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Discourse, 'Development' &the 'Digital Divide': ICT &the World BankAuthor(s): Mark ThompsonSource: Review of African Political Economy, Vol. 31, No. 99, ICTs 'Virtual Colonisation' &Political Economy (Mar., 2004), pp. 103-123Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4006942 .

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Review of African Political Economy No.99:103-123 ? ROAPE Publications Ltd., 2004 ISSN 0305-6244

Discourse, 'Development' & the 'Digital

Divide': IT & the World Bank

Mark Thompson

Information and communication technology(ies) (ICT) is tipped to play an increasingly enabling role in the inclusion and exclusion of groups from participation in the discourse of 'development', with material consequences. In affecting how 'development' is framed, discussed and practised, the conception and use of such technologies itself thus becomes an important field of discourse for the analysis of power relations in the 'developmental' field. This paper shows how a recent ICT-related initiative by the World Bank Group can be seen as an attempt to replicate its position of strength within the predominant, technocratic discourse of development, to the exclusion of alternative views of technology, and even of 'development' itself. Using a method of critical discourse analysis, the paper then examines a recent speech on ICT by the Bank's president, which provides a detailed example of the way in which existing, macro-level power structures are replicated at the micro-level of discursive practice.

'Development' & ICT as Contested Domains At a time when attempts to 'span the digital divide' between developed and less- developed countries (LDCs) are opening up a fresh domain for 'developmental' intervention (see, for example, www.infodev.org), this paper seeks to demonstrate the importance of maintaining a parallel, critical awareness of an important result of such activity: the increasingly intertwined relationship between ICT and 'developmental' discourse. The paper is organised into three sections. First, there is a brief introduction to the subject of 'developmental' discourse and the ability of ICT both to mediate, and to form the focus of, existing power relations within the 'developmental' field. Second, the main part of the paper demonstrates this linkage: both at a macro- level - where there is a critical discussion of the World Bank's recently implemented development internet portal - and at a micro-level, where there is a critical discourse analysis of sections of a recent ICT-related speech by its president. The intention is to make clearly visible the way in which the underlying power relations leading to such macro-level initiatives as the Bank's development portal are drawn upon and replicated at the level of everyday discursive practice. Third, a short conclusion summarises some key implications arising from these analyses concerning the critical monitoring of the emerging interrelationship between ICT and 'development'.

'Development' as Discourse With its ability to define 'others', identify their 'problems', and to legitimise 'professional' intervention in their daily lives, the field of 'development' has proved a



104 Review of African Political Economy

particularly rewarding subject in the 1990s for critical analysis. Following Foucault, who defined discourse as 'the interplay of the rules that make possible the appearance of objects during a given period of time' (1972:33), various critical writers on 'development' have used the theoretical relationship between power and knowledge addressed by discourse analysis to attain 'a radical reading of subjectivity in the sense that through discourses individuals become subjects' (Said, 1978, in Mohan, 1997). In questioning the legitimacy of the developmental professional 'gaze' (Sachs, 1992) to define and thus subjectify recipients of aid, critics of development have highlighted instead the importance of situated, local knowledge as opposed to the representa- tional knowledge of professionals (Chambers et al. 1989; Hobart, 1993; Long and Long, 1992; Pottier, 1993), but stressed that, all too often, it is the latter which, as 'legitimate' discourse, comes to shape interventions (Gardner and Lewis, 1996).

In exposing the co-evolution of 'the problematisation of poverty' and 'development' with the growth, professionalisation and institutionalisation of expertise about the 'Third World', Escobar (1995) reflects on the maintenance of such legitimation, as 'the result of the establishment of a set of relations among these elements, institutions, and practices and of the systematisation of these relations to form a whole' (1995:40). The above writers have argued in various ways that such discursive relations have had a major psychological and material impact on the lives of the majority of the world's population classed as 'developing' - calling, as a result, for the development of a critical awareness of the way in which such (linked) cognitive and material domination is maintained in practice, by identifying and challenging the interrela- tions between the various components of 'development' (Dahl and Hjort, 1984). Such components are manifest in the spoken and unspoken assumptions of 'developmental' rhetoric, whose every instance, they argue, serves to replicate marginality - and is thus drenched in relations of power.

ICT & Development Discourse If developmental discourse is an important topic for study because of the unequal power relations it embodies, then the power relations surrounding the development and use of ICT in developmental contexts can be seen as an important element of such discourse. Approaches to the relationship between technology and peoples' behaviour vary from technologically determinist at one extreme, where ICT is seen as having the power directly to affect peoples' actions, through relativist positions, to social constructivist views at the other (for a useful summary, see Grint and Woolgar, 1997). In the view of this author, three key links between ICT and developmental power relations stand out within this continuum, the first two of which, like the analyses of 'development', clearly show the influence of Foucault.

Towards the determinist end of the scale, the first link, that of surveillance, was developed by Zuboff (1988), who illustrated the way in which ICT 'informate', or render employees' activities more visible to others, and thus may come in time to affect their behaviour as people self-regulate, or moderate their actions in response to their perceptions of increased visibility, as in Foucault's panopticon (1979). Within a developmental context, this can be seen, for example, in the placing of recipients of 'development' under the 'expert' scrutiny of ICT-enabled developmental metrics to which they themselves may not have agreed: for example, the detailed monitoring of adherence to IMF structural adjustment programmes. As can be seen in the altered trajectories of those countries, such as Ghana, which have been 'successful' in the IMF's terms, increased visibility (and detailed monitoring) has affected the course of 'development' itself. Towards the social constructivist end of the scale, the second



Discourse, 'Development' & the 'Digital Divide': ICT & the World Bank 105

link between ICT and developmental power relations, as mediators of discourse, appears clearly in the words of Bloomfield and Coombs (1992):

... an information system embodies a particular view or model of the world ... thus in contrast to the earlier views of computers and power, we must shift ourfocus ... to consider the meaning of information systems, the visibilities ... whose creation and mobilization they make possible within organizations ... and thus their role in classifying, ordering, and constructing reality (1992:467, original emphasis).

Rather than being inherently 'top down' in nature, the operation of power within ICT in the above sense lies in their mediation of the contested domain of what becomes visible and 'real'. Within the developmental environment, this entails an especial danger, since

The computer evolved overwhelmingly in the West in a manner compatible with Western mentality, cultural and political values. When IT is injected into cultures such as those of North Africa, it comes loaded with an embedded virtual value system (Danowitz, 1995:28).

In their role in mediating what, and how, aspects of development become visible, there is, in this view, a real danger that the 'frozen discourse' of ICT may assist in replicating a wider discourse of marginalisation unless there is real sensitivity to their local meanings (e.g. Avgerou, 2000; Bhatnagar, 2000; Thompson, 2002).

The Merging of Developmental & ICT Discourse To technology's roles as 'informator' and 'mediator' of developmental power relations, can be added a third significant role: that of integrator of communities into wider, uneven networks of power. Although usually remaining on the periphery of 'flows' of knowledge and wealth, less-developed countries (LDCs) are nonetheless integrated involuntarily within global networks of capital, production, trade and communication, increasingly mediated by ICT (Castells, 1998). This recognition has resulted in the inclusion of such technologies as important elements of developmental strategies and interventions (e.g. Gillespie, 1997; UNESCO, 1996; UNCTAD, 1997). Moreover, ICT integrate various strands of developmental discourse itself: it has been argued, for example, that ICT networking has become a tool for addressing the entire 'African development problem' - the 'seven D's' of demography, desertification, drought, dependency, disequilibrium, debt and destabilisation (Adedeji, 1986) through its ability to facilitate a mix of accountability, education, informed decisions, resource management, trade, performance monitoring, and competitiveness (Adam, 1996).

This increasingly perceived importance of ICT as components - even drivers - of development has resulted in unprecedented levels of investment in ICT by major developmental donors, often at the expense of alternative forms of initiative (Jensen, 2001, provides a useful summary of some recent investment figures). In affecting what funds are available to spend elsewhere and even how they are spent (i.e. often to complement or 'leverage' existing ICT investments), it is not just ICT being shaped by developmental requirements - increasingly, the inverse is also true: developmental policy options are becoming linked to the shape of technological evolution (Perez, 1988). Perhaps the most visible current example of this phenomenon is the attention currently being accorded to the development of national 'e-readiness' as a cornerstone of capacity-building (www.infodev.org, www.markle.org): the discourse surrounding ICT has thus become part of developmental discourse itself.




The planning, justification, implementation and evaluation of ICT within the contested discourse of development should therefore become a pressing concern for millions of people living in LDCs around the world; although not a citizen of an LDC, it is a similar concern which motivates this author. In seeking to demonstrate the implication of ICT within developmental power relations, the chosen approach will be a critical discussion (below) of a particularly high-profile developmental ICT initiative by arguably the most powerful organisation within developmental discourse (Sikkink, 1991): the World Bank. It will be shown that this initiative is inseparably linked with 'legitimate' discourse which underlies dominant developmental power relations, to the concern of many stakeholders who feel marginalised or even threatened by recent developments. This is followed by a micro-level, critical analysis of sections of a recent speech on ICT and development given by the Bank's president, which provides an example of how the discourse leading to such initiatives is actually legitimised and replicated in practice.

The World Bank & the Internet: a Developmental 'Land Grab'? Although the Bank has recently become sensitised to its image of powerful technocracy (e.g. World Bank, 1994), its policy record is nonetheless generaliseable as the pursuit of top-down, long-term, and often capital-intensive developmental projects, complemented by the International Monetary Fund (IMF)'s control of the supply-side of LDC economies through 'structural adjustment', and control of their demand-side through 'stabilisation'. Whilst space precludes any analysis of the relative success of such policies, it would be fair to say that the effects of both the Bank and the IMF's interventions have come under sustained and vociferous criticism both from within and outside LDCs (e.g. ECA, 1989; George, 1988; Hodd, 1987; Watkins, 1995; White, 1995); the legitimacy of the Bank's activities and version of 'development' is thus inescapably a matter of contested discourse - as must be its recent attempts to turn itself into a 'knowledge bank' (this declaration appears in the speech by the Bank's president later in this paper; for analysis of why this is a problematic extension of the Bank's mandate, see for example, Michael Goldman in http:/ www.brettonwoodsproject.org/topic/knowledgebank/goldmanarticle.htm.).

The strategic importance of ICT in mediating the continuing legitimacy of its position within developmental discourse - and the shaping of future 'development' itself - has not gone unnoticed by the World Bank. The Bank's Global Information and Communication Technologies Department - in particular, its global grant pro- gramme, 'Infodev' - is involved in a variety of localised projects to develop ICT infrastructures within LDCs, although usually to better enable them to participate in the dominant 'development' paradigm (for examples, see www.worldbank.org/ict/), as opposed to the sense of the sort of 'counter-networks' identified by Castells (1997). However, it is to its 'Global Development Gateway' (www.development-gateway.org), launched in 2001, that the Bank has nailed its colours. As a high-budget, $7 million (Aslam, 2001) high-profile project, the 'Gateway Foundation' is seemingly independent (as exemplified by its 'independent' website address below), yet is in fact funded and controlled by the Bank itself.

Upon completion, the Gateway website will contain a database about aid agency projects, listings of organisations working on development, an online bookstore, edited selections of analysis and links on 130 policy issues, franchised Country Gateway websites, and subsites operated by other, approved, organisations and networks; the reader is encouraged to explore the site for themselves in order to




develop their own impression of its layout and content. Whilst some of these aspects are probably helpful and lie within the Bank's mandate (e.g. listing organisations, selling books), its ambitions to become 'the premier web entry point on poverty and sustainable development' (Gateway, 2001a), represent nothing less than an attempt to control developmental discourse itself: although the 'Global' prefix has recently been quietly dropped by the Foundation, it continues to appear on much of its documentation. The Gateway's attempt at control continues, however, to be visible: in the way in which the organisation of information represents 'a donor's taxonomy' (Wilks, 2001); the filtering of material on the basis of its 'quality' (evaluation criteria have not been released by the Bank), and its separation into 'communities'; the appointment of 'expert institutions', rather than individuals, as primary content editors (Gateway, 2001b); the allocation of a number of seats on the Foundation's Board to financial donors of over $5 million; and a focus on 'international' (i.e. predominantly English) languages. The cumulative effect of these and other features of the Gateway's design has led to its perception by some as 'the World Bank's internet 'land-grab".

Effects of this policy are already visible, as described by Wilks (2001): the provision of news for the Gateway is franchised (unaccountably) to FT.com; the 'ranking' of content has been performed not by recipients of 'development' (who often lack the infrastructure or professional time to spend on such activity) but by those, often differently motivated, individuals with the infrastructure, leisure, or financial incentive to do so (Gurstein, 2001). Generally, over 70 per cent of visits to the site are from the US; and suggestions from civil society about its decentralisation have not been followed up, with no explanation provided. The Bank's Department of Institutional Integrity has even received a formal accusation of fraud from the Uruguay-based Instituto del Tercer Mundo because 'potential donors are being misled to make grants to a supposedly independent Foundation that in fact is just an appendix of the Bank', hinting that the Bank's president is lining himself up for a future role in the Foundation (Aslam, 2001). Whether or not the latter is actually the case, the Institute highlights a projected spend by the Gateway in its five-year business plan of over $100 million, to attract only five times the Uruguayan site's existing number of visits.

And this, ultimately, constitutes the most structurally problematic accusation for the Gateway: that in attempting to present one, neutralised, 'reality' of development, it is crowding out, unfairly competing with and thus defunding many otherwise successful alternatives on the other side of the 'digital divide', many of which may be closer to the interests and 'realities' of those whose livelihoods the Bank seeks to improve. As highlighted by Castells (1998), 'official' sites are ultimately incompatible with the structure of ICT networks, which thrive on multiple, decentralised sources maintained by committed, enthusiastic people (such as the Zapatistas described by Castells, who, according to Wilks, have also voiced opposition to the Gateway). The result has been a policy of non-co-operation with the Gateway by a growing number of 'developmental' stakeholders. As an example, the South African Non-governmental Organization Network, Congress of South African Trade Unions, and South African Non-governmental Coalition issued a statement in 2001 that they 'firmly and unequivocally' declined to participate, claiming:

While the Development Gateway purports to promote local community organizations and their information initiatives, its true intention is to control the development information discourse to promote its own particular perspectives (Aslam, 2001).




Having introduced 'development' as a hotly contested area of discourse, and shown how the role of ICT is becoming increasingly important as informator, mediator, and integrator of developmental power relations, I have demonstrated in the World Bank's 'Global' Development Gateway one of the highest profile current examples of the problematic link between ICT and developmental discourse. The Gateway 'informates', by organising information in a way that objectifies, measures and exposes 'the developing' in categories not of their own choosing; it 'mediates' by screening and presenting a view of development which accords with dominant developmental power relations; and it 'integrates', by situating people within wider networks of power, whilst reducing locals' unique, often contested situations to the normalising, neutral terms of development discourse. Recalling Foucault once again, it is truly a developmental panopticon.

The President of the World Bank: Critical Discourse Analysis This section seeks to critically illustrate how the sort of macro-level structure outlined thus far is sustained and replicated in practice at the micro-level. As befits a critical standpoint, the 'structural' motivations of the author regarding the proposed discourse analysis have been first explained to the reader. As a result, it is also hoped that the examples below of the replication of such discourse in practice will emerge clearly.

Methodology The methodology used is a modified version of Fairclough's critical discourse analysis, or CDA (Fairclough, 1995a, 1995b, 1999), which seeks to locate social structures within a dialectical relationship with social activities. Politically, therefore (addressing the 'critical' part of the method), 'connections between the use of language and the exercise of power are often not clear to people, yet appear on closer examination to be vitally important to the workings of power' (Fairclough, 1996:54), whilst methodologically (addressing the 'discourse analysis' part of the method), 'texts constitute a major source of evidence for grounding claims about social structures, relations, and processes' (Fairclough, 1995:209). In fusing power with semiotic activity (a wider category than linguistics), CDA views texts as examples of wider discourses, thus blending the approaches to discourse of social theorists such as Foucault (1972) with linguists such as van Dijk (1985). In doing so, CDA differs from purely linguistic approaches to discourse analysis which might, for example, focus in the first instance on constructions such as phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, and pragmatics (van Dijk, 1988b).

As might be expected of a 'critical' approach to discourse, CDA seeks to link texts at a micro-level (the 'textual level') with macro-level power structures ('sociocultural practice') which, in drawing upon discourse, such texts reproduce. In CDA, 'Discursive practice' is thus the mediator between the macro- and micro-levels, as shown at Figure 1 opposite.

The activities in bold on the right of the model represent the framework of analysis, in which a piece of text is described, and then the discursive practices upon which it draws identified, and linked to the underlying power relations which may be reproduced by the interaction. In selecting pieces of text, CDA draws on Bakhtin's concept of 'utterance', a temporarily performed and unique configuration of context, subject positions, and meaning between interacting, 'dialogical' people - although, as Goffman (1981:38) has pointed out, audiences for political speeches are usually pre-




Figure 1: Dimensions of Discourse & Discourse Analysis (adapted from Titscher et al. 2000)

ratified' and thus more favour- Process ofproducticn able reactions may be expected

by the speaker (this may ex- Tedt Desription (text analysis) plain the use of 'confidence' as

a speech genre, as will be seen below).

Pr of intrpretation eretaon(analysis of linkage)

In selecting sections of a speech Discwsrvepactice for analysis, the analyst there-

fore looks for identifiable con-

> Explanaton(socalanalysis) figurations of 'discursive Powerrelaiomo practice' (refs 1-16 in the text)

(Situational, institutional, societal) consisting of discrete, unique combinations of idioms, refer- ences, inferences or phrases within a particular 'order of discourse', such as 'development'. In identifying these con-

figurations, Fairclough further distinguishes between generic 'speech genres', which apply horizontally across various orders of discourse, and (by contrast) 'discursive types', formations which are 'vertically' identifiable as part a particular order of discourse. Figure 2 shows the speech genres and discursive types identified in the text. As will be seen in the analysis, it is the mixing of (often contradictory) speech genres and discursive types which provides units of discursive practice, and hence discourse, with its unique power.

In the analysis which follows, recurrent devices and themes were first identified, and reduced upon repeated readings of the text to the concepts shown in Figure 2. Although subjective judgement plays an inevitable part of any such analysis, both text and analysis are presented here in tabular format in such a way as to place both author and reader in exactly the same position from which to interpret the text, in order to allow the reader to reach an independent view.

Analysis The source text for the critical discourse analysis below, of Figure 2: Speech Genres & Discursive Types which approximately 50 per Identified in this Analysis cent has been selected, was Speech Genre (SG) Discursive Type (DT) given by James D. Wolfensohn, President of the World Bank 1. Confidence** 1. Technocracy

Group, to a mixed academic 2. Factual information 2. Legitimacy Group ton amiedacademicauinet

3. Humour 3. Neutrality and non-academic audience at 4. Persuasion 4. Corporatism Cambridge University on 24 5. Tech(nological) optimism June 2000. It is entitled 'New 6. Pragmatism possibilities in information 00 Please note that this term is used in the sense of 'something

technology and know-ledge for confided' between people.

development in a global economy', and is available on




the Web (see Biblio. at end); readers are encouraged if possible to view the text in its entirety to place the selections below within their proper context. The analysis of selected units of discursive practice is divided into four sections reflecting the structure of the speech, which I have termed 'Introduction', 'Role of ICT', 'Initiatives', and 'Initiatives/Conclusion'; each section of analysis is supported by a one-page commentary. It is suggested that the reader approach the analysis of the speech section by section, first reading the text column in the table, then the short narrative commentary, followed by a return to the analysis columns of the table, before proceeding to the next part of the text. (Editors Note: technically this has not been possible due to the limitations imposed by our format; please refer to the tables at the end of this paper).

Introduction to the Speech The introductory part of the speech constitutes an attempt to establish, or replicate, the legitimacy of the position of the World Bank as an (implied) leader within 'development', a position which will be required as a platform for the legitimation of a particular view of ICT later on. Recalling Escobar's comments earlier regarding the co-emergence in discourse of poverty and development, we can see the rapid establishment of a set of normative relations between these two key elements of developmental discourse:

The crucial element in most forms of social and political legitimation is that a powerful group or institution ... seeks normative approval for its policies or actions. ... In such legitimating discourse, institutional actions and policies are typically described as beneficial for the group or society as a whole (Rojo and van Dijk, discussing the expulsion of African illegal immigrants from Spain, 1997:528).

Hence, in our analysis, the 'link' column shows the emergence of 'legitimacy' (the appeal in Ref 4 to a 'higher order' need for intervention), and 'technocracy' (the assertion of expertise in Ref 1). These two discursive types can be seen as core components of the wider order of discourse underpinning, or replicating, the Bank's position in development.

As the 'macro' column of the analysis shows, the 'introduction' section of the speech has thus re-established the status of the Bank as 'expert' (Ref 1), then reaffirmed the legitimacy of its employees in being paid highly for this (Ref 2) - using the speech genres of confidence and humour to generate the hint of irony required to sustain such a position. By the beginning of Ref 3 the Bank appears precariously poised as a group of highly-paid experts with no object for their expertise - so the poor are quickly introduced (Ref 3) and normalised within the Bank's development paradigm - in which we first hear that ICT are to play a major part. The two fundamental components of development discourse, the discursive types of technocracy and legitimacy, have now been established, but there remains one further important task: to place this newly-established discourse (and hence newly-replicated power structure) beyond the realm of questioning. In Ref 4, therefore, we hear not only that the problem is growing worse but that the Bank's intervention has a higher authority than 'charity' or 'social conscience' (whose underpinnings are, of course, ideological and thus open to question) but the normative, common good of 'world peace' itself. By the end of this section, the Bank is thus established as almost synonymous with 'development', and fundamental to the future of our world.




Role of ICT Building on the normative platform of technocracy and legitimacy - the core elements of the discursive order upon which the hegemony of the World Bank rests - established in the first section of his speech, in the second section the speaker outlines the Bank's strategic approach to ICT. However, before introducing this new, potentially disruptive, element into this newly re-established set of discursive relations, it is neutralised and allocated its place within such discourse as an instrument of, rather than a threat to, Bank policy. Rather than attempt this directly (which might consciously highlight this potential contradiction in the minds of the audience), another, non ICT-related, threat, Sen's Development as Freedom, is introduced and discussed in detail (Ref 5), neutralised, and then linked to ICT in Ref 6 (inference: ICT are also non-threatening) - in a technique which has been referred to as 'masking' (Ng and Bradac, 1993).

Ironically, in the preface to Development as Freedom, Sen deploys a similar technique of association, paying tribute to the speaker, 'whose vision, skill, and humanity I much admire' (often a preface for criticism), before stating:

The World Bank has not invariably been my favourite organization. The power to do good almost goes almost always with the possibility to do the opposite, and as a professional economist, I have had occasions in the past to wonder whether the Bank could not have done very much better. These reservations and criticisms are in print (1999:xiii).

Moreover, almost in anticipation of others' future attempts to represent or normalise his work, Sen continues later in the same page:

... this work is presented mainly for open deliberation and critical scrutiny. I have, throughout my life, avoided giving advice to the 'authorities'. Indeed, I have never counselled any government, preferring to place my suggestions and critiques ... in the public domain (1999:xiii-xiv).

Despite having articulated such a position, Sen's, in many ways, alternative developmental paradigm is linked by the speaker to that of the World Bank (Text, Ref 5) in a way which, from his above comments, Sen would surely have disapproved, and then represented as synonymous with Bank policy.

By Ref 6, having disabled a less immediately relevant threat and attracted Sen to his side, the speaker is then in a strong enough position to confront ICT as a threat rhetorically - i.e. from a position of consensual, dominant discourse (first sentence). But is the Bank making appropriate use of ICT? The Bank's expertise and mastery of ICT as a developmental tool remains to be established as a platform for later parts of the speech. In Ref 6, therefore, the speaker invokes a variety of discursive types (components of the 'development' order of discourse) to show that this is the case. To the existing discursive types of technocracy, legitimacy, and pragmatism, deployed in the Introduction, are added 'technological optimism,' (the unproblematic linking of ICT to 'opportunity'), and 'corporatism' (the deployment, hence 'ownership' of elements of dominant corporate discourse, such as 'leveraging', 'empowering', 'objectives', and 'knowledge'). Finally - and mysteriously - we learn that 'normal knowledge' is transmitted into 'specially characterised knowledge' - and that, fortunately, we can rely on the World Bank for this.




Initiatives By Ref 7, the speaker has intentionally or unintentionally reconstituted the essential components of developmental discourse, and placed this relationship beyond ideological questioning by appealing to a higher legitimacy (the 'introduction' part) - and neutralised two independent, potential threats by representing them as integral components of the Bank itself, reminding us along the way of the Bank's expert status in wielding one of these tamed threats, ICT, thus tightening its hegemonic control over those requiring 'technologising' (the 'role of ICT' part). A great deal of macro- level structure has thus already been drawn on (in discursive types) and replicated in the discursive order in a fairly short micro-level textual space.

In Ref 7, there is another interesting blending: the speech genre of confidence (an appeal, person-to-person, to the 'self-evidence' of the internet's potential, even to someone who 'grew up without any facility for using internet') with the harder discursive type of 'technocracy', which accompanies the announcement of his intention to use ICT to turn his organisation into a 'knowledge bank' (the Development Gateway was under construction at the time of this speech). Such a dramatic expansion of the Bank's mandate is thus presented unproblematically at the self-evident level of common sense. This theme is taken up again in Ref 10, where the Gateway itself is introduced at a generic level. Here, however, in contrast to the majority of the speech to date, the pronoun 'we' is employed three times in the first two sentences to create an impression of consensualism using a common device:

... the way in which selectional choices made at the level of definite descriptions may manipulate the hearer's identifications by directing attention away from designated individuals towards some generic role or conceptual category (Wilson 1990:77).

However, it is arguable that the most blatant example of the inappropriate use of the collective pronoun within the speech appears at Ref 9, where the speaker comments: '... in Africa, we use wind-up radios'. This comment illustrates a more important point than the simple absurdity of the President of the World Bank Group using a wind-up radio in Africa: the tendency of dominant discourse to define, yet assimilate and normalise, 'otherness', downplaying often major differences in socio-economic and cultural experience.

If the above examples show a localised tendency to normalise, Ref 8 is an example of the use of a 'normalised' Western cultural framework to plan and use ICT within a developmental context. Again, there is an attempt to elide major differences in experience, in which 'kids' link up for 'fun' across the world:

... Wouldn't it be fun for the kids of Jackson Hole to know something about Uganda; ... I can assure you that none of the kids in Uganda knew about Jackson Hole ... 35,000 kids linked in the south and the north ... Inuit kids from Canada are working with kids in Latin America; kids in France ... kids in Madrid ... and so on (Ref 8).

It is arguable that the repetition of the word 'kids' throughout the passage is an attempt at appealing to the audience via, in the view of the speaker, a universal, neutral category; however, 'kids' remains a North American cultural construction, not a universal state which accords with the experiences of many children in LDCs, many of whom combine education with an economic role from near-infancy. Given his position, the speaker's possible unawareness of his cultural bias is almost more worrying than the possibility that he was aware, but chose to manipulate it.




Initiatives / Conclusion The final part of the speech appears almost as a blueprint for ICT-enabled North American cultural (discursive) expansion. In Ref 11, we can see ICT as a medium for transferring 'Western' knowledge 'out' (my term) to Africa, 'from teaching sites in North America, French Canada and in Ireland' - the inclusion of 'French Canada' presumably in order to reach Francophone Africa, an area otherwise less permeable to Western cultural transfer due to its general non-use of English. In Ref 12, the assumed neutrality (an important discursive type, or component, of developmental discourse) of such programmes is demonstrated once again, where we are told that the 'Virtual University of the Monterrey Tech System' is teaching '300 towns in Latin America in 7 countries' various subjects - from how to run a fire department to how to construct a budget ... a Mayor in Costa Rica might be working with a Mayor in Mexico City' (Ref 12). However, this one-way flow of Western (sub)urban civic values and technical structure to the LDC context is not acknowledged; in fact, the actual phraseology used was: 'we link up ... to teach'. The separation of, and weakening of the association between, the subject and verb in this sentence is another masking device, where,

The cumulative effect of the transformations is that the direct commander-commanded relationship has been changed into a relationship wherein the commander plays the role of an information giver and the commanded is assigned the role of an information receiver (Ng and Bradac, 1993:163).

Such depoliticisation of a problematic use of technology within development is also, of course, visible in Ref 13, where the ability of ICT-mediated satellite communication to normalise and control the speaking time of interactants around the world is presented unequivocally as a benefit for all.

Perhaps the most incongruous part of the speech, however, is Refs 14 and 15, where the speaker relates how he was 'literally in the jungle with no water, no power, rough streets, and where I was made a Chief ... there is gold ... I am sitting with my brother Chiefs and one of them - it is a brother chief not a sister chief I might tell you in most parts of Africa ...' (Ref 14). As discussed in Ref 2, the other markedly incongruous part of the speech, the speaker uses the speech genres of humour and confidence to generate the hint of irony required to overcome what is, in this case, a piece of blatant Orientalism:

Orientalism can be discussed and analysed as the corporate institution for dealing with the Orient - dealing with it, by making statements about it, authorizing views of it, describing it, by teaching it, settling it, ruling over it: in short, Orientalism as a Western style for dominating, restructuring, and having authority over the Orient (Said, 1978:3).

Although softened with the speech genres of humour and confidence, the 'other' - in this case, the 'Orient' - is being recreated in the present with every word of the text. Moreover, in the phrase 'forwards, contracts - I mean more tough-minded traders you have never seen', it is implied that such 'brother chiefs' are (presumably, contrary to indications otherwise) natural, tough-minded traders waiting to embrace the extension of international market capitalism into the 'jungle' via ICT.

By Ref 16, the Bank's unproblematic approach to planning, deployment and use of ICT within its own developmental paradigm has been replicated and normalised in front of our eyes. It remains only for the speaker to pull a final discursive conjuring trick:



114 Review ofAfrican Political Economy

We are at the beginning of a revolution: we are in a revolution. And I would simply like to say to you ... that the use of information technology does not disturb the basicframework of the development paradigm (Ref 16).

A similar appropriation and use of discursive terms associated with a perceived threat has been noted by Chilton (1998), whose discourse analysis of the protracted confrontation between the government of Margaret Thatcher in the UK and the anti- nuclear peace movement of the 1980s highlights her statement that 'we [the government] are the true peace movement' (Daily Telegraph 29 April 1983), and the invention of the phrase 'peacemongers' to refer to CND protesters. However, the speaker's own 'doublespeak' in Ref 16, about a revolution which does not alter the basic framework of power, is followed by an almost sinister continuation, which summarises in a phrase the deep and growing linkages between ICT, development discourse, and power relations. The remark may not bode well for those who do not support their own objectification by the Bank as 'developing':

But it [ICT] is giving us opportunities to expand it [the development paradigm], to leverage it, and I must say we are finding new ways of development ... that none of us have ever considered (Ref 16).

Conclusion The preceding discourse analysis constitutes a detailed example of the increasingly problematic interrelationship between ICTs and the developmental discourse of the World Bank. ICT is represented as a neutral tool of the Bank's experts (the 'Role of ICT' section of the speech), the province of 'young people' (Ref 14), the 'new millennium, and the future' (Ref 12), and we are repeatedly told that, far from offering alternatives to the existing developmental order, ICT is seen by the Bank as key to its future expansion. Along the way, we have seen examples of the conception of ICT projects within a markedly North American worldview (the 'Initiatives' section of the speech) and the use of ICT to export, unchallenged, such cultural assumptions (the 'Initiatives and Conclusion' section).

Interestingly, the analysis has also identified some of the major components, or 'discursive types' (see Figure 2), of the Bank's discourse regarding ICT and development, and highlighted the use of contrasting speech genres and other devices, with which some of the more contentious - and therefore risky - passages are softened and thus successfully delivered. The result can, following Escobar, Foucault, and Said's earlier definitions, be viewed as the creation and systematisation of a set of discursive relations in speech. These components consist of a mixture of 'traditional' developmental discourse - technocratic expertise (DT1), combined with 'poverty' as an undisputable need for such expertise (DT2) - with more ICT-specific components, such as the assumption of ICT as a neutral force in development (DT3), the display of expertise in the corporate terms with which ICT is often surrounded and discussed (DT4), technological optimism bordering on determinism (DT5), and a show of ICT pragmatic use on the ground, thus ensuring 'results' (DT6). Taken together as a set of relations, such components emerge as a powerful discursive grouping, whose systematisation, and thus normalisation, in speeches such as this might go almost unnoticed but for such analyses.

Moreover, as was seen in the earlier part of the paper, there is another, powerful material example of the way in which this same set of discursive relations operates to structure 'developmental' reality: the Bank's Development Gateway, which appears




to shout technocratic expertise (DT1), offering 'data and statistics', 'country overviews', and 'major development topics'; legitimacy (DT2), 'hot' new areas requiring intervention; unproblematic neutrality (DT3) in its claim to be an independent foundation; corporatism (DT4) in its offering of '500+ new tender opportunities daily' (currently a quarter of the site); technological optimism (DT5) in the portrayal of ICT in the site's content (the speech analysed in this paper is a currently available example); and pragmatism (DT6), offering 'perspectives from within developing countries on economic and social issues' - selected, as we saw earlier, by the Bank. As shown in the earlier discussion of the Gateway, the result of the extension of such discourse via ICT has been widespread concern amongst many of those whom the site subjectifies, ranging from disaffectation to official non-co- operation.

This paper has thus sought to highlight as a matter of pressing concern the growing appropriation and assimilation into World Bank-led development discourse of the idea of what is 'normal', 'accepted', and de facto in the use of ICT in LDCs. This has been achieved through a description of the operation of developmental discourse, and of the powerful opportunities ICT offers institutions controlling such discourse - consciously or unconsciously - to 'informate' and 'integrate' those it objectifies as 'developing', and to 'mediate' and thus control perceptions of what is 'normal' on both sides of the digital divide. This interaction between ICT and developmental discourse then became visible in the discussion of the Development Gateway, presented as current material evidence of the operation of such discourse at the macro-level. Finally, a recent speech by the President of the World Bank was analysed critically at a micro-level to discover how the Bank normalises and thus controls both ICT and those it classes as 'developing' through the establishment of a systematised relationship between various key discursive components.

Discourse analysis is arguably a useful lens through which to view the statements of organisations in any problematic political domain, for it allows a view beyond stated policies and action plans, developed for public consumption, to the normative level of the semi-conscious: the assumptions and unspoken linkages which underpin actual organisational behaviour. In this respect, the extent to which the Bank is consciously aware of the problematic nature of its assumptions regarding the role of ICT in development - in the form of policy - is of less concern than the material effect of such discourse on those whom the Bank seeks to 'develop'. It is hoped that others on both sides of the digital divide will reflect further as a result of this article upon the nature of this relationship in structuring their own 'developmental' experience.

Mark Thompson is a lecturer in Information Systems at the Judge Management Institute, University of Cambridge; e-mail: [email protected].

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