International African Institute

Industriearbeit und Kulturwandel in Nigeria. Kulturelle Implikationen des Wandels von einertraditionellen Stammesgesellschaft zu einer modernen Industriegesellschaft by Hans DieterSeibelReview by: Jürgen H. WolffAfrica: Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 39, No. 1 (Jan., 1969), pp. 86-87Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the International African InstituteStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1157960 .

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making. High office is described as a ' scarce resource 'and its uniqueness is seen as an attri- bute of its scarcity, which also magnifies the conflict situation which is involved in the transfer of office. Supreme office can only be obtained by depriving someone else of it. Dynastic office, as opposed to high political office in a democracy or a managing director- ship in a firm, is represented as a form of transmittable property. In part, of course, it is this, and it is refreshing to see high offices stripped of their veils of mysticism, but surely their very uniqueness makes them unamenable to examination through economic analogies. Moreover, the highest office in a nation, whatever rewards it may bring its incumbent, also, as Southwold points out for Buganda, ' exists for the sake of the nation'. And the nation, at any rate when weapons are simple, can take back the ' resource' if it feels strongly enough that it has got into wrong hands or that it is being over exploited. The people share in the office and though the candidate may capture the kingship equally the 'kingship captures the king '. Southwold's comparison of high office to a ' substantial prize ', which is competed for by a limited number of players who are bound by a set of rules (though some may cheat) seems more apt. (After all, winners of beauty competitions are crowned as Queens.) Furthermore high offices are not always considered worth pursuing; as Goody himself states,' in contemporary Gonja many young men turn down the " carrot" of chief- ship ', and ' chiefship of the first rank is not in itself a scarce good '. Secondly, in Appendix I Goody distinguishes between Offices and Titles but in the essays this distinction is not always clear. Thirdly, in a comparative study of this type, the point that 'political sub- ordination is quite consistent with domestic equality' might have been given greater emphasis. This is a fact which readers brought up in societies in which there are considerable social and economic inequalities, but which maintain ideologies of political equality, find hard to grasp, but it is essential to the understanding of many African political systems.

P. T. W. BAXTER

Industriearbeit und Kulturwandel in Nigeria. Kulturelle Implikationen des Wandels von einer tradi- tionellen Stammesgesellschaft zu einer modernen Industriegesellschaft. By HANS DIETER SEIBEL. K6ln und Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag I968. Pp. 503. DM 40. (Ordo Politicus, Ver6ffentlichungen des Arnold-Bergstraesser-Instituts, ed. Prof. Dr. Dieter Obernd6rfer, vol. 9.)

THIS book offers facts and theories on cultural change (in the interpretation of Bronislaw Malinowski as 'the process, by which the existing order of a society, that is its social, spiritual, and material civilization, is transformed from one type to another ') among indus- trial workers in Nigeria. It uses the old-established terms 'traditional' and 'modern ', without giving them an empirical meaning; in other words, they are regarded as ideal types in Max Weber's terminology. It is based upon interviews (I963/4) with industrial workers in Ibadan and Ikeja (near Lagos) and with villagers in Southern Nigeria. One objection is that Seibel has not used a random sample, so that his results, among others his findings as to differences between tribes, cannot, without further inquiry, be regarded as valid for the whole of Nigeria or even Western Nigeria. He draws parallels between the traditional society (whose conditions are drawn from literary sources, unfortunately mostly old ones, and not detailed enough) and the present-day industrial workers. Some of his main results are that: there are elements in the traditional occupations which facilitate the adaptation to industrial activities; generally, not an individual, but a whole group from a family enters modern pro- fessions; workers value technical occupations more than white-collar jobs; the larger the number of tribes represented in a firm, the better are the inter-tribal relations; as far as the consciousness of 'belonging ' in the town is concerned the family group remains intact;

making. High office is described as a ' scarce resource 'and its uniqueness is seen as an attri- bute of its scarcity, which also magnifies the conflict situation which is involved in the transfer of office. Supreme office can only be obtained by depriving someone else of it. Dynastic office, as opposed to high political office in a democracy or a managing director- ship in a firm, is represented as a form of transmittable property. In part, of course, it is this, and it is refreshing to see high offices stripped of their veils of mysticism, but surely their very uniqueness makes them unamenable to examination through economic analogies. Moreover, the highest office in a nation, whatever rewards it may bring its incumbent, also, as Southwold points out for Buganda, ' exists for the sake of the nation'. And the nation, at any rate when weapons are simple, can take back the ' resource' if it feels strongly enough that it has got into wrong hands or that it is being over exploited. The people share in the office and though the candidate may capture the kingship equally the 'kingship captures the king '. Southwold's comparison of high office to a ' substantial prize ', which is competed for by a limited number of players who are bound by a set of rules (though some may cheat) seems more apt. (After all, winners of beauty competitions are crowned as Queens.) Furthermore high offices are not always considered worth pursuing; as Goody himself states,' in contemporary Gonja many young men turn down the " carrot" of chief- ship ', and ' chiefship of the first rank is not in itself a scarce good '. Secondly, in Appendix I Goody distinguishes between Offices and Titles but in the essays this distinction is not always clear. Thirdly, in a comparative study of this type, the point that 'political sub- ordination is quite consistent with domestic equality' might have been given greater emphasis. This is a fact which readers brought up in societies in which there are considerable social and economic inequalities, but which maintain ideologies of political equality, find hard to grasp, but it is essential to the understanding of many African political systems.

P. T. W. BAXTER

Industriearbeit und Kulturwandel in Nigeria. Kulturelle Implikationen des Wandels von einer tradi- tionellen Stammesgesellschaft zu einer modernen Industriegesellschaft. By HANS DIETER SEIBEL. K6ln und Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag I968. Pp. 503. DM 40. (Ordo Politicus, Ver6ffentlichungen des Arnold-Bergstraesser-Instituts, ed. Prof. Dr. Dieter Obernd6rfer, vol. 9.)

THIS book offers facts and theories on cultural change (in the interpretation of Bronislaw Malinowski as 'the process, by which the existing order of a society, that is its social, spiritual, and material civilization, is transformed from one type to another ') among indus- trial workers in Nigeria. It uses the old-established terms 'traditional' and 'modern ', without giving them an empirical meaning; in other words, they are regarded as ideal types in Max Weber's terminology. It is based upon interviews (I963/4) with industrial workers in Ibadan and Ikeja (near Lagos) and with villagers in Southern Nigeria. One objection is that Seibel has not used a random sample, so that his results, among others his findings as to differences between tribes, cannot, without further inquiry, be regarded as valid for the whole of Nigeria or even Western Nigeria. He draws parallels between the traditional society (whose conditions are drawn from literary sources, unfortunately mostly old ones, and not detailed enough) and the present-day industrial workers. Some of his main results are that: there are elements in the traditional occupations which facilitate the adaptation to industrial activities; generally, not an individual, but a whole group from a family enters modern pro- fessions; workers value technical occupations more than white-collar jobs; the larger the number of tribes represented in a firm, the better are the inter-tribal relations; as far as the consciousness of 'belonging ' in the town is concerned the family group remains intact;

86 86 REVIEWS OF BOOKS REVIEWS OF BOOKS

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formal education and migration from the land to the town are fully accepted by villagers; to belong to a 'modern' religion, either Islam or Christianity, is a precondition for a modern job; the social management of the firm has a decisive influence on the adaptation of the workers (cf. Peter Kilby, 'African Labour Productivity Reconsidered ', Economic Journal, lxxi (1961), pp. 483-91).

The book ends with an analysis of the influence of different factors on the process of modernization. It is facilitated by a system of status allocation based on personal skill in the traditional environment, by a high degree of training, by being older, and by better payment. Family status and place of birth seem to be without influence.

In spite of several points which can be justly criticized Seibel's book must be regarded as a pioneering and challenging study in a field in which there has as yet been little research, on the adaptation to industrial work in Africa. A number of stereotypes of' the' African factory worker will have to be abandoned as a consequence of his study. The English- speaking reader would certainly welcome a summary in English.

JURGEN H. WOLFF

Les Paysans du Senegal. Par PAUL PELISSIER. 87 Saint-Yriex: Imprimerie Fabregue, 1966. Pp. xv+94I, fig., bibl., 64 pl. photo h.t.

CETTE etude couvre la partie de l'Etat du Senegal comprise entre le Cayor et la Casamance, soit pratiquement toute sa moitie occidentale. Elle interesse plus que la geographie humaine, puisque, comme le precise le sous-titre, elle s'attache aux civilisations agraires en faisant ressortir l'originalite des groupes humains et en recherchant leurs techniques propres de mise en valeur du milieu naturel. Celui-ci varie d'ailleurs passablement avec l'ecart de latitude (d'ou pluies, sols et vegetations differentes) et trois grands ensembles sont degages: le domaine sahelo-soudanien, le domaine soudanien et la Casamance des rivieres du Sud.

Au domaine sahelo-soudanien correspond le bassin de l'arachide et l'opposition se fait jour du Nord au Sud entre Wolof et Serer. Les premiers descendent d'une societe f6odale; ils se sont adonnes massivement a la culture de l'arachide et ont fatigue leurs sols; les deuxiemes constituent une paysannerie qui atteint a des densites elevees (50 a 70 h/kmz), mais ayant su maintenir la fertilite de ses champs par un emploi judicieux de la jachere, par l'association du troupeau et de l'arbre d'ou derive pour le paysage un aspect de parc; les Serer semblent de plus rester a l'ecart du mouvement urbain. La conquete pionniere des Wolof mourid dans les terres neuves du Ferlo est finement analysee.

Le domaine soudanien, sauf secteurs particuliers comme les iles du Saloum occupees par des paysans navigateurs et enclaves anciennes, est l'objet d'une colonisation recente sous l'effet du developpement de la culture de traite. Formee d'elements d'origines diverses, elle tend a se fondre dans une societe wolovisee et islamisee. En Casamance soudanienne, la faible population est partagee entre Peul sedentarises, Manding heritiers d'une f6odalite militaire reconvertie a la culture, Balant tenant d'une societe egalitaire et inorganisee, chaque groupe ayant ses propres techniques de mise en valeur avec des resultats tres marques sur le paysage.

Les Rivieres du Sud representent le domaine le plus curieux, tant par le milieu, avec ses plateaux cloisonnes et originellement a l'etat de foret, et ses marais et son estuaire ou se developpe la mangrove, que par ses hommes, essentiellement Dioula. Cette population emiette politiquement a su elaborer des techniques rizicoles tres savantes pour gagner ses rizieres sur les sols salins et leur assurer une utilisation intensive, mais les plateaux sont aussi maintenant conquis a l'arachide. L'influence mandingue s'affirme cependant et entraine une transformation de la societe avec tendances a l'emigration.

formal education and migration from the land to the town are fully accepted by villagers; to belong to a 'modern' religion, either Islam or Christianity, is a precondition for a modern job; the social management of the firm has a decisive influence on the adaptation of the workers (cf. Peter Kilby, 'African Labour Productivity Reconsidered ', Economic Journal, lxxi (1961), pp. 483-91).

The book ends with an analysis of the influence of different factors on the process of modernization. It is facilitated by a system of status allocation based on personal skill in the traditional environment, by a high degree of training, by being older, and by better payment. Family status and place of birth seem to be without influence.

In spite of several points which can be justly criticized Seibel's book must be regarded as a pioneering and challenging study in a field in which there has as yet been little research, on the adaptation to industrial work in Africa. A number of stereotypes of' the' African factory worker will have to be abandoned as a consequence of his study. The English- speaking reader would certainly welcome a summary in English.

JURGEN H. WOLFF

Les Paysans du Senegal. Par PAUL PELISSIER. 87 Saint-Yriex: Imprimerie Fabregue, 1966. Pp. xv+94I, fig., bibl., 64 pl. photo h.t.

CETTE etude couvre la partie de l'Etat du Senegal comprise entre le Cayor et la Casamance, soit pratiquement toute sa moitie occidentale. Elle interesse plus que la geographie humaine, puisque, comme le precise le sous-titre, elle s'attache aux civilisations agraires en faisant ressortir l'originalite des groupes humains et en recherchant leurs techniques propres de mise en valeur du milieu naturel. Celui-ci varie d'ailleurs passablement avec l'ecart de latitude (d'ou pluies, sols et vegetations differentes) et trois grands ensembles sont degages: le domaine sahelo-soudanien, le domaine soudanien et la Casamance des rivieres du Sud.

Au domaine sahelo-soudanien correspond le bassin de l'arachide et l'opposition se fait jour du Nord au Sud entre Wolof et Serer. Les premiers descendent d'une societe f6odale; ils se sont adonnes massivement a la culture de l'arachide et ont fatigue leurs sols; les deuxiemes constituent une paysannerie qui atteint a des densites elevees (50 a 70 h/kmz), mais ayant su maintenir la fertilite de ses champs par un emploi judicieux de la jachere, par l'association du troupeau et de l'arbre d'ou derive pour le paysage un aspect de parc; les Serer semblent de plus rester a l'ecart du mouvement urbain. La conquete pionniere des Wolof mourid dans les terres neuves du Ferlo est finement analysee.

Le domaine soudanien, sauf secteurs particuliers comme les iles du Saloum occupees par des paysans navigateurs et enclaves anciennes, est l'objet d'une colonisation recente sous l'effet du developpement de la culture de traite. Formee d'elements d'origines diverses, elle tend a se fondre dans une societe wolovisee et islamisee. En Casamance soudanienne, la faible population est partagee entre Peul sedentarises, Manding heritiers d'une f6odalite militaire reconvertie a la culture, Balant tenant d'une societe egalitaire et inorganisee, chaque groupe ayant ses propres techniques de mise en valeur avec des resultats tres marques sur le paysage.

Les Rivieres du Sud representent le domaine le plus curieux, tant par le milieu, avec ses plateaux cloisonnes et originellement a l'etat de foret, et ses marais et son estuaire ou se developpe la mangrove, que par ses hommes, essentiellement Dioula. Cette population emiette politiquement a su elaborer des techniques rizicoles tres savantes pour gagner ses rizieres sur les sols salins et leur assurer une utilisation intensive, mais les plateaux sont aussi maintenant conquis a l'arachide. L'influence mandingue s'affirme cependant et entraine une transformation de la societe avec tendances a l'emigration.

REVIEWS OF BOOKS REVIEWS OF BOOKS 87 87

This content downloaded from 188.72.127.79 on Sat, 14 Jun 2014 21:28:01 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions