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Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European Linguistics, 2017

Indo-European Phonology | M. J. Kmmel, [email protected] 1

Indo-European Phonology

Preliminaries

Notation:

*j (or *y), *w instead of *i, *u

(not ) for voiced aspiration

IE sound system

IE vowels

Common vowel system reflected in earliest languages

*i *u * *

*e *o * *

*a *

+ some vowels correspondences with zero, e.g.

i = a = a = = = a ... (between obstruents)

= a = o = u = i = ... (with *l/r)

= a = a/e = u = i = ... (with *m/n)

Distributional peculiarities:

*a (and *) rather rare and mostly confined to beginning or end of root

Long vowels with restricted occurrence

PIE consonant system (neo-traditional) labial dental palatal velar labiovelar laryngeal

stops: voiceless = tenues *p *t *k *k *k

voiced = mediae (*b) *d *g *g *g

voiced aspirated = asperae *b *d *g *g *g

fricatives *s *h, *h, *h

glides *j *w

liquids *l, *r

nasals *m *n

More about *h, *h, *h later

IE sounds: Overview of main correspondences

Vowels: monophthongs PIE i e a o u iH/ /eh aH/ /oH uH/

PAn i e,i,a? a o (?) u ,i ,e/,e ,a ,o ,u

Hitt i e,i,a a ,a u ,i ,e ,a ,u

Luw i a,i a ,a u ,i ,i/,a ,a ,u

Lyc i e,i,a a,e e,a u i i/a a,e e,a u

PT , a ,a,o i/ya e,a a u/wa

toch.B , a e,a,o i/ya e,a o a u/wa

toch.A , a,o i/y a, a u/w

mailto:[email protected]



PII i a /a u /iH /uH

Skt. i a /a u

Pli i a /a u

Av. i a,,e,o, ,a /a,,e,o, u ,i ,a ,u

OPers. i a /a u

MPers. i a,e,o /a u

Parth. i a,e,o /a u

Oss.d. i ,a a/,a u i a u

Bactr. i a /a u

Khwar. i a /a u i u

Sogd. ,i a,e a,e/ ,u ,i ,u

Khot. ,i a,, ,e/a,, u, ,i ,e u,

Arm. i/ e a o u/ i/ a u/

Phryg. i e a,o? o u

Alb. i je,ie,ja,e,i a,e, u,y i o,e/uo e,i/ye y,i

messap. i e a u ?

PGr. i e a o u

Gr. Att. i, e,e a, o,o y, /

Gr. Lesb. i e a o u

Gr. Lac. i, e, a, o, u,

Ven. i e a o u

PIt. i e a o,a u

Lat. i e,o,u/i a/e,i o,a/u,i u,i ,i ,

Osc. e a u i aa, uu i

Umbr. e e a o u i a, u i

PCelt. i e a o u ,i / ,u

Celtib. i e a o u ,i / ,u

Gaul. i e a o u ,i / ,u

OIr. i,e,u e,i,a a o,u u,o ,i,e / ,u,o

Welsh y,e e,y,a a,e,ei o,e,a/w,y w,o i,y,e aw,o aw,o/i i,w,o

PGerm. i e,i a u ,i ,u

Goth. i,ai i,ai a u,au ei,i,ai e o ,u

NWG i,e e,i a u/o ,i,e ,u,o

ON i,y,/e, ja,j,e,/i,y, a,e,, u/y/o, , ,, , ,

OSw i,y,ju/, j,jo,,/i,y,ju a,,o, u,y/o, ,y , , ,y

OE i/e,eo e,eo/i ,e,a,ea u,y/o,e ~,/ , ~ ,

OF i,ju/e e/i,ju e,a u,e~i/o,e / , ,~

OS i/e e/i a,e u/o ~uo

OHG i/ /i a,e u/o uo

PSl i e [] a//u u

OCS e o/ i a/y y

ONRu e o/,e i a/,y y

PBalt. i e a u

OPr. i e a u ~e ~ ~, ~o

Lith. i e a,e u y o uo

Latv. i e, a,e u , uo




Vowels: diphthongs PIE ej aj oj ew aw ow j j j w w w

PAn e ai oi au ou i i i u u u

Hitt e,i ai,e ai,e u au,u au,u e ai ai au au

Luw i i i u u u

Lyc i i i u u u

PT y ay y w aw w ey y ay ew w aw

TB i ai ey u au ew ey oy ai ew ow au

TA i e e u o o e e e o o o

PII ai ai ai au au au i i i u u u

Skt. e e e o o o ai ai ai au au au

Pli e e e o o o e e e o o o

Av. a,i/ a,i/ a,i/ ao, u/ ao, u/ ao, u/ i i i u u u

OPers. ai ai ai au au au i i i u u u

MPers.

Parth.

Oss. e e e o o o

Bactr.

Khwar.

Sogd.

Khot. ,u ,u ,u

Arm. /i ay /i iw?/oy/u aw oy/u

Phryg. ey ay oy av

Alb. i e,i e,i a,e a,e a,e

Mess. ei ai ou>ao>o ou>ao>o

PGr. ei ai oi eu au ou i i i u u u

Gr. Att. e ai oi eu au o > i i i u u u

Gr. Lesb. ei ai oi eu au ou

Gr. Lac. ei ai oi eu au ou

Ven. ei ai oi ou au ou

PIt. ei ai oi ou au ou i i i u u

Lat. e > ae ,,oe au /ae

Osc. e a v av v a u

Umbr. e e e o o o

PCelt. ei ai oi ou au ou ? i i>i u? u

Celtib. ei>? ai oi ou au ou ui

Gaul. ai oi ui

OIr. ,a a o ,a ,a *u

Welsh wy oe,ae u u aw,o u

PGerm. ai ai eu au au

Goth. ei ai ai iu au au

NWG ai ai eu,iu au au

ON , ei,ey/, ei,ey,, i,i, au,ey,, au,ey,,

OSw ,y /, /, i,y /, /,

OE , , o,o,e a,~e a,~e

OF , , ia,iu , ,

OS io,iu

OHG ei, ei, io,iu ou, ou,

PSl ai> ai> j

OCS i ,i ,i ju u u u




ONRu i ,i ,i ju u u u

PBalt. ei ai ai jau au au i u

OPr. ei ai ai iau au au

Lith. ie,ei ie,ai ie,ai jau au au ui uo?

Latv. ie,ei ie,ai ie,ai jau au au uo?

Sonorants: syllabic PIE l r m n lH rH mH nH

PAn l r m n

Hitt al ar am,um an al ar am an

Luw al ar am an al ar am an

Lyc a,am a,an

PT l r m n l r m n

TB l r m n l r m n

TA l r m n l r m n

PII r r a/am a/an r r

Skt. r r a/am a/an r,r/ir,ur r,r/ir,ur /am /an

Pli a,i,u a,i,u a/am a/an ,/ir,ur ,/ir,ur /am /an

Av. r r a/m a/n ar ar /m /n

OPers. r r a/am a/an ar ar /am /an

MPers. ir,ur ir,ur a/am a/an ar ar /am /an

Parth. ir,ur ir,ur a/am a/an ar ar /am /an

Oss.d. r,ar r,ar ,a,on ,a,on r,ar r,ar a/m a/n

Bactr. ir,ur ir,ur a/am a/an ar ar /am /an

Khwar. i/(r) i/(r) a/am a/an a(r) a(r) /am /an

Sogd. r,ir,ur r,ir,ur a/am a/an ar ar /am /an

Khot. r,ir,ur,ar r,ir,ur,ar a/am a/an ar,r ar,r /am /an

Arm. al ar am an aa/al ar a/ar am an

Phryg. al? ar? am an

Alb. li,ul ri,ur a,e a,e la,le/ul ra,re/ur un

Mess.

PGr. l,l r,r ,m ,n lA/l rA/r mA/m nA/n

Myc. ol o or o o o lA/al rA/ar mA/ nA/

Gr. Att. la,al ra,ar a,am a,an lA/al rA/ar mA/am nA/an

Gr. Lesb. lo,ol ro,or o,om o,on lA/al rA/ar mA/am nA/an

Gr. Lac. la,al ra,ar a,am a,an lA/al rA/ar mA/am nA/an

Ven. ol or

PIt. ol or ()m ()n l/ol,al r/or,ar m/m n/n

Lat. ol or em en l/ol,al r/or,ar m/am,em n/en,an

PCelt. li/al ri/ar am an la /al ra /ar ma /am na /an

Celtib. li/al ri/ar am an la /al ra /ar ma /am na /an

Gaul. li/al ri/ar am an la /al ra /ar ma /am na /an

OIr. li,le/al ri,re/ar ,im,am ,in,an

Welsh ly/al ry/ar am,ym an,yn law/al raw/ar maw/ym naw/yn

PGerm. ul ur um un ul ur um un

Goth. ul aur um un ul aur um un

NWG ul,ol ur,or um un ul,ol ur,or um un

ON ul,ol ur,or um un ul,ol ur,or um un

OSw ul,ol ur,or um un ul,ol ur,or um un

OE ul,ol ur,or um un ul,ol ur,or um un




OF ul,ol ur,or um un ul,ol ur,or um un

OS ul,ol ur,or um un ul,ol ur,or um un

OHG ul,ol ur,or um un ul,ol ur,or um un

PSl il (ul) ir (ur) i (u) i (u) il (ul) ir,ur i,u/im,um i,u/in,un

OCS l r () , l/l (l) r/r (r) /m (/m) /n (/n)

ONRu l r (r) a (u) a (u) l r (r) a/m (u/m) a/n (u/m)

PBalt. il (ul) ir (ur) im (um) in (un) il (ul) ir (ur) im (um) in (un)

OPr. il (ul) ir (ur) im (um) in (un) il (ul) ir (ur) im (um) in (un)

Lith. il (ul) ir (ur) im, (um,) in, (un,) il (ul) ir (ur) im, (um,) in, (un,)

Latv. il (ul) ir (ur) () () il (ul) ir (ur) ,im (,um) ,in (,un)

