heliopolis: a celebration of sao paulo's favela vernacular

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HELIOPÓLIS A Celebration of Sao Paulo’s Favela Vernacular

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My architecture thesis project about the beauty and resilience of Brazilian favelas. Based on my research of the complex vernacular and spacial relationships that already exist there, I developed a model for a new block structure. The buildings and meeting points I added allow for more public meeting spaces and a greater gardening capacity in order to strengthen the vibrant community of Heliopolis.

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Page 1: Heliopolis: A Celebration of Sao Paulo's Favela Vernacular

HELIOPÓLIS A Celebration of Sao Paulo’s Favela Vernacular

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Heliopolis: A Celebration of Sao Paulo’s Favela Vernacular

A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the Architecture Department in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Architecture in Architecture

atSavannah College of Art and Design

Sabrina Elise Richter

Savannah, GA

© May 2014

Julie Rogers-Varland

Samuel Olin

Hugo Carneiro Leao de Mesquita

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A THANK YOUI would like to first thank my parents for their constant love, support, and care packages. Next, I would like to thank my grandmother for providing me with a wonderful apartment for my last two quarters of grad school. It became my sanctuary and I will never forget this amazing gift you gave me.

Thank you to all of my committee members; your combined efforts guided me to think of new possibilities and to solidify what it was that I wanted to achieve. To Hugo: thank you for agreeing to be on committee, and showing me around Sao Paulo on an adventure I will keep forever.

Dearest Austin, thank you for the homemade sushi and encouragement. Thank you for helping me relax at the end of every single long day, and for bringing Dani for puppy therapy.

I would also like to thank my classmates, your amazing work pushed me further in my own work. I could always count on you for aesthetic advice, spontaneous food runs, and finals backrubs.

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List of IllustrationsAbstract

Chapter 1: Introduction: Sao PauloChapter 2: AnalysisChapter 3: HeliopolisChapter 4: Design DevelopmentFinal Images

Final PresentationReflection: A Look Back and a Look Forward Sources

TABLE OF CONTENTSPage 1Page 3

Page 9Page 23Page 33Page 57Page 85

Page 105Page 109

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Figure A.1 Favela sketch, Image by Author

Figure 1.1 Diagram, Image by AuthorFigure 1.2 Diagram, Image by AuthorFigure 1.3 Photo, Image by AuthorFigure 1.4 Precipitation Chart http://weatherspark. com/averages/33424/Sao-Paulo-BrazilFigure 1.5 Precipitation Chart http://weatherspark. com/averages/33424/Sao-Paulo-BrazilFigure 1.6 Aerial photograph of Sao Paulo http://www.skyscrapercity.com/ showthread.php?t=995447Figure 1.7 Photo, Image by AuthorFigure 1.8 Favela timeline, Image by author in addition to image from: http://www.getyourguide.com/ sao-paulo-l384/sao-paulo-favela-tour-t34891/ Figure 1.9 Image from: http://favelissues. com/2010/03/01/brief-overview-of-sps-ur banization/, MIT, accessed October 21, 2013Figure 1.10 Image from: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/ news/article-2342458/Cleaning-Brazils- dangerous-favelas-Rio-fight-make-city- safe-eyes-world-turn-2016-Olympic- Games.html, accessed October 12, 2013.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONSFigure 2.1 “A Lack of peripheral vision” Print, Image by authorFigure 2.2 “What Not to Bring”, Print, Image by AuthorFigure 2.3 “Travel Faster”, Print, Image by AuthorFigure 2.4 Favela Jardim Colombo, São Paulo ground floor plan of surveyed block, Hugo MesquitaFigure 2.5 “Osmosis”, Image by Author

Figure 3.1 Heliopolis analysis model, Image by AuthorFigure 3.2 Growth diagrams, Image by AuthorFigure 3.3 Sketch of favela organization, Image by AuthorFigure 3.4 Site model, Image by Author Figure 3.5 Realizations sketch, Image by AuthorFigure 3.6 Site model, Image by AuthorFigure 3.7 Orientation sketch, Image by AuthorFigure 3.8 Stoop sketch, Image by AuthorFigure 3.9 Protected view, Image by authorFigure 3.10 The favela vernacular as an architectural and social construct, Print, Image by AuthorFigure 3.11 Estrada das Lagrimas snapshot, Google EarthFigure 3.12 Estrada das Lagrimas snapshot, Google EarthFigure 3.13 Typical Middle class neighborhood, Google EarthFigure 3.14 Typical Middle class neighborhood, Google Earth

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

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Figure 3.15 Cornerstore, Image by AuthorFigure 3.16 The Bird Man, Image by AuthorFigure 3.17 Street Market, Image by AuthorFigure 3.18 Street Perspective, Image by AuthorFigure 3.19 Entry, Image by Author Figure 3.20 Photo, Hugo Mesquita Figure 3.21 Photo, Hugo MesquitaFigure 3.22 Photo, Hugo MesquitaFigure 3.23 Photo, Hugo MesquitaFigure 3.24 Photo, Hugo MesquitaFigure 3.25 Beleza, “Boamistura’s Optical Illusion Street Paintings.” Magical Urbanism. N.p., n.d. Web. 12 Nov. 2013Figure 3.26 Photo, “Boamistura’s Optical Illusion Street Paintings.” Magical Urbanism. N.p., n.d. Web. 12 Nov. 2013Figure 3.27 Alley sketch, Image by AuthorFigure 4.1 Site model with schematic design one, Image by AuthorFigure 4.2 Scheme 1 Continuation, Image by AuthorFigure 4.3 Scheme Two, Image by AuthorFigure 4.4 Scheme Two, Image by AuthorFigure 4.5 Scheme ThreeFigure 4.6 Photo, MASS Design GroupFigure 4.7 Photo, MASS Design GroupFigure 4.8 Photo, MASS Design GroupFigure 4.9 Photo, MASS Design Group Figure 4.10 Photo, MASS Design GroupFigure 4.11 Working site model, Image by Author Figure 4.12 Existing entry points, Image by AuthorFigure 4.13 Schematic design sketch, Image by Author

