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    FOOD SUBSIDY-

    REVIEW OF

    PROBLEMS

    ROLL NO 30

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    DECLARATION

    I declare that the research project titled Food subsidy- review ofproblems submitted by me for the degree of masters in Economics in

    University of Pune is the record of the work carried out by me during

    the period from Jan 2010 to 15 April 2010 at the department of

    Economics, University of Pune under the guidance of Prof.

    Dhanmanjiri Sathe. This has not formed the basis for the award of any

    degree, diploma, associate ship, fellowship titles in this or any other

    university or any other institution of higher learning.

    I further declare that the material obtained from other sources has been

    acknowledged in this project. In case it is found otherwise, I understand

    that I stand be duly punished.

    Place: Pune

    Date: 15th April 2010

    Signat

    ure

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    Index

    Pg no

    1. Introduction 4

    2. Review of literature

    a. producer subsidy 6

    b. consumer subsidy 10

    c. recommendations 17

    3. research objectives & methodology 19

    4. Findings

    a. overall food subsidy 20

    b. producer subsidy 24

    c. consumer subsidy 29

    5. Conclusion &

    policy recommendations 32

    6. References 33

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    INTRODUCTION-

    Domestic subsidies can play an important role in achievingredistributive justice if used efficiently. They are used to correct the

    underconsumption arising from the pure market mechanism. Hence,

    while talking about subsidies we are aware of the underconsumption &

    we assume it will be corrected through providing subsidies. But

    subsidies are different from transfer payments & providing subsidies

    generally means subsidizing the items consumed by the people to

    whom the subsidy is targeted.

    In India, three domestic subsidies viz. food, fertilizer & petroleumsubsidies are the most important, both for the large no of beneficiaries

    of them & for the huge fiscal burden they create. I am particularly

    interested in food subsidy at this point for two reasons. The recent

    episode of high food inflation has turned the attention towards the

    issues of food security, structural bottlenecks & inefficiency in the food

    management in the country & various solutions being suggested by

    researchers, govt. committees & media on improving the overall food

    management. So I am going to review broadly the mechanism of food

    management in the country & particularly the role played by food

    subsidy in this system & in achieving food security to the poor.

    Food subsidy is generally given for three items, wheat, paddy, levy rice

    & sugar, I m going to look at only rice & wheat in detail. Rice means

    paddy & levy rice combined unless otherwise mentioned. Food

    Corporation of India procures 15-20% of the production of these food

    grains at the minimum support price (MSP) declared by the

    government. It maintains the buffer stock of these food grains as

    decided by the commission on agricultural cost & prices (CACP) &

    also distributes these food grains to the states through the PublicDistribution System (PDS) for the sale in fair price shops (FPS) mainly

    to the poor at a central issue price (CIP). Hence, govt. gives food

    subsidy to FCI as a difference between economic costs of wheat & rice

    (including procurement costs) & the receipts through sale of these food

    grains at central issue price. Other components are carrying costs of

    buffer stocks & on account of levy sugar, import of sugar etc.

    As we can see there are three main components of this subsidy- 1.

    Producer subsidy, through procurement of wheat & rice at a minimumsupport price (which is directly given to farmers) 2. Consumer subsidy

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    (as consumers get these food grains at a price less than market price) 3.

    Economic costs to the FCI for maintenance & distribution of food

    grains.

    There are many problem areas in this system which are not yet beensolved fully even after around 60 years of its implementation.

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    REVIEW OF LITERATURE

    A report prepared by Ministry of Finance on central government

    subsidies (2004) gives an overall picture of subsidies in India. Totalcentral government subsidies accounted for 4.18 in 2003-04, in which

    explicit government subsidies which are accounted in the budget

    documents were only 1.7 in 2003-04. Another very important measure

    of calculating subsidies is its share in net revenue receipts & fiscal

    deficit. For 2003-04, subsidies were 44% of revenue receipts &

    accounted for 87.68% of fiscal deficit. Interestingly, recovery rate of

    non merit subsidies was 47.25% while that of merit subsidies (in which

    food subsidy is included) only 1%. The share of food subsidies in GDP

    also grew to 0.93% in 2003-04 as against 0.43% in 1991. According toplanning commission working paper (2002), the share of food subsidy

    in total government expenditure has gone up from 2.33% in 1990-91 to

    5.17% in 2002-03.

    As we know, there are two main issues in the food subsidy or food

    management system. One is of higher MSP, procurement system &

    resulting higher market prices. We will call it producer subsidy system.

    The other issue is that of PDS & consumer welfare, we will call it

    consumer subsidy system.

    A. PRODUCER SUBSIDY

    Lets take the issue of producer subsidy first. Central government

    subsidies report has pointed out many negative fallouts of higher MSP.

    It admits that higher MSP puts the pressure on central issue prices.

    Further, with large part of marketed surplus with FCI, it reduces the

    supply to open market & puts an upward pressure on market prices.

    Everyone except those farmers with marketable surpluses of foodgrains

    are affected adversely. The high MSP combined with open ended

    purchases by FCI has created a negative incentive for vibrant wholesaletrade which actually has lower incidental & storage costs of food

    grains.

    According to planning commission working paper (2002), while higher

    MSP does provide incentive to farmers to produce more, it has raised

    the market prices & has reduced demand for cereals. It refers to the

    study conducted at the National Council of Applied Economic Research

    (Sharma: 2001) which shows that fixing of procurement prices above

    the level recommended by the Commission on Agricultural Prices

    (CACP) has resulted in additional procurement of 12.8 million tonnesof wheat and 3.4 million tonnes of rice. It thus recommends that the the

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    recommendations of CACP should be strictly adhered while

    procurement prices are fixed.

    Balakrishnan & Ramaswami (2000) say that there is no explicit

    mechanism for stock operations in India. Hence it becomes difficult to

    decide if the government policy is stabilizing or inflationary. Theypropose the following model to decide the exact nature of policy.

    Here D1 demand curve & P1 is the price in the absence of procurement

    & public distribution system. With PDS, open market demand will fall

    to D2. Now if govt. sets the procurement price at P3 it will have

    stabilizing effect as it is below P1 but above P2. But if it sets the price

    at P4 which is above P1 also, it will be inflationary. Hence, determining

    procurement price is the key variable.

    They also point out another important aspect of speculation. If futures

    market are allowed & function well, the speculative activity in themarket will be more informed, it will obtain inter temporal allocation of

    supplies & thus reduce the need for market intervention to that extent.

    Kirit Pareikh, Ganesh Kumar & Darbha (2003) have found out that the

    increase in MSP of rice & wheat by 10%, with an applied general

    equilibrium model for India, leads to decline in overall GDP, increase

    in aggregate price index &reduction in investments. Even the increase

    in agricultural GDP reduces rapidly & only a miniscule impact on

    agricultural GDP remains after the end of third year. More importantly,

    in terms of welfare the bottom 80% of rural & urban population is

    worse off due increased market prices.

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    Shikha Jha& P V Srinivasan (2000) show that mean producer revenue

    increases in the absence of procurement policy. This result is very

    important as it blows the very rationale behind the procurement policy.

    It also shows that in the presence of govt price stabilization, removal of

    procurement policy decreases price variability.It will be interesting to know Amartya Sens view at this point. He

    bitterly attacks the whole system calling it food politics. In a speech

    made in 2003, Sen clearly points out that the subsidy is mainly geared

    up to keep the food prices high for the sellers of the food rather than to

    make prices of the food low for buyers of the food. Sen also attacks the

    pro poor argument for subsidies in the following words, the slightly

    muddied picture of benefiting some farm-based poor encourages the

    confused belief that high food prices constitute a pro-poor stance, when

    in overall effect it is very