general assembly official records...general assembly 8th plenary meeting fifty-first session 25...

United Nations A/51/PV.8

96-86264 (E) This record contains the original text of speeches delivered in English and interpretations of speechesdelivered in the other languages. Corrections should be submitted to original speeches only. Theyshould be incorporated in a copy of the record and be sent under the signature of a member of thedelegation concerned,within one month of the date of the meeting, to the Chief of the VerbatimReporting Service, Room C-178. Corrections will be issued after the end of the session in aconsolidated corrigendum.

General Assembly Official RecordsFifty-first Session

8th plenary meetingWednesday, 25 September 1996, 10 a.m.New York

President: Mr. Razali Ismail . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .(Malaysia)

The meeting was called to order at 10.05 a.m.

Address by Mr. Kiro Gligorov, President of The formerYugoslav Republic of Macedonia

The President: The Assembly will first hear anaddress by the President of The former Yugoslav Republicof Macedonia.

Mr. Kiro Gligorov, President of The former YugoslavRepublic of Macedonia, was escorted into the GeneralAssembly Hall.

The President: On behalf of the General Assembly,I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations thePresident of The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia,His Excellency Mr. Kiro Gligorov, and to invite him toaddress the Assembly.

President Gligorov (The former Yugoslav Republicof Macedonia) (spoke in Macedonian; English textfurnished by the delegation): It is an honour for me toaddress the fifty-first session of the General Assembly ofthe United Nations, confident that it will make yet anotherpositive contribution to the advancement of world peaceand cooperation among nations and countries of the world.

The current international political and securitysituation is burdened with many crises, cases of blatantviolation of international law, the uncontrolled hoarding ofarms, upsets of the ecological balance, disrespect for humanrights, widespread international terrorism, and tensions in

economic and social development. Such developmentshave confronted the United Nations with the need toreform its system in order to preserve its ability to carryout its functions. This is especially so in the case of theplans that should determine global development in thetwenty-first century, alleviate existing gaps in theeconomic and social development of countries andregions, and advance world peace.

The subject of the expansion of the Security Councilis undoubtedly one that should receive priority treatmentat this session. In view of the changed structure of theinternational community and the growing role of theSecurity Council in recent years, and of the need forfurther democratization of the decision-making process asregards global peace and security, the conditions forexpansion seem ripe. The Republic of Macedonia isactively taking part in the activities of the Working Groupon the Question of Equitable Representation on andIncrease in the Membership of the Security Council. Webelieve that the proposal for including the FederalRepublic of Germany and Japan as permanent membersof the Security Council, as well as the expansion of thenumber of rotating members is realistic and deservesspecial attention. At the same time, other constructive andcomplementary approaches in circulation should also bekept in mind. If necessary, the Republic of Macedonia isprepared to make an individual proposal in this respectwith a view to overcoming any possible delay in theresolution of this issue.

General Assembly 8th plenary meetingFifty-first session 25 September 1996

Wishing to make a constructive and active contributionto the work of the United Nations, the Republic ofMacedonia has submitted its candidacy for rotatingmembership in the Security Council for the 1998-1999term. We are convinced that our demeanour during andfollowing the dissolution of the former Socialist FederalRepublic of Yugoslavia, the constructive and peacefulpolicy we have upheld, our acknowledged position as afactor of stability in the Balkans, our commitment to itsEuropeanization and our activities within the UnitedNations to date will be a sufficient basis and guarantee forsecuring the support of United Nations Members for ourcandidacy. I wish to assure them that we will fully justifythe confidence they bestow.

From the very onset of our independence, the Republicof Macedonia, the only one of the former Yugoslavrepublics to achieve independence peacefully, hasdistinguished itself as an example of a country whoseleverage in the international community and whose foreignpolicy are founded on consistent respect for the principlesof the United Nations, a readiness to cooperate withneighbouring and other countries and to resolve all openissues in a peaceful manner on the basis of mutual respect,the inviolability of borders and non-interference in theinternal affairs of other countries.

Led by these commitments, the Republic ofMacedonia submitted two resolutions for good-neighbourlyrelations among the Balkan countries. They were sponsoredby more than 30 countries and adopted unanimously, withthe aim of undertaking measures and preventive action thatwill create a stable zone of peace and cooperation in theBalkans by the end of the year 2000. In accordance withthe resolutions, the Republic of Macedonia will be the hostof a high-level international meeting of the Balkan countriesin January next year, dedicated to the advancement ofstability in the region.

Led by the principles of the United Nations, last yearthe Republic of Macedonia signed the Interim Accord withthe Republic of Greece within the framework of thenegotiations held under United Nations auspices. Thepositive results of this Accord are already evident. We areconfident of the prospects for good and friendly relationsbetween our countries and that we will reconcile theremaining differences.

The level of democratization we have achieved, ourreforms aimed at adapting the economy to marketmechanisms, and our high human-rights standards confirmour intentions of becoming fully integrated into

international and regional economic and securitystructures. Today, the Republic of Macedonia is a full-fledged member of the Council of Europe, the oldestEuropean political organization, and the Organization forSecurity and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). It is apartner in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s“Partnership for Peace”. It has also concluded acooperation agreement with the European Union, withprospects for closer association and membership in theUnion.

The peace-keeping forces of the United Nations thatcomprise the United Nations Preventive DeploymentForce (UNPREDEP) in the Republic of Macedonia haveset the precedent for the United Nations successfulinvolvement in the concept of preventive diplomacy. Theyhave clearly demonstrated the justification and merit ofthis concept. We have a very high regard for the role thatUNPREDEP plays in the preservation of peace andsecurity in the Republic of Macedonia and the region.Consequently, and in view of the existing and potentialthreats to peace in the region, we have already requestedan extension of the UNPREDEP mandate for anadditional six months.

The region in which my country is situated, theBalkans, is one of the most sensitive in Europe. It ispresently in the midst of the so-called “post-Dayton”era encompassing the process of bringing to life thefragile peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, thenormalization of relationships among countries and theopening of prospects for development and cooperation inthe region. In this context, the Republic of Macedonia, asa peaceful country oriented towards Europe, remainssteadfast in its policy, especially in terms of resolving theeconomic and social problems it is facing as a country intransition and particularly with regard to the rights ofnational minorities as a precondition not only fordemocratization and security in Macedonia, but also forwider security in the southern Balkans. The Republic ofMacedonia has opted for the model of respect for humanand minority rights and for the implementation ofinternational standards pertaining to the rights of nationalminorities. This is guaranteed by the firm provisions ofthe Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia andthrough its legislative and political practice. We remaindeeply convinced that, in the ethnically inter-mixedBalkans, the guaranteed rights of national minorities arethe most important long-term factor for stable peace andcooperation. This is why we have proposed the idea of acomparative study regarding national- minority rights inthe Balkans that will enable much more efficient action to

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be taken by such international institutions as the OSCE, theCouncil of Europe and most certainly the United Nations.

Allow me to conclude my address by expressing myconviction that a vision of the world in the twenty-firstcentury as one of peace, democracy and well-being willprompt all of us and the United Nations to act withpersistence and determination. It is my hope that thedecisions and the direction set out by this year’s GeneralAssembly will be a step towards that goal.

The President: On behalf of the General Assembly,I wish to thank the President of The former YugoslavRepublic of Macedonia for the statement he has just made.

Mr. Kiro Gligorov, President of The former YugoslavRepublic of Macedonia, was escorted from theGeneral Assembly Hall.

Address by Mr. Alvaro Arzú Irigoyen, President of theRepublic of Guatemala

The President: The Assembly will now hear anaddress by the President of the Republic of Guatemala.

Mr. Arzú Irigoyen, President of Guatemala, wasescorted into the General Assembly Hall.

The President: On behalf of the General Assembly,I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations thePresident of the Republic of Guatemala, His ExcellencyMr. Arzú Irigoyen, and to invite him to address theAssembly.

President Arzú Irigoyen (interpretation fromSpanish): Allow me to congratulate you, Mr. President, onyour well-deserved election to preside over the GeneralAssembly at its fifty-first regular session. I also wish toconvey our appreciation to Ambassador Diogo Freitas doAmaral for the skill and efficiency with which he conductedthe work of the General Assembly in the course of its lastregular session.

We are very close to the achievement of peace in mycountry. This can already be felt in the silence of the gunsand the newly flourishing spirit of unity among brothers.Intolerance is giving way to awareness of the commonchallenges we face. We now realize that, for example, if weare to combat corruption and impunity, we need to sharevalues and principles, though not necessarily ideologies.

United in diversity, we must discover our ownmeans for building our future. Our country is healing itsdeep wounds and revealing its true face, as a generousland that is the home to age-old cultures. Guatemala iscoming to terms with itself and, in so doing, isreconciling itself with the world.

We are once again speaking as a friendly nationamong friendly nations. The peace process has enabled usto evolve our own agenda, which responds to the needsof our country without our having had to accept anagenda imposed by anyone else. To that end we havereceived the constant support of the internationalcommunity, and in particular of the United Nationssystem.

Today, at a time when the reform of the system isthe subject of such intense discussion, our nationalexperience may perhaps be useful, as it is an example ofcooperation that is at once respectful and dynamic, basedfundamentally on internal efforts with appropriate externalhelp. For us this approach is indispensable since, to alarge extent, it has been possible to build peace, thanks tothe valuable and diverse forms of support received fromagencies of the United Nations system.

But this has not been effected through themechanical application of preconceived formulas, or ofautomatic institutional moulds. On the contrary, what wehave here is a challenging and complex empiricallaboratory where all of us are learning step by step. It is,in fact, a constant exercise in discovery with living socialtissues, an exercise in which we have all had to pool ourbest efforts. The creativity of individuals, Governments,and various organizations — private and public, local andnational, regional and multilateral — has come togetherto produce a constant quest for the solutions we need. Ithas been an exercise in international solidarity that,complementing internal endeavours, has made it possiblefor us to forge ahead along the right path to recovery.

But the test tube is the life of our people, and forthat reason there is little margin for error. Errors increasethe suffering of my people. And Guatemala has sufferedgreatly from authoritarian intervention and the impositionof alien patterns that once impaired a political and socialmaturation process that sought to infuse its own life-giving fluids with contemporary ideas of equity anddemocracy. Domestic injustices and imbalances wereaggravated by the tensions of the cold war that explodedwithin my country.

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Now is the time for reconciliation. Now is the timeonce again to take development in hand. Now is the timeto search for effective formulas to link our villages with theWorld Trade Organization; to link the poverty afflicting thefamilies of our neighbourhoods with international financialinstitutions; and to link decisions independently taken at thelevel of our domestic communities with the largedevelopment agencies.

We are on the threshold of signing the peace. We lookforward to this historic transition with hope and jubilation,and we foresee the complex stage of strengthening thefabric of society and production. From that stage we canlook hopefully to the future. Peace will come to Guatemalabecause we Guatemalans have striven for it and because theinternational community has helped us along the way.

As is well known, last week in Mexico City theparties signed the agreement on the last substantive item ofthe agenda agreed upon in the peace talks, the oneconcerning the strengthening of civilian power and the roleof the army in a democratic society. We now have to dealwith the operational issues: demobilization, reinsertion intocivil society, the cease-fire and the timetable for theimplementation of the agreements. In the course of this yearwe shall initial, God willing, the final agreement for a firmand lasting peace, which will put an end to an armedconflict that has lasted 36 years.

It is worth emphasizing then, that for the last fivemonths there has been no armed confrontation, which hasallowed the peace talks to progress without subjecting ournegotiators to the anguish and pressure of knowing that asthey are working Guatemalan blood is being shed. That isover. Far from deadening or delaying the dialogue, thisstate of affairs has stimulated it, given the prospect of adefinitive cessation of hostilities. This has also stimulatedus to see clearly where we are going and to gain a moreprofound understanding of what has happened.