Figure 4.14 Livesock education area, Image by AuthorFigure 4.15 Spatial diagrams, Image by AuthorFigure 4.16 Vertical Gym, http://www.u-tt.com/projects_ BarutaVG.htmlFigure 4.17 Vertical Gym, http://www.u-tt.com/projects_ BarutaVG.htmlFigure 4.18 Community soccer field, http://noticias. r7.com/sao-paulo/fotos/incendio-destroi- predio-e-favela-na-regiao-central-20-23. htmlFigure 4.19 Health center conceptual rendering, Image by AuthorFigure 4.20 Vernacular shading device, http://www.designboom.com/architecture/ building-trust-enables-portable-moving- school-for-refugeesFigure 4.21 Photo of Moving school, http://www.designboom.com/architecture/ building-trust-enables-portable-moving- school-for-refugeesFigure 4.22 Seed bomb poster, Image by AuthorFigure 4.23 Seed bombs, Image by AuthorFigure 4.24 Seed paper pin up, Image and artwork by AuthorFigure 4.25 Site Plan Development, Image by AuthorFigure 4.26 Site Plan Development, Image by AuthorFigure 4.27 Site Plan final development, Image by AuthorFigure 5.1 Site plan with section cuts, Image by AuthorFigure 5.2 North site section diagram, Image by Author

Figure 5.3 South site section diagram, Image by AuthorFigure 5.4 Health center section, Image by AuthorFigure 5.5 Health center ground floor plan, Image by AuthorFigure 5.6 Health center second floor, Image by AuthorFigure 5.7 Market section, Image by AuthorFigure 5.8 Grow tower section, Image by AuthorFigure 5.9 Education buildings section, Image by Author Figure 5.10 Education buildings floorplan overlayed with site plan, Image by AuthorFigure 5.11 Learning garden perspectiveFigure 5.12 Poultry education perspective, Image by AuthorFigure 6.1 Collage board, Image by AuthorFigure 6.2 Final Boards, Image by AuthorFigure 6.3 Final site plan, Image by Author

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This thesis is an exploration and celebration of the favela vernacular in Sao Paulo in an effort to present slum vernacular as not only as a relevant architectural typology in today’s rapidly urbanizing world, but an extremely valuable one. This community-driven urban plan centers on mental and physical health by reestablishing vital streets and community spaces in one block of Heliopolis that were lost in the densification of dwellings. Through maintaining existing entry conditions, textural patterns and flows, and inserting sustainable landscaping and urban agriculture opportunities, the plan offers a possible implementation of a new block structure that will alleviate sanitation issues, crime, and the reliance on external resources.

HELIOPÓLIS A Celebration of Sao Paulo’s Favela Vernacular

Sabrina Elise Richter

© May 2014

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Figure A.1 Favela sketch, Image by author

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There is never just one side to a story – this has never been more evident than when researching the favelas of Brazil. Historically, informal settlements have been viewed by most people as eyesores that should be completely demolished. To others, favelas are an artistic inspiration and have been the subject matter of video games, movies, books, and intense debate. However, favela residents, or, favelados, feel differently than the rest of the world. These communities belong to them, and the structures they have made from waste work amazingly well. The research for this thesis has been a culmination of attempts to differentiate actual facts concerning the favelas from the deep wells of opinion and anger about them. The resourcefulness and strength of the residents of the favelas has inspired this thesis project – an attempt to provide a safer and more stable sense of place for these people.

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1 Shanty town settlements in Brazil that were first used to describe, “Precarious hillside shacks erected by demobilized soldiers in Rio de Janiero at the start of the century (Lloyd-Sherlock 290).”

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Slums Worldwide

One billion people currently live in slum settlements worldwide. By 2030, it is expected that one in every four people on the planet will be living in an urban slum (Mesquita, np).

The term favela was first used in Rio de Janiero when returning soldiers created hillside dwellings at the turn of the century when they returned home from war and did not receive housing that was promised to them (Lloyd-Sherlock 290). In Sao Paulo, the poor live in enormous slums that form a periphery around the city, or in “shabby, overcrowded tenements called corticos (beehives) near the center of town (Page 181).”

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“Approximately one third of the population [in Brazil] live in conditions of high density (favelas or shanty towns) and lack an adequate supply of water, sanitary sewers, and trash collection (Penn 153-4).”

Sao Paulo has 1600 slums, which are the home of 20 percent of Sao Paulo’s population (Mesquita, np).

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Figure 1.1 Diagram, Image by authorFigure 1.2 Diagram, Image by author

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In many countries around the world, slums do not begin to increase at a rapid rate until the rate of urbanization slows (Lloyd-Sherlock 289). This theory is especially relevant to Sao Paulo, where the slum population more than doubled between the years 1987 and 1993, compared to the total urban growth rate of an almost stagnant 1.1 percent (Lloyd-Sherlock 289). Although the Brazilian government has tried a variety of unsuccessful tactics of addressing favelas in the past, they are now working to find a solution for housing the poor. The social and economic divides are impossible to ignore in a city where the poor live in squatter settlements and the rich have “gated communities and guarded malls” (Smith 140).

Sao Paulo’s population explosion and inequality have led some experts to believe that “Sao Paulo is the most important metropolis in South America (Smith 140).” A hundred years ago, the population was less than 100,000 and now reaches over 10 million, with 19 million in the municipality of Sao Paulo (Smith 140). Brazil occupies a territory of 8.5 million square kilometers on the east coast of South America (Penn 146), inhabited by a small population of wealthy people and a large population of poor people. Brazil’s per capita income on a world scale places it in the “upper third of world countries,” in other words, “77 per cent of the world population lives in countries with a lower per capital income than Brazil (Penn 146).” These statistics help to show that Brazil is by no means a poor country – it is a country with extreme issues of inequality.

Figure 1.3 Photo, Image by Author

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INTRODUCTION

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INTRODUCTION

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Figure 1.4 Precipitation ChartFigure 1.5 Precipitation Chart

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Sao Paulo has a huge amount of yearly rainfall, which drastically effects living conditions in the poor areas of the city. The highest rainfall is is during December to February (Figure 1.5). Due to inadequate sewage and drainage systems, many of the buildings within the favela become hard to get to without walking across a pool of accumulated water. The stagnant water only makes sanitation problems worse, and eventually erodes the foundations of these hand built structures.

This thesis attempted to address this issue through recycling water collected from roofs and through implementing strong plants as a part of the landscaping design.

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Figure 1.4 Probability of Precipitation at Some Point in the Day

Figure 1.5 Types of Precipitation Throughout the Year

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Figure 1.6 Aerial photograph of Sao Paulo

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The enslavement of Africans lasted for more than 300 years, and Brazil was the last country to abolish slavery (Penn 148). Brazilian society in the nineteenth century is described as, “A small white elite, the remainders of a slaveholding economy in decadence, and a multitude of freed slaves, bastard children, descendents of Indians, poor whites and poor immigrants brought from Europe and Japan” (Penn 148). Brazil’s lack of legislation acknowledging the end of slavery began to shape race relations for generations (Penn 149). Helen Penn states that the country’s lack of legislation to ensure racial segregation led to no legal definition of race identity.

Furthermore, Brazil made no attempt for policies for integrating the newly freed slaves into society, which continued to exasperate the inequalities between white and black people. Possibly the most detrimental to Brazilian culture between the nineteenth and twentieth century were the policies encouraging white European immigration, in an effort to “[whiten] the population (149).” Although favelados are looked down upon by their surrounding residents, some of the richest culture and music in Brazil comes from favelas. In Rio de Janeiro, the favelas are made up almost entirely of Afro-Brazilian and “Pardo,” or mixed-race people (Hagedorn 16). While Brazil claims to be a ‘non-racial’ society, Brazilians with dark skin have fewer opportunities and are politically underrepresented (16). Apart from mixed-race and black people in favelas have perhaps the lowest social standing in Brazil; they have been responsible for some of the richest cultural influences there.

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Figure 1.7 Photo, Image by author

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Mangueira, a Rio de Janiero favela, has produced some of the most influential samba music. Many of Brazil’s greatest samba artists have also hailed from this community, including “Carlota, Nelson Cavaquinho and Carlos Cachaca (Phillips, np).”The city’s most influential samba school, the Gremio Recreativo Escola de Samba Mangueria, is another successful product of this slum.

A distinctive rap unique to Brazil is the most popular music in the favelas (Hagedorn 106). In Sao Paulo, there are estimations that “at least thirty thousand rap groups” exist (108).” These group refer to themselves as ‘gangstas’ or ‘posses’ insert sounds of machine guns and shoot outs with the police into the music to reflect the violent reality in which they live. The rap groups that exist in the slums help the youth to express their frustration with inequality, violence, and finding an identity (110-11). Members of the popular rap group Filosofia Gangsta say, “[they] perform gangsta rap not because of the message,” rather, “the form in which the messages are conveyed, the aggressive style (Hagedorn, 107).” The rap group claims to “Preach gangsterism against the horrible things that happen in the ghetto (107).”

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The Problems

Despite the intriguing quality of favelas, there are many problems that make daily tasks difficult and hinder the residents’ safety and health. Creative, sustainable solutions must be put in place in order to give the residents a higher quality of life. The lack of proper housing is the greatest overall issue in Sao Paulo. Other problems include a general lack of foundations with many of the favelas, which leads to issues such as flooding and entire structures washing away (Page 180). There are very few public health amenities, leading to rampant disease (Page 179). Other problems include crime, gangs, and poor accessibility. The lack of proper transportation creates a variety of issues. As with any country, past policies Brazil’s government made continue to affect their citizens today.In Sao Paulo, favela populations were minimal until 1970, considering the rapid expansion until that point (Lloyd-Sherlock 289). Between 1970 and 1993, however, the favela population more than doubled, “reaching almost two million” (Lloyd-Sherlock 289).

Figure 1.8 Favela timeline

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Most of the informal settlements in Sao Paulo are located in the south region of the metropolitan area, close to the water supplies. Environmentally speaking, this has been highly problematic as the favelados in these areas are now subject to constant floods. The watersheds, which now receive their sewage, have become undrinkable and polluted (Sertich, np). Due to this issue, revitalization efforts have placed an emphasis on sanitary upgrades to settlements surrounding the city’s reservoirs in order to improve public health in both the favelas and the surrounding communities (Sertich, np).

Many residents of favelas in Brazil do not have the money or the time to seek proper medical help, which creates a spiral of worsening health. When slum-dwellers do seek medical attention, they find a public- health system “Mired in a perpetual state of chaos (Page, 179).” The hospitals available to them are under-maintained and over-crowded. These health care centers often hold great risks as well, such as infected blood (179).

Figure 1.9 Map showing favelas on the outskirts and within the city of Sao Paulo. The light blue shows how the floodplains over overlap favela and other informal settlements.

Figure 1.9 Map

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Favela removals have been going on for decades, but with the FIFA World Cup a few months away and the 2016 Olympic Games close on the horizon, the removals have become a looming threat to the residents living in Brazil’s slums since early 2011. More often than not, residents of favelas in Rio de Janiero and Sao Paolo are forcefully removed from their homes or offered monetary payment at the last moment before construction (Rio, np). However, this restitution is often insufficient to obtain other housing. The alternative for these residents is relocation “To housing projects built miles away (Dubon),” which destroys entire cultures and makes it next to impossible to find new jobs and to be accepted into a new community. These tactics are used so that the government can quickly remove residents without protest, resulting in detrimental long-term effects for these communities.

As previously discussed, one of the biggest problems keeping favela residents from progressing in their communities is how often their government and their more wealthy neighbors look them down upon them. Many of the favelados rely on public transportation to get to work (Page 180). Children are often neglected when their parents are at work in the city, and some children in favelas are completely unaccustomed to the light of day (Page 197). While many believe the poor physical conditions of living in favelas are most critical, they overlook the idea that mental damage caused by wealthier society can be just as damaging to the residents in these slums. In addition to long delays and dilapidated conditions, they must also suffer from “being held in contempt by many of their more fortunate compatriots (Page 180).” This contempt that favelados constantly face only reinforces their sense of inferiority, which continues the cycle of low expectations.

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Over the past few years, the Brazilian government has been sending UPPs, or, ‘pacifying police units’, into the slums to make the citiens more safe and work with the local cultures already in place (Daibert, np). Many argue that this is not the case. One critic of the UPPs is Raquel Rolnik, professor at the University of Sao Paulo and Un Special Rapporteur claims she has evidence the communities the UPPs occupy show correlation to a larger agenda of preparing for the World Cup and the Olympics (Daibert, np). Instead of being concentrated in areas with thte highest homicide levels, the UPPs are instead focused in areas where stadiums are being constructed. Many people have also turned up missing due to an increased police presence. A man named Amarildo de Souza reportedly dissapeared because he looked ‘like a suspect’ (Daibert, np). While officials claim increased security helps the favela communities, there are still many questionable pieces to the puzzle.

A dominating UPP officer aims his weapon within a favela.

Figure 1.10 Police officer

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Other sources, such as the Human Rights Watch have more disturbing news in regards to the UPPs. The numbers alone are dismal: “The Rio and Sao Paulo police have together killed more than 11,000 people since 2003 (Lethal 1). In nearly all cases in Rio and Sao Paulo in which police have reported killig favelados, they claimed the deaths were reported as, ‘resistance killings,’ meaning the shootings were legitimate acts of self defense (Lethal 1).

While many favelas have dangerous criminals, many of the ‘resistance killings’ are illegitimate. The forensic tests show that many vistims were shot at point blank range, often in the back of the head, allowing analysists to conclude they were victims of police being allowed to do as the please, with no punishment (Lethal 3). This evidence, among others, show that Brazil’s levels of inequality are so high that police employed by the governemnet to protect them can easily get away with murdering thousands of slum dwellers.

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Artwork representing the lack of peripheral vision of the wealthy in Brazil. Heliopolis map underlay.

If each car needs ten sq meters for parking, then that means 68 square kilometers of space provided for car parking: an area larger than Manhatten (City,174).

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ANALYSIS

Figure 2.1 “A Lack of peripheral vision” Print, Image by Author

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“In Sao Paulo, where there are nearly seven million registered cars, traffic jams can stretchfor 100 miles (160 km) at rush hour (Smith, 174).

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Conditions in favelas are perceived as so poor that surrounding residents feel the only solution to protect themselves is to create giant walls, showing favelados that they are not a part of the community. It seems any credible source cites the same author on the issue of Sao Paulo’s “urban war over space (Hagedorn 118)”: Teresa Caldiera, author of City of Walls. Caldiera concludes, “in order to feel safe,” the wealthy have one solution: to “build walls (Hagedorn 119).” Despite these extensive measures to stay safe, many studies ironically show that the fear of crime is often much greater for those inside gated communities, and become a symbol of a city “divided against itself (Smith 230-1).” Instead of shutting themselves away, Sao Paulo should find ways to work with the poor and learn from their uniquely adaptable and integrative community structures.

ANALYSIS

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STEREO[TYPES]It is interesting that favelas are constantly referenced as the city’s greatest eyesores, yet no one cares to experience them beyond the twisted word of mouth and imagery sold to them through their television screen. Even reporters writing ‘objectively’ use vocabulary that quickly makes it obvious where their position lies. Printed words such as “precarious” and “haphazard” produce a damaging cycle of falsities. Some of the most common metaphors are those that attribute favelas to a disease, open wounds or cancerous sores on the land (Williams, 490). Other images circulated speak of ants, or massive hoards of insects. Plants such as fungi or creepers, and unstoppable forces of nature (glaciers, avalanches) are also used to spit out the word favela (490).

Slums in São Paulo are very different from how the world wants to envision them. Perhaps the most common misconception of São Paulo’s favelas is that they are located on steep hillsides, as seen in many films and image-types such as City of God (2002) and Favela Rising (2006). The slum settlements in São Paulo are different from those in elevated, real estate areas because the poor have no choice but to reside near less desirable areas like floodplains and waterways. Beyond the world’s delusions of these physical built environments, the day-to-day stereotypes slum-dwellers face effect millions of people that call these places home. The favelados (favela dwellers) are not the machine gun-toting, violent criminals the media would have us believe. Unfortunately, depictions of hard-working, loving and neighborly poor people does not sell at the box office. The Heliopolis favela is an example of how slums are an important architectural typology and deserve to be celebrated for their permeable social and architectural vernacular.

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Figure 2.2 (opposite page) “What Not to Bring” Print, Image by Author

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In Culture Industry, Horkheimer and Adorno explain, “under monopoly all mass culture is identical, and the lines of its artificial framework begin to show through (Adorno 1).” While the wealthy Paulanistos enjoy the comfort of luxury cars and the second largest fleet of private helicopters in the world, they are missing what is actually happening around them. Pallasmaa states that, “peripheral vision integrates us with space, while focused vision pushes us out of the space, making us mere spectators (Pallasmaa, 13). There is no way to experience the city when people without cars are looked down upon, and the sidewalks themselves are so small they can barely accommodate anyone walking on them. The fact that São Paulo’s slums are criticized is ironic, considering they have more life and identity compared to the faceless city center of São Paulo. The monotony of the smooth, unreachable skyscrapers and the remnants of the city’s brutalist past will never compare to the permeability and tactility of the favela.

PERIPHERAL VISIONFavelas and other informal settlements are sold to the masses as simple shacks—fragile construction that could be torn down either by the rain or a bulldozer. The favela’s alleys and winding paths are seen as hiding places for bandits and criminals, through which few dare to pass. These informal housing units are advertised as chaotic and built with no reason to back up design choices. It seems it is more profitable to mass produce imagery of drug lords, violence and extreme poverty than to distribute the truth of what goes on inside these settlements.

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Figure 2.3 (opposite page) Travel Faster Print, Image by author

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Figure 2.3 Sao Paulo is not a poor city- it is a city with huge divisions of wealth. Seen as one of the most convienent modes of transportation by the wealthy, the city has the second largest number of private helicopters in the world. 28

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Another common stereotype is the “type” of people that live in these communities. Favelas are popularly seen as a space for the city’s shady characters, trouble-makers and the dirty. Favela dwellers are seen as having an easy life that get away with not having to pay for anything. Many Paulanistos (São Paulo natives) criminalize favela youth before they even have a chance to do something wrong, pushing them into a cycle of judgment they will never be able to climb out of. Many must lie about where they live to be considered for a job, despite the loving care they put into their homes. They are criticized similar to the “Other” in Edward Said’s essay Orientalism. Stereotyping favelas is more than “a mere political subject matter…that is reflected passively by culture, scholarship, or institutions,” but rather “a distribution of geopolitical awareness into aesthetic, scholarly, economic, sociological, historical and philological texts (Said, 12). The prejudices of unequal worlds are, “produced and [exist] in an uneven exchange with various kinds of power, shaped by political power and power moral. In a way to separate what “we” do from what “they” do, they must be depicted much differently, even if it the depiction is not backed up.

The norm of how to judge the poor has not evolved since the Hitler regime: “anyone who goes cold and hungry, even if his prospects were once good, is branded. He is an outsider; and, apart from certain capital crimes, the most mortal of sins is to be an outsider. In films he is the villain, and is identified as such at first appearance, long before the action really gets going: hence avoiding any suspicion that society would turn on those of good will (Adorno 16).” The prejudice of these ‘outsiders’ is quite deeply ingrained, especially among neighbors next to favelas, who only see their own property devalued by the presence of the shadow cities. The rich and rising middle class judge the poor in hopes it will keep them from slipping back down the social ladder.

“irregular occupation..”

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Something misunderstood about favelas is their revolutionary undertones; in many senses they are counterpublics. They are “structured by different dispositions or protocols from those that obtain elsewhere in the culture, making different assumptions about what can be said or what goes without saying (Warner, 86). In spite of what the world glances at the edges or perceives from aerial photographs, favelas are an exciting life force built out of necessity and defiance.

“precarious “irregular occupation..”

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It is easy to categorize the favela vernacular as haphazardly built, irrational and chaotic, but Hugo Mesquita argues that this is hardly the case. Through his on-site research at Favela Jardim Colombo, a Sao Paulo neighborhood in Morumbi, one hundred and fifty buildings were surveyed, which comprised about 370 housing units and an estimated 1300 dwellers. What astonished Mesquita and his team was the vast amount of housing typologies in a single block, “Challenging common perspectives that favelas are uniformly conformed by small, sub-standard dwellings without spatial diversity (Mesquita, np).” They discovered small single-family units, large middle-class standard houses, and prominent apartment blocks containing over 100 dwellings (Mesquita, np).

UNIQUE VERNACULAR OF FAVELAS

Figure 2.4 Favela Jardim Colombo, São Paulo ground floor plan of surveyed block, Hugo MesquitaFigure 2.5 (opposite page) “Osmosis”, Image by Author

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This research indicates the abundance and diversity of architectural ideas within these structures and their public spaces. Mesquita excitingly describes the favelas he studied in Sao Paulo as “Filled with surprisingly intricate spaces, which stem from the countless negotiations of individual building decisions (Mesquita, np).” Mesquita describes an inner circulation within the surveyed blocks as consisting of, “Small scale voids where … inhabitants engage [in] their daily affairs in delicate courtyards, small scale gardens and generous roof terraces (Mesquita, np).” This visually transports the reader to a tight-knit community and helps designers understand how both organic and sensitive favelas can be. There are a surprising variety of both semi-public and private spaces within the favela structure, which reveal the inner workings of a secondary network.

Over one hundred years have passed since the term ‘favela’ was first used to describe these structures, and experts are just beginning to see them as an important historical urban product with increasing global relevance. Favelas become a unique study in adaptability: they embody a “fluid spatial strategy” that is impossible to achieve in formal planning. Many professionals in the developed world are beginning to understand that we can all learn from these slums. On a trip that Charles, Prince of Whales, took to Dharavi in 2003, “he praised its ‘underlying, intuitive grammar of design’ and ‘timeless quality and resilience’ (Smith 140).” Shanty towns successfully integrate commercial and residential uses in a walkable, high-density setting, which are qualities many urban planners try to accomplish in their designs (140).

UNIQUE VERNACULAR OF FAVELAS

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SITE ANALYSISFavelas are built from local and found materials, and the residents that live in them are incredibly resourceful in order to provide for their families. In a city with continually rising housing and food prices, favelados find a way to survive— and it is beautiful. Their streets are vibrant, colorful spaces, and their alleys create an intimate world beyond what our worlds filled built for cars can reach. They deserve to be seen for the caring people they are, and the exciting architectural spaces they create.

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Figure 3.1 (opposite page) Heliopolis analysis model, Image by Author

Figure 3.2 (opposite page) Growth diagrams, Image by Author

HELIOPOLIS

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BUS STOPS

EXPANSION

CONSOLIDATION

DENSIFICATION

VERTICALIZATION

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HELIOPOLISThe streets and blocks are organized by the contour lines of the land. The dwellings are oriented facing the street, and filled in over time. Before the densification becomes an issue, there are many meeting spaces throughout the block and were once many soccer fields that served as event venues.There is only one remaining soccer field in Heliopolis.

Every available material is used to reserve more space for future developments such as wooden scraps and tarps. Eventually, the block becomes too crowded and the gathering points are pushed onto the street. There are also private nodes such as tiny gardens or courtyards that are shared among neighbors.

Heliopolis has existed for more than 45 years. Although the government has made occassional displays of strength, the last few decades it has left Heliopolis to grow. With the assurance they will not be forced to move, residents put a larger investment into their homes for their children and use stronger materials such as brick.

With additonal levels in addition to densification, the light stops filtering in to lower dwellings and the alleyways. This creates many issues within the interior of the block.

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Figure 3.3 Sketch of favela organization, Image by AuthorFigure 3.4 Site model, Image by Author

(opposite page)Figure 3.5 Realizations sketch, Image by AuthorFigure 3.6 Site model, Image by Author

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Streets are built according to topography lines, and the houses are aligned towards the closest street.

Typical dwelling dimensions:8 meters by 15 meters26.2’ by 49’

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Figure 3.7 (opposite page) Orientation sketch, Image by Author

Figure 3.8 Stoop sketch, Image by Author

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Figure 3.9 Protected view, Image by authorFigure 3.10 (opposite page) The favela vernacular as an architectural and social construct, Print, Image by Author

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This image was made by dropping ink onto a canvas and letting in flow as I rotated it around. I then filled in areas where dwellings might exist; I then cut into the canvas and roughly sewed connections to main community gathering points. After layering sketches of the favela vernacular, onto the image, I then turned it into a print. This process helped define the word vernacular as more than an architectural construct- it delves into our very being and becomes a social construct as well.

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COMPARISON OF STREETS

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Figure 3.11 Estrada das Lagrimas snapshotFigure 3.12 Estrada das Lagrimas snapshot

(opposite)Figure 3.13 Typical Middle class neighborhoodFigure 3.14 Typical Middle class neighborhood

Typical middle class neighborhoods have few of the same traits as streets such as Estrada das Lagrimas. Where streets in gated communities are quiet and unused, Estrada das Lagrimas is bursting with life and serves as an essential meeting point for transportation, food, and shopping. In most middle class neighborhoods in Sao Paulo, the closest shops are far away and are only reachable by car.

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COMPARISON OF STREETS

ESTRADA DAS LAGRIMAS TYPICAL MIDDLE CLASS NEIGHBORHOOD

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The corner stores are a huge gathering area for the community.

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Evidence of self-help efforts suggest that Brazil’s slum-dwellers are realizing that someone will not always come rescue them, and they must fend for themselves (Page, 197). This progress is due in part to grass-roots organizers, some connected to the Catholic Church, and other community-minded citizens that were unable to help during the military dictatorship (197). Most of the credit, however, goes to the favelados themselves. The women in these slum cities step up and take the leadership roles, becoming “the fiber that holds together both slum families and community initiatives (Page, 197).”

Some more recent projects include alternative education centers, day-care centers, and preventative medicine workshops (Page 197). Other projects include organized neighborhood associations that can approach state or municipal authorities. The installation of municipal services, ramps and carts for garbage removal have been remarkable achievements in recent years (197). This self- help effort goes to show that with the right attitude on both sides of the fence, the favelas can change for better.

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Figure 3.15 (opposite page) Cornerstore, Image by Author

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Birds are often kept as pets and displayed on the outside as part of the home’s identity. They can be traded or given as gifts.

The garage door come down- shops close midday for a rest period. Heliopolis is more quiet during this time.

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Plants help identify the homes. Even if there is a small garden, the plants become important to the homeowners.

Metal gates add security and decoration.

Motorcycles, or, motos are a popular mode of transport and a status symbol.

Temporary wooden shops are created from scaps where there is extra room.

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Raised balconies are a common sight. They provide cross ventilation and shade for the residents.

Heliopolis is very pedestrain- friendly, and residents can easily get groceries or do their shopping nearby.

ABSTRACT:

Favelas and their residents are a vital part to the city’s identity, and should be treated as such. Some of the richest Brazilian culture and music influences have originated from its slums, from which legendary music schools and popular dances have been produced. If designers took the time to understand the delicate balance of the existing vernacular and unique fluidity within favelas, they would approach slum revitalization in a different light. Following the insights and field research of people such as Hugo Mesquita, favelas must be deciphered instead of demolished in order to establish a better and improved design scheme(s).

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Figure 3.16 (previous spead) The Bird Man, Image by Author with Google earth underlayFigure 3.17 Street Market, Image by Author with Google Earth underlay

Figure 3.18 (opposite page) Street Perspective, Image by Author with Google Earth underlay

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ENTRY

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The stoop is a very important typology because it creates a vital boundary between the street and the home. Homeowners do not want wanders by to sit on their front step, so the stoop creates an important respectful distance. The stoop also adds an additional function to the house: it prevents flooding. Unlike a normal sidewalk, each section in front of each house is decorated differently, with different tile designs and plants, sometimes full grown trees add shade and pleasant dappled light patterns to the ground below.

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Connections

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INTERIOR

Connections

The entry conditions involve walking through the car park and treading upon the threshold. The filtered light invites you to a cozy space, well- organized and pleasant. The couch and living area can accommodate visitors easily, and transition back to a comfortable private space. Around lunchtime, the smells of multilayered flavors waft out the outward facing windows, and will make your whole mouth water and your stomach rumble. The delectable smells from the delicious meals the mothers have been preparing all morning smell nothing like what the media wants you to believe you will smell in these communities. When the sun starts to tilt slightly to the west, the time slows down and there is a peaceful lull in the streets.

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Figure 3.19 (opposite page) Entry, Image by Author with Google Earth underlay

Figure 3.20 Photo, Hugo Mesquita

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BLOCK INTERIORBeyond the wide open streets with activity, its unique pathways and winding alleys help give Heliopolis its identity. The dwellings and streets are built in harmony with the topography. The lack of materials leads to ingenious solutions of how to reuse and redefine valuable resources. Due to the high density of Heliopolis, every nook to gather becomes an important meeting place, and every opportunity to start a tiny garden is taken. Satellite dishes are a common sight as well, and the tangle of telephone wires show the ingenious tapping of resources. Applications to the facades of buildings in Heliopolis include birdcages, reclaimed doors, planters, and exciting tile work. The handwritten lettering of countless stores and market stands create another layer to the complex vernacular. Every inch of homes in Heliopolis are well cared for and are bursting with color and textural spatial relationships.

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Figure 3.21 Photo, Hugo MesquitaFigure 3.22 Photo, Hugo MesquitaFigure 3.23 Photo, Hugo MesquitaFigure 3.24 Photo, Hugo Mesquita

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BELEZA (BEAUTY)A different street intervention project was completed by Boamistura, a group of Brazilian street artists; their work in the Villa Brasilandia seems like a similar idea to the paint jobs of Haas and Hahn. However, instead of simply covering what exists as if to hide it, Boamistura’s painting style took advantage of the unique complexities of textures that make up favelas. A favela resident from the video on this project, “Luz Nas Vielas,” explained that the way favelas are built, they are great for meeting people and that this project by Boamistura actually helped to accentuate that relationship. This idea of easily moving between homes and spaces relates back to the idea of osmosis. By celebrating the favela’s unique permeability, the group of designers were able to have a successful project that impacted people for the better.

Young favelados working diligently to beautify their home. This mural will spell out the word “Beleza,” beauty in Portuguese.

The team specifically chose crowded alleyways that felt uncomfortable, but also opened up to expansive views of the valleys below covered in favelas (Boamistura’s, np). Places that were previously reminders of the low status they have in Sao Paulo on the outskirts of the city were transformed into huge murals to add a reminder to the residents’ daily lives -- in hopes that the residents would become uplifted from the messages. Boamistura spent many days to find the perfect vantage points so that when viewed from a specific angle, the lines create words such as “orgulho” (pride), “firmeza” (confidence), “docura” (tenderness), and, lastly, “beleza” (beauty). In a part of the video, a young girl living in the favela exclaims in Portuguese, “Brazilandia is beautiful (Boa Mistura, np)!” You can hear in her voice that she has never thought of this idea being true until that moment.

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Figure 3.25 Beleza

Figure 3.26 (opposite page) PhotoFigure 3.27 (opposite page) Alley sketch,Image by Author

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An image from Boa Mistura’s interactive installation in a Sao Paulo favela. The illusion of the word is only visible from a specific point.

Boamistura likes to get the local children involved in their projects, and the child favelados seemed so appreciative, as if they had never felt important or valued before. This interactive art work was a huge success because the designers took the time to find out what the favelados needed, not just what they thought favelados needed to have. Furthermore, Boamistura took advantage of the unique textures and height changes within the built environment, and how the hand-made walls relate to the users. By targeting specific areas of the favela, they created a powerful, long lasting effect where words miraculously come together, perhaps at a moment when someone needs it the most, such as climbing the steep steps home after a long day.

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PROPOSALSSCHEME 1 STUDY MODELS

concept: relinking streets

DESIGN DEVELOPMENT

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DESIGN DEVELOPMENT

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Figure 4.1 (opposite page) Site model with schematic design one, Image by Author

Figure 4.2 Scheme 1 Continuation, Image by Author

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SCHEME 2 STUDY MODEL, proximity to bus stops

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SCHEME 3 STUDY MODEL, street intersection

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Figure 4.3 (opposite page) Scheme Two, Image by AuthorFigure 4.4 (opposite page) Scheme Two, Image by Author

Figure 4.5 Scheme Three

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MASS Design Group

MASS is an architecture firm that is socially and environmentally responsive. The Butaro District Hospital is inspirational to this thesis for its dedication to proper health care and community involvement.

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Figure 4.6 Photo, MASS Design GroupFigure 4.7 Photo, MASS Design GroupFigure 4.8 Photo, MASS Design Group

Figure 4.9 (opposite page) Photo, MASS Design GroupFigure 4.10 (opposite page) Photo, MASS Design Group

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“We could have rented a bulldozer from a few villages away.. instead we gave 1000 people a job for a day.” -Patricia Gruits

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Relinking streets

Community Gardens on lower slopes

Carefully consider newly exposed edges within block interior

DESIGN GOALS

Recreate unique alley conditions for entry

Interpret organic organization in harmony with topography

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Figure 4.11 Working site model, Image by Author

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Figure 4.12 Existing entry points, Image by Author

Figure 4.13 Schematic design sketch, Image by Author

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Figure 4.14 Livesock education area, Image by Author

Figure 4.15 (opposite page) Spatial diagrams, Image by Author

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health center

classrooms

garden

garden

garden

garden

garden

day care/ child pick up

market area

play area

boundary

livestock education

kitchen

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Urban Think Tank Vertical Gym, Caracas

This case study is an important case study because it became indespensible to the slum community in Caracas. It was successful in part due to turning the circulation into spaces.

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<Favela youth at play in an open courtyard-like space. Many such soccer fields existed in Heliopolis, until the land became taken over to accommodate more housing units. This densification lled to less areas for community gathering, thus weaking the social infrastructure

Figure 4.16 (opposite page) Vertical GymFigure 4.17 (opposite page) Vertical GymFigure 4.18 (opposite page) Community soccer field

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Moving School

Bennetta and LaRossaBorder of Thailand and Burma

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Figure 4.19 (opposite page) Health center conceptual rendering, Image by Author

Figure 4.20 Vernacular shading deviceFigure 4.21 Photo of Moving school

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Handmade seed bombs made with seeds, recycled materials, and compost . This is an activity that children can easily take part in to spread empowerment and new growth!

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Seed paper made from recycled paper, trash, and seeds.

Informational poster on the seed bombs, “Please throw so plants can grow.””The posters are also made witht the seed paper.

“Heliopolis is beautiful.”

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Figure 4.22 (previous spread) Seed bomb poster, Image by AuthorFigure 4.23 (previous spread) Seed bombs, Image by AuthorFigure 4.24 Seed paper pin up, Image and artwork by Author

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Figure 4.25 Site Plan Development, Image by Author

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Figure 4.26 (opposite page) Site Plan Development, Image by Author

Figure 4.27 Site Plan final development, Image by Author

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FINAL DRAWINGS

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Figure 5.1 Site plan with section cuts, Image by Author

Site Plan Diagram

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FINAL DRAWINGS

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Site Plan Diagram

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Figure 5.2 North site section diagram, Image by Author

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88North Site Section Diagram

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Figure 5.3 South site section diagram, Image by Author

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South Site Section Diagram

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Figure 5.4 Health center section

H

Pop up Clinic Waiting area

View of garden during healing

Extended stay

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Health Center Section

Scale: 1/8”=1’

Concrete facade stained with coffee waste

Doctor’s office

Family visitng area

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Figure 5.5 Health center ground floor planFigure 5.6 (opposite page) Health center second floor

Ground Floor Plan of Health Center

Scale: 1/16”=1’

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Second Floor Plan of Health Center

Scale: 1/16”=1’

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MChurrasco

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Market Section

Scale: 1/8”=1’

Seating

Figure 5.7 Market section

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Figure 5.8 Grow tower section

G

Workshop Outdoor Cafe

Vertical garden panels

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Grow Tower Section

Scale: 1/8”=1’

Sugarcane Field

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E

Traditional Medicine

Outdoor Classroom

Food preparation workshop

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Figure 5.9 Education buildings section

Education Buildings Section

Scale: 1/8”=1’

Classroom

Play

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Education Buildings Ground FloorScale: 1/8”=1’

Composting center

Playground

Playground

Circular bench-This urban planning technique allows for lots of seating in the shade.

Food storage

Plant trellis

Herb gardenShade plants

Lettuce/Cabbage

Beans

Pre-schoolClassroom

Classroom

Food preparationworkshop

Greenhouse

Shaded walkway

Traditional Medicine

Louvers

Vertical grow columns made from recylced palettes

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Poultry Education

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Figure 5.10 Education buildings floorplan overlayed with site plan

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Learning garden perspective103

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Poultry education perspective 104

Figure 5.11 (opposite page) Learning garden perspectiveFigure 5.12 Poultry education perspective

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FINAL PRESENTATION

Figure 6.1 Collage board, Image by Author

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Figure 6.1 Collage board, Image by Author

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Figure 6.2 Final Boards, Image by Author

Figure 6.3 (opposite) Final site plan, Image by Author

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A LOOK BACK AND A LOOK AHEADStudying and visiting Heliopolis changed me deeply, both as a human being and as a designer. Instead of making broad strokes while designing, I trained myself to lightly refine details and spaces. It was imperative to understand scale when thinking about this unique site. Even with my larger buildings, such as the health center, I scaled them to feel like two different buildings. The vibrant colors, textures, smells and sights stuck with me long after I left Brazil, stored away in a special cavity for whenever I need to reference them.The most difficult part was starting the design process. I am very against moving any of the dwellings within any slum due to my research on the results of fragmented communities. I only began designing within the block with the intention that the residents I removed would be located close by in excess spaces. I wanted to design these spaces, perhaps as some sort of mobile unit. I was also interested in designing the new street sections of the streets I relinked, as well as delving even deeper into materiality possibilities.I hope that when viewing my project, people will get a small glimpse of the beauty in Heliopolis and the complex architectural vernacular in slums worldwide.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Adorno, Theodor W. The Culture Industry. London: J.M. Bernstein., n.d. Print.“Boa Mistura “LUZ NAS VIELAS” English Subtitled.” Vimeo. Boamistura, 2012. Web. 12 Nov. 2013. “Boamistura, Rocking since 2001.” Boamistura. N.p., n.d. Web. 12 Nov. 2013. “Boamistura’s Optical Illusion Street Paintings.” Magical Urbanism. N.p., n.d. Web. 12 Nov. 2013. Caldeira, Teresa. City of Walls: Crime, Segregation, and Citizenship in São Paulo. Berkeley: University of California, 2000. Print. Daibert, Paula. “Brazil Activists Question Favela Policing.” - Features. Al jazeera, 10 Aug. 2013. Web. 19 Sept. 2013. <http://www.aljazeera. com/indepth/features/2013/08/2013.html>. “Haas & Hahn Dream of Painting an Entire Favela in Brazil (Video).” Com plex.com. N.p., n.d. Web. 14 Nov. 2013.Hagedorn, John. A World of Gangs: Armed Young Men and Gangsta Culture. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota, 2008. Print.“Henrique Oliveira.” Henrique Oliveira. N.p., n.d. Web. 12 Nov. 2013. “Lethal Force: Police Violence and Public Security in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo.” Human Rights Watch. 2009. Mesquita, Hugo. “Learning from Favelas.” Abitare En RSS. N.p., 7 June 2012. Web. 04 Mar. 2014. Page, Joseph A. The Brazilians. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1995. Print. Said, Edward W. Orientalism. New York: Vintage, 1979. Print. Sinclair, Cameron, and Kate Stohr. Design like You Give a Damn: Architec tural Responses to Humanitarian Crisis. London: Thames & Hudson, 2006. Print.Smith, Peter D. City: A Guide for the Urban Age. New York, N.Y.: Bloomsbury USA, 2012. Print.Warner, Michael. Publics and Counterpublics. New York: Zone, 2002. Print. Willams, Claire. “Ghettotourism and Voyeurism, or Challenging Stereotypes and Raising Consciousness? Literary and Non-literary Forays into the Favelas of Rio De Janeiro.” Bulletin of Latin American Research 27.4 (2008): 483-500. Print.Williamson, Theresa, and Mauricio Hora. In the Name of the Future, Rio Is Destroying Its Past. New York Times, 12 Aug. 2012. Web. 26 Sept. 2013. <http://www.nytimes.com/2012/08/13/opinion/in-the-name-of- the-future-rio-is-destroying-its-past.html?_r=0>. 112