintings. In the homes of the verywealthy and ruling classes, such screen paintings might be ofgreat value, having been executed by highly respectedartisans. The wooden grillwork of ramma might also show offthe fine taste of the owner by its very delicate and intricatepatterning. In some cases, the ramma was filled by anelaborate wood carving of natural scenery.

“In this instance [the decoration of fusuma panels], theJapanese house, which in general lacks any manifestation ofwealth distinction other than by the quality of material and thesize of building, clearly permits a clue as to the wealth of theowner.”xix

Where solid, non-moveable, wall partitions are needed, thin,woven bamboo latticework was tied into the horizontal tiemembers between columns. Over this substructure, mixturesof clay, sand, and/or straw were added in delicate layers toform the wall surface. The mixtures of clay and the colors andtextures achieved were highly dependent upon local resourcesand methods. In the most decorative of settings, such as asidethe tokonoma space, formed openings in the clay exposing thelattice below is occasionally found. This shiaji-mado windowis rumored to have been developed by the most famous of alltea ceremony masters, Sen-no-Rikyu (1518-1591).xx

The third type of partition is the shoji, or paper coveredscreen. Unlike the fusuma, the paper covering on the shoji isfound only on one side, leaving the wooden frame exposed.Also, the paper is generally semi-transparent allowing softlight to pass through. For this reason, the shoji panel is mostoften located at an exterior wall, or opposite the exterior edgeof the verandah (engawa). The open shoji panel at theverandah edge quite obviously serves to open the inside of thehouse out and bring the outdoors in. Even when closed,however, the shoji still serves such a purpose by allowing softlight to pass. During the day, those indoors may view thepassing of the light of the day along with a play of shadowswhile maintaining a closed and private space. In the evening,the flickering lights glowing on the paper panels indoorsreveals to the passerby in the street the warmth and life within.Open or closed, private or public- the shoji serves not only toopen one to the other, but to blur the distinction between thetwo.

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Closely related to the shoji screen, are the many forms ofwooden screens that are used to cover exterior window anddoor openings. Much like the cloth curtain noren, the woodenscreens are primarily a utilitarian product which later carried amore aesthetic meaning. The screen generally serves as adevice to either protect from intrusion or simply provide aslight bit of visual privacy while also allowing the coolbreezes to enter the house. The screens used on frontentryways and extended front windows (koshi mado) alsoserved to reinforce the “in-between” of the transition betweenpublic and private space, much like the front porch of theSouthern American vernacular house. The screen allowed theinhabitants, possibly those working in the mise front room, tohave a great deal of control and flexibility with regards to theirrelations with those people and activities passing by in thestreet. The delicate and elegant construction of the frontwindow screens became a very important symbol for the“cultivation” and wealth of a household, and the multi-layering of different patterns of screens would indicate greataffluence within the community.

Regional VariationsThe commonalties of proportions of facades and ordered roofconstruction; dominance of the same materials; the uniqueharmony of the delicate wooden screens with their subtledistinctions of pattern- all these things led to an urbanJapanese streetscape with a rich variance of textural patternswithin a frame of common horizontal lines and forms. This isnot to say, however, that some major regional differences didnot develop. The machiya forms of Kyoto and Fukuoka differin many small ways, but mainly in the division of the façadeand the placement of the entry and hallway. In Kyoto, thetorinawa tends to run along the edge of the building (muchlike a “shotgun” house) while the Fukuoka type splits thehouse in two with the hall running somewhere down themiddle (similar to the “dog-trot”). The variations amongcommunities across Japan are quite endless, yet within thesevariations across time and place, strong common chords ofmaterial, order, and balance remained.

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TRANSFORMATIONS

The forces of Japanese political unification and development,along with the close ties of social controls of hierarchy andpower produced an atmosphere for not only the cultivation ofthe machiya type, but also its transformation and, as alluded toearlier, possibly even its downfall.

Once the unification and stratification of power control wasachieved by the Tokugawa regime, a period of nationalseclusion, Sakoku, was established and maintained for over200 years. Certainly, the geographic location of the smallisland nation helped to preserve the closed door policies. Thisterm of isolation permitted the interior social orders andmanifestations of that order to achieve a very high level ofsophistication and refinement; but such was limited by thebounds of the self-referential circle. Politics, technology, thearts and architecture all in some way both benefited andsuffered from the separation from outside contacts.

The Sakoku was brought to a rather sudden and dramatic endwith the overthrow of the Tokugawa Shogunate and the returnof empirical power. The Meiji Restoration along with thearrival of foreign dignitaries demanding the reopening ofJapanese markets to the outside world sent the power holdersinto a scramble, although it was quite superficial, ofreordering. Along with political restructuring, the Japaneseruling elite found it very enticing to explore the technologicaland industrial works of many outside countries. This led tothe import of not only new methods and practices, includingconstruction techniques, but also the exploration of newmaterials. The business of maintaining positions of power inan even cosmetic application of change, left the beaurocraticsystems with little time to worry with prohibitions onresidential constructions. These factors led to the beginning ofthe transformation of the machiya form, not only as areflection of the changing times, but even as an essential partof the engine of economic change.