As many of the representatives in this Assemblyknow, the internal conflict caused great misfortune andsuffering for our people. I am referring primarily to theirreparable loss of thousands of lives. I also have in mindthe traumatic aftermath of the conflict, which is evident inthe faces of every cripple, orphan and widow, and in everysurviving family, a number of which were eye-witnesses tothe tragedies. I am also referring to the economic losses, inthe form of damage to infrastructure and lost opportunitiesfor productive development.

I also wish to call to mind the set-backs caused bythe conflict. Let us recall the words of the singer-songwriter who asked,

“Who will return to us the fatherland that could havebeen?”

While more difficult to pinpoint, and perhaps impossibleto measure, these too are irreparable losses: all that wecould have done, but did not do; all the growth that couldhave occurred, but did not occur; all we could have built,but did not build.

While others were progressing, we were stagnating,locked in a cruel domestic struggle that included elementsimported from the cold war, which arbitrarily kept incheck for 40 years our political, social and economicevolution. While technological, commercial and politicalchanges were taking place in the rest of the world, andnations were discovering new opportunities in theirrelations, we were plunged deeper into the violence of adomestic conflict that took the lives of thousands andthousands of young people, who were unable to providetheir country with the fruits of their talents andendeavours. While new international options for well-being were blossoming elsewhere, we continued to beconsumed internally by a dirty war that crushed entirevillages and compelled many people to flee.

There is a part of our country that never came intobeing, because Guatemalans were bogged down infratricidal domestic struggle that we were not able to stopin time — an internal conflict that — it is true — wasfuelled by our own injustice, but — it must beacknowledged — was also fanned from abroad. But suchis history: hope springs up amid tragedy, and lessons aredrawn from mistakes. Our people has an extraordinarycapacity for recovery and learning.

We are nearing the end of this stage, and anotherhas already begun: one in which all of us — absolutelyall — are responsible and committed. One of theconsequences of this deeply traumatic and protractedconflict is that never before have we found ourselves ina situation so propitious for dialogue and reconciliation.Never before have we shared such a profound and keenawareness of our immense multi-ethnic, multilingual andmulticultural wealth, or of our environment, which isextraordinarily varied. Never before have we been sokeenly aware of our need for internal integration and forthe development of our own potential.

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We have within our grasp a unique opportunity, onethat will never recur, to transform this moment into amoment for the future and for renovation. This is perhapsnot the appropriate occasion for detailing all the progressmade in recent months. Such details may be found in thevarious reports of United Nations Mission for theVerification of Human Rights and of Compliance with theCommitments of the Comprehensive Agreement on HumanRights in Guatemala (MINUGUA) and other agencies ofthe United Nations system. But it is worthwhile to stressthe enormous effort that has gone into fulfilling theagreements already signed, even before most of them havecome into force. In particular, we have had remarkablesuccesses in the field of human rights, as has beenrecognized by various commissions and subcommissionsdealing with the issue.

At this singular moment at the end of the century,when we are celebrating the International Decade of theWorld’s Indigenous People, it is fitting to point out thatGuatemala has recently ratified and deposited InternationalLabour Organization Convention 169, the Indigenous andTribal Peoples Convention, which strengthens the rule oflaw in Guatemala by conferring benefits and guarantees onthe Mayan population with regard to property, conditions ofemployment, training for professions, crafts and ruralindustries, health, social security, education, theadministration of justice, the environment and the properand rational use of natural resources.

We are very close to the signature of an Agreement ona Firm and Lasting Peace. We now face the hardest part ofour task, but also the most challenging part, replete withpossibilities: that of creating peace, of building peace. Wewould do well, therefore, to recall two fundamental points:first, the peace that we are striving to build has a specificorientation; and, secondly, peace is not made only by thosewho sign the agreements.

We seek a peace that is well oriented. We should notbe content with a precarious peace, or with politicalaccommodations made for the occasion, with no sense ofdirection or permanence. The accords signed so far, andthose that are to follow, express basic agreements that,taken as a whole, constitute a specific agenda aimed atdeepening democracy and furthering development.

Furthermore, peace is not made only by those whosign the agreements. Peace is made on a day-to-day basis,by the entire population, which takes seriously the need forreconciliation and realizes optimistically that it is possible

to have fair opportunities to work, educate oneself, beproductive and improve one’s situation.

Peace is built by men and women of flesh andblood, with their differences, passions, interests andenmities. Peace is built day by day, in villages, hamlets,neighbourhoods and communities. Peace is built throughordinary coexistence, with all Guatemalans, male orfemale, striving daily to make a living and to help theirfamilies get ahead, seeking out better opportunities whileenduring hardships in a country with so many limitationsand so much distrust. That is where reconciliation musttake place and where we must identify the true enemiesof peace: poverty, discrimination, exclusion andintolerance.

We live in a spirit of solidarity within a fragileshared space. Our mission is to care for it and improve itas a legacy for coming generations. That space, thatpossibility, does not belong to us; it is but a legacy ofwhat former generations did or failed to do. Solidarity isnot limited to those who stand before us; there is a kindof solidarity that embraces even those who have not yetbeen born. What can we do to ensure that this solidarityaccepts life as a primary, elementary and basic value,when we have lived for so long immersed in violence?

We will attain development when we becomecapable of providing comprehensive security for allGuatemalans. The assurance that our children will not diebecause of negligence or lack of medical attention, thesecurity of a stable job, plans and facilities for theacquisition of housing, security of access to a competitiveeducational system allowing us to learn and to teach ourchildren, the security of ample nutrition, security for ourpossessions and for our lives, access to and equaltreatment under impartial and timely systems of justice —these are the key aspects of comprehensive security.

In this regard, Central America has taken importantdecisions to renew its agendas under the Alliance forSustainable Development, which it is taking decisive stepsto implement, including through the Treaty on DemocraticSecurity signed by the Presidents of the isthmus at SanPedro Sula in December 1995. That broad set ofcommitments prepares Central Americans to wage acomprehensive fight against trafficking in drugs and inhuman beings.

There can be no stable democracy over the longterm if there are extreme inequalities in the distribution ofwealth and of social opportunities. Democratic citizenship

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poses the question of how we are to incorporate those whoare unlikely to have access to public institutions; those who,because of poverty or discrimination, cannot invoke theirrights or have them recognized. No democracy is possiblewhen a significant percentage of the population is living inextreme poverty. Our democracy must generate economicconditions that permit the satisfaction of the basic needs ofthe population.

The greatest challenge and the greatest opportunity forGuatemala resides in organized, realistic and coherentimplementation of the commitments derived from theagreements undertaken. That is why we must understandthem as a starting point that opens up a new page ofchallenges and efforts for all the population.

For its part, the Government has taken on some verydaring and far-reaching commitments that encompassalmost all its institutions. They imply major legal reformsand major budgetary efforts. These commitments havemade it possible to reach the agreements, and stability andthe strengthening of peace and stability depend upon theirfulfilment.

But to do all of this, we also need the understandingand firm support of the international community. We needa real opening of markets and fair prices for our products,as well as foreign investment to add to the internal savingsachieved through the generation of jobs and the stableimprovement of our productive capacity. We also need thecomplement of technical and financial cooperation, aboveall during the stage immediately following the signing ofthe peace.

For all of these reasons, Guatemala appreciates thesupport and recognition of the international community. Forthose same reasons, Guatemala also aspires to contribute,to the extent of its modest possibilities, to strengthening themultilateral system and respectful understanding amongnations.

Guatemala attaches great importance to the principleof universality that must characterize the United Nations,and this leads us to express our conviction that the Republicof China on Taiwan must also be fully represented in ourOrganization and must actively participate in the search forsolutions in this new global, interdependent world. In ouropinion, and taking into account earlier positiveexperiences, this in no way contradicts any effort atreunification.

It is often said that we are living in a time ofchange. But it is much more than that: this is a change oftimes. We are living just on the bridge between twodifferent eras of world history, where we cannot yet makeout the difference between what is ending and what isbeginning. There is an order that has gone into crisis, butthere is a new order that cannot yet be clearly perceived.All institutions are being put to the test.

We view with appreciation and hope the fact thatthis interaction between Guatemala’s experience and therespectful participation of Governments and multilateralinstitutions is yielding modest but valid solutions,enabling us to envisage a simple, competent and lessbureaucratic form of institutional structures, and a kind ofcooperation that does not undermine the precarious livingconditions of the poor majorities in our countries and thatcontributes ideas and technical skills with due respect forour population. Guatemala is becoming a laboratory forcooperation with respect, of partnership rather thanimposition.

It is also becoming a broad and open horizon fordiscovery, an opportunity to search for ways toencompass the aspirations, proposals and initiatives of somany people from inside and from abroad, and above all,to go on creating spaces for self-expression by the peopleand the communities of my country, which, with suchcourage, endurance, valour and desire, have notsuccumbed to adversity.

I wish to attest to the gratitude of my people and myGovernment to the Secretary-General and to all theofficials who in various capacities have contributed toadvancing the peace negotiations in my country, as wellas to making a reality of the various complex efforts atdevelopment that we are undertaking. We wish especiallyto thank the Moderator appointed by the Secretary-General for the negotiations between the Government ofGuatemala and the Unidad Revolucionaria NacionalGuatemalteca (URNG), the small but efficient GuatemalaUnit of the Secretariat and all the members of the UnitedNations Mission for the Verification of Human Rights andof Compliance with the Commitments of theComprehensive Agreement on Human Rights inGuatemala (MINUGUA), as well as the other Secretariatofficials who, in one way or another, directly orindirectly, have contributed to the success of the peaceprocess.

Our deep gratitude goes also to the six countries thatconstitute the Group of Friends of the peace process,

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which have worked so doggedly for that long-soughtgoal — Colombia, Mexico, Norway, Spain, the UnitedStates of America and Venezuela.

We wish also to express our appreciation to otherGovernments that, without being a formal part of thisGroup, have substantially contributed to the advancement ofour reconciliation and development. Many thanks to allthose persons of good will, committed to peace in mycountry.

The President:On behalf of the General Assembly Iwish to thank His Excellency the President of the Republicof Guatemala for the statement he has just made.

Mr. Alvaro Arzú Irigoyen, President of the Republic ofGuatemala, was escorted from the General AssemblyHall.

Agenda item 9 (continued)

General debate

The President: I now call on His ExcellencyMr. Klaus Kinkel, Vice-Chancellor and Minister forForeign Affairs of Germany.

Mr. Kinkel (Germany) (spoke in German;interpretation provided by the delegation): Last year wetook stock of half a century of United Nations history. Therock we are pushing up the hill like Sisyphus always seemsto roll back a little. We must not be discouraged by this. Itremains our responsibility to do what we solemnlyreaffirmed on the fiftieth anniversary of the worldOrganization: maintain peace and to help people who aresuffering from want and poverty.

You, Mr. President, have issued a warning to us all forthis fifty-first General Assembly. We must look beyond ournational borders, and think and act accordingly. Aftermaking those anniversary promises, let us not fall back intothe old routine and rituals. The vision of a more peacefuland more equitable world must not be lost.

The world Organization must continue to be theworld’s conscience. For who else other than this forum isto keep watch to prevent murder and torture, to ensure thatrefugees have the basic necessities of life and that ourchildren are protected and cared for?

The world is grossly unjust. From the moment of birthmillions of people have hardly any chance of living in

conditions worthy of humankind. No one can turn awayfrom this; it concerns us all. No country, no region andno group of States can bear all of the world’s burdens andtroubles alone. All, even the strongest among us, needsolidarity, need the help of others. How can terrorism, forinstance, a cancer of our time, be stopped withoutinternational cooperation?

Developments over the past 10 years have shownthere is no cause for resignation. There can beprogress — provided we pool our resources and acttogether. That is the lesson of Bosnia, of South Africaand of the Middle East, and of the historic achievementsin the field of disarmament in recent years. Every childthat is saved from death in Rwanda or Burundi, everyrefugee able to return to his native village in Bosnia,every rainforest area we can preserve, must strengthen ourhope. The one world requires us to act as one.

In Bosnia and Herzegovina, a free election has beenheld for the first time after four terrible years of war. Ithas provided a crucial foundation for the country’srecovery. Joint institutions must now be created withoutdelay. The future members of the three-person presidencyshould meet in Sarajevo before the end of September.

The Organization for Security and Cooperation inEurope (OSCE) had a very difficult task supervising theelection in Bosnia. That organization’s scope for actionmust be increased at the Lisbon Summit in December thisyear. The OSCE remains an indispensable pillar of thenew peaceful order for Europe, which we believe to benecessary now that the iron curtain has come down.

The forces working for peace in the region arethemselves not strong enough; there is still no self-sustaining stability. In Bosnia and Herzegovina there canbe no permanent international police force — even the60,000 troops of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization(NATO), of the United Nations and of all the othercountries cannot guarantee peace on the ground — but Ithink that for a limited time that country continues torequire a “fire brigade”. This presupposes a fresh mandatefrom the Security Council.

Germany is willing to provide a militarycontribution. By admitting more than 320,000 warrefugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Germany haspractised human solidarity. We also have more than130,000 Yugoslav nationals, most of them from Kosovo,who have to return to their native regions. This is a heavyburden for us, including in financial terms. But we gave

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temporary protection and shelter to these people onhumanitarian grounds, and we will not be found wanting inthis respect now that their repatriation is becoming possible.

Europe has been torn by fratricidal wars for centuries.The current peaceful unification of that continent is amessage of hope for the whole world. The first of ourcentral and eastern European neighbours will soon belongto the Euro-Atlantic institutions.

My country Germany owes its unity to the confidencewhich the world placed in our policy of reconciliation andgood neighbourliness. In our eyes that implies a duty:together with France, we will remain the motor of EuropeanUnion.

Addressing the Assembly in 1989, my predecessorHans-Dietrich Genscher extended a hand to Poland. TodayI turn to our Czech neighbours in particular and say that theGerman-Czech declaration will be adopted shortly. Czechsand Germans can look confidently to a common Europeanfuture.

The Russian people too must be winners in the processof European unification. The special partnership whichNATO is seeking with Russia is of central importance forpeace and security in Europe. And that is why we want asquickly as possible to draft the fundamentals of a charterbetween NATO and Russia, as I suggested in Carcassonne18 months ago at a meeting of the European Union foreignministers. Our offer stands. Russia should help shapeEurope’s future as an equal partner. That large andimportant country must be given a place in Europecommensurate with its size and importance.

Part of the European Union’s peace message is thatwe Europeans stand for a policy of internationalcooperation among equals, and for a global partnership fordevelopment and the environment in the twenty-firstcentury. New opportunities for such a partnership derivefrom the globalization of industry and technology. Neverhave so many people experienced so much progress as inthe past 10 years. In the year 2020, if the present trendcontinues, the 15 countries with the largest gross nationalproducts will include nine of today’s developing countries.

The recipe is free markets, democracy, reliability ofthe judicial system, and integration into the globaleconomy. This kind of good governance was rewarded with$150 billion of private direct investment in 1995.

However, 90 per cent of that investment has gone toonly 12 countries, and the gap between the poor and therest of the world continues to widen. The World Summitfor Social Development put the number of poor people at1.3 billion, nearly a quarter of the entire human race. Thiscalls for action from both sides, help from the communityof nations and self-help on the part of the countriesconcerned. The one is the precondition for the other.

This evening I am having another meeting with myAfrican colleagues. I take a very keen interest in thefuture of Europe’s vast neighbouring continent. Weshould not see only Africa’s negative side but the hopefulsigns as well, and there are such signs. Democratizationis progressing, as shown by the fact that elections havetaken place or are scheduled in 17 countries this year.Average economic growth has outpaced populationgrowth for the first time in many years. Life expectancyhas increased by more than 25 per cent since 1960, andever more children are going to school.

Germany supports Africa’s integration into the worldeconomy and the development of its own capabilities. TheUnited Nations New Agenda for the Development ofAfrica in the 1990s is a sound foundation for theseefforts. The Secretary-General’s United Nations System-wide Initiative on Africa should likewise be used by allconcerned as a basis for joint action.

However, much remains to be done. The ghastlyevents in Rwanda must not be repeated in Burundi. Onthe other hand, the United Nations should not be theorganization of first resort in every conflict situation. Itcannot solve every problem. Hence, the regionalorganizations must assume a larger measure ofresponsibility.

The Organization of African Unity, like theOrganization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, hasmatured to a degree that commands respect. Germany,with one eye on Burundi, has to date provided onemillion deutsche mark in support of that organization’sconflict prevention mechanism. High hopes have beenplaced in the efforts of Julius Nyerere. The proposedconference on the Great Lakes region has the support ofGermany and the European Union.

Germany will remain a good partner and friend tothe nations of Africa. That will also be my message at theforthcoming second European Union-Southern AfricanDevelopment Community (SADC) ministerial meeting inWindhoek. The regionalization process in Africa is an

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element of hope. The outstanding example is southernAfrica with the SADC. That region must become alocomotive for the whole continent.

One neighbouring region whose fate touches Europeis the Middle East. That is also the main reason for ourstrong commitment in the whole Middle East region. Forhistorical reasons, Germany has a special relationship withIsrael; that remains unshakable. Bilaterally and through theEuropean Union we are the most important donor for thePalestinians. Germany will maintain that commitment. Iconfirmed this in my recent meetings with Israeli ForeignMinister Levy and with President Yasser Arafat in Bonn.

Terrorists should not be given any chance to block thepath to peace. The sealing off of Gaza and the West Bankmust be eased and discontinued as soon as possible. Thatis our common endeavour. The struggle against terrorismmust remain at the top of the international agenda. Iurgently appeal to all concerned to resume the peaceprocess without delay. There is no alternative.

It has been estimated that the world’s population willnumber about 10 billion in 2030. For their sake, for thesake of our children and grandchildren, we must take stepstoday to ensure that the Earth remains habitable. Peace andhuman dignity, economic progress and protection of thenatural foundations of life are inseparable. Without socialjustice, without any vision for the world’s economicprogress, we shall not be able to break the vicious circle ofpoverty, environmental destruction and populationexplosion.

We have no time to lose. Every second three babiesare born, and every year the world’s population increasesby nearly 100 million. All of them need food, clothing,schools and a home. Every minute about 12 acres oftropical rain forest are lost, an area the size of 40 footballpitches.

Antoine de Saint-Exupéry warned that the human racehad not inherited the Earth from its fathers but hadborrowed it from its children. We became acutely aware ofthis at the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro. North andSouth, East and West, are struggling to survive together inspaceship Earth, whose blue protective shield is becomingincreasingly fragile.

Our task now is to convert that environmentalawareness into environmental action. The year 1997 will becrucial for such action. The special session of the GeneralAssembly devoted to environment and development must

chart the course for the next millennium in order torestore the balance between man, nature and the economy.

Germany’s industrial community has voluntarilyundertaken to reduce its carbon dioxide emissions by20 per cent by the year 2005. Since 1990, Germany hasreduced those emissions by nearly 13 per cent andthereby has led the way for the rest of the world.

We are contributing 312 million deutsche mark tothe pilot programme to protect Brazil’s tropical forests.That represents 60 per cent of the total contributionsmade so far. We appeal to the community of nations tobecome more heavily involved in this programme. Wecan only succeed together or fail together.

At the 1997 climate conference in Japan we mustachieve the objective agreed upon in Berlin 12 monthsago: the adoption of a substantive and binding protocol toreduce greenhouse gas emissions. At the recent Genevaconference, the great majority of nations came out infavour of specific targets and time limits. This isencouraging.

I wish to thank all members once again forsupporting our efforts to have the secretariat of theFramework Convention on Climate Change established inBonn. May I also ask members to support our proposalthat the secretariat of the Framework Convention toCombat Desertification likewise be located in Bonn, as ithas to cooperate closely with the climate secretariat. TheUnited Nations will find that living and workingconditions in our country are good.

The Rio Declaration on Environment andDevelopment rightly makes people the focal point of allefforts. We must continue to concentrate on combatingpoverty and providing basic and vocational education.Even if that is not the kind of subject that makesheadlines, it is and will remain, together withpeacekeeping, one of our principal tasks.

Equal opportunities for women must not remainmere theory.

Nothing is more powerful than an idea whose timehas come, is a saying that applies to human dignity andhuman rights. The fall of the Berlin Wall showed that thepeople’s pursuit of freedom and personal happiness is, inthe long run, stronger than any dictatorship. That is whythe worldwide defence of human rights will likewise notbe in vain.

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Mr. Minoues-Triquell (Andorra), Vice-President, tookthe Chair.

It all boils down to something quite natural: that wetreat one another as humans and that we do not inflict uponothers what we would not like to have inflicted uponourselves. Murderers and torturers must not be allowed tosleep peacefully. Mladic´ and Karadzic´, and all for whomarrest warrants have been issued, deserve to be broughtbefore the International Tribunal in The Hague. Germanycalls for the early convening of a conference to establish aninternational criminal court.

There is a core of human rights that are common to usall and that are universally valid. This fact receivedinternational confirmation at the Vienna Conference onHuman Rights. There can and should be no withdrawalfrom that position.

With the East-West confrontation now consigned tothe past, intercultural dialogue assumes ever-greatersignificance. Close to 2.5 million Muslims are living inGermany. If only for this reason, it is of special importanceto develop greater mutual understanding betweenChristianity and Islam.

A subject very close to my heart, as former Ministerof Justice, is the protection of our children, the weakestmembers of society. Universal Children’s Day wasobserved on 20 September. Its motto: “Children haverights”. What do those rights look like in reality? Every day35,000 children die of hunger. Twelve million children donot live beyond the age of 5. Two million are forced intoprostitution. Two hundred thousand children around theworld are used as soldiers in war. Millions of them are usedas cheap labour.

The Stockholm conference on sexual abuse of childrenhas awakened world opinion, and I should like to thank theSwedish Government for having hosted and organized thisconference, which shocked us all into action. The atrociousway many of our children are being treated is a disgrace —a disgrace — to our civilization. The Stockholm Plan ofAction must be followed by global action. This we owe toour children. And I should like to make it very clear thatanyone who violates the weakest members of society —children, that is — deserves to be outlawed by society.

Peace is not everything, but without peace everythingis nothing. These words originate from the time when Eastand West faced each other armed to the teeth. In themeantime the nightmare of a nuclear inferno has been

dispelled. Yesterday’s signing of the ComprehensiveNuclear-Test-Ban Treaty was another momentous step inthis process, I believe, after half a century of internationaldebate and protest against nuclear testing.

In expressing my thanks to Australia I appeal to allnations to ratify the Treaty as soon as possible. Since theend of the Second World War upwards of 2,000 nucleartests have been carried out. We now have the chance toput a stop to them once and for all. Anyone who rejectssomething good because they will only accept somethingperfect should be mindful of their responsibility to futuregenerations. We cannot force the atomic genie back intothe bottle, but we owe it to our children andgrandchildren to tame it — at least to tame it.

The total abolition of all chemical weapons is ofsimilar consequence. The Chemical Weapons Conventionmust enter into force next spring. All nations, andespecially those with the largest stockpiles of suchweapons, must meet their tremendous responsibility andratify the Convention as soon as possible.

I should also like to touch upon an issue that I takea very personal, keen interest in, and that is a totallydifferent kind of mass-destruction weapon: anti-personnelmines. I travelled to Mozambique and Cambodia and tooka look at the situation there. Hundreds of millions of suchanti-personnel mines are still in the ground. Year in, yearout they kill and maim 20,000 people and make entireregions permanently uninhabitable. These treacheroustools of murder must be banned.

Germany has completely renounced anti-personnelmines and imposed a unilateral, open-ended ban onexports. Residual stocks are to be destroyed by the end of1997. In my Seven-Point Programme of Action I haveproposed a number of measures to maintain themomentum generated in Geneva. My main objective —because I think the motto should be “first things first” —is to improve the efficiency of mine clearance. We willattend a conference in Canada very soon which deals withthe political aspects of this issue, trying to ban land-mines. But we should also at the same time try toconcentrate on improving the efficiency of mineclearance, that is, testing and using mechanical clearanceequipment. We quickly need machinery that can be mass-produced in order to remove this plague without harmingpeople. I do not know whether anyone here has watcheda mine-clearance operation. It is done by people and canbe compared to trying to remove a sand-dune with aspoon. I think it is incredible that highly developed

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nations such as ours and many others are not able toproduce a piece of machinery for a large-scale de-miningoperation. I want to focus the technical knowledge that wehave to make this matter progress as quickly as possible.

If we want to win peace, we must not only considerconflict prevention; we must also pay greater attention tothe situation after the termination of military hostilities.Peace-building was the subject of the internationalconference that we sponsored in Berlin in July. Thatconference produced a number of interesting and tangibleresults, which we are making available to all MemberStates in the form of a report. Together with other countrieswe intend to submit to members during this session of theGeneral Assembly a draft resolution on peace consolidationthrough practical steps towards disarmament. Whether inBosnia, Rwanda or Angola, all previous efforts will provein vain unless we can prevent a resurgence of violence.

Most of the burden is borne by the 26,000 or so BlueHelmets and civilian personnel making up the peacekeepingmissions, as well as by the countless courageous staff ofnon-governmental organizations who are doing their job allover the world under difficult conditions. Speaking here inthe United Nations, I should like to express my sincerethanks to the non-governmental organizations. We areproud of them.

In our resolution marking the fiftieth anniversary ofthe United Nations, we solemnly undertook to pass on tothe next millennium a United Nations organization equippedand financed to perform its tasks. The greatest politicalsignificance attaches to reform of the Security Council, inwhose work we have been closely involved over the lasttwo years. This, the principal guardian of world peace, stillbears the countenance of the year 1945, but it now needs anew one for the year 2000. It is a question of enhancingthat body’s legitimacy, credibility and effectiveness. Aftera three-year debate the time has come to put the variouselements together and start the restructuring process, to nowget things done after having analysed what can be done.We are pleased that a large number of Member States arein favour of a permanent seat for Germany on the SecurityCouncil. I really believe that the time is approaching whenthe General Assembly will have to decide.

What continues to require our immediate attention isthe financial crisis. The Organization’s rationalization andreform are indispensable and urgent. A glance at the booksis enough to tell us that. The regular United Nations budgetshows zero growth. The Secretariat has lost more than

1,000 posts, and further reductions will follow next year.So much has already been achieved.

I therefore take this opportunity to thank theSecretary-General and his staff, who, both at headquartersand in the field, continue to achieve outstanding resultsdespite the reductions in their numbers and the constantlack of funds. I should like to thank them very warmly.

I wish to add another word if I may. The UnitedNations, in its actions and decisions, can be only asstrong as its Members allow it to be. People tend tooverlook that fact so readily when they criticize thisOrganization. I stress this point because I think that theoutside world has a distorted image of the United Nations.The United Nations is us, the Member States. We canonly achieve what we want to achieve together.

I am afraid that I must repeat that we will have tosave and rationalize further still. The need for reform isno justification for refusing to pay contributions, however.Moreover, special rights also imply special duties. TheGerman-American philosopher Hans Jonas said thatresponsibility is the most important principle of the newage. Let us act in accordance with that principle.

Address by Mr. Göran Persson, Prime Minister of theKingdom of Sweden

The Acting President(interpretation from French):The Assembly will now hear a statement by the PrimeMinister of the Kingdom of Sweden.

Mr. Göran Persson, Prime Minister of the Kingdomof Sweden, was escorted to the rostrum.

The Acting President(interpretation from French):I have great pleasure in welcoming the Prime Minister ofthe Kingdom of Sweden, Mr. Göran Persson, and invitinghim to address the General Assembly.

Mr. Persson (Sweden): The world of today is facedwith a paradox. While our global interdependence isgrowing and threats to our societies require globallycoordinated efforts, countries look inwards to their ownregions. But regional cooperation should never be madea pretext for ignoring the outside world. It should openitself to the world. It should be a building block for trulyglobal solidarity.

We need a vision of a global neighbourhood, aglobal ethic and a global citizenship based on equality,

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tolerance and solidarity. The globalization of our societiesis irreversible. We need to cooperate to deal with itsconsequences.

We have the instrument: the United Nations. At 50,the United Nations is the subject of criticism and lack ofconfidence. The experience of political setbacks in Somalia,Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia is not quickly forgotten.As in Bosnia, alternatives to the United Nations are soughtto deal with pressing international issues.

But the tasks of the United Nations have not beenmade easier by Member States’ refusing to give it adequateresources. Many Members, including some major Powers,still do not pay their contributions to the United Nationsfully or on time. It is a shame that the Secretary-Generalhas to devote much of his time to pleading with MemberStates to fulfil their financial obligations.

Of course, the United Nations has its shortcomings. Itsuffers from bureaucracy and resistance to change. Thereare inefficiencies, but there are also success stories. Wemust not forget how United Nations operations helped buildpeaceful societies in Cambodia, El Salvador andMozambique, nor how United Nations humanitarian actionshave saved lives and alleviated suffering in Somalia,Rwanda, Burundi, the former Yugoslavia and other crisisareas.

For security in a broad sense, we need a globalOrganization. We need the United Nations as a meetingplace. We need the United Nations as a guardian ofinternational norms and principles. We need the UnitedNations to prevent conflicts and to find peaceful solutionswhen violence erupts. We need the United Nations to copewith global threats to human security. We need the UnitedNations as a safeguard against environmental threats and infavour of sustainable development. We need the UnitedNations to promote democracy and human rights. We needthe United Nations as a focal point for global solidarity.

To realize this vision, we need a strong UnitedNations. Present inefficiencies have to be dealt withvigorously. Reform does not automatically equal down-sizing. In some fields, we may even have to expand theOrganization. But resources should not be wasted.Confidence in the Organization demands financialdiscipline. A revitalized United Nations means a morefocused and more determined United Nations.

We need a United Nations that does not abandon itsposition as the principal instrument for maintaining

international peace and security, a United Nations whichis capable of acting rapidly with adequate means andresources. Today, I join with 15 other Heads of State andGovernment in a statement in support of renewingmultilateralism. Without political leadership, the necessarychanges cannot be made.

My Government, the Swedish Government, sees thefollowing steps as immediately required. First, UnitedNations Members must make a commitment to globalmultilateral cooperation. Secondly, payment must be madeof assessed contributions to the United Nations in full,unconditionally and on time. Thirdly, there must be acommitment to strengthen and renew the United Nations,including a time-frame for comprehensive reform.Fourthly, a commitment to the United Nations as aninstrument for sustainable economic and socialdevelopment is necessary. Fifthly, we must adopt anintegrated approach to security in view of long-termthreats to our societies. Sixthly, there must be acommitment to early action to prevent conflict and man-made disasters. Finally, there is need for an agreement todevelop the capacity of regional organizations to act incooperation with the United Nations.

The Swedish Government is committed to a strongand effective United Nations and we are ready tocontribute to this objective. Therefore, Sweden seeks aseat on the Security Council for the 1997-1998 period.Our candidature has been launched with the full supportof the other Nordic countries: Denmark, Finland, Icelandand Norway.

Members of the Security Council have a particularresponsibility for international peace and security. It isessential that small and medium-size countries serve onthe Council as well. The principle of rotation of non-permanent seats is important to us, for we have notserved on the Council for the past 20 years.

If elected to the Council, Sweden would continue topursue openness and transparency. The links between theCouncil and the United Nations membership at large mustbe strengthened.

Sweden would take independent positions, upholdingthe principles of international law. The primacy ofinternational and humanitarian law is a pillar of ourforeign policy. Sweden would contribute to a moreefficient United Nations role in the new generation ofpeace-keeping, including better coordination between thecivilian and military aspects of such operations. We

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would also work for clearer mandates for United Nationsoperations.

The capacity of the United Nations to command andcontrol large-scale peace-keeping and humanitarianoperations should be secured. We need an Organizationcapable of coordinating the various aspects of peaceoperations, including political peacemaking, military peace-keeping, long-term peace-building and humanitarian efforts.

In our national planning for participation in futurepeace operations, my Government is taking steps tointegrate the training of military and civilian personnel inorder to facilitate coordination in the field. We invite othercountries to such training in Sweden.

Sweden believes that the sanctions instrument has tobe refined. It is an important instrument for helping topreclude the use of armed force. But ways must be foundto avoid the suffering of innocent civilians and to alleviatethe consequences of sanctions for third parties. This isessential for the credibility and efficiency of the sanctionsinstrument.

The United Nations represents the moral authority ofthe world community. It has a vital role in seeing to it thatwar crimes do not go unpunished. The Tribunals for theformer Yugoslavia and Rwanda should be given thenecessary support. The message must be clear. Civiliansmust be protected in all armed conflicts, whether internal orinternational. It should never be possible to live outcriminal perversions, to murder, torture or rape withimpunity. A permanent international criminal court shouldbe established in the year to come.

The financial crisis and the non-payment of assessedcontributions to the United Nations must not be used as aninstrument to precipitate reforms, nor should they be anexcuse not to start urgent reforms. The possibility of usingalternative sources of financing needs to be exploredfurther. They could be used on a voluntary basis and serveto finance special needs outside the regular United Nationsbudget.

The financing of global development cooperation is acritical issue that goes beyond the present financial crisis ofthe United Nations. The willingness to pay is decreasing.Development assistance is at its lowest level in decades.Only four countries — Sweden among them — fulfil theUnited Nations 0.7 per cent aid target. In our own case, wemaintain this commitment despite a very difficult financialsituation.

Negotiated replenishment of multilateraldevelopment funds is not being honoured. The financingof global cooperation is a long-term issue that requires along-term solution.

The globalization of our economies, our politics andour daily lives calls for cooperation. This has been clearlyillustrated in the report of the Commission on GlobalGovernance. Industrialized and developing countries willrealize that we have common interests, not least inmeeting the threats to our common future, theenvironment. Further efforts must also be made to resolvethe debt crisis for the poorest and most heavily indebtedcountries.

We have a joint interest in open borders and freetrade, which create growth and wealth. A difficultobstacle to such a development is the worldwide increasein organized crime. In my own region around the BalticSea, the Heads of Government have decided to elaboratea common plan of action to combat cross-border crime.

I believe that this session of the General Assemblyshould send a strong political signal that intensified globalefforts are also needed in this area. What is needed isincreased exchange of information, judicial cooperationand closer cooperation in training,inter alia, throughInterpol.

Another global threat is the proliferation of arms,both conventional arms and those designed for massdestruction. For decades, Sweden has been in theforefront in the struggle against nuclear arms. The entryinto force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treatyis essential. It would be a historic step towards theelimination of nuclear arms. I welcome the report of theCanberra Commission. It is a timely and valuablecontribution to this endeavour.

Anti-personnel landmines are a threat todevelopment, to reconstruction and to human dignity inmany parts of the world. Mines do not discriminatebetween an invading soldier and a child at play. Theytotally ignore cease-fires and political settlements.

It is imperative that we move towards a global banon these killers. Stockpiles should be destroyed. Sweden,for its part, will take such a unilateral step. All countriesmust adhere to the stricter legal regime that has beenagreed for landmines, and much larger resources shouldbe directed to humanitarian mine clearance. My

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Government is prepared to make its substantial contributionto this end.

Multilateral cooperation is indispensable for dealingwith the crucial issues of survival facing us on thethreshold of the next millennium. We have a commonresponsibility to give to the next generation the tools forsuch cooperation. True security is global.

Sweden contributes actively to cooperation andsecurity in our Baltic neighbourhood and in Europe. Ourfirm support for peace and development in the Middle East,in southern Africa, in Asia and in Central America is wellknown. True to our traditions and our vision, we continueto stand up for cooperation and security in our globalneighbourhood.

The Acting President (interpretation from French):On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank thePrime Minister of the Kingdom of Sweden for thestatement he has just made.

Mr. Göran Persson, Prime Minister of the Kingdom ofSweden, was escorted from the rostrum.

The Acting President (interpretation from French):I now call on the Vice Premier and Minister for ForeignAffairs of China, His Excellency Mr. Qian Qichen.

Mr. Qian Qichen (China) (interpretation fromChinese): Please allow me first of all to offer my sincerecongratulations to Ambassador Razali Ismail on his electionto the presidency of the General Assembly at its currentsession. I am convinced that with his outstanding abilityand rich experience he will fulfil this lofty mission withdistinction. I would also like to express my thanks toMr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral for the important contributionhe made during his presidency of the last session.

The 1990s are a period of momentous transition,during which international relations are undergoing the mostfar-reaching changes since the Second World War. Thecollapse and disappearance of the bipolar structure hasrekindled hope that the world will become a community ofcountries with equal rights for all, rather than onedominated by a single big Power. Multipolarity is gainingmomentum in a global as well as a regional context. MajorPowers are readjusting their relationships. On the otherhand, the multitude of developing countries have becomeincreasingly aware of the need to bolster their strengththrough concerted efforts. The Non-Aligned Movementcontinues to uphold the ideals and principles of

independence, independent decision-making andnon-affiliation with blocs, and is vigorously pushing fora new just and democratic international order of peaceand equality. Regional economic organizations, which aredisplaying great vitality, are expanding their role inpromoting regional cooperation and development in theirrespective areas.

Asia’s upsurge is having a significant impact on theworld’s political and economic configurations. The worldis deeply impressed with the vigorous economicdevelopment of Asia, East Asia in particular. Theconvening of the first Asia-Europe meeting highlightedthe changes now being seen and marked an importantnew beginning for an equal, cooperative relationshipbetween Asia and Europe. As the world moves towardsmultipolarity, the forces for peace are bolstered. The callfor dialogue and cooperation, as against confrontation andconflict, has become louder.

In the Asia-Pacific region, efforts to maintain peaceand stability and promote common development throughdialogue, consultation and cooperation have yieldedpositive results. An agreement on confidence-building inthe military field along border areas has been concludedbetween China on the one hand, and the RussianFederation, Kazakstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan on theother; this agreement governs a boundary over 3,000kilometres in length. The Association of South-East AsianNations (ASEAN) Regional Forum has succeeded inbringing Asia-Pacific countries together to considersecurity issues facing the region. The Asia-PacificEconomic Cooperation Council (APEC) has become auseful mechanism for promoting trade and investmentliberalization as well as economic and technologicalcooperation in the region.

The past year has seen peace returning to a numberof war-torn countries and regions. We are pleased to notethat the peace accord reached between the belligerents inBosnia and Herzegovina is being implemented, and thatYugoslavia and Croatia have normalized their relations.It is hoped that peace will soon be fully restored to theregion of the former Yugoslavia in order to put an end tothe prolonged conflict in that part of Europe.

The impact on Africa of the drastic changes in thepost-cold war international situation is waning. Africa isentering a new historical era in which it is striving forpeace, stability and development. Many burning issues inAfrica have already been or are in the process of beingsettled gradually. At the same time, however, some

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countries and regions are still plagued by the scourge ofwar. We hope that the international community willcontinue to give attention and attach importance to Africanissues so as to help bring lasting peace and development tothe whole African continent at an early date.

But the path towards peace is tortuous. After somemajor gains in preceding years, the Middle East peaceprocess has hit snags again. China is concerned at thisdevelopment. We hope that all the parties concerned willstrive for an early comprehensive and just settlement of thisissue by strictly observing the agreements already reachedand resuming negotiations and dialogue on the basis of therelevant United Nations resolutions.

Peace should have prevailed in the post-cold-warworld, in which equal members of the internationalcommunity should respect each other’s sovereignty andterritorial integrity, refrain from invading each other orinterfering in each other’s internal affairs, and live inharmony with each other, in a spirit of seeking commonground and putting aside differences. However, the realityis that the world today is far from tranquil because thecold-war mentality dies hard and hegemonism hasrepeatedly raised its ugly head. Interference in othercountries’ internal affairs under various pretexts, andindulgence in sanctions-wielding or even the use of forceare trampling on the purposes and principles of the Charterof the United Nations and all accepted norms ofinternational relations, thereby threatening and underminingworld peace and stability. Recent controversies ininternational forums, generated by the issue of sanctions,signify that in the context of a growing trend towardsmultipolarity, hegemonism and power politics will becomeincreasingly untenable.

The vigorous expansion of international trade andinvestment and the rapid advance of science and technologyhave led to closer economic ties between countries andregions, thus accelerating the process of economicglobalization. This presents a rare opportunity to bothdeveloped and developing countries. By riding the tide ofglobalization and relying on their own unremitting efforts,some developing countries have achieved sustained andrapid economic growth, thereby giving a great impetus toworld economic growth. These and other changes on theworld scene have widened the prospects of internationalcooperation.

Regrettably, however, a counter-current of tradeprotectionism has recently arisen in the ranks of developedcountries, designed to curtail the development of developing

countries and exclude them from the decision-makingprocess on major world economic issues. Any actprejudicial to developing countries will in the finalanalysis undermine the interests of developed countries.International economic exchanges and cooperation shouldbe built on the basis of mutual complementarity. Facingthe tide of economic globalization, neither developed nordeveloping countries should resort to trade protectionism.Rather, both should make the necessary readjustments andreforms in the light of their own national conditions inorder to promote their welfare and keep out of harm’sway. Only by enhancing international exchanges andcooperation on the basis of equality and mutual benefitcan we jointly cope with new problems arising in thecourse of world economic advances and achieve sustainedcommon development and prosperity.

No one should overlook the unevenness of worlddevelopment and the ever widening gap betweendeveloped and developing countries. Caught in the web ofrelentless international competition, the least-developedcountries are in distress, and the risk of marginalizationis looming large. To make matters worse, the amount ofofficial development assistance from richer countries isshrinking every year, with more stringent conditionsattached. The coffers of the United Nations CapitalDevelopment Fund are drying up, and future prospects aregrim indeed. The international community, and especiallythe developed countries, are duty-bound to take effectivemeasures to reverse this dire situation. The promotion ofeconomic development and the prosperity of all countries,and the elimination of poverty should always be at the topof the United Nations agenda.

Strengthening international cooperation in the fieldof the environment and development is a vital link inglobal efforts to achieve sustainable development.

Four years after the United Nations Conference onEnvironment and Development, the public has becomeincreasingly aware of the importance of environmentalprotection. Sustainable development has become a majorobjective in the socio-economic development strategies ofall countries. However, international cooperation in thisdomain is disappointingly lagging. Developed countrieshave failed to live up to their pledges under Agenda 21 interms of funding and technology transfer, yet theydemand that developing countries accept obligationsexceeding their capability at their present level ofdevelopment. It is hoped that next year’s special sessionon environment and development will be able to resolvethese issues.

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Poverty, unemployment, the problem of refugees,crime, over-population, environmental deterioration, drugabuse and terrorism — these scourges remain formidableand impede global stability and development. In the face ofthese challenges, all countries should not only carry outsocial development policies commensurate with their ownnational conditions, but should also actively cooperate withone another in line with the principles of mutual respect,equality and mutual benefit. The United Nations needs toenhance its social programmes focusing on developingcountries.

The international community at large should press forthe implementation of the follow-up actions of the CairoInternational Conference on Population and Development,the Copenhagen World Summit for Social Development andthe Beijing Fourth World Conference on Women in favourof universal social development.

Our Organization has gone through vicissitudes in thecourse of half a century. Enormous changes have takenplace on the world scene. It is imperative for the UnitedNations to carry out appropriate rational reforms so that itcan better perform the noble mission of the times and ushera better world into the twenty-first century.

All reforms must be conducive to realizing thepurposes and principles of the Charter and to improving theefficiency of the United Nations. They must also contributeto a more positive and effective United Nations role inpromoting world peace and common development. Theymust conform to the principle of the sovereign equality ofall States, and reflect the aspirations of the developingcountries, which comprise more than two-thirds of themembership. Democratic consultations should be practicedthroughout this process. We are confident that we will beable to achieve a broad consensus as long as all of usengage in patient deliberations in the spirit of openness andfair play, and with a readiness to consider all legitimateconcerns.

The United Nations continues to be plagued by aserious financial crisis. The Organization cannot functionnormally without firm and reliable fiscal resources. We callon the major countries whose financial contributions to theOrganization are in arrears to fulfil the financial obligationsset forth in the Charter by unconditionally paying up in fullwithout further delay.

Major progress has been made in the field of armscontrol and disarmament since the last session of theGeneral Assembly. The Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban

Treaty resulting from two and a half years of negotiationshas finally been adopted by the General Assembly.Chinaactively participated in the Treaty negotiations anddisplayed maximum flexibility, thereby contributingsignificantly to the final conclusion of the Treaty. Wehave always stood for the complete prohibition andthorough destruction of nuclear weapons. In our view, thecomprehensive test-ban Treaty is only a first step in theentire process of comprehensive nuclear disarmament.There are still large stockpiles of nuclear arms in theworld. Some nuclear Powers still refuse to undertake notto be the first to use such weapons. We still have a longway to go, and must continue to work strenuously inorder to achieve the ultimate goal of the total eliminationof nuclear weapons.

In order to expedite nuclear disarmament and freeourselves from the danger of nuclear war forever, I wishto reiterate the following calls on behalf of the ChineseGovernment: first, the major nuclear Powers shouldrenounce their policy of nuclear deterrence; thosepossessing huge nuclear arsenals should continue to cutback their stockpiles drastically.

Secondly, all nuclear States should assume theobligation not to be the first to use nuclear weapons atany time or under any circumstances; they shouldunconditionally renounce the use or threat of use of suchweapons against non-nuclear States or nuclear-free zones;and they should conclude international instruments to thateffect without delay.

Thirdly, those States which have deployed nuclearweapons overseas should withdraw them completely; allnuclear States should pledge support for moves to set upnuclear-free zones; they should respect the status of suchzones and assume corresponding obligations.

Fourthly, all States should refrain from developingor deploying weapons systems in outer space and missiledefence systems that undermine strategic security andstability.

Fifthly, all States should negotiate with a view toconcluding an international convention on the completeprohibition and total destruction of nuclear weapons.

Since mankind was able to produce nuclear weaponsin the twentieth century, it is fully capable of abolishingthem in the twenty-first century. The Chinese Governmentand people are ready to join hands with all Governments

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and peoples of the world to strive for the realization of thislofty goal.

My country continues to press forward along the roadof reform, opening up and modernization. Our economymaintains a healthy momentum. The macroeconomicenvironment continues to improve. We anticipate a growthrate of around 10 per cent this year. Inflation will be keptbelow 10 per cent. Despite severe natural disasters in someparts of the country, we have still managed to gather abumper harvest of summer crops this year. Grain output forthe entire year is expected to top the previous year’sfigures. The Ninth Five-Year Plan for National Economicand Social Development and the Outline of the Long-RangeObjectives to the Year 2010 were inaugurated this year.They depict a promising future for China’s modernizationdrive at the turn of the century. By the year 2000, when ourpopulation will have had a net increase of 300 million, weexpect to quadruple our 1980 per capita gross nationalproduct. And by the year 2010 our gross national productis anticipated to be twice that of the year 2000. Then wewill have put in place a viable socialist market economy.

Seventeen years of reform and opening up havebrought about a fourfold increase in our gross nationalproduct. Our overall national strength will grow further inanother 15 years. Yet China will still be a developingcountry with relatively low ranking in terms of indicatorssuch as per capita gross national product. China’sdevelopment will only help to bolster the elements makingfor peace. We pose no threat to anyone anywhere, but willonly help to strengthen the cause of world peace, stabilityand development. On the other hand, if China fails toachieve economic development and its population of 1.2billion is mired in poverty, that would indeed be ominousfor world peace and stability.

China will resume the exercise of sovereignty overHong Kong as from 1 July 1997. This will be a milestonein the great cause of our national reunification. It is also agood example of how countries can peacefully resolveissues left over by history. Preparations are under way toput into effect our resumption of the exercise of sovereigntyover Hong Kong. We are fully capable of ensuring asmooth transfer of government and transition in HongKong. After Hong Kong’s return to the embrace of themotherland, we will put into effect the policy of “onecountry, two systems”. As a Special Administrative Regionof the People’s Republic of China, and in conformity withthe Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special AdministrativeRegion, Hong Kong will be administered by the HongKong people. It will enjoy a high degree of autonomy. The

existing social and economic system and way of life willremain unchanged, and the laws currently in force inHong Kong will be basically maintained. Hong Kong willretain its status as an international trade, financial andshipping centre, free port and separate customs territory.Its long-term stability and prosperity will be guaranteed.Foreign economic interests in Hong Kong will beaccommodated.

Twenty-five years ago, at its twenty-sixth session,the General Assembly adopted the historic resolution2758 (XXVI), solemnly declaring the restoration to thePeople’s Republic of China all its lawful rights in theUnited Nations. That resolution thoroughly settled thequestion of China’s representation in the United Nation inall aspects — political, legal and procedural.

There is but one China in the world and Taiwan isan inalienable part of its sacred territory. “Peacefulreunification and one country with two systems” — thisis our unswerving guideline for the settlement of theTaiwan question. This question involves a cardinalprinciple of China’s sovereignty and territorial integrityand the great task of reunification. It is a purely internalaffair of China which will brook no outside interference.The Chinese Government and people are determined tocarry through the struggle against all attempts to splittheir territory or create an independent Taiwan. No forceon Earth can hold back China’s great cause ofreunification.

The world is on the march at top speed. Newcontradictions and problems are constantly arising. Theprofound changes in the international scene have broughtforth rare opportunities as well as serious challenges. Letus seize the opportunities, meet the challenges and pushforward the cause of peace and development. Such is theglorious mission which our times have bestowed on us.The Chinese Government and people are ready to joinwith all other Governments and peoples in this endeavour.

The Acting President(interpretation from French):I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of France,His Excellency Mr. Hervé de Charette.

Mr. De Charette (France)(interpretation fromFrench): My country is especially pleased at thePresident’s election to lead the General Assembly. Herepresents a great country that plays an important role inthe Non-Aligned Movement and the Group of 77 and Iam glad that he is to preside over our work during thiscrucial period for our Organization.

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I should also like to endorse the remarks made byIreland’s Foreign Minister in the name of the EuropeanUnion.

Last year, we celebrated the first half century of theUnited Nations existence, during which its energies weredevoted, with a success universally acknowledged, to theorganization of international society. Amammoth collectiveundertaking has been accomplished and the United Nationshas become the keystone of an international system foundedon law and the peaceful settlement of conflicts. Thiscollective undertaking owes much to the determined actionof successive Secretaries-General, and I should like to paya special and warm tribute here to Mr. Boutros-Ghali,whose determination, vision of the future and firmness havegiven our Organization a presence and vitality rarelyachieved. He deserves our confidence.

Today, as the century reaches its turning point, theOrganization is confronted with another major challenge:globalization. In every sphere, the ideas and realities towhich we were accustomed are changing at a paceunequalled in human history. The movement of people, ofideas and images, and of goods is accelerating as distancesshrink. At the same time, the standardization of culturalpractices — and the legitimate reactions this provokes —the general spread of low-cost high technologies andintensified competition bring into question the positions thathave been achieved and the functioning, if not the veryfoundation, of international society. At the same time, theproduction of wealth is increasing tenfold and scientificprogress is growing rapidly, while unexpected opportunitiesfor development are being given to new nations.

But these benefits have adverse effects. The controlfragile States have over their development is being eroded,national legislation is becoming inapplicable and the notionof territorial integrity is changing in meaning. In short,national authorities are too often reduced to powerlessnessby transnational phenomena over which they have onlyscant control. If we are not careful, we are going to beliving in a world without criteria, without values, withoutreferences, in which some — the strongest and therichest — will be in a position to decide alone on the futureof the planet. It should come as no surprise that, in thesecircumstances, the United Nations has many detractors.

Our Organization is in effect a privileged forum inwhich the framework of a genuine international society canbe built, a framework that frees the forces of creativity anddevelopment and represses the forces of violence andoppression. It is up to all of us present here to enable the

United Nations to play that role and to ensure peace,security and progress in these new circumstances and inkeeping with its mandate. Rest assured that France, afounding Member of the Organization and permanentmember of the Security Council, will devote all itsenergies to this task and will be in the front ranks of thisnew fight.

Our world is confronted today with terrible problemsthat know no borders and, sadly, spare no population:terrorism, crime and drugs. The fight against thesescourges is foremost in our concerns and high on theinternational agenda. Accordingly, an uncompromisingfight against terrorism, whatever its forms, perpetratorsand motives, constitutes our priority. This is why Iconvened a conference on terrorism in Paris last July thatbrought together the G-7 countries and Russia. Weadopted 25 practical, specific recommendations. They willbe implemented by each State and will strengtheninternational cooperation against terrorism. Therefore,today I make a solemn call on the entire internationalcommunity to join wholeheartedly in this fight.

We must also react without weakness to thechallenge of organized crime, in the knowledge that itknows how to make the fullest use of the possibilities thathave been opened up by the liberalization of trade. For itis the very foundation of our societies and institutions thatit endangers today.

International cooperation is indispensable to stemthis phenomenon. France, pursuing the path mapped outby the Canadian presidency, has drafted a corpus of legaland operational recommendations with its G-7 partnersand Russia to improve the effectiveness of the fightagainst this scourge. These should guide in particular theaction of the States most affected by transnationalorganized crime. France recently strengthened its financiallegislation against money-laundering. All States shouldpay particular attention to this phenomenon, which is oneof the hardest forms of organized crime to counter.

One of the most loathsome aspects of organizedcrime is that which targets our children. A world summiton combating the sexual exploitation of children wasrecently held in Stockholm. That is good, but it is still notenough. Everyone must now make a commitment toimplementing effective measures for immediateapplication. I urge all States represented here to actquickly and with determination in this area which, morethan any other, affects our future. The Assembly may restassured of France’s political resolve.

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Drugs are a formidable threat today because of theravages they inflict on young people. Internationalcooperation must be solid. The producer and consumercountries must recognize their shared responsibility. Theinternational community must therefore continue to pursueconvergent policies to reduce the supply of illegalsubstances and the demand for them. The European Unionhas chosen such a global policy and has launched large-scale actions in close coordination with internationalinstitutions, in particular the United Nations InternationalDrug Control Programme. France strongly supports theproposal to convene a special session of the GeneralAssembly devoted to drugs in 1998.

These new perils do not supplant the traditionalchallenges, which our Organization must address withsustained vigilance and unwavering firmness. Peace-keepingremains the central function of our Organization under theterms of the founding Charter. The mission of the UnitedNations to soothe tensions, separate combatants and resolveconflicts remains fundamental.

The panoply of available instruments is becomingmore diversified. Recent additions to conventional peace-keeping missions include activities to consolidate peace,preventive diplomacy measures and even regionalconferences — such as I hope will soon take place withregard to the situation in the Great Lakes region.

Sanctions constitute one of these instruments. They area useful weapon, but they penalize populations and musttherefore be used with prudence and moderation, followstrict criteria and — I stress this — always be limited intime. Only under those conditions can sanctions, which aresometimes necessary to prevent something worse, continueto be used by our Organization with the requiredlegitimacy.

Of course, we cannot refer to the traditional challengesto peace without speaking about current regional conflicts.In Bosnia and Herzegovina, where my country has paid aheavy tribute, France is pleased that elections could be held,imperfect though they were. That represents an essentialstage in the return to peace provided for by the agreementssigned in Paris in 1995.

But peace still has to be consolidated, devastatedterritories be reconstructed, refugees encouraged to returnand a civilian society rebuilt. To that end, France hasproposed a plan of consolidated action by the internationalcommunity with a time-frame of two years. With this goalin mind, we will very shortly be hosting an international

conference in Paris to examine, and I hope adopt, thisproposal.

Similarly, the peace process in the Middle Eastseems to be at a crucial stage. I wish here to express myanxiety about it. I certainly believe the process to beirreversible, but I am also aware of the precariousness ofthe gains and the urgency of the need for long-termsolutions. We are half-way there. I say “we”, because thisprocess concerns not just Arabs and Israelis but all of ushere.

For France, peace in the Middle East is built upondialogue between equal partners, respect for the identityof each and the right of peoples to the free determinationof their destiny, the affirmation of their independence, andsecurity. That is why — and I wish to emphasize thispoint — France believes that there will be no lastingpeace in the region, based on an exchange of land forpeace, unless the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination is respected, together with their legitimateaspirations for a State.

We believe that a just and balanced agreementbetween Israelis and Palestinians cannot avoid the issuesof Jerusalem, refugees and the settlements in thePalestinian territories. Finally, a lasting peace presupposesthat Israel is assured of its existence within secure andrecognized borders.

France believes that complete withdrawal from theGolan Heights in exchange for total peace constitutes thebasis of an agreement between Syria and Israel, and thatLebanon must regain full and complete sovereignty overthe whole of its territory.

Based on these principles, France intends to have agreater and more active presence than ever in the MiddleEast, with which it has close and long-standing relations.It will pursue this policy in close consultation with itsEuropean partners. Furthermore, Europe must have aplace, alongside the two sponsors of the peace process,commensurate with the major contribution it is making tothe region’s development.

While we are endeavouring to build peace in areasin crisis, our efforts are no less ambitious for the entireEuropean continent. In building step by step what we callan “architecture of security“, we are really offering theinternational community a pillar of peace. France ismaking an important contribution to the establishment on

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the European continent a system of global security thatleaves no one out on the edge.

The construction of peace in Europe began with theconstruction of European institutions. It is being continuedby deepening the Union. The intergovernmental Conferencerepresents a decisive stage in this process, the forerunner ofexpansion, which is vital to the stability and prosperity ofthe continent.

France wishes to see the Union go still further bygiving substance to the European identity in security anddefence matters. To that end, we would like to see astrengthening of the Western European Union and itsgradualrapprochementwith the European Union.

The European identity is also based on the reform ofthe Atlantic Alliance. France, after taking a decisive step,is now working actively with its allies on the adaptation ofstructures. This should allow the emergence of a genuineEuropean security and defence identity within the Allianceand make it possible in practice for the Western EuropeanUnion, and therefore the European Union, to use the assetsof the Alliance for military action that Europeans decide toundertake themselves. This reform is also the key to theprocess of expanding the Alliance, with which France isready to assist. That expansion must naturally go hand-in-hand with in-depth dialogue and cooperation with Russia.

The third and last aspect of the structure is theOrganization for Security and Cooperation in Europe(OSCE), which is the sole forum for security in which allthe European States are represented on an equal footing.That is why France believes that it is necessary tostrengthen the organization. We hope that the Lisbonsummit will provide the occasion to move towards thedrafting of a charter or treaty linking all the States of thecontinent.

Important events therefore await us on the path thatwe have mapped out, including the OSCE summit inDecember and the NATO summit next year. The lattershould bring together all the European States for a“pan-Europe day”, demonstrating the community of securityinterests of all the countries on the continent, includingRussia and our North American allies whose role inEuropean security remains decisive. That is our ambitionfor a Europe of security that leaves no one out and is saferand more stable for the entire international community.

In this changing world, it is for the United Nations tobring out the common values that will be the foundations

of civilization in the twenty-first century. It is thanks toits actions that we hope to build a safer, less harsh worldfor its inhabitants. First, we hope it will be a world inwhich the spectre of nuclear war has faded. For manyyears, public opinion called for a complete ban on nucleartests. It was a hope and a plan that was certainly worthy,but remained blocked by the reality of East-Westconfrontation.

France welcomes the signing of the ComprehensiveNuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, which I had the honour to signyesterday. This Treaty marks a major turning-point in theworld’s strategic balances.

It puts an end to the possibility of the nuclear-weapon States’ developing new types of nuclear weapons,and it makes a decisive contribution to the fight againstnuclear-weapon proliferation.

The Treaty thus opens the way to a more stable,safer world which will cease to be haunted by the twindangers of the nuclear-arms race and the proliferation ofthese weapons.

There is another development which I findremarkable: the endorsement of human rights as a majorprinciple of international relations. And the UnitedNations is at the centre of this development.

I should like in this regard to pay tribute to theremarkable work done by the Commission on HumanRights. In often difficult circumstances, it has pursuedwith pragmatism and tenacity its patient efforts to awakenconsciences, to galvanize energies and to promote the ruleof law in concrete ways.

Our aim must not be to pronounceexcommunications or establish a blacklist, generally to noeffect. Rather, it must be to promote the protection ofindividuals and the progress of law with due respect fordifferences.

I should also like to reaffirm France’s determinationto see crimes against humanity punished. Thecondemnation they warrant cannot brook any exception.

Together with others, France took the initiative ofproposing the establishment of the international criminalTribunal and the international Tribunal for Rwanda. Iwish to reaffirm France’s unqualified support for theirfounding work, and its backing in order that the tribunalsmight carry out their work in full.

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Lastly, France is pleased that the foundations that havethus been laid have helped to speed up the debates on theestablishment of an international criminal court, which weearnestly desire and to which we attach a high priority.

There are other important areas which we have begunto consider.

At this time when workers, money, factories andcommerce operate at a heightened pace, it is essential todevelop dialogue among the partners of economic life. Thisis really the only solid basis on which to build socialprotection that preserves the interests of all without harmingthe growth of economies.

The fiftieth anniversary of the International LabourOrganisation (ILO) provided the opportunity to recall theessential role of this organization in defining these minimalnorms, without which the economic world is but a vastjungle.

Universality, however, must not lead to uniformity.The definition of common values, accepted by all, is basedon respect for the identities that underpin the cultures of theworld. Our values will thus command all the more respectfor being expressed in all our respective languages.

Accordingly, we welcome the fact that the GeneralAssembly last year adopted a resolution on multilingualismby a very large majority. Our civilizations, languages andcultures, inherited from an often turbulent history, but ofirreplaceable richness, are a precious legacy for humankind.

The importance that my country ascribes to theFrench-speaking community reflects its determination tomaintain the specificity and richness of the profoundlyoriginal world view of several hundreds of millions ofpeople. We will not give this up.

The search for a new world ethic is not limited tohuman rights but extends to the whole of international life.Since 1945, international trade has been a powerful growthfactor, contributing to a large extent to the expansion of theindustrialized economies and to the success of the so-calledemerging countries. But here too we must have rules of thegame, acknowledged at the world level, so as to developand regulate trade, ensure that it is fair and preventunilateral conduct.

I should like to mention here the dangers ofunilateralism. Unilateralism: behind this technocratic word

lurks the temptation to impose the law of the strongest atthe expense of dialogue and negotiation.

France and Europe cannot accept that one country,even if it is the most powerful, attempt to regulate worldtrade by itself by means of decisions that have extra-territorial scope. The World Trade Organization does notallow it, and no one should doubt the firmness of Frenchand European reactions were such measures actually to beimplemented.

The globalization of the economy and theliberalization of trade and investments have opened upunprecedented prospects. However, we must take care notto allow the gap to widen between the nations that trade,invest and derive profit from this new factor and thosethat remain on the sidelines of this new prosperity.

Each nation is responsible for itself and must create,through rigorous public management and compliance withits legislative rulings, optimum conditions for freeingprivate initiative, a factor in economic and commercialprogress. But I do not believe that one can leave tomarket forces alone the care of ensuring the developmentof the poorest nations.

Here, too, the United Nations has an important roleto play. By its side, the wealthiest States must affirm theirsolidarity in a tangible way: actively and effectively, thissolidarity must assist the developing countries withoutbecoming a substitute for them. On the threshold of anew century, poverty and exclusion cannot constitute thesole prospects for two-thirds of humankind. France, for itspart, will not accept this.

This commitment concerns Africa in particular,where real prospects for progress are beginning toemerge.

Africa has embarked with courage and perseveranceon the path to readjustment and recovery, which willenable it to find its place again in the great flows ofworld trade.

For the first time in a long time, Africa’s growthrate has been on the order of 5 per cent these past twoyears, higher than its demographic expansion, very highthough it is. This is a reassuring sign, attributable to theefforts made by the African States themselves. They havebeen able to cut public deficits, establish realisticmonetary parities, open up their markets and movetowards regional integration and democratization. Such

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achievements, which are the result of structural reforms,seem to us to justify our confidence. France believes inAfrica’s future.

Still, official development assistance must bemaintained and strengthened, but this assistance must be thesubject of many initiatives. France has taken suchinitiatives within the European Union, the AfricanDevelopment Bank, the International DevelopmentAssociation and the International Monetary Fund.

Recently, at the summit of industrialized countriesheld in Lyons, my country reaffirmed the need to increaseaid to the poorest countries, asking for more generoustreatment of debt for them, and for a new global partnershipto be defined between the developing countries and themultilateral institutions.

In this new world context, we have to consider theprogress that the United Nations needs to make to be ableto meet its responsibilities for the next century.

France approves of the current discussions onimproving the representative character of the SecurityCouncil, in particular with respect to Germany, Japan andthe States of the South.

Similarly, under the decisive impetus of the Secretary-General, the Organization has embarked on a vast effort forstructural reform, the first results of which are beginning toshow.

It is not a matter of changing everything but of seeingthat every institution is in a position to make a usefulcontribution to the collective work in its own sphere.

That is why the members of the G-7 have proposedputting the savings realized through reforms intodevelopment projects.

France would like to see the reform of the UnitedNations economic and social sector concluded quickly so asto strengthen the overall coherence of the Organization. Tothat end, the roles and mandates of the specialized agenciesand commissions in particular should be better defined, andwaste and duplication eliminated.

These proposals are dictated solely by the wish to helpthe United Nations better fulfil its mission of fightingpoverty and exclusion on a global scale.

In the case of the United Nations budget, many of usare worried about the financial crisis that threatens toparalyse the United Nations. The European Union has putforward concrete proposals for overcoming this crisis. Itis now up to all States that have let their arrearsaccumulate to assume their responsibilities.

Whatever some may say, the United Nations is stillone of our best chances for building a better world. Letus not spoil it.

The Acting President(interpretation from French):I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Algeria,His Excellency Mr. Ahmed Attaf.

Mr. Attaf (Algeria) (interpretation from Arabic):The current session of the United Nations GeneralAssembly is taking place at a complex international time,marked by worrisome developments that exacerbate thefeelings of anxiety and precariousness that plague themajority of humanity. These developments result from theprofound historic changes that have occurred in recentyears, which at one time had given us hope for a new andimproved system of international relations that would bemore open to the concerns of all in matters of securityand more receptive to development needs.

The transformation of the international economy andaccelerated trends towards globalization have, to be sure,resulted in new, more complex relations, but have also,due to certain harmful side effects, aggravated theimbalances and the dependency of many developingcountries, whose courageous economic reforms, achievedat the highest of costs, still confront a hostileenvironment.

In this new era of heightened interdependence, a lackof solidarity still characterizes international relations, andself-interest is persistent in terms of both security anddevelopment, emphasizing the lack of a mechanism thatcan effectively narrow the growing gap betweendeveloped countries — ever more prosperous andstable — and a developing world faced with poverty anddisorder of every sort.

Such observations emphasize that a real awarenesson the part of the international community as a whole,and of the developed countries in particular, is slow incoming. They also confirm that piecemeal measures,taken on an urgent basis, are not enough to compensatefor the lack of an overall approach to the global problemsof our times.

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Also quite clear in this regard is the marginalization ofthe mechanisms established to foster, channel and developcooperation, solidarity and joint efforts among nations.

It is significant to note that on the heels of ananniversary session at which the commitment of States tostrengthen the authority of the United Nations wasforcefully reaffirmed, the Organization is experiencing oneof its greatest crises, notably due to restrictions on theresources it needs to accomplish its missions — and this ata time when the demands on it have increased and whenexpectations are growing that it will play a larger role inpreserving peace, in promoting and developing internationalcooperation, and in emancipating peoples still underdomination. Hence the need for all States to discharge theirobligations to our Organization, especially since it hasembarked upon a courageous process of restructuring andreform designed to make it an instrument capable ofgenerating and developing dialogue, cooperation andconfidence among nations.

It should be noted, in this regard, that democratization,transparency and a better balance among its major organsall are requirements and basic objectives for a genuinereform of the institution and for ensuring the restoration ofthe General Assembly’s authority and the functionsconferred upon it by the Charter — also a key objective inorder to enhance the effectiveness of its action and restoreits credibility.

Similarly, it is important, within the framework of thequestion of the expansion of the Security Council, to payspecial attention to such crucial aspects as the transparencyof its work, the representation on it of the Member Stateson whose behalf it acts, and the links to be established withthe General Assembly.

Algeria, which has made a priority, in its foreignpolicy, of strengthening the credibility and the authority ofthe United Nations, naturally provides continuous politicalsupport and makes varied contributions to its activities, asshown by our participation in the success of certain peace-keeping operations.

This is because our Organization remains the mostappropriate framework for realizing our aspirations forshared security and development, at the very time when therealization of the twin Agendas for peace and developmentcalls for respecting and strengthening its authority.

Here I should like to pay a well-deserved tribute toour Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Boutros

Boutros-Ghali, for his vision, his perseverance and thetireless efforts he has been making in the service ofadapting the United Nations to the challenges of thecurrent era. His courage, his commitment, and theambition he has to reinforce the reach and effectivenessof the Organization at a particularly difficult phase in theevolution of international relations have gained him thesupport of the Organization of African Unity and theLeague of Arab States. My country reiterates its supportfor him and wishes him every success at the head of theUnited Nations.

The dawning of a better-organized and more stableinternational order requires seeking joint responses to themost dangerous threats to the security and development ofour countries. These responses can emerge only throughjoint undertakings, greater solidarity and an effectivecommitment to combat the most serious consequences ofthe rise in intolerance and extremism and the denial of themost basic principles of humanity.

Among these phenomena, international terrorism ismore than ever manifest, in its seriousness as a universalphenomenon, as a threat to the stability of nations and todemocratic values in our societies, and as a new type ofthreat to international peace and security. So combattingterrorism today requires effective internationalmobilization commensurate with the challenges of a keyphenomenon which knows no limits or inviolablesanctuary.

It is fortunate that an international awareness of thedangers inherent in this scourge is beginning gradually toemerge. The international response, however, will to alarge extent remain insufficient if it is not reflected inconcrete action in line with three requirements: theestablishment of true international cooperation; a show ofgreater solidarity; and determination commensurate withregularly stated political commitments.

In this regard, the fight against terrorism should notbe ambiguous or selective, as it sometimes is. It should bemarked by a constant, unfailing mobilization of efforts todismantle the criminal chain of terrorism, including thosewho are perpetrators, those who are behind them, thevarious political networks and their sources of financingand supply, and the direct or indirect logistical supportgiven by individuals, groups or States. The necessaryconditions should be created for this. In this context,Algeria supports the idea of holding an internationalconference on the fight against terrorism.

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Promoting more stable and more balanced internationalrelations requires collective effort to improve the situationin areas of tension and conflict which threaten internationalpeace and security. In order to be fruitful, these effortsshould be buttressed by a search for viable, lasting solutionsto these conflicts and by increasing joint efforts andstrengthening existing frameworks for dialogue.

From this standpoint, the crisis in Bosnia andHerzegovina was an example of how indecision and lack ofdetermination on the part of the world community cost usa great deal in tragedy and destruction. This long-sufferingcountry is now, to be sure, embarking on the path to peace,even if still remains fragile, and strewn with manyobstacles. We venture to hope, however, that its newinstitutional direction will insure for Bosnia andHerzegovina the peace it needs for stability andreconstruction.

Furthermore, the promotion of international relationsalso presupposes the strengthening of regional integrationframeworks which today are the hallmark of an emergingnew system of international relations.

In its immediate environment, Algeria is activelyparticipating in the establishment and consolidation of jointaction for solidarity and cooperation with its neighbours,with which it hopes to develop exemplary good-neighbourlyrelations. In the Maghreb, the identity, aspirations andcommon mission of the peoples of the region, naturally,make us desirous of retaining a plan for Maghreb unity asa central element of my country’s policy. This is anirreversible national priority.

Algeria’s determination is an expression of faith in thefuture as is the ability of each of the Arab Maghreb Unionpartners to take advantage of the opportunities for relationswhich can be mutually beneficial and which can meet thelegitimate aspirations of our peoples. It is in this context ofa unified, homogenous and strong Maghreb that Algeriahopes to contribute to the beginning of a just and lastingpeaceful settlement of the issue of Western Sahara. It is inthis regard too that Algeria continues to provide politicalsupport and human and financial resources to theSettlement Plan jointly put in place by the United Nationsand the Organization of African Unity (OAU) with a viewto holding a genuine, credible referendum which wouldguarantee the free exercise by the people of Western Saharaof its right to self-determination and independence.

Continuing problems encountered in theimplementation of the Settlement Plan, and the uncertaintysurrounding the desired political solution of this conflict,

require that we redouble our efforts to establish betterconditions for a genuine peace framework. We areconvinced that this will be possible only if each and everyparty fully discharges its responsibilities in theimplementation of the Plan. A rapid solution would onlybe advantageous for the peace and concord to which allpeoples in the region are entitled.

This means in particular that the two parties to theconflict — the Kingdom of Morocco and the POLISARIOFront — should become aware that forthright,constructive and responsible dialogue can bring a solutionto pending issues at the current stage, and can also helpthem to prepare for the future.

This also means that the duty of the internationalcommunity, and of the United Nations in particular,should be translated into a more sustained commitmentand presence, and into a continued peace effort in linewith international responsibilities towards the people ofWestern Sahara and their legitimate rights.

The establishment of the OAU Mechanism forConflict Prevention, Management and Resolution reflectsthe determination of African leaders to make a decisivecontribution to reducing tensions and settling disputes onour continent. Thanks to this spirit, the painstaking effortsmade by the countries of the Economic Community ofWest African States have opened up promising prospectsfor a settlement of the conflict in Liberia through nationalreconciliation and a return to democratically electedinstitutions.

Algeria hopes for a return to calm, reconciliation andnational unity in Burundi, which are so crucial for thewhole region. We continue to encourage all efforts beingmade by the countries of the Great Lakes region.

The lack of prospects for a settlement in Somaliaand the international community’s lack of interest areexacerbating the sufferings endured by the civilianpopulation and are a source of great concern to us. Whileit is true that Somalians themselves must make a specialeffort, it is also the duty of the internationalcommunity — through the United Nations, the OAU andthe League of Arab States — to do everything possible tohelp in reconciliation and in the establishment of nationalinstitutions which could earn the embrace and confidenceof all Somalians.

In the Mediterranean, Algeria has constantly workedtowards the establishment of a permanent framework for

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dialogue and cooperation which would enable the coastalStates, without exception, to address their political, security,economic and human concerns. We have always acted witha view to defining a renewed operational machinery whichwould organize and lead a future of stability and progressin the European-Mediterranean theatre. This is whatmotivated Algeria to join the process begun in Barcelona.In our view, this was an initial accomplishment, animportant step towards the establishment of new European-Mediterranean relations based on mutual confidence andjoint actions, which will give tangible content to theindivisibility of security and development in the region.

In the Middle East, recent developments have in manyrespects caused us concern and alarm. The Madridconference created a historic opportunity for a peacefulsettlement for the Arab-Israeli conflict. In the name of goodfaith and responsibility, the commitments entered into mustbe respected. Algeria hopes to pursue its contribution to ajust and lasting peace, and renews its commitment to theprincipals adopted by the Madrid conference: land forpeace; the implementation of Security Council resolutions242 (1967), 338 (1973) and 425 (1978); and respect for thenational aspirations of the Palestinian people. Theseprinciples are at the heart of the peace process and the basisfor our participation in it. Algeria believes that there is noalternative to a settlement based on the total withdrawal byIsrael from all Arab territories occupied since 1967 and onthe right of the Palestinian people to the establishment of asovereign State, with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its capital.Today, it is the duty and the responsibility of theinternational community, and in particular of the co-sponsors of the peace process, to show resolve anddetermination in continuing their efforts to promote thesuccess of the process — a process which has beenjeopardized by Israeli intransigence and back-sliding.

The improvement of relations between Arab States andtheir unity constitute an essential pillar of the peaceprocess. The dawning of peace will depend to a large extenton the mobilization of Arab potential and capacity in theservice of peace and to promote relations based on theprinciples of good-neighbourliness, the non-use of force orthe threat of force, and non-interference in the internalaffairs of States. All of us, Algeria included, must reversethe logic of confrontation, which has compromised relationsbetween Arab countries since the Gulf war, and worktowards reconciliation on the basis of respect forinternational law.

In this context, the unjustified violations of theindependence, sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of

Iraq require an increased awareness on the part of theworld community of the risks inherent in such practices,which are contrary to international law, and of theireffects on the stability of the region. Such violations,which Algeria rejects, have only increased the sufferingof the Iraqi people, who have already been sorely tried byseveral years of sanctions which can no longer bejustified.

In the same vein, Algeria remains concerned at thecontinuation of sanctions against our sister country, theLibyan Arab Jamahiriya, and by the sufferings theseinvolve for the Libyan people, to which we would like toreiterate our full solidarity. Furthermore, Algeria renewsits support for the restoration of the sovereignty of theUnited Arab Emirates over the Abu Musa islands and theLesser and Greater Tunb islands, which remain underforeign occupation. My country also expresses itssolidarity with Bahrain in the face of the increasedforeign interference and threats to which it has beensubjected.

Algeria’s actions with regard to disarmament stemfrom its conviction that the acquisition, stockpiling andincreased sophistication of arms, in particular high-technology weapons and weapons of mass destruction, donot bring security, but undermine the essentialestablishment of confidence among nations. Strengthenedby this conviction, Algeria has shown — through concreteinitiatives taken at the international, regional and internallevels — its commitment to strengthening the processtowards general and complete disarmament by eliminatingweapons of mass destruction. In this regard, we recall ourparticipation in the drafting and adoption of theComprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty as an initialstage for more substantial measures in this area.Similarly, after having ratified the Convention onchemical weapons and adhering to the nuclear non-proliferation Treaty, on 30 March 1996 Algeria signed asafeguards agreement with the International AtomicEnergy Agency.

Acting with similar responsibility, Algeria has helpedAfrican efforts. These led to the adoption on 11 April ofthe Pelindaba Treaty, by which the States Members of theOrganization of African Unity declared Africa a nuclear-free zone. This African momentum should be encouragedby similar efforts to establish new zones, especially in theMiddle East, which remains a legitimate source ofconcern for all Arab countries, in particular with regardto Israeli nuclear potential.

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A better structured and more unified internationaleconomic order is a precondition for international peace andsecurity. The globalization of economic, social and politicalproblems, the lack of coordinated management ofinterdependent issues, the increase in global challenges, andthe weakening of national regulatory structures make it evermore necessary to establish new structures for globalmanagement within a framework of true democratization ofinternational relations. In response to these objectives, theinternational community must shoulder more responsibilityfor the many, interdependent links which hold it together;improve its ability for a collective response to the challengeof development; and increase its support for these efforts.

The worsening of the external, bilateral andmultilateral debt crisis of developing countries; the erosionand unpredictable nature of resources from export earnings;restrictions on access to markets; the lack of fairness ininternational trade; one-sided views which affectcooperation; and the unilateral nature of the world decision-making process: all these highlight in different ways thevarious obstacles which remain on the path to development.

This means that, in order to organize a common futureon a new basis, the international community must makedevelopment a greater concern, promote joint solutions forthe sustained growth of the countries of the South andensure their true integration in the world economy.

In this vein, the issue of development financingdeserves special attention in the context of the persistentexternal debt crisis in the countries of the South and thedrying up of funds for cooperation, since the approachestaken to this issue thus far have been questionable, to saythe least. Imaginative and more global solutions must befound to the external debt problem of the countries of theSouth and their access to international financing. It is alsoimportant to include in our vision of development theenormous potential of the expanding world trade expectedfrom the fair and consistent implementation of the UruguayRound agreements.

The first Ministerial Meeting of the World TradeOrganization (WTO), to be held soon in Singapore, will bea good opportunity for the international community to makea clear appraisal of the implementation of these agreementsand to make the necessary corrections for a moresignificant and equitable participation of the countries of theSouth in international trade. It is through its predictability,stability, openness and transparency that the new worldtrade system established by the WTO will become a trueand forceful factor for development.

The international economic situation is stillcharacterized by gaps that make the future of the worldmore uncertain, given the increase in inequalities and therisk of social rifts they entail. These gaps, which alsoaffect developed countries faced with the severe problemsof adjusting to unemployment and exclusion, show how,faced with globalization, international society can onlyfind joint solutions to global problems, particularly thoseof growth and development. It is in Africa, where thesocio-economic situation is evolving more tragically, thatthis dimension can be seen in all its gravity with theexpansion of abject poverty, the spread of disease and thethreat of impending famine.

It is on that continent that we find the greatestexpression of the categorical need for renewed andstrengthened international solidarity in a spirit of open-mindedness and partnership to help African countries intheir efforts at the socio-economic restructuring necessaryto lay the foundations for lasting political and socialbalance and to open new prospects of hope for theirpeoples. It is in fact politically unacceptable and morallyintolerable to continue to ignore the international threatinherent in the deterioration of the development crisis onthat continent.

In this vein, the new appeal made last March by theSecretary-General through a special initiative of theUnited Nations system for Africa deserves our fullsupport, since it compels the international community,and, in particular the wealthy countries, to face up to theirbasic responsibilities to our continent.

In a world that is constantly changing, we mustundertake in all diligence and determination to worktogether to set new balances, enable mankindharmoniously to manage its interdependence and make theinternational economic environment more conducive todevelopment.

By its very nature and unique mission, the UnitedNations is the appropriate place to give an articulate, jointglobal response to these challenges. Who better than theUnited Nations can carry out such a task at a time whenmanaging interdependence is more than ever at the heartof the problems of development and peace?

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That is why we should come to an agreement on thedevelopment programme proposed by the Secretary-General. This programme should support United Nationsefforts for Africa. This is why the criteria for streamliningand efficiency which accompany the reform process in theUnited Nations system in the economic and social spheresshould be made manifest in a joint quest for commonobjectives in organizing the new system of internationalrelations. It is by doing so and by finding furtherinspiration in its Charter that the United Nations will avoiddrifting off track and will become a more effectiveinstrument for the orderly reconstruction of internationalrelations and thereby provide the necessary stability forpeace and development.

The meeting rose at 1.10 p.m.

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general assembly official records...general assembly 8th plenary meeting fifty-first session 25...

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