Sonorants: nonsyllabic PIE j w r l n m

PAn j w r l n m

Hitt j/ w r l n m

Luw j/ w r l n m

Lyc j/ w r l n m

PT y w,w r l,l n, m,m

TB y w,y r l,ly n, m

TA j/ w r l,ly n, m

PII y w r r n m

Skt. y v r,l r,l n m

Pli y v,b r,l r,l n m

Av. y/ii v/uu r r n m

OPers. y v r r n m

MPers. j,y g,w r,l r,l n m

Parth. y w r r n m

Oss.d. y w r,l r,l n m

Bactr. y w r r n m

Khwar. y w r r n m

Sogd. y w r r n m

Khot. j/ b,v r,l r,l n m

Arm. y/ g,v r l n m

Phryg. j w r l n m

Alb. gj/ v r l n m

Mess. j r l n m

PGr. z,h/j, w r l n m,-n

Myc. z,h/j, w r l r n m

Gr. Att. z,h/ r l n m

Gr. Lesb. z,/ w, r l n m

Gr. Lac. z,h/ w, r l n m

Ven. j/ w r l n m

PIt. j/ w r l n m

Lat. i/ u r l n m

Osc. i/ v r l n m

PCelt. j/ w r l n m

Celtib. j/ w r l n m

Gaul. j/ w r l n m

OIr. f/ r l n m

Welsh i,/ gw,w rh,r ll,l n m




PGerm. j/ w r l n m,-n

Goth. j/ w r l n m

NWG j/ w r l n m

ON v/ r l n m

OSw v/ r l n m

OE j/ w r l n m

OF j/ w r l n m

OS j/ w r l n m

OHG j/ w r l n m

PSl j/ v r, l, n, m

OCS j/ v r, l, n, m

ONRu j/ v r, l, n, m

PBalt. j/ w r l n m

OPr. j/ w r l n m

Lith. j/ v r l n m

Latv. j/ v r l n m

Obstruents 1: fricatives, labials, dentals PIE h [h?] h [?] h [?] s p b>b >b t d>d >d

PAn x,/x, ,/ s p,b b,p b,p t,d d,t d,t

Hitt hh,h/hhu,hu h,/hu s,ss p,b b,p b,p t,d d,t d,t

Luw hh,h/hhu,w h, s,ss p,b b,p b,p t,d d,t d,t

Lyc ,g/q , h,s p,b b,p b,p t,d d,t d,t

PT /a /a /a s, p, p p,p p,p t,c/ts t,c/ts, ts,/

TB /a /a /a s, p p p t,c/ts t,c/ts, ts,/

TA / / / s, p p p t,c/ts t,c/ts, ts,/

PII /h/i h/i/ /i s, p b,b b t d,d d

Skt. /i /i /i s, p/ph bh,b b t/th dh,d d

Pli /i /i /i s p/ph bh,b b t/th dh,d d

Av. /i /i /i h,s, p/f b/f b/f t/ d/ d/

OPers. /i /i /i h,s, p/f b/f b/f t/ d/ d/

MPers. (h-/x-) h/x,s, p,b/f b,w/f b,w/f t,d/s,h d,y/h d,y/h

Parth. (i) (i) (i) h/x,s, p,b/f b,/f b,/f t,d/h d,/h d,/h

Oss. (i) (i) (i) ,s p,v/f b,v/f b,v/f t,d,c,dz,j/t,c d,dz/t d,dz/t

Bactr. (i) (i) (i) ,s, p,b/f ,b/f ,b t,d,h l,d/h l,d/h

Khwar. (i) (i) (i) ,s,x,h p,b/f ,b/f ,b t,d/ ,d/ ,d/

Sogd. (i) (i) (i) ,s, p,b/f ,b/f ,b t,d/ ,d/ ,d/

Khot. (i) (i) (i) /h,s, p,v,b/ph,h b,v/ph,h b,v/ph,h t,d/th,h d,/th,h d,/th,h

Arm. /a h,/a ,h?/a h,s,k h,p,w,b,p b,w p t,,d,h,t d,r t

Phryg. /e /a /o s p b ? t d t/d?

Alb. /a /a /a gj,sh, p b b t,s d/dh,z d/dh,z

Mess. /a /a /a h,s p b ? t d,z d,z

PGr. /e /a /o h,s p ph,p b t th,t d

Myc. /e /a /o h,s p ph p,p b p t th t,t d

Gr. Att. /e /a /o h,s p ph,p b t th,t d

Gr. Lesb. /e /a /o ,s p ph,p b t th,t d

Gr. Lac. /e /a /o h,s p ph,p b t th,t d

Ven. /a /a /a s p f/b b t f/d d

PIt. /a /a /a s,z p f,/b b t f//d d

Lat. /a /a /a s,r p f/b b t f/d,b d




Osc. /a /a /a s p f/b b t f/d d

Umbr. /a /a /a s p f/b b t f/d d

PCelt. /a /a /a s /x/,w b b t d d

Celtib. /a /a /a s /x/,w b, b, t d, d,

Gaul. /a /a /a s /x/,w b, b, t d, d,

OIr. /a /a /a s,h/ /ch,/,w b, b, t,th,d d, d,

Welsh /a /a /a h,s /j,/f,w b,f b,f t,d,th d,dd d,dd

PGerm. /a /a /a s,z f/b b p /d d t

Goth. /a /a /a s,z f/b b,f p /d d, t

NWG /a /a /a s,z f/b, b/ p /d, d, t

ON /a /a /a s,r f,v,b b/v p ,/d d, t

OE /a /a /a s,r f,v,b b,v p ,/d d t

OF /a /a /a s,r f,v,b b,v p th,/d d t

OS /a /a /a s,r f,v,b b,v p th,/d d t

OHG /a /a /a s,r v,b/p b/p pf,ff d/t t ts,ss

PSl */a */a */a s,/x, p b :b t,t d,d :d,:d

OCS */o */o */o s,/x,,s p b :b t/t d,d :d/:d

ONRu */o */o */o s,/x, p b :b t/ d/ :d/:

PBalt. */a */a */a s/ p b :b t d :d

OPr. */a */a */a s p b :b t d :d

Lith. */a */a */a s/ p b :b t, d,d :d,:d

Latv. */a */a */a s, p b :b t, d, :d,:

Obstruents 2: tectals PIE k >g >g k,g,g k >g >g

PAn k,g g g k,g g g

Hitt k,g g g k,g g g

Luw z,k/g, g, g, ? k/w w w

Lyc s,k/ ? ? ? q,t/w w w

PT k, k, k, k,k, k,k, k,k,

TB k, k, k, k,k, k,k, k,k,

TA k, k, k, k,k, k,k, k,k,

PII / j / j/ k/ g/ g/

Skt. ,, h,j/ j,/ k,kh/c gh,g/j,h g/j

Pli s/ h,j/ j/ k,kh/c gh,g/j,h g/j

Av. s/ z//s z//s k/x/c,s g/j/x g/j/x

OPers. /s/ d/z// d/z// k/x/c, g/j/x g/j/x

MPers. s,h/ d,y/z/h d/y/z/h k,g/x/,z/ g,y,w/j,z/x g,y,w/j,z/x

Parth. s/ z//h d/y/z/h k,g/x/,/ g,/j,/x g,/j,/x

Oss. s z/s z/s k,g/x/c ,q/dz/x ,q/dz/x

Bactr. s z/s z/s k,g/x/c,j/ ,g//x ,g//x

Khwar. s/? z/s z/s k,g/x/c,j/ ,g//x ,g//x

Sogd. s/ z//s z//s k,g/x// ,g//x ,g//x

Khot. s/ z//s z//s k,/kh,h/tc,c,js,j/ts,ch g,/js,j/kh,h g,/js,j/kh,h

Arm. s/c j,z c ? k,,g/x/ g,/, k/

Phryg. s? z/g ? k g k,g?

Alb. th/s/k dh,d/z/g dh,d/z/g ? k,q/s g,gj/z g,gj/z

Mess. ?/k

PGr. k kh,k g k k,k g

Myc. k kh k,k g k k q k,k q g q




Gr. Att. k kh,k g p/t ph,p/th,t b/d

Gr. Lesb. k kh,k g p ph,p b

Gr. Lac. k kh,k g p/t ph,p/th,t b/d

Ven. k h/g g cu /k/ f/w w

PIt. k x,/g g k f/ g

Lat. c (k) h/g g qu f/w/g w/gu

Osc. k (c) h g p f b

PCelt. k/x g g k/x g b

Celtib. k/x g g k/x g b

Gaul. k/x g g p /x w b

OIr. k,ch/ g, g, k/ch, g, b,

Welsh k,g,ch/j, g, g, p,b,ff/ch,j, gw,w b,v

PGerm. x/g g k x/g,g,w b/g,g,w k

Goth. h/g g k /gw,g,w b/gw,g,w q

NWG h/g, g, k hw/gw,g,,w b/gw,g,,w kw

ON h/g, g, k hv/gv,g,,v b/gv,g,,v kv

aschwe. h/g, g, k hv/gv,g,,v b/gv,g,,v kv

OE h/g,/j, g,/j, k/ hw/g,/,j/w b/g,/,j/w cw/c

OF h/g,,j,dz g,,j,dz k/ts hw/g,,j,w b/g,,j,w kw

OS h/g, g,,j k hw/g,,w b/g,w kw

OHG h/g,k g,k k(x), xx w/g,k b/g,k/w k(x)w,xx

PSl s/ z/ :z/: k//c/x g//dz :g/:/:dz

OCS s/ z/ :z/: k//c/x g//dz :g/:/:dz

ONRu s/ z/ :z/: k//x g//z :g/:/:z

PBalt. : k g :g

OPr. s z :z k g :g

Lith. : k g :g

Latv. s/ z/ :z/: k/c/ g/dz/d :g/:dz/:d

Typology and reconstruction

Cf. in general Kmmel 2016




1. Stop series

A. Reconstruction models of PIE stops

The main reflexes of stop series in IE branches, exemplified by dentals

Continuation in IE branches

T Anatolian Tocharian Indic Iranian Greek Italic Celtic Germanic Balto-Slavic Albanian

t t t t,t t, t t t/t t t

d d t,tsd

(T = neo-traditional/mainstream; H = Hopper 1973/1977; G = Gamkrelidze 1973; N = Normier 1977, V = Vennemann

1984; K = Andreev 1957; Kortlandt 1978a, 1985; Haider 1983; Kmmel 2009/2012; Weiss 2009) Kortlandts preglottalized lenis = voiceless/glottalized implosive (cf. Maddieson 1984: 111ff.)

NB: Voiced aspirates phonetically neither voiced nor aspirated, but breathy voiced. Interpreted as [+slack vocal folds],

[+spread glottis] or rather [-stiff vocal folds], [+spread glottis]? Instead of [spread glottis] rather [(positive) VOT =

Voice Onset Time].

B. Data from within the system: alternations of consonants

1) Final lenition

Stop series distinctions neutralized word-finally to mediae (at least when followed by a vowel):

*T > *D; *D > *D /_# (cf. Goddard 2007: 123f.)

Cf. 3s verbal ending *-t-i > Latin -t vs. *-d > Latin -d

2) Voicing assimilation

Clusters of obstruents must agree in laryngeal features (i.e., voicing, aspiration etc.). Normally assimilation is

regressive: voiced stops are devoiced before voiceless stops and *s (but not before laryngeals!), voiceless

stops and *s are voiced before voiced stops:

*D > *T /_T,s, cf. *awg- *wek-s-

*T > *D; *s > *z /_D, cf. *pi-pd- > *pibd-; *si-sd- > *sizd-

Directly attested in IE languages but synchronically productive innovations possible

However: *dk not assimilated to *tk, cf. developments in decade numerals:

*wi-dkmt- > PII *winat-, PCelt. *wikant-, *wk 20

*tri-dkmt- > PII *trinat-, PCelt. trikant-, *trk 30

*penke-dkmt- > *penkk > PII *panat- 50

Perfect *de-dk- > *dk- > PII *d- (maybe also in other clusters, cf. Schumacher 2005)

Loss of syllable-final *d with laryngeal-similar effects is sometimes called the Kortlandt effect,

cf. Kortlandt 1983 (cf. also possible Vedic va ar water < *wa Hr = Luw. wr < *wHr < *wdr, Lubotsky

2013b)

Original exception with mediae? Cf. *-n- for *-t- in II verbal adjectives to avoid unharmonic clusters?




3) Bartholomaes Law

Behind a (stem-final) aspirate assimilation is progressive: voiceless stops and *s become voiced and

aspirated (for media after aspirata no evidence is available):

*T > D; *s > *z /D_

Clearly a productive rule in Proto-Indo-Iranian, Sanskrit, and Old Avestan (with relics in later Iranian), but

elsewhere normally lost analogically (or never applied?).

4) Dental assibilation

Dental stops were assibilated preceding (heterosyllabic) dental stops:

*t > *ts /_t; *d > dz /_d; *d > dz /_d

Sometimes also assumed for the position before velars.

5) Siebs Law

Aspirates after initial *s > (allophonically) voiceless aspirates?

a) *skejd- > gr. skid-

*spejg- > gr. spigg-

*sperH- > Skt. sphar-, gr. spur- (but < *tsperH- after Lubotsky)

*sprag- > Skt. sphrj-, gr. sparag-

However: No assured s-less cognates!

Ambiguous due to laryngeal:

*ska- > Gr. ska- ~ *ga- to yawn > Gr. ka-

*speh- > Skt. sph-

b) Certain variation without proof of aspiration: *sterb- ~ *derb-; *beng- ~ *speng-

Voicing alternation assured, aspiration unclear! Cf. now Sturm 2016

6) Distribution in formative types

roots particles suffixes endings

tenues + + + +

asperae + + (+) (+)

mediae + (+)

mediae more marked

7) Root structure constraints

Allowed: T_T-, D_D-; D_T-, T_D-, D_D-, D_D-; T_ND-, sT_D-

Forbidden: T_D-, D_T-, D_D-

T + D (sensitive to voicing effects) | D

C. The implosive theory

Aspirates = simple explosive stops **b, d,

Mediae = implosives, i.e. nonexplosive stops **, , (not distinctively glottalized)

When these developed to explosives *b, d, , the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to

breathy voiced aspirated stops *b, d,

System typology (Kmmel 2012a; 2015)

p | b | most frequent 3 stop system type with two voiced series

most probable synchronically, nevertheless rather unstable because of tendency > d




Diachronic parallels (cf. Weiss 2009)

Proto-Thai * | *b > Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | b

(in both systems : p, in Cao Bang also : p of different origin)

Intermediate stage in other Thai languages, too:

Thai, Lao, Saek *d >*d > *t | * > d elsewhere *d > t | * > d//n/l

Mon-Khmer, viz. *Proto-Mon t | d | (> Mon t | t | ) > *t | d | d > Nyah Kur t | t | d.

Austronesian: Madurese *b, *d, *g > *b, *d, *g > p, t, k | preserved *p, *t, *k | secondary b, d, g

Distribution of implosives

Weiss: b-lacuna because of ** > *w

Kmmel: rather ** > *m (already Haider 1983 foll. Schindler),

cf. possible Uralic cognates with nasals:

PIE *jeg-i/o- ice = PU *ji

PIE *dek- to perceive = PU *nki- to see?

Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + media

compatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kmmel 2012b)

Possible implications for IE rules

Final voicing = nonexplosive articulation; perhaps also syllable-finally, preserved in *pi-b$h-V etc.

isolated example(s) of older more general rule?

Cf. allophonies in Munda and SE Asia: final stops > checked = preglottalized and unreleased, in Munda

voiced before a suffix (Donegan & Stampe 2002: 117f.)!

Bartholomaes Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration (cf. Miller 1977)

Shift only post-PIE?

Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system

Aspiration of MA but assured in IIr., Greek, Armenian, Tocharian, Italic, (Germanic?)

central innovation: sound shift * > *d / *d > *d vs. preservation in peripheral languages?

Sporadically *d (but never *d?) > *l in Luvian: Hitt. d- = luv. l-, lala- to take?

Celtic * > * > *b vs. preserved *g, *k?

Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf. Kortlandt passim)?

2. Centum and Satem

A. Dorsal stops: What kind of and how many?

Main facts and general problems

Av. satm = Lat. centum [kntm] < PIE *kmtm 100

Satem: *k > /s/ *k = *kw > k

Kentum: *k = k > k *kw > kw (> p/t)

Correspondences of IE dorsal stops (initial position) Toch. Gr. Ital. Celt. Germ. Hitt. Luv. Arm. Alb. Balt. Slav. Ind. Iran. PIE

k, k k k x k k,c s, ,k (k) s (k) s/ *c/k

k,? k,? k,c,? k k,, k,t k,x,

*k/q

k, k>p,t k k x k k k, k,c,s *k

k, g g g k g g,j ,g (g) z (g) d z/d */g




k g,,?

g g,, g,d g,d *g/

k, g>b,d g b k g w g,,z *g

k, k h g g g g,j d, (g) z (g) z/d */g

g,? g,,? g g,, g, g,d

*g/

k, k>p,t f gw b g w g, g,,z *g

Examples (in distinctive environments)

= k < *k/k: Arm. sirt, Lith. rd-, Slav. *srd- : Hitt. ker, Gr. ke r, Germ. *xert- < *kerd-/krd- heart

Skt. r-, Av. sraiian- Gr. kront- < *krejH-/*kriH- (to be) excellent

Skt. aa , Lith. atuon = Gr. okto , Lat. oct < *(H)oktH(-) eight

Skt. nas, OLith. uns Gr. kuns, OIr. con < *kuns/-s of the dog

k = kw< *kw: Av. ci-/ca-, Slav. /e- : Hitt. kui/kue-, Lat. qui-/que- < *k-/k- who, what

Skt. kr-, ORuss. krnj- : Gr. pra-, Welsh pryn- < *kwri-, kwrin- to buy

Skt. nkt-, Lith. nakt- : Gr. nukt-, Lat. noct- < *nkwt- night, Hitt. nekut- /nekwt-/

k = k < *k/q: Lith. kas-, Slav. *es- < *kes- : Hitt. kiss- < *kes- to comb

Skt. krav, Lith. krajas : Gr. kras, Lat. cruor < *kreu- blood, raw flesh

Skt. rukta = Hitt. lukta < *luk-t became light

Skt. kup- to shiver = Lat. cup- to wish < *kup- to be excited

Distributional peculiarities No labiovelars beside *w/u, no velars before *j/i

Velars dominate after *s and before *r, frequent root-finally

No labiovelars in suffixes, in roots rarely before consonants

frequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]

Threefold reflexes in small inherited corpus languages?

Armenian sirt heart < *krdi-; ork 4 < *kwetores; ker scratches < *kereti

Albanian tho(sh)- to say < *ks-; sorr crow < *kwrsn-; korr harvest < *kr(s)n-

dimr winter < *g(e)imon-; zjarm warmth < *gwermo-; gjind- to get < *gend-

Palatalization of labiovelars only? (velars in Alb. very late)

Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek, Lycian

Luvian (= Lycian and Carian)

zi- /tsi-/ to lie < *kei-; kui- /kwi-/ who, what < *kw-; ki sa- /kisa-/ to comb < *kes-

Palatalization of palatals only? Cf. Melchert, talks in Harvard 2008/Opava 2010

problematic: uncanonical conditioning before *w in HLuv. asu- horse, suwan- dog (if not loans from Indo-

Aryan), before *()R in CLuv. zurni- horn < *krn-, cf. Skt. r-ga-, zanta below, down < *kNta, cf. Gr. kat

NB: Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE velar in contrastive environment (= before front vowel),

namely kisa- to comb - How to exclude analogical generalization of *k, cf. the athematic verb in Hitt. kiss-, or

a secondary vowel?

General problem: nonpalatalization may be analogical, cf. irregularly preserved velars in Skt. kampa-,

kri-, ghas-, skambh-, sknda- (as in kar-, gam- with original labiovelar)

Counterexamples simply lacking by chance, considering that we know rather few inherited words in just

these languages?

Armenian candidates for palatalized velars (cf. Pedersen 1906: 393; Woodhouse 1998: 46f. foll. Jahukyan):

i bat, im bridle, mlel to squeeze, iw paw, hoof, descent




B. Explanations

A. Three original series

Palatals : velars : labiovelars (traditional)

Diachronically quite improbably

Main problem: palatal > velar in all Centum languages implausible, if not allophonic

Palatals should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centum

so velars must have been something else (e.g., uvulars), if distinct

Velars : labiovelars : uvulars

Kmmel 2007

Main problem: uvulars nowhere (!) preserved

B. Only two original series

Problems for all accounts: Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot! Cf. *gemH-, *em-, *gem-

Artefact of different generalizations?

1) Palatals vs. labiovelars, velars from neutralization, i.e. depalatalization or delabialization

Cf. Steensland 1973, Kortlandt 1978b

Main problem (as always): Distribution not complementary

Additional problem: presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected!)

a) Neutralization after *s

Excursus: *sK in Indo-Iranian

Standard theory: *sk > PII. *s > Skt. cch, Iran. s

*sq = sk > PII. *sk > Skt. = Iran. sk, palatalized PII. *s > Skt. c, Iran. sc

cf. Skt. chand- to appear, skand- to jump, ()cand- to shine

But: c- very rare

sk-presents normally palatal -ccha- = -sa-, but postconsonantally velar in Av. ubjiia-, zja-, srasca-; Skt.

vrc-; ubj-, bhrjj-

adverbs in -ccha and -()c

alternative theory (Zubat 1892, Lubotsky 2001): *sk > Skt. Iran. sk, palatalized > *s > Skt. c, Iran. s after

consonants (stops?), elsewhere earlier palatalization > *s > Skt. cch, Iran. *sc > s

counterarguments of Lipp (2009: I 18f. fn. 30) not effective

Problem (not too grave): Motivation of early vs. late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of *sk vs. *sq

Gorbachov 2014 only shows *sk > Baltic st but does not prove contrast between *sk and *sk

*sk practically absent in general (cf. doublets like *ker- : *sker- to cut), but no phonetic motive for

delabialization relic of older phonetics, viz. front velar : back velar? Or of old

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after *u

Weiss 1995: no labiovelar vs. velar distinction adjacent to *u

Neutralization of labialization?

Phonological process: rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than phonological, cf., e.g., Yazghulami

(Eastern Iranian, Pamir): phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only, with rounded vowels /k/

= [k]

According to Steensland also no palatals in this environment but some (not optimal) counterexamples: PII.

*kru-, *yuj-, Iran. *guz-, Skt. tu-, Lith. lu-, pus

Arm. generally only palatals after u, also in cases of original labiovelars, cf. *ang- > *awk- > awc- to

palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velars




Gr. epon said < *weyko/e- < *we-wko/e- (cf. PII *wawa- > Av. vaoca-, Skt. voca-) shows preservation of

*uk in Proto-Greek, later /wk/ [wk] > /wk/

Cf. Kmmel 2007: 310-327

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonants

Before *r (IIr., Balto-Slavic, Alb., Arm.)

Velars: *qr_w-/qru-, *qr_t(u)-, *r_s-, *r_b-

Labiovelars clearly attested, but rare: *kr_j-, *kr_p-, *grmo-?

Palatals: *kr_jH-, *kr_m-, ?*kr_tH-, *gr_j- (palatal only in IIr.)

Weises Law in IIr.? Kloekhorst 2011: Palatals > velars before *r (if not followed by *i/j)

cf. krav-, gras-

vs. rav-, ray- with *l, hray- and r-; jryas = zraiiah- vs. Hitt. karait- with *i

But palatals also before *re (at least), cf. Skt. ram(i)- become tired = Greek krema- hang; Skt. rath- ro

release = Germ. *hre- to rescue etc.

either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

Before other resonants (Balto-Slavic, Alb., Arm.)

IIr. *lu- : Alb. *klu-, Baltic *klu- ~ *lu- to hear, Slavic *lu-

Some analogical redistribution, esp. root-finally

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)

Satem split of velars into palatals and velars

a) by normal palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with analogical generalizations

(Lipp 2009 I), viz. *kleu- > *cleu- analogical *clu- etc.

Problems:

implausible analogies necessary: *ok-t eight after semantically dissociated *ok-et- (harrow)

unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs. delabialized labiovelars no shift in non-contrastive

environments, hence not after *u and *s; early shift in case of earlier delabialization, e.g., before *w, *t etc.?

Exceptions (older Uvularization?) before low back vowels and maybe *r velars Advantage: matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

Origin of labiovelars by pre-PIE syncope and monophthongization **kw > *k _V and/or something like **ko-

> *ke- : **ke- > ke-; hence but rarely contrast *kw : *kw < **kVw : **kVw, and never *ku : *ku; absence of

*sk because of absence of old cluster *skw?

Or rather relic of different distinction (see next)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997; Woodhouse 1998; Biovsk 2010

Satem: general fronting, but front velars unfronted in some environments

Centum: general backing, strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars;

contextual delabialization

Problem also here: actual distribution, otherwise identical to 2b).

Evidence for original labialization in Satem lang. (position after *u in Armenian etc.)

rather pre-PIE

B. Affricates and sibilants: Palatals, Ruki and Thorn

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) > palatal sibilants *, *, *




Secondary palatals (SP) > palatoalveolar affricates *, *, *

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows, however: affricates rather than sibilants for PP

*, *j, *j rather than *, *, *

Cf. PII *da ten > Skt. da, Av. dasa, OP da, Nur. k. duc /duts/

PII *ja nu knee > Skt. ja nu, Av. znu-, Nur. k. j /dz/

PII *j sta- hand > Skt. hsta-, Av. zasta-; OP dasta-

post-PIran. *dzasta- > *dasta- in Khot. dast etc., likewise Nur. k. dut /dut/

Cf. early iranian *ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwords:

TB tsain; tsainwa arrow < *tsain-; tsainw- *dzainu-, cf. Arm. zn/zinow-, Av. zana- weapon

TB etswe- mule (M. Peyrot, talk in Moscow last week) < *tsw- *atswa- horse

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive: Uralic * in loanwords might come from dialects with later

Indo-Aryan development or rather, borrowed as * and simplified within Uralic,

viz. *t-/*at- 100 PUr. *eta > Saamic *uot, Finn. sata, Mordva *ada; Mari d, Komi o; Hung.

szz, Mansi e t/t/st, Chanty sat; for PU * (preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

Cf. also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU * (retroflex!) or *ks

e.g. *patsu- animal *poa(w)- deer, *pV reindeer calf; *matsa- *maa- moth; *atswa- horse

*owa stallion

Finn. paksu thick *badzu-; maksa- to pay *mandza- give

modern standard reconstruction PP = *, *j, *j vs. SP = *, *, *

Impossible: Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older

series (see Lipp 1994; 2009; Kmmel 2000; 2007)

SP still palatal, not fronted, thus /c/, // and not *, *

Cf. also Lubotsky 2001: * = palatal

2) Ruki

RUKI-rule: *s/z > (allophonic) */ after all non-anterior sounds,

i.e., *i/y, *u/w, *r, any palatal or velar = retraction, not palatalization!

Phonologized by merger with result of preconsonantal simplification of *, *j > *, * > *, *

*s *

* > Indo-Aryan retroflex (articulated like r and alternating with it) vs. Iranian non-retroflex ?

However: reflexes of * retroflex in most of East Iranian, too (often merging with / < sr/zr)

Even in Avestan, / clearly less palatal than c/j/s: do not cause fronting > i

retroflex = distinctly non-palatal character of old */ triggered by contrast to new more palatal sibilants

wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

Sibilants in Iranian

Khot. Wax

i

Oss

.

Sogd

.

Xw. Bactr. S-I. Yazg. Shgr

.

Y-M. Pto. P-O. NW SW

*t t st, t st (x)t t(t) (x)t t xt xt /xt t t t st

*r rr? rs r ? ? rx rx r r> ? (r) (r)

*cr s x x sr s

* * /x s h h w y/w h

*x /k /x xs x x x (x) (x)

*y (ts) (c) s s s ()

*cw fs sp sp sp sp sp sp sp sp sp sp s

*c s s s s s s s s s s s s s




3) Thorn

Traditional: *k etc. with * > Greek, Celtic t; elsewhere s

Hittite + Tocharian: *tk with metathesis > *k in most languages

Younger variant: *tk > *tsk > *kts

Alternative (Burrow, Lipp 2009, see below): II sibilants from palatals, no metathesis

Skt. k, MIA kh/ch = Iranian = Greek kt, Hitt. tk < IE *tk

Skt. rka- = YAv. ara- = Gr. rktos, Hitt. hartakka- bear < PIE *rtko-

Skt. k-/ki- = Av. a-/i- = Gr. kti- live, settle < PIE *tk(e)i-

Skt. tkan- = Av. taan- = Gr. tkton- carpenter < PIE *ttkon- (or *teks-?)

Skt. ka- hurt = Gr. kten-/kta(n)- ~ kan-/kon- kill < PIE *tken- (*tken-)?

Skt. k, MIA gh/jh = *Iranian = Greek kt, Hitt. Toch. tk < IE *dg

Skt. ka s, ka m, km-i ~ jm-s; Av. za , zm, zmi ~ zm; Gr. kto n, ktna ~ kami; Hitt. tkan, takn-; PToch. *tkn- earth < PIE *dgom-/dgm-/(d)gm-

Skt. k, MIA gh/jh = Iranian = Greek pt < IE *dg

Skt. ki- perish, destroy, MIA jhi- = Av. ji- = Greek pti- < PIE *dg(e)i- Skt. kiti rvas, rvas kitam imperishable Gr. klos ptiton

Skt. ka ya- = MIA jhya- burn, km- burnt, dried, MIA jhma- = Av. jma- black < PII *d- < PIE *dg-eh- PIE *deg- burn

Problematic:

Skt. k, MIA kh/ch = Iranian x- = Greek < IE *tk?

Skt. k-, kya- = Av. x-, xaiia- rule, reign ?=? Greek kt- achieve, possess (~ p- id.)

Skt. k, MIA gh/jh = Iranian g- = Greek pt < IE *dg? (better *gg)

Skt. kar- = Av. ar- flow ?=? Greek pter- perish

No IE thorn //, not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops; main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following

Burrow)

Basic assumption: simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops (Lipp 2009)

Cf. *pk > PrePII. *p [pt] > *p [p] > *p, cf. *pku- cattle > *pu- > Skt. k-, Av. fu-

however, probably not heterosyllabic, cf. Skt. virap- < *wirap.w- < *wi(H)ra-pw--

Cf. *kk > PrePII. *k > *k > *k?

Skt. cak- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kmmel 2000, weak perfect stem cak- from *ak- <

*kekks- rather than *ak- < *ak- < *kekk-); so heterosyllabic preservation, cf. Skt. cakhy-, Av. caxs- <

*ka-k.- (generalized to root *k-)

Similarly after dentals *tk > *t > *t > *t, but here also heterosyllabic [t.t] > [t.t] > [t.] = /t/, due to greater

similarity of *t and *; merged with *ks > * [t.] > [t.] *t.

PII *t > PIA * > Skt. k, MIA ch/ch/kh; PIran. postalveolar affricate * (distinct from palatal *) > CIran.

(Persian s; africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd. hir bear)

PIE *rtko- > *hrta- > PII *hrta- > Skt. rka- = PIran. *hra- > YAv. ara-, NP xirs bear

PIE *tkjti > *titi > PII *titi > Skt. kti = PIran. *aiti > YAv. aiti settles

PII *d > PIA * > Skt. k, *MIA jh/gh; PIran. postalveolar affricate * (distinct from palatal *j) > CIran. *,

though no clear Iranian examples (since earth generalized simplified anlaut *j-)

PIE *dgm-i on the earth > *dj mi > PII *dmi > Skt. kmi = PIran. *ami *jami > YAv. zmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development > different Iranian outcome




PII *t = [t] > PIA * > Skt. k, MIA ch/ch/kh; PIran. palatal affricate * (merged with old simple * < *) >

CIran. *; no sure examples

PII *d = [d] > PIA * > Skt. k, MIA jh/gh; PIran. palatal affricate *j (merged with old simple *j < *) >

CIran.

PIE *dgi- > PII *di- [di-] > Skt. ki-, MIA jhi- = PIran. *ji- > Av. ji- perish

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017), defending metathesis




3. Laryngeals

A. General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three laryngeals *h, *h, *h

Preserved as segmental phonemes: *h, *h (?) in Anatolian, elsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals:

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening / acute intonation also in /R_C

Resonant gemination before *H: Anatolian and (?) Germanic

Vocalization between consonant and [-syll]: everywhere except perhaps Anatolian; initially only Greek-

Phrygian-Armenian; finally after i/u only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

Specific developments of different laryngals:

PIE colouring *e > [a] /h; *e > *o /h (but long * more stable > uncoloured, Eichners Law)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) *h in Indo-Iranian, perhaps in Greek

Lenis + *h > DD (or *T?) in Anatolian

Sonorization *ph > *bh?

Only Greek (and Phrygian?) fully distinct vocalic reflexes *h > e, *h > a, *h > o

Tocharian vocalization of *h=*h > *a /#_R and /i,u_C

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution: pattern like s (between stops and resonants) fricatives

Anatolian [x--q-k/-] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian, cf. Simon 2014; possibly also Lydian,

cf. Melchert ; Oettinger p. c.) dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u > o (and i > e?) and PIE colouring speak for faucal uvular or pharyngeal articulation

of *h and *h

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from *x//

*h relatively featureless glottal [] or [h], maybe allophone of velar [x]

Voicing effect of *h dubious, but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for lenis

rounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized *h (Dunkel 2001),

but missing labialization in Anatolian where labialization is generally preserved contradicts this;

distribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively *h = *h, *h = *, *h = *

Possibly *, * < former uvular stops**q, **? Cf. Kortlandt 2015; Kloekhorst, Talk Copenhagen 2017

B. Preservation of laryngeal consonants

1) Anatolian

*h: > fortis fricative *, at least /#_, /V_V, cluster *w monophthongized > * (Kloekhorst 2006: 98ff.;

2008a: 76f., 836ff.; Lycian q); lenited like fortis stops > *, *, but rules different from stops: e.g., lenited

after * in contrast to stops (Melchert, p.c.), viz. *nei > *no i > Hitt. nhi vs. *dkei > *do kki > Hitt. tkki;

perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts, more similar to *s?

*h: preserved as *> /#_V (also Lycian, s. Rasmussen 1992b = 1999: 519-526; Kloekhorst 2006: 85ff.,

102f.; 2008a: 75f. contra Kimball 1987), and as * /_w (Melchert 2011), cf. lhu- to pour < *lohw-, and

/R_V, cf. Hitt. sarhie- to attack < *srh- (Greek rho omai) relative fortition beside *R? Cf. * > x /l,r_ in

Cornish/Breton vs. loss elsewhere

*h: preserved as ? (Kloekhorst 2004; 2006: 80f., 95; 2008a: 25, 32, 75f.)

HLuv. - = /(a)/- vs. a- = /a-/, cf. -sa-ti < *hsti vs. a+ra/i- year < *jehro-




But: Semitic (!) Aur- = a-s+ra/i- written without a glottal stop?

Frequently words with initial - have older writings with initial a- final or aphaeresis (purely praphic

according to Melchert), in earliest documents a-; cf. now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm. h- < *h = *h if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)*o (Kortlandt 1983b; 1984; cf. Beekes 2003: 181ff.)

= *he-, *he- > arm. ha-, ho-, but *Ho- > arm. o- (> a-).

*h- > arm. h-: han grandmother, haw grandfather, hat grain, haw bird, haycel to seek, hatanel to cut

off, harawunk sowing, seeds, hasanel to arrive

*h- > arm. h-: hot smell, ?hoviw shepherd, hac/i ash tree, hum raw

*h- > arm. -: ayg morning, aytnul to swell, ayc visit, inspection, ?us shoulder; ar bear, arcat silver,

argel obstacle, arawr plough

*h- > arm. -: orb orphan, ?ost branch, ?oskr bone; aygi vineyard, orjik testicles.

Contradictory data: hoviw *howi- < *howi- sheep (cf. *hawi- in Toch.B uw, plural awi)

but oskr *hst- bone (for *h cf. *ast- in MWelsh ascwrn bone, assen rib)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structure: h- /_V$CV, - /_VC$C?

Exceptions: arawr with original *rh; haycel to seek influenced by harcanel to ask?

loss of *h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllables?

Or conditioned preservation in open syllables?

3) Albanian

*h, *h > h /_e; *H > /_o Kortlandt (1986: 43ff.; 2010: 329f.) like in Armenian:

*h- > Alb. h-: hut in vain, hidht bitter, ha to eat, ?hipnj to jump; *h- > Alb. h-: herdhe testicles

*h- > Alb. -: atht sour, sharp, a(s) or, ar field, ar bear, ?enj/j to swell; *h- > Alb. -: am smell,

taste, ?ah beech, ?asht bone

Good data for *H- > h- only with *he-, 3 of 4 cases with *h- have exactly the opposite development as in

Armenian! Too little material to conclude anything.

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian prothetic h-?

Quite some words with Persian h-/x-, Kurd. Bal. Khot. h- corresponding to Av. = Skt. - < PIE *H-

Vorgeschlagenes x-, h- (Hbschmann 1895: 264f.; Horn 1901: 67, 97f.; Korn 2005: 154-159)

1a. Pers. x-, elsewhere normally h-

MP. xyag 'egg' < *hwya-(ka-) < *hwjo- YAv. am etc.

MP. xirs 'bear', Kurd. hir, Xwar. hrs, Zaz. he < *hrta- < *hrtko- Av. ara-; cf. Skt. rka-, Hitt. hartakka-

MP p. hk, NP xk, Bal. hk, Zaz. h(y)g < CIr. *haka- dust, earth Kurd. ax; cf. Skt. a sa- ashes < PII *ha sa- < PIE *hhs-, cf. Hitt. hs, hass-

NP xast kernel ~ hasta bone, Kurd. hest Av. ast- n. bone, MP m. st(g), NP ast(e), Khot. staa- ++; cf. Skt. sthi < PII *hst(h)- < PIE *hst-/hast-(h)-, cf. Hitt. hasti

MP p. hyl, m. xyr/xyr, Khot. hra- (cf. Bailey 1959: 71ff.) < PII *hrya- < PIE *hrjo- (?) Giran. *rya- possession, thing, MP p. yl, pth. yr, arm. ir

MP p. hm, NP xm, Bal. hmag, Khot. hma- < Giran. *ma- raw Pto. om, W. ying; cf. Skt. m- < PII *hm- < PIE *HoHmo- (*hohm-, Kortlandt 1981: 128?), cf. Arm. hum, Gr.

1b. NP. x-, older h-

MP m. hy, NP x < PII *hai(H)-a- < PIE *hajH-s- Av. aa- m.plough share; cf. Slav. *ojes-, *hiHs-h- > Skt. a -, Hitt. hiss-

2. Only h-, partly not before NP.

MP. hanzg- 'narrow' < *hanju- < *hamg- Arm. anjuk, cf. Av. zah-




MP. p. hmag, np. hme 'fuel' < *haijmaka-, LW in OP *(h)aizma-, MP. hzm, NP. hzom < *haijma- MP. m. mag, av. asma-

3a. h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot. hys, Bal. hz, Talyshi xz leather, Oss. D. xiz < *hija - < *hig- Av. izana- made of leather, cf. Greek aig-, Arm. ayc goat?

Av. zara-utra-, Parth. zrhwt < *zarat-hutra-? Kurd. htir, bal. hutar 'camel' < *htra- < LW? (OP. ua- might be *hua-, MP. NP. LW) Av. utra-, cf. Skt. ra-

3b. h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd.) against Persian

Kurd. hr- 'to grind', Bal. ha 'millstone' MP. rd 'flour', NP. s 'millstone' < *har(H)- < *halh-

NB: h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloi; in Khotanese even h- < *s- can be lost

4. Counterexamples with zero for *h-

OP. ut, MP. ud 'and' < *hut < *hu-t

OP. rdata- 'silver' < *h(a)rjata- < *h(a)rgnto-

For others, Persian has or may have a LW, e.g., MP. az goat < *haj- < *hag- (Lith. oys)

Possible solution: Cockney situation: loss of old *h- first in the East, like *s > h (cf. Lipp 2009: 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran. *s- *h- *x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- - x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence?)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- - h- x-

c) Laryngeal hardening in PIE and later

*hs > *ks: Lat. senex, senis old (man) < *seneks, *senh- < **sana-s, **san-?