The new era of trade and expansion altered the patterns of thelabor system and the market. As it slipped into the industrialage and through a temporary struggle with military abuses ofpower, Japan, and its cities, entered the age of capitalproduction, and consumption, with a seemingly boundlessenergy. As mentioned earlier, the transformation of focusfrom nuclear family structures and community associations toa concentrated focus on the company “team” and the group asdefined by work and consumption patterns, as argued by JohnClammer in his book Contemporary Urban Japan: ASociology of Consumption, drastically changed the role of theurban residence- the machiya. As these production andconsumption cycles, along with increased urban densitiesneeded to support such systems, continue to grow, themachiya forms were often found to be a hindrance to a newsocio-economic order- an attitude which continues to pervadethe thinking of many local government agencies.

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In 1948, the first high-rise reinforced concrete public housingapartments were constructed under the authority of the TokyoMetropolitan Government and the Ministry of Construction.The extremely rapid development of the “mansion,” or high-rise apartment complex became the new urban definition ofresidential progress in cities such as Tokyo and other rapidlygrowing urban centers throughout Japan. This was certainly aphenomenon that the new giant corporations could not havefunctioned without. The close, often suspiciously close,relation of industry and political leaders further pushed for thisreinvented icon of modern urban living.

Machiya forms that did survive periods of major rebuildingdue to earthquake, fire, war damages, or just the desire toupgrade to newer constructions during the early to mid part ofthe 20th century, have become interesting patch work quilts oftime that linger in older sections of some towns. It is necessaryto note, however, that even the very oldest of these structuresare generally no more than 100 years in age simply becauseof, as indicated before, the commonly accepted attitude of theconstructions as temporary in nature. Changes of exteriormaterial application, from sheet metals to synthetic plasticpanels along with odd alterations of form, including theconversion of mise spaces into places to park the family car,blur, yet do not completely erase, the homogenous character ofthe originals.

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Section Two Endnotes

i Ashihara, p.12ii Kiyosi, p.10iii Ibid, p.23iv Sadler, p.3v Bungevi Ibidvii Itoh, p.46viii Yamanoix Takahashi, p. 108, 229x Nishi and Hozumixi Engel, p.56xii van Wolferen, p. 163xiii Stravinsky, p. 65xiv Engel, p.107-108xv Machiya (Nihongo/Japanese), p.21xvi Ibid., p.24xvii Engel, p.54xviii Bid, p.65xix Bid, p.150xx Bid, p.155

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Machiya and Transition:A Study of Developmental Vernacular Architecture

Section Three:THE MACHIYA AS DEVELOPMENTALVERNACULAR

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THE MACHIYA AS DEVELOPMENTALVERNACULAR

So, the previous section has been a brief attempt to clarify thatthe machiya type is in fact a distinct vernacular practice ofbuilding and living within the urban landscape of Japan. Fewwould argue against this point. Use of locally availablematerials; use and development of local technology andconstruction crafts; response to climate; reflections of belief;ritual; socially accepted controls- all of these factors are foundto be embodied in the machiya forms.

The focus of the third and final section is to apply, by meansof a design exercise, the principles of "Smart Growth" and thenotion of a "developmental vernacular" through the machiyatype onto a particular part of the future Japanese city- therebyindicating the value of such a design method as well asrestating the need for continued study of urban vernacularpatterns in our contemporary built landscape.

The common Japanese city of today, and not just Tokyo,reveals the fact that there has been much change from the timein which the machiya order dominated the urban landscape.This is to be expected as time passes and the technologies,economies, and social patterns transform into new rituals andexpectations of life. We may recall the quote from Kamo-no-Choumei, "Ceaselessly the river flows, and yet the water isnever the same...". Change, he expresses, is as basic a part ofour cities and buildings as any other part of the natural world.Therefore, it is very important, to once again make yet anotherclarification concerning the intentions of this study beforecontinuing with this section. It must be made clear that this isnot a call for "no growth" or reversals of growth. Nor is thismeant to be simply a demand for preservation. Rather, theprinciples of both "Smart Growth" and "developmentalvernacular" embrace progressive change through thoughtfuland well-balanced design. Simply put, this is not an attempt tofreeze the machiya type into a museum display, but instead itas an effort to push the machiya type to a new level- making ita reasonable and vital element of the future city, whilemaintaining the valuable characteristics which it has embodiedup till now.

The proponents of "Smart Growth" initiatives have taken thenotion of balances as a core criteria in detailing a new agendafor city design. Earlier this century, in the 1960's, KevinLynch wrote in one of his many essays:

"Stability is a somewhat contradictory goal; it takes intoaccount the critical social and economic costs ofobsolescence, movement of population, and change offunction. It is very possible that stability in the modern worldwill be impossible to maintain, and it runs counter to many ofthe values cited above [the goals of choice, interaction, cost,comfort, participation, growth, adaptability, continuity, andimageability]. Yet stability may be qualified in this light: if

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change is inevitable, then it should be moderated andcontrolled so as to prevent violent dislocations and preserve amaximum of continuity with the past. This criterion wouldhave important implications as to how the metropolis shouldgrow and change."i

Lynch's use of the word 'control' has been tempered by the useof the term 'maintaining balances' in "Smart Growth" policy,yet the focus is very much the same. The stability of the cityis based not only upon its economy and infrastructure, butvery much on the maintenance of intangible qualities (sense ofplace, regional identity) as well as tangible patterns of dailylife interactions. These qualities and patterns are reflected inthe vernacular forms- forms which do in fact serve to"...preserve a maximum of continuity with the past." Again,the focus is on the preservation of continuity and not thepreservation of the past.

It is now necessary to clearly spell out just what are thesequalities and patterns of good city balance and stability whichthe machiya vernacular possesses. Much of Lynch'svocabulary of terms regarding city sense will be borrowedhere.

Fine grain. One of the most obvious values of the machiyapattern is the inherent pattern of "mixed-use" development.The combination of small shops and merchants withresidential functions produces a rich texture neighborhood. Inrelation to this, the size of historic machiya insured that thefine grain would be kept in respect to a certain maximumdensity. The modern Japanese city is still noted formaintaining good mixed-use, but the ratio of grain to densityhas changed drastically in post war years.Street as public space. The placement of the shop in the frontof the house and the treatment of the facade condition causesthe street to serve as a room or an extension the interior space.The street is a place for meeting and not solely given to thefunction of circulation, thereby demanding that the circulationof people and things be conducted at reasonable intervals andspeeds.Personal interaction/ personal privacy. The two factorsabove, combined with the physical depth of the house and theopen corridor produce a balance of social interactions and atransition from public to semi-public to private spaces with aphenomenological character of place that is rather unique tothe Japanese town.Cost of change. The highly refined delicacy of variationswithin a rigid frame of modular construction has provided aform which is quickly made, repeated, changed, anddestroyed. The maintenance costs are minimized, yetfortunately always present- as this kind of work providesopportunity to small scale operations and individual craftsmanwithin the community. The cost of removing the building toreuse the site is not inhibative- as we would be expected to bethe case with most vernacular architectures. This is an idea

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which Lynch has written a great deal about and is now beingrestated by "Smart Growth" proponents who see that the costsof reversing a building's effects on the landscape should beconsidered in the outset of new projects.Natural energies. Again, this is a characteristic shared widelyby vernacular buildings. Nonetheless, the attention toventilation patterns and regulation of high humidity are worthnoting. Foreign visitors to Japan have noted that it is not onlythe cross and stack ventilation process, but even the lightquality- deep, dark shadows caused by wide eaves and interiorrecesses- which add to the "comfort" of the space inside suchwooden structures. It must be admitted, however, that thecompensations for hot and steamy summers leaves the houseill fitted to deal with the considerable winter chills. Thesolution to this dilemma in Japan has been to focus onwarming the individual body through such common rituals asthe warm sake drink, resting in the ofuro, hot bath, and sittingaround the heated kotatsu table, as opposed to beingconcerned with the internal air temperature.

Now, does this imply that these features have disappearedfrom the Japanese city now that the machiya process has beenon the decline? Not entirely. There are numerous exampleswhere the most modern of new "high-design" forms haveincorporated one or more of the characteristics listed above.Note that the city is not devoid of these good qualities. And itis recognized that the qualities might be found in manydifferent modern structures. The machiya pattern does nothold a copyright on these properties. Still, it is the machiyaprocess which has refined these properties in the context of theJapanese urban landscape.

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THE CASE STUDY

The design exercise, the testing of the hypothesis, must beconducted at a variety of levels, from the scale of the citydown to the detail of the window screen. In this instance,however, the greatest weight will be given to a scalesomewhere in between these two, which is where I believe theactual success of such a project holds the greatest potentialpower- the scale of local community; the neighborhood.

The city of Fukuoka, Japan is located on the north-westerncoast of Kyushu, the southernmost of Japan's four mainislands. It has a very long history. In the early 7th century, anearby outpost, known as Dazaifu, served as the center ofpower for all of Kyushu and the nearby port at Hakata Baywas the main point of departure to the Asian mainland. Theport of Hakata grew under centuries of open trade with Chinaduring the 15th and 16th centuries before the time of Japan'sclosed door policies began in the 17th century. A castle wasconstructed near Hakata Bay in 1601 and the areassurrounding this outpost became known as Fukuoka. In 1889,the castle and the surrounds became officially recognized asthe City of Fukuoka, capital of the Fukuoka Prefecture.

One of the early main trade roads connected this early outpostto the north and to the main Honshu island, where the centralpowers held the capital seat in Heiankyo. This route trackedclosely along the coast. In the early 10th century, a greatShinto shrine, known as Hakozaki Jingu, was establishedalong the road, near the Hakata port.. A processional pathleading from the inner sanctum of the shrine out to the edge ofthe Hakata bay still exists to this day. Today, the shrine stillstands, although it has been rebuilt due to damage from a firein the 16th century. It is located within the rapidly expandingcity of Fukuoka, in a section of town which borrows the nameof the shrine, Hakozaki. Also, the road in front of the shrine,now known as Daigaku Dori, or University Road, still runsalong essentially the same path of the historic trade route.

This Daigaku Dori has "disappeared" or been altereddrastically as it enters to the Fukuoka city center. Yet still itruns from this new bustling business core out past the shrine,along side of the main campus of the historic KyushuUniversity (thus the current name of the road) and eventuallymerges with a modern highway system that continues northalong the coast to the industrial city of Kitakyushu. The sectorof the road between the shrine and the university campusentrance, a distance of approximately 600 meters, composesthe heart of the Hakozaki neighborhood. This neighborhoodmight be characterized as "elderly" with a high number ofaged residents- a fair description for all of . There are stillmany small shops- butchers, fish shops, vegetable stands,clothing shops, flower shops, and the like- all connected to aresidence above or behind each. Small restaurants andneighborhood bars are scattered throughout. There are twobranch banks. There are one or two large supermarkets, a few

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mid to high rise apartment complexes, and even a "7-11"convenience store or two.

Do any machiya buildings still exist in this neighborhood?This is a very interesting question, and one I posed to fellowstudents rather often. The first response is generally, "No."Then, after a second thought, the answer becomes more of a,"Well.... sort of." Again, the confusion lies in the distinctionbetween machiya as form and machiya as method, or wemight say "character." Exterior treatments have changed-daub and clay walls covered by sheet metal panels, facadesbricked over, and front mise spaces turned into mini-garages.Despite the many modifications though, a "sense" or characterof the machiya pattern does remain. Some reasons for this areintangible to the eye or to the touch. Some reasons areimpossible to record in the construction detail manual or thedemographer's data base. Then again, other reasons are veryclear. The patterns are the same still as those items listedabove, such as the fine grain of uses, the street as an extensionof the house or shop, etc. These chords remain, thoughweathered and faded, just like the wooden screens and clay tileroofs which have survived, often hidden behind a new layer ofmaterial. I should add, that in order to give a real concretedescription to this phenomenological sense of place, it isnecessary to remember the human element. The interaction ofpeople on the street and among the shops- conversing andsharing, informing and helping, laughing and arguing- is avery important piece of this puzzle. Even the smells and thecharacter of the light and breezes are distinct. The communityis the flow of people, and the physicality of the place is onlythe vessel in which this fluid is held. But there is no questionthat the scale and construction of the place is a very importantpart of what provides for this particular type of warminteraction among the neighbors.... or could it be just the otherway around? or is it both?

I should refrain from becoming all too romantic in thisdescription, yet in some sense the "romance" of it is theabsolute core of the "character" which I am trying to describe.Nonetheless, the point is that a certain character that doesremain is no doubt attributed to the machiya and thecommunity pattern which formed along with it. Even thoughthe original form has changed and even been torn away insome instances, I contend that the machiya as a character stillvery much exists in the Hakozaki neighborhood.

The central road is now flanked by a number of alternatetransportation lines. A pair of two lane traffic arterial roads,with city bus lines running along each, border the dense blocksof houses and shops along Daigaku Dori. Just to the southside of the University campus, the western road curves andturns perpendicular to the eastern road forming a northern"border" to the community. Parallel to the eastern border roadis one of the major train lines, with a station stop directlybehind the Hakozaki shrine compound. Along the westernroute, approximately parallel to its path, runs a branch line of

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the city's subway system. Again, a stop is located in line withthe shrine processional route. Further to the west along thecoastline of the bay run both the city highway and an elevatedsuper expressway.

These alternate lines of transportation, vehicular, bus, subway,and train, are intended to carry workers and shoppers into thecity business center. Daigaku Dori, a very narrow route ofonly about 4-5 meters in width, where the building frontsmake no room for sidewalks, and many shops still opendirectly onto the road, should be a quiet pedestrian path for theneighborhood core. Unfortunately, this is not the case. Theway is heavily traveled in BOTH directions by frequentcommuters and delivery vehicles. Local citizens haveexpressed to me their opinion that the reason for this is thelack of traffic signals along Daigaku Dori. The morning andafternoon commuters often want to avoid the stop lights on themain roads, and therefore use, very aggressively, the smallerroad as a shortcut. The auto traffic makes the pedestrian useof the road more and more risky. At the very least, it greatlyreduces the opportunities for neighbor interaction.

It certainly is no surprise that the automobile could be a factorin the decline of a community character, but there are otherfactors to consider. One very complex problem is the matterof land prices and the taxes levied on inherited properties-known in Japan as the "Death Tax." The increasedspeculation and over inflation of land values is particularlyacute in the Tokyo Metropolitan area, but Fukuoka, a city ofover one million inhabitants, has also shared in the trouble. Asimple narrative may be the best way to explain the situation.Let's say that Mr. Tanaka has owned a small combined houseand shop within the city of Fukuoka since the early part ofthis, the 20th, century. Due to the increased density of the cityover time, and particularly due to wild speculation on landprices during the 1980's, Mr. Tanaka's property is now worthmuch more than the sales of his small ceramic wares shopcould afford. Fortunately, he owns the property. In the eventof Mr. Tanaka's death, the ownership of this land may bepassed down to an oldest child now living in another part ofthe city. At this point, the government policy is to charge ahefty tax on the value of the land inherited by the child. Asthe land is now worth a great deal, although it may be an overinflated value, the tax can easily be overwhelming. The resultis that the land must be sold, typically to a developer, or itmust be converted to a new use which is much moreprofitable- in order to pay off the tax. Often, the older existinghouse is demolished, and a mid to high rise apartment tower isconstructed. Obviously, the rents earned from the apartmentscan be substantially more lucrative than the sales of the smallshop. The demand for rental housing is always on theincrease, as companies expand and young folks, who are nolonger interested in a rural, agricultural lifestyle, seekemployment in the city. The cycle seems never ending. Manyof such apartment complexes have been built in Hakozaki.

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(Recent reports that land prices have dropped for the 8th

straight year in 1999 may seem contradictory to the aboveinformation. It must been noted, however, as stated byProfessor Tokunosuke Hasegawa of Meikai University, thatdespite the decrease, residential property in Japan is stillhighly over valued as compared to international standards.)ii

Also, it has been expressed by Prof. Yamano that the leadersof the city are quite actively pursuing a modernization of thecity and see older, smaller, wooden shops and houses as the"wrong image" for the new Fukuoka. One of the centralthemes of the current administration is the"internationalization" of the city of Fukuoka. The city hasrebuilt strong ties with Korea, China, and other south eastAsian countries. The hope is that while Tokyo serves asJapan's center of trade and relations to the "west", Fukuokamay become the focal city for the "east". Many "pressures"are made to bear on the citizens to demolish older structuresand build newer, more "international" styled, buildings."Pressures" in the Japanese sense may be slightly differentfrom what we would consider in the United States or Europe.If one follows along with van Wolfren and numerous others'arguments that Japan is rather unique in the degree ofconformity within society and relation to the political system,then simply "encouraging" change through talk and swayinglocal emotion can be an unusually strong pressure indeed.

These are not the only factors which have led to a decline inthe community quality and machiya character of the Hakozakineighborhood, but they may be the most clearly identifiableones. Therefore, it is possible to address these issues.

First of all, the street must be "regained." I propose that thefirst step is to stop the free traffic flow along Daigaku Dorifrom the shrine to the main crossing of the border road just tothe south of the University campus. Commuter traffic must bemoved back to the wider roads to either side. (This may havethe side effect of increasing the use of the mass transit lines-bus, subway, and train- so as to avoid the slow traffic of thestreets.) Cross traffic would still be allowed at the first crossstreet running along side the shrine and at controlled intervalsat a interior cross street. The barriers to traffic flow would, ofcourse, be moveable. This allows emergency vehicles toaccess the street when necessary. The use of the road mayalso be granted to special purposes or for special events.

This would form an L-shaped pedestrian corridor. Theintersection of the paths would be the Hakozaki shrine,reemphasizing its central position in the community. Oneextension of the 'L' is the historic processional path leadingfrom the inner grounds of the shrine out to the sea. Thiswould remain the sacred path- a path used in festivals,celebrations, and for the religious pilgrim. The new path, thesecular path, would be composed of small shops, restaurantsand residences. The street is again defined as an outdoor

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room. Other examples in Japan show that such a street closingcan be very successful. On Sundays in the city of Tokyo,main streets in the Shinjuku and Harajuku districts are closedto automobile traffic. The streets become filled with people,shopping, strolling, entertaining, and eating. Also, recentreports were made on Japan’s first “pedestrian only” roadwayin the Tokyo district of Ginza. The road has been introducedin response to the increase in the number of deaths ofpedestrians and bicyclist related to traffic accidents inJapanese cities.iii

Simply closing the street to traffic alone, however, does notinsure success. Maintaining and restoring the character ofbuildings which will enliven the new outdoor room is the nextcritical step. It seems almost daily that a demolition crewmoves into a new site along the street, or some place nearby,to take down one of the old wooden houses or shops. Thetruth of the matter is that many times, these structures havebecome in danger of collapse or they may simply be quitesusceptible to fire or unsanitary conditions. Again, that issimply the nature of the urban residence- to be built, torndown and rebuilt. It is to be expected. The structures whichhave followed the demolition, however, have often been ratherdisappointing. Apartment towers, some over 10 stories high,have been erected. Often, these structures are set back fromthe street and the space in-between is given wholly to parking.In some fortunate cases, the new structures are quite small andshops or restaurants are placed on the bottom floor. Maybethe most fortunate are the sites that remain empty and unusedfor one reason or another.

The vacant site used in this exercise is a deep and narrow plotof land, sandwiched between a small restaurant and a dentistryhospital. Behind the restaurant is a low rise, three story,apartment complex. Along the rear edge of the site sits asmall detached single family residence. The site frontmeasures 7.5 meters and the total depth is 24 meters;approximately 190 sq. meters total, including the bootlegportion at the rear. Across the street sits a number of truly"machiya-like" structures, one with a vegetable shop thatopens directly into the street in front of the site.

The initial act, now that the site is clear, is to provide a seriesof concrete frames. This is a simple set of walls that serves asa firm foundation. There are three frames with a corridorspace left between each and one corridor space defined alongthe right edge from front to back. The roof structure is asystem of prefabricated trusses topped with the standard tileassembly. This is the shell.

The resulting plan is quite similar to the machiya prototypeplan discussed in section two. The plan and section are thendivided into zones. The street front frame comprises the retailzone. The frames behind the first, on the ground level, are tobe used as one residential unit for the building owner.Concerns for an elderly or handicapped person are considered

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in the layout of the main residence. The upper level willserve as a rental unit. The corridors between the frames serveas entries from the main corridor which connects the street tothe garden. The upper level of the retail frame serves as anoffice/ studio space that is used by the shop below or by thetenant of the rental apartment (in keeping with the notion thatmore and more company employees may be working fromhome via computer network systems).

This is one prototype which may serve a residential function.The form of machiya plan, in which the corridor splits thebuilding in two, may be better utilized for public or semi-public functions. While the front frame will always serve asretail space, in the second type the remaining space might beused as a community center or meeting place.

While the concrete frame is meant to increase the stability andlongevity of the project, the materials and methods used toenclose and partition the individual spaces may be lesspermanent. It is in this area that opportunities may be madefor the reuse and recycling of materials from older woodenstructures which are torn down. Certainly, a great portion ofthe material left over after the demolition of many machiyastructures is unusable. Some structural members and wellcared for components could be reused. Informal surveys madeat some local demolition sites in Fukuoka revealed that noneof the material was to be reused in construction. Almost all ofthe remaining wood is to be processed in making paper; therest simply discarded or burned. There have been successfulmovements in Japan to encourage the recycling of buildingmaterials. One organization is working to preserve materialsfrom demolished farm houses, minka, and link contractorswith the recycled supplies. The organization recognizes thatthe success of such a recycling program depends not so muchon the careful stockpiling of material, but on finding andcreating opportunities for the material to be reused.iv Aproject such as the one proposed here may serve as such anopportunity.

Another effect that such a construction process may have is toprovide an area for the preservation of certain small scale crafttechniques. While the small scale retail spaces are meant toprovide opportunity to local family merchants and start upshops, the making of the building itself might provideopportunity to smaller contractors and local craftsmen.

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This architectural act, I would hope, might serve as a simpleexample for a pattern that might be developed along the entirestreet. As older homes are demolished as necessary, a newmachiya standard might be developed. Certainly though, thereare other factors outside the realm of architectural designalone which would strengthen such an attempt. Essentially,guidelines, new "caretakers," must be generated by localcitizens and the local government administration. Within theproject there is opportunity for experimentation.

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lower level upper level

market - retailelderly housing

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• The frame zones might be used as ways to test new formsof shared or transferred land ownership between theindividual and the city, or from owner to tenant. Thismight in turn provide and incentive for the easing of therestrictive tax code.

• Requirements for future construction must not permit theapartment tower along the main street.

• New construction should be kept close to the edge of thestreet, to maintain the "room." Setbacks must be keptwithin a certain maximum, not a minimum, distance. Thecurrent trend for new construction along this corridor is topull the building back away from the street, theoreticallyproviding more space for pedestrians. Unfortunately, thetheory proves ineffective as most of the reclaimed spaceis turned into clumsy and unwelcoming parking lots-degrading the quality of the streetscape, the pedestrianpath, and the transition of public to private realms.

• Interior community parking facilities must be maintained.Projects such as this often receive criticism concerningthe restriction of individual automobiles. It is consideredunfair and inhibiting to expect people to "walk" anydistance, especially in the rain, to accomplish daily tasks.To this type of argument, I might only suggest that thisseems a very "American" assumption. The state of theAmerican city and suburb demands that an individual carbe ready and available at all times. The city of Japan ismuch different. Japanese cities, even in the extremedensities of Tokyo, do maintain a fine grain. The goodmixture is at least true of residential and shop facilities.Unfortunately, connections to green space do not fare sowell. Still, walking is generally not seen as an unfair"expectation." In fact, the use of the car is often moretrouble than it is worth- rain or no rain. As long as a goodfine grain is maintained- which is basically what thisproject attempts to do- then the American surbanite'sargument is rather lacking. The Hakozaki communityalready has in place a number of central parking lotswhich are protected from the rain and shared by localresidents. This practice must be maintained andenhanced.

• Access to green space must be addressed. While thestreet character is intended to be a room defined bybuilding facades and the street floor, some of the corridorpaths must allow access to public green spaces. In thecase of this project, the side corridor leads to an opengarden. The corridor becomes an in-between- frompublic to private. Such alleyways are found in the narrowcorridor streets of the Pontocho quarter of Kyoto. Smallsigns above the alley entry indicate if this is a public orprivate path. The close proximity to private propertyserves to reinforce the status of the alleyway and to keep aclose check on "undesired activity." The garden spacemay serve, much like the parking facilities, as a sharedcommon space for a neighborhood block.

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i Banerjee (Lynch), p. 186ii The Daily Yomiuri Newspaper article, “Land PricesTumble…” 21 Sept 99, p.1iii The Daily Yomiuri Newspaper article, “Pedestrian,Bicycle…” 22 Sep 99iv Japanese Newspaper article

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GOAL-FORM RELATIONSHIP

Lynch stated that there are three basic types of theoriesconcerning the making of a city. First, the "decision" theoriesare concerned with the complex planning decisions and howthey directly affect the city. Second, "functional" theories areabout the actual spatial structures and dynamics of the city.And third, is the "normative" theories, which seek to explainrelationships between human value systems and city form.This third type of theory is the type which Lynch very oftenfocused upon and tried to refine. One of his primary concernswas in the study of goal-form relationships.

"This approach is concerned with how physical arrangementsfacilitate or inhibit various individual and social objectives."i

I would argue that although he might not have intended toaddress the neighborhood scale, this notion is valuable onmany levels- urban and rural. Therefore, I shall attempt to usethis type of analysis in the example of the Hakozakineighborhood.

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Consider, as I have already stated, that the physicalarrangements plus the individual form of the machiya type,did facilitate the rich social sense that still lingers in thecommunity. The "social objectives," whether they wereconsciously perceived goals or not, such as interpersonalcommunication, flexibility, and community involvement, werewell sustained. As the physical character of the neighborhoodchanges, it is a fair and necessary question to ask- do thesocial objectives thrive or suffer? Now, that is of courseassuming that the objectives themselves have not changed.True, I think it is, that certain values will shift and be alteredby each generation. But, I also think it may be safe to assumethat the goals of "good living" in a good community mayessentially remain stable. As proof of this, consider thefollowing findings. Surveys conducted by Hirai Kiyosiindicate that of persons living in multi-story apartment towers,only 10% of those surveyed wish to reside in such a structurepermanently. Between 50% and 70%, depending on whichtype of apartment tower, low or high rise, indicate that thesituation is only temporary and there is still a strong desire tomove to a single detached house. The strongest reason givenfor the move to apartment towers is in order to avoid longcommutes to inner city jobs.ii

Data taken from the Economic Planning Agency of Japan(Kokumin seikatsu hakusho) in 1990 back the survey results.From 1968 to 1988, despite incredible growth of city densities,the percentage of detached houses remained nearly constant atan average of 64%, dropping only four percentage pointsduring that time. Far greater declines were found in thetownhouse type (from 14.7% to 6.7%) and apartments of lessthan three stories (13.7% to 11.6%). The multi-story tower ofgreater than three stories made a dramatic increase from just4.7% in 1968 to 18.9% in 1988.iii Be assured that continues toincrease at a sensational pace today.

This analytical data reveals something about the Japanesesensibility for housing. If the percentage of single detachedhouses has remained nearly constant, even as multi-storytowers have greatly increased, then it would seem that therestill exists a strong devotion to that type. Following this lineof thought, it could be assumed that the desire remains for notonly the image of the detached house but for what itrepresents. Following Turner's argument in Housing byPeople, the importance of the house is what it does and notsimply what it is. The single house retains a fundamentalrelation to the garden, the street, the community, the city, thatthe multi-story tower has been unable to maintain or improveupon. While the multi-story tower may be better suited forcertain economic concerns, still a balance of scale is present inthe townhouse and shared shop composition that strikes achord in the consciousness of the Japanese.

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CONCLUSION

In a matter of convenient timing, the Nihon Keizai Shinbun(Japan Economic Newspaper) recently carried an editorialtitled “Urban revitalization.” The focus of the article was onthe need for Japanese cities to “make good use of decliningland prices by revitalizing” urban neighborhoods. Theatmosphere of declining land prices, as mentioned above, havebeen assisted by new central government tax incentives forhousing loans. The article acknowledges that the surging landprices in the time of the bubble economy forced most cityresidents to flee to the suburbs in order to find affordablehousing.

“When the myth that land prices would never decline was stillalive, land developers focused solely on making money. Theydid not give much consideration to developing cities thatwould be fit to live in 100 years later. However, the death ofthe ‘land myth’ is making it possible to develop well-planned,comfortable cities. The shortening of distances between officeareas and residential areas is the best example of new cityplanning. The government should continue to promotehousing construction in city centers. The development ofinfrastructure, such as parks and streets in metropolitanareas, is also being facilitated by falling land prices. Thegovernment should engage in dialogues with residents andcontinue to develop spacious housing environments throughthe effective use of idle land.”iii

Indeed public awareness is rising. A city plan, a housingscheme, based only on corporate strategies, maximizingconsumption, and streamlining infrastructure led to a bubblecity feeding the bubble economy. The bubble has burst and itis time to readjust the focus.

Ceaselessly, the river of city life will continue to flow.Therefore, a progressive redevelopment of an urbanneighborhood in Japan, using design principles ofdevelopmental vernacular and ‘smart growth’ is in keepingwith both the need for balanced urban renewal andmaintaining chords of continuity with historic communitypatterns and rituals. Admittedly it is far from being a totalsolution to all of the problems associated with a city, or ruralcommunity, in rapid transition. This method, though, aims atleast to provide a rich and rewarding contribution to thetexture which makes up the remarkable urban fabric. This isone of the tools to be used in readjusting the focus from city,housing, and citizens as economic fuel, to the dynamiccommunity as an engine that drives economic, cultural,intellectual, and personal growth and connectivity on a widerange of scales.The machiya order must be reborn, rediscovered, andrenewed.

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Section Three Endnotes

i Banerjee (Lynch), p.279ii Trends in Japanese Housing, Economic Planning Agency ofJapan (Kokumin seikatsu hakusho) ,1990iii Nihon Keizai Shinbum Newspaper article, “Urbanrevitalization” 23 Sep 99

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GLOSSARY OF TERMS

• Ashigatame- main floor beam• Bugyo Mado- rectangular opening with thich plastered

mullions (over wood or iron bar with wire netting) withinterior sliding shutter

• Daidoko- central family room• Daishigeta-zukri- upper wall of house cantillevers

beyond the lower wall (segai-zukuri)• Dashigeta-Zukuri- construction to produce deep eaves,

rafters rest on beam supproted by brackets projected fromwall surface, sometimes plastered over entirely

• Degoshi- latice work screen which projects out frombetween columns by 1 to 1.5 shaku

• Dodai- the groundsill beam• Dozo-zukuri- main storehouse construction with thick

daub and plaster finish over all the supporting timbers, ahighly fire resistant construction type

• En-geta- veranda beam• Hachimaki- part under eaves or at gables which is

plastered and daubed, on all four sides of dozo-zukuri, ongable ends only of nuriya-zukuri

• Haramaki- band of tiles about halfway up the walls of abuilding, on all four sides of dozo-zukuri, on gable endsonly of nuriya-zukuri

• Hashira- wooden structural column• Hijiri Mado- small projecting window with lattice set in

fence or perimeter wall, with two sliding shutters setinside the lattice

• Hiragawara- flat tiles used occasionally for cappingwalls

• Hiragoshi- lattice of various slat intervals fixed betweencolumns

• Hirameji Kawabari- exterior wall finish with squaretiles and plaster grouting which does not protrude abovetop serface of tile (simpler than namako kabe to construct)

• Hisashitsuki Kirizuma Yane- gabled roof with canopyadded at gable end to give appearance of a hipped andgabled roof, the upper and lower end walls are in the sameplain

• Hongawara- tiling composed of both half round andslightly curved tiles in alternating sequenced

• Honshiki Irimoya Yane- roof with sloping faces on allfour side with triangular sections of wall (tsuma) at twoupper ends which are set back from the first floor endwalls

• Kabuki- lintel type entrance, two columns joined by awall plate

• Keta- interior beam• Kiji-no-Takuri- exposed rafters on front elevation at first

floor level• Kirizuma Yane- simple gabled roof• Kojiki Mado- small peep hole with wooden slats in wall

beside main entry

80

• Komatsunagi- metal fitting of ring and backing platefixed to board at base of lattice screens

• Koshi- lattice mainly found on first floor front elevationfixed between columns and sills, two or three short andnarrow slats placed between full length main vertical slats

• Koshido- main entry sliding door with vertical latticeusually with a spacing of two to three times the width ofthe slats, three to five horizontal slats hold vertical latticein place

• Koshimaki- skirt of tiles at base of building• Kurashiki Mado- second floor, front elevation windows

with three or five vertical timber mullions in tsunogaraframe

• Machiya- buildings with both dwelling and places ofwork or trade (“machi”- town block; “ya”- house)

• Mairado- panelled door let into fence or perimeter wallwith horizontal battens of wood fixed at regular intervalson its surface

• Maku-kake- long, chamfered beam under canopy bay orlean-to roof

• Mizukiri Gawara- layer(s) of tile set in walls to provideshort canopy

• Mizukiri Hisashi- shallow stepped canopy withsupporting brackets

• Mura- rural Japanese village• Mushiko Mado- second floor, front elevation windows

with thick vertical mullion• Mushiko-mado- heavilly mullioned windows• NamakoKabe- exterior wall finish with square tiles and

semi-circular plaster grouting• Noki-geta- eave beams• Noren- dyed curtains hanging at the entrance of buildings• Nuki- horizontal wall tie• Nurigome-no-Taruki- covering of rafters at eaves with

plaster and daub for fireproofing• Nuriya-zukuri- side walls and second floor wall of front

elevation made with thin daub and plaster finish, coveringthe entire timber structure

• Ohoto- sliding entry door to a main building, 1 to 1.5 kenwide

• Renjigoshi (or Shimotayagoshi)- style of lattice screenwith slats spaced apart one to three times the width of theslats, from Meiji period, later style than koshi style

• Sage Odare- panneling up to 1 shaku deep fixed at theedge of front elevation roofs for protection from sun andrain, ssimilarto throating plate

• Sangawara- pantiles, wave shaped in section, usebeginning ni Meiji period

• Shinkabe- half-timbe style• Shinkabe-Zukuri- all timber members exposed, daub or

plaster walls thinner than structure, now banned in urbanareas

• Shitomido- hinged shutters, propped open with a stick

81

• Taka-yuka- earliest structures with raised floorconstruction

• Tate-ana- the “pit house,” earliest house form• Torinawa- earthen floor passage from the front entry to

the back garden• Tsubo-niwa- interior courtyard garden• Tsuke-shoin- freely composed shapes of alcove windows• Udatsu- raised fire break on roof• Zashiki- entry parlour• Zushi Nikai- attic like space with low ceiling on second

floor of Edo period machiya

82

IMAGE CREDITS

Section One

Image 01 from Architecture without Architectsby Bernard Rudophsky

Image 02 from Architecture without Architectsby Bernard Rudophsky

Image 03 from Architecture without Architectsby Bernard Rudophsky

Section Two

Image 01Image 02

Section Three

Image 01Image 02

All other tables, sketches, and diagrams prepared by author

83

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J O H N L I N A M J R2 4 0 J o h n F r a n c e R o a d

J o n e s b o r o u g h , T N 3 7 6 5 9U S A

4 2 3 . 9 1 3 . 2 5 5 4j e l i n a m @ a o l . c o m

8.88 - 12.99 college of architecture and urban studies.virginia polytechnic institute and state universityblacksburg, virginiamaster of architecture

8.90 – 5.95 college of architecture and urban studies.virginia polytechnic institute and state universityblacksburg, virginiabachelor of architecture

5.90 – 8.93 mountcastle development corporation.johnson city, tennesseecommercial/ retailpreliminary site planning, perspective renderings

6.93 – 12.93 inadomi architect and associates.tokyo, japanreligious and residentialconstruction drawings, presentation models

1.95 – 5.95 leonard currie and associates, faia.blacksburg, virginiaresidentialconstruction drawings, field data collection

4.96 – 8.98 wagner murray architects.charlotte, north carolinacommercial/ adaptive reuse/ stadiumall phases of project development, client contact, designdevelopment, system integration, construction administration,and construction documents