Cf. PII *sanak-s *sana- > Skt. sanj- old?

*H+h > *k: Greek and Toch. k-extensions of *stah- etc., normally not accepted

Germanic *H > *k /R_w, cf. *dahiwer-/dahjur- > *dajhwer-/dajhur- *taikur-, *nhw > *unk us/our

(dual) (Cowgills Law, Ringe 2006: 69) and some other cases (*spaikul-, *aikur-); but different explanation

by Seebold (1983: 174ff., cf. Mller 2007: 116-119): *w > *g /R_u preceding Grimms Law?

also in *kika- living < *gihw- (Rasmussen 1994: 435), but cf. *kiwa- in Goth. qius

*host-/hast-, *hagah- in CSlav. *kost bone, *koz goat?

Rather borrowed Iranian (or iranoid?) *xasti, *xa(d)z-? Cf. Andersen 2003: 65f.

C. Consonantal effects of laryngeals

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of *T + *H (assured for IIr) most probable explanation *H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf. Kehrein 2002):

Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT], feature of the onset/nucleus/coda rather than of

individual sounds all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast C vs. Ch within one syllable C vs. Ch implies $C vs. C$h

in a language with /h/ and /C/, tautosyllabic Ch must merge with C, heterosyllabic need not

Second possibility to explain aspiration: feature spreading: stop[-asp] > stop[+asp] /_fricative[+asp]

Cf. Greek writings like ks, ps (but cf. Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998); Vedic k > *k > MIA kk

Presupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following *h < *h (confirmed by non-IIr. evidence)




Skt. mh- big, great < *mj-h- < *mg-h-, cf. Gr. mga-, Hitt. mekk-

Skt. prathimn-* < *pleth-mon-, prth- broad etc., cf. Gr. Platamn etc.

Skt. 2pl present -tha = Av. -a < *-tha < *-tha, cf. Gr. -stha, Toch. *-sta etc.

?Skt. skh friend, fellow = Av. hax < *skh < *skh-(i) *sok-(a)h-, cf. Gr. *hopa -

?Skt. rtha- chariot = Av. raa- < *rtha- < *rtho- *rot-(a)h-, cf. Lat. rota

Skt. sthit-, t-h-a- to stand < *sth- < *sth-, by analogy sth- *st- < *stah- < *stah-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original *h (Beekes 1988: 87f.)?

Aspiration by *h (already PIE) proposed by Olsen 1988; 1993; 1994), Rasmussen (1992b = 1999: 490-504)

but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

If *h = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had *D, aspiration of *D preceding *h would be unavoidable

tautosyllabically plausible idea

Grammatical elements: 2nd plural PE Skt. -th = Av. -a < *-tha < *-the, cf. Greek etc. -te?

Aspiration in roots:

Root type *eTH-: *h clearly overrepresented in LIV, but reconstruction of *h more often than not circularly reconstructed from IIr. aspiration only some may have had *h

Root type *TeH-: Skt. aspiration in sth- < *stah- as well as in sph- < *speh- become fat

Interestingly, *Teh roots typically have *T = *D (sole exception: *deh- to bind) while other *teH roots may

have any *T

general situation rather speaks for aspiration by *h

No good counterexamples! Unaspirated stop + final *H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs. 15):

Skt. pat(i)- from *peth- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f., Hackstein 2002: 140-143)

ved(i)- secondary laryngeal; ati-, rodi-, vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal: no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965, cf. ithir- loose etc. problematic

e) Armenian, Albanian, and Balto-Slavic

*kh > *k > x (> Alb. h, balt. k) in some words:

Arm. cax (~ cak) = Slav. *sox = Lith. ak, cf. Skt. a kh- branch, MPers. x ~ g

Arm. xac- to bite = Iranian *xz- to drink/eat

Alb. ha to eat = Skt. khd- to chew etc. (cf. Lith. knd- to bite)

Instead of *k assimilation *kx > x?

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) *h in Iranian

Cf. Kmmel, Vienna 2012 = forthc. c; 2016

Iranian *dh > *th > * in some words with *d+*h < *h:

CIran. *aiwr- husbands brother < *dhaiwr- < PII. *dahiwr- < *dahiwr-, cf. Skt. devr-, Greek dr-,

BSlav *daiwer-

CIran. *a w- to burn < *dhau- < *dahu-/dauh- < *dahu-, cf. Skt. du-/da v-, Greek da u-

[pace Werba 2006: 265ff. certainly no EIran. innovation]




likewise *f < *ph < *b+h, cf. CIran. nf- navel *nb-h-, Skt. na bhi- < PII. *nbh- ~ *nabah- > Av. nab- <

*nob-(a)h-

CIran. *waf-/uf- to weave (and to sing?) < *wabh-, cf. Skt. -vbhi- (ubhna -?)

*c < *j+h, cf. YAv. mas-, mas- vs. maza t- < CIran. *mac-, mac- ~ maj- < *maj-h-(-) ~ *maj-a h- = Skt. mah-,

mahi - (~ maha -,maha nt-), cf. Greek. mega- < *meg-h- etc.

[rather not from *mahk- in Greek makrs, mkos etc. with no clear reflex in IIr]

maybe also YAv. (+) isu- icy cold < *icu- < *ij-h-u- *yaj- ice (Wakhi yaz glacier, Nur. k. yuc cold), cf.

Hitt. eka- ice < *jgo-, ikuna- cold < *igu- (or *jeg-?), Germ. *jekula- > Icel. jkull etc.

*-dHi- seeing in YAv. aiiii (Cantera 2014) from *daHi-, cf. da- wise

Also with original *h:

cf. mysterious YAv. (+) stem variant da- to put/give < *dadh- vs. da- < *dda h- < *dd(o)h-

possibly YAv. (+) uru- to weep < *ru- < *rudh-, cf. Skt. rodii

[also subjunctive *-he/o- in *waid-ha- > YAv. vaa- to know?

Or rather variant derived from 1s *waia < *widha I know < *wjd-ha?]

*Dh- from original *Dahi/u- or internal *VD$hV- = where PIran *Dh was distinct from *D

presupposes post-PII preservation of aspirating laryngeals, i. e. *h

Problem: Old Avestan only maz-, dad- etc. analogical?

Or reflecting original very archaic *Dh?

Then desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

3) Prosodic effects: metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above), most prominently in

gen. pl. -m /-m = {-aam} (always in OAv., 1/3 in Vedic) rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in Vedic, PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988: 50, 83ff.)?

However: hiatus [] // (cf. automatic glottal stop in German) not conclusive

As per Kuryowicz (1927); Schindler; Holland (1994); Gippert (1997, 1999), short syllables may still count

as long in Vedic, if originally closed by following laryngeal: a$C < *aC$H

Brevis in longo scansion = BiL

Cf. vas, savita in place of < *wHas, *sawHita ; jns for < *jnHs

However (unfortunately): no clear difference in distribution and behaviour between such cases and other

words of the same structural type without original *CH (e.g., ajra-, udra-, mnas ), cf. Kmmel 2014 and

also Gunkel 2010

rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

D. Vocalization problems

Laryngeals in clusters could be vocalized, i.e., were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

Two important words

PIE *dughtr- daughter (Gr. thugatr-) > (Pre-)PII *dughtr-

> Skt. duhita , duhitram; duhitr

> Iranian *dugdar-/dugdr- ~ *duxtar-/duxr-

> OAv. dugd; dugdrm; YAV. dua, duarm; durm

> OP *duxt, *duxtaram, *duxr- *dux-; MP duxt ~ duxtar

> Old Saka *duxt, *duxtaram, *duxr- > Khot. dutar-, *drah > dvr; tumsh. dua, duaru

> *duxr- or*dur- > Pat lur

> Nur. Pras. lt

PIE *phtr- father (Gr. patr-) > (Pre-)PII *phtr-

> Skt. pita , pitram; pitr, pitrbhyas




> OAv. pat/t, patar m; fri/pir;

YAV. pita/pata, pitarm, patar; pire, fr, ptrbii

> OP. pit; pia; MP pid ~ pidar; Bal. pit / pis(s)

Khot. *pit-h, *pitaram, *pir- > pte, ptaru, pr; Tumsh. piar-, pira

*pitar- > Sogd. ()ptr- /ptar-/; > Pto. plr

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition: Skt. duhitr- < *duitr- with PII. palatalization

But why not simply duhitr- < *dughitr-?

Cf. hit- < *dit-, ih < *id etc. (Lubotsky 1995; Kobayashi 2004: 84-91)

no other example of palatalizing secondary i

no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghyas- must be analogical)

other probable cases of h < *gh: PN Rhgaa-, Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003: 75; Remmer 2006: 166-7 with n.

162); mastrhan- brain = iran. *mastrgan- < *mastrgan- rather than *mastran-

Prasun lt can continue *duit < *dugit (pace Lipp 2009)

No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis with subsequent loss of *i in Iranian

(cf. Pinault 1982: 265; Kobayashi 2004: 136-139; Werba 2005)

Skt. duhitr- < *dugitr- < *dugHi.tr- < *dugh.tr- < *dug.htr- < *dug.htr- < PIE *dughtr-

Iran. *dugdar- < *dug.dar- < *dug.tar- < *dugh.tr- < *dug.htr- < PIE *dug.htr-

Iran. *duxr- < *duktr- < *dugtr- < *dughtr-

Or maybe rather (cf. *dh > * above)

*duxtar- < *dukhtar- < *dug.htr- < *dug.htr- < *dug.htr- < PIE *dug.htr-

Iran. *dugdr- < *dugdr- < *dugtr- < *dugh.tr- *duktr- < *dugtr- < *dugh.tr-

2) Final position

Vedic *CHC# > CC# (Jamison 1988) presupposes early *CiHC# (cf. Praust 2004),

possibly < *CHiC# via laryngeal metathesis (Kmmel 2016a)

*CHiC > *CiHC, cf. *pHi-t- > *piH.t- > *p.t- > Skt. pt- drunk

*CiHuC > *CyuHC, cf. *siHu-t- > *syuH.t- > *sy.t- > Skt. syt- sewed (cf. Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC not motivated by syllable structure

*H = [h] or dorsal fricative: high phonetic probability of palatalization / labialization

(cf. Kmmel 2007: 161, 272; 2016a; *hy, *hw > Av. x/x etc.)

*CHiC > *CHiC > *CHC > *CiHC > *CiHC > *CC

*C(i)HuC > *C(i)HuC > *C(i)HC > *C(y)uHC > *C(y)uHC > *C(y)C

3) Initial postion

*THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes, Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT-, accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT-, trisyllabic TT- TT- (?)

Lipp TiHT- > TiT- TT-

Av. tiriia-, Xwar. fcwr, Pto. tr fathers brother < *ftrwya- < *ptrwya- < *pHtrwya-

Iranian *THTV-> TTV-, therefore only *THTR- > *TTR- > *TiTR-

Original Iranian distribution *ptar- ~ *pitr- > *ftar- ~ pir-

Indo-Aryan possibly *THT(R)- > TT(R)- > TiT(R)-

Cf. Kmmel 2016a




E. Compensatory lengthening (or not)

General assumption: Common IE VH > V /_[-syll] + VHCV = VH.CV

Cf. *wihr- > *wiH.r- > Skt. vr- man; *giw- > *iH.w- > Skt. jv- living;

*duhr- > *duH.r- > Skt. dr- far; *d.no- > *dH.na- > Skt. da na- gift

However: short *i, u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes (secondary merger of */ with *i/u?) in some languages:

Khot. puva-, Osset. D. fud, Yazg. pod 'rotten' < *puta- (< *pta-) < *puHt-

like Khot. tsuta-/tsva-, Oss. D. cud, Yazg. od gone, went < *yuta-

Cf. also gen. pl. Khot. -nu < *-inam < *-inm < *-iHnm vs. Skt. -na m

B) *i, u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems yr- good (in Brahmi ir-); wyr- man; w- to live < *srira-, *wira-, *jiwa-

vs. Skt. rr-; vr-, ji va- < *riHr-, *wiHr-, *iHw-

Pato stn pillar, nn now, nre far, str big; r/zr fast

< *stun-, *nunam, *durai, *stura-; *jira- vs. Skt. stu -, nnm, dr, sthr-; jr-

However, regular length before obstruents,

cf. Sogd. nyt /nt/ led < *nta-, Pto. lid- saw < *dta-; Sogd. w //, pto. ul dung < *ga-

vs. Sogd. t-, Pto. bl < *dwita-, Pto. l < *srita-; Sogd. kwt- /kt-/ dog < *kuta-

No counterexamples in Pto., but some in Sogdian:

heavy stems in wm earth < *bmi- < *buHmi-, wr far < *dra- < *duHr-

C) length in all cases: Waxi, Western Iranian

Cf. * in W. vrin-, MP brn- to cut off < *brHn- *brin-; MP wr man < *wiHr-

* in W. (i)stin, MP stn pillar < *stuHn-; *dra- > W. ir, MP dr far < *duHr-

vs. *i in W. ym, MP im this < *im-; MP dam- winter, W. zm snow < *dim- < *j im-

W. zn- to take < *jinaH-;

*u in MP hun- to press out < *sunu-; bun ground < *budna-; hur liqueur < *sur-

W. xurs < *xosr- < *hwasura-

Before obstruents: W. pit drank < *piHt-; MP. dd saw < *diHt-

W. it, MP dd smoke < *duHt-; W. pitk, MP pdag rotten < *puHta-ka-

vs. *i in W. bt second, MP did < *dwit-; MP pid father < *pita

*u in W. t burnt < *ut- < *dhuta-, MP ud separate < *yut-, ud went < *yut-;

W. ptr son, MP pus < *pura-

[caution: MP lengthening in second final syllables, see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan?

hunu- son; hunara- skilfulness; -uru- thigh

< *suHn-, *su-Hnra-, *uHr- vs. Skt. sn-; snra-; r-

juua- living, juua- to live; piuuas- fat

< *jiHw-/jHwa-; *phWas- vs. Skt. jv-, ji va-; pi vas-

Optatives mainimadic, varzimc, vaozirem with *-iH- (left unexplained by de Vaan 2003: 249f.)

gen. pl. -inm, -unm (but also -anm, -ahm): secondary shortening possible

vra- man may show secondary lengthening (cf. vspa- all < *wispa-)

likewise most other cases of length before m, n, r:

cf. na- defective; dra- 'far' like sn- 'dog' < *sun-; zra- false < *zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal i ?

jin- to destroy, zin- to take away vs. frn- to please, -brna- to shave = Skt. kia -, jina - vs. pra -, bhr-, kra -




But derivation and Vedic metre point to *pri, *bhri, *kri < *pri-n(a)H-, *bri-n(a)H- etc.

secondary length, taken over from other forms with *iH, maybe enhanced by preceding r?

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested by srita-, pitu-, rita-; masita-, raoiita-

vs. jti-, -dta-, dti-, -nti-; optative -t, -ta, -tm, -a

but also frita-, friti- < *priH-t (by analogy to friia-?); nisrta, -nt- < *-srita-, -gnit-; sa- < *sia-

no real minimal pairs

*u > in first open syllables after consonants other than h, k, dr and sometimes before r, r, zr, C;

elsewhere u (cf. de Vaan 2003: 284-297) retention of old possibly significant only in a-, na-;

hxta- < *hu-uxta-, hr = very small basis for conclusions

In Gathic metre (cf. Kmmel forthc. c) *iHR/uHR mostly in positions where light syllable is preferred,

viz. Y. 45,9 vr g = |

Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian, Pat or like Khotanese, Ossetic?

Possible explanation:

Group B syllabification *I.HRV no compensatory lengthening

parallel to Dybos Law in Western IE (cf. Neri 2011: 191-207 with ref.)

In group A also generally *I.HCV, like V.TCV in other obstruent clusters?

Alternative: secondary shortening only before sonorants? Typologically improbable

Implication: preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranian after high vowels,

at least before sonorants

Why just here? Palatalized/labialized auditive strengthening,

viz. *ih > *ih > [i]; *uh > uh > [u]

Later loss only after different developements of syllabification:

Indic, Waxi, Western Iranian: IHC = IH.C > IC

Sogdian, Pashto, Avestan?, : IHT = IH.T > IT vs. IHR = I.HR > IR

Saka, Alanic, Pamiri, Avestan?, : IHC = I.HC > IC




F. Early loss of laryngeals

1) Pinaults Law

Pinault 1982: regular loss of *H in /C_j

cf. Ved. sakhy- < *sakHy- < *sokhjo-; Celtic *arje-, Lith. ria- from rti to plough < *harhjo-

However: Greek are-, Italic *araje- to plough

Lipp 2009; Verhasselt 2016: only partially einzelsprachlich, not PIE

2) Hacksteins Law

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973): Regular loss in (pretonic?) *CHCC, cf. *dughtr- >

*dugtr- > *duktr- > Arm. dustr, Gaulish dutir

Cf. also *dh-sk- > *dsk- > Hittite /tsk-/ to put

Lipp 2009: exception in *RHsR, cf. *temhsro- > Skt. tmisra-

Byrd (2010ab; 2012): only TH.CC > T.CC due to problematic sonority sequencing

while RH.TR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition etc.

Cf. Skt. gur- < *grh-- heavy vs. gru-mu-, a-gr- < *gr-/-gru-

Gr. astr- vs. sterope < *hster-

Av. -sna-, Gr. -gns, Lat. -gnus < *-gno- < *-gnho- born

Gr., Lat. gigne- < *ggne- < *g-gnho-

Rather failing vocalization/epenthesis than real loss

Balles 2012, Lubotsky 2013a: most examples not probative; no real loss of IE consonants

4) The Saussure Effect

Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) *#HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omechein to urinate vs. moichs adulterer from *hmejg-/(h)mojg-

Greek *awers-/ewers- dew vs. *worsje- > oure- to urinate; Hittite warsa- fog from *hwers-/(h)wors-

Greek telamo n vs. tlm boldness from *telh-/tol(h)-;

pera- to sell vs. prn whore from *perh-/por(h)-

Perhaps in *dm- house from *demh-? Rather primary *dem- with suffix *-h- (Nikolaev 2011)

Phonetic motivation? Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and *o?

Originally quantitative constraints (Kmmel 2012a)?

Counterexamples (not really compelling): Greek nukh- nail, claw < *hnog-; er rest < *hrohwh-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011; van Beek 2011

4. PIE vocalism

A. The question of */a/

Lubotsky 1981; 1989: all cases of *a must be explained by *h (or not be PIE)

*gans-, *ns-/nas-, *bag-, *mak-

*ghans-, *nahs-/nhas-, *bahg-, *mahk-

mas-/ma- long < *mak-? No: big, large, only variant of maz-/mad-




*bag-, *gar-, *gan-, *Hjag-, *hag-, *haj-, ?*har-, *hwath-, *kad-, *kwas-, *kag-, *kamp-, *kan-, ?*mad-,

*mag-, *mag-, *rasd-, *skab-, *tag-, *wag-, nominal *ns-, *gans-, *kas-, *sl-, particles ?*ap-, ?*ad, ?*au;

Minimal pairs: *bag- : *beg-, *tag- : *(s)teg-

Lubotskys Law

Lubotsky 1981: dissimilation of [] preceding *D$ shortening = no compensatory lengthening,

cf. pajr- firm vs. pa jas- (front) side from *paHj-

But: Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009: I 161ff.)

Relevant material from Vedic (red = unexpected according to the law)

short long

ppaje, pajr-, pak-, pkas- pjas- *pg-

lak- -- *slg-

plakoti GS -- *plg-

svdati, sivada-, svadya- svdate, svd-, svdmn- *swd-/sd-

hlanna- hldik-, hldayati ?

vagn-, vagvan- -- *wg-

bhjati -te, bhga-, bhak-, bhakt- bhg-, bhjya-, bhk, babhja *bag-

rdati, rtsi; radit- rarda *rd-/rd-?

atsya-, anna- ada *kad-

adr, adr -- *kad-

bhadr- -- *bd-?

vjra- -- *wg-?

yjati, ykat, yar- y, yjya- *jag-

mdati, mtsat, mamttu, mady-, matt- mamda, mdyati, mdana-, mdya- *mad-?

bbadhe, badbadh, bbhats- bdhate, babdh, bdhit-

vvare, vvaat, avvaat vati, vave

ckati kate *kek-

Nonglottalistic explanation: no compensatory lengthening / differen syllabification?

VHCC = VH.CC, cf. Ved. pt-, -bdhya, str-, vtr-, dhr-, tmn-, ra tr-, vra -, pa tr- (a sti, a ste, bhr,

ri, *rt maybe analogical); but *VHDC = VHD.C? Counterexample only av. sdra- in RV only svdma,

svdmn-, (svdv, rj-)

De Lamberterie 1996, 1999: very old loss by glottal dissimilation: cf. Lat. pignus, Ved. pajr- < *peg-r/n-

from *pehg-; Lat. signum < *segno- from *sahg-; Ved. bhadr- < *bedr- from *beHd-; Gr. kedns dear,

true to ke distos, *kahd-; Av. xvadra- *swed-r-, hudma- < *sud-m-, gr. suave < *swedn- from

*swahd-/suhd-; *med- from *meh-d-

All may be explained by Wetter-Regel

VHCRV > VCRV as in *hweh-tr- > *hwetr- > Germ. *wedra- weather

Cf. Schindler apud Peters 1999: 447; Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (i.e., VHC.RV > VC.RV) in post-PIE?

Reversal of colouring in Lat. signum etc. and wide distribution favour real loss

But then *a is not explained

Original **a > [] ~ [] > (post-)PIE */e/ : */a/

Conditions for back allophone? certain /h/, maybe also [-cor]_[-cor]? Cf. *bag-, *kag-, *mag-

Countexamples with later analogical *e? Phonologized in PIE or later?

Difference between *o from *he and original *o?

I.e. */he/ or /ha/ vs. /*o/ with later merger




Not lengthened by Brugmanns Law (Lubotsky)?

Cf. nas-, pas- = Lat. onus, opus, if < *h

reconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- ? = Hitt. hran- eagle < *hron-, cf. Greek orn-

with ops Law = gemination after accented short vowel

as after * but not after * (lengthened in Anatolian)

Maybe a vowel different from *o, allophone of *e and/or *a

B. Vowel length

Caused by laryngeal: not really PIE, cf. above

Real length: lengthened grade *, *

Mainly found in:

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)

S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

Narten-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives: i-stem *-j (u-stem *-w?); *de m in the house

1) Monosyllabic lengthening?

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896: 66ff.; Kortlandt 1975: 84ff. (and passim); Pronk 2014 and others

Cf. *po ds vs. *pdm, *pdes; *go ws vs. *gwes; *hne k-s vs. *hnk-s-m?

But: no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllables,

cf. *s, *n, *dws, *trs; vocative *djw, *hnr; genitive *nkts, *dms, *gws; locative *dgm(-i), *djw(-i)

Against it, see Dunkel 2014: 86f.; Kmmel 2012c; 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

Beekes/Kortlandt

Cf. *phtr, *hukse n < **phtr, **huksn

But: no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

3) Szemernyis Law

VRs# > VR:# > V:R#

Cf. *phtr, *hukse n < **phtr-s, **huksn-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher, but re-proposed by Szemernyi 1962 and widely applied since then; cf. Keydana 2014; Sandell & Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law, cf. genitive *dms, *-ejs, *-ews

Extended to Rh by many, cf. n. pl. *wedor-h > wedr waters

Phonetically rather problematical and morphologically not compelling (maybe rather plural **-s?)

Against see Beekes, Kortlandt passim

4) Stangs Law

Stang 1965: accusative *dje m, *go m < *djw-m, *gw-m; Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words, too:

cf. *-m in OAv. him (Geldner 1890: 532; Tremblay 1998: 202; Cantera 2007: 10) to nom. hiu

fellow, Av. vaiim (Remmer 2011: 15f.) from vaiiu- wind, Ved. vy-




vs. innovative YAv. -aom/-um, OP-um, -vam (cf. Cantera 2007: 17ff.)

Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -s, -n for -es, -e a

cf. also arn destruction, Ars ~ Areus from root areu- < *hrew- (Willi 2014)

Contra Meiser 1998: 139f., 141; Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stems, cf. OAv. haxim, YAV. kauuam

Single example of YAv. raa, ram ~ rajit not compelling

Often also assumed for *-VHm, cf. *-m from stems in *-ah-

but phonetically very difficult, not in PII *pntaHam > Av. patm = Ved. pnthaam etc.

see Pronk 2016: 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016: *djm, *gm < *djwm, *gwm with monosyllabic lengthening; polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process: loc. sg. *-ej-i > *-j; maybe instr. pl. *-oj-is > *-js (Jasanoff 2007)

5) Simplification of clusters

*de-dk- > *dk- > Skt. d-; cf. *penke-dk(o)mt- > *penkk(o)mt- 50

Also *tetk-C > *tk-C? Origin of Narten type?

Cf. Schumacher 2005; Sandell 2014

and cf. the Kortlandt effect (*d > *H before consonants? Cf. Kortlandt 1983)

C. Qualitative ablaut

Traditional theory: *o unaccented for *e, but under which conditions?

Famous example Ved. pitr- : tvt-pitr- = Greek patr- : eu-ptor-

Dubious equation, cf. Lundqvist 2016; no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs. weaker e-grade in ablaut type *o ~ e alternating with *o ~ ,

cf. *pd- ~ *ped-, *dm- ~ *dem- / *dwr- ~ *dur-, *wjd- ~ *wid-, *memn- ~ *memn- etc.

*o rather stronger than *e/a

Typological evidence: frequent o < *; *e < *a original quantity distinction?

Kmmel 2012a (cf. Viredaz 1983: 35ff.; Woodhouse 2012: 2 n. 1; 2015: 6-9):

Original (pre-PIE) ** > *o vs. **a > *e [~a~]

> PIE/CIE *e : *a : *o

Consequences:

*pd- ~ *ped- < **pd- ~ pad- < **pd- ~ pd-

Variant *wjd- ~ *wid- < **wjd- ~ wid- < **wjd- ~ wajd- < **wjd- ~ wjd-

(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic *-- < **-- but vocative *-e < **-a < **-

originally *CCo- vs. *CeC- < *CC- vs. *CaC- < *CC- vs. *CC-

Verb *-o- ~ *-e- < **-- ~ *-a- < **-- with shortening before *t/s

Interrogative substantival *k- < **k-

derivative *k- < **k- < **ka--

But possibly still PIE/pre-PII *a [~~] vs. * []?

*a > [] in most environments vs. [] /h=

PIE/CIE * > (overlong) a vs. *a [] > *

by old lengthening (Szemernyis and Stangs laws or otherwise)

Brugmanns Law = lengthening of *o in non-final open syllables?

Rather retention of length vs. shortening?




Indo-Iranian development:

* [] > *a [] /_CC, /_#

*a and * preserved

* > *a > *a

* > *; *a > by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger *=a > *a, = > *

Anatolian developments: similar with less shortening of *? To be investigated

Tocharian? Cf. *o > * vs. *e > *

Elsewhere/Western developments:

* > * in general

* > *o /_#: *s that, 3s middle *-t, *pr forth

* > *o /_ except in accented monosyllables: *po (d)s ~ *pdm foot and/or *o preserved?

Secondary lengthenings as in II, producing *

5. Syllable structure

Cf. now Byrd 2010a; 2010b; 2015

VCV = V.CV; VCCV = VC.CV; VCCCV = VC.CCV, but VCC.-CV-

Cf. Sievers Law: VRT-jV = VRT.jV > VRT.i(j)V vs. VR-TjV = VR.TjV (Byrd 2010; 2015)

Special rules for *sT, *HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem: Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE?

But what about Baltic, Slavic, Iranian? Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE, cf. /*hsi/ for //*hs-si//!)

Cluster syllabification: .TC (or at least weightless coda obstruents) vs. T.C

Fewer restrictions on clusters

Baltic

Lithuanian open syllable lengthening of accented a/e before single consonants and clusters starting with

obstruents, cf. kklas, kmen, ktas, egl, mzgas, vkas

Exception: words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster, e.g. infinitive n-

ti, ls-ti with supine n-t, ls-t; participle n-tas etc.

Slavic

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by open syllable conspiracy removing allmost all

RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally *.Cj > *.C, cf. *medj-, *dausj-, *ezja- > *me-, *d-, *jea- > meda, dua, je

OCS nesti, vosk, tepl, modr, og, osm, ostr < *ne.st, *wa.ska-, *te.pla-, *bu.dra-, *a.gnj-a-, *a.sma- *a.stra-

*tl; *dl > Pskov North Russian kl, gl; West Slavic tl, dl; elsewhere simplified to l

Only TS/TT simplified (without compensatory lengthening): *kt, *pt > t; *ps > s, *ks > *(k) > x

Balto-Slavic VR.TV vs. V.TCV

Iranian

Sievers Law not really attested, cf. *jantwa- > *janwa- > Av. ja- to be hit (vs. Skt. hntuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters:

Anlaut: Av. xara-, pt, fr- /fr-/, ruuaa- /rwaa-/, mr-, ftna-




Inlaut: Av. aiiixtra-, xrafstra-, rafra-, haxra-, dugdr-

Auslaut: Av. f, vaxt, drt

Sogdian: heavy syllables only with R.C; light syllables in cases like a.sp- horse, a.t- seven

Middle Persian: light syllables in *pwa.st- > pst skin; *wka.hya > *wak > (w)k one

No compensatory lengthening in cases like *pura- > MP pus; *hwasr- > Wakhi xa

Avestan: open syllable allophone a preceding st, t and partly r (Fortson 1996)

Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)

if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf. Kmmel 2016b; forthc. a), leading to more light syllables

Indic exceptions to Sievers Law with TT-clusters: mtsya-, vaky-, yuktv (Schindler 1977b: 60f.; Byrd

2010a: 50f.) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like as RT-clusters

PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greek

preferring complexity in onsets over codas

avoiding obstruent codas

But cf. common IE *VH.CV > V:.CV, speaking for T.T syllabification

What about Anatolian?

indo-european phonologyindoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract/ss2017_kuemmel... · pavia...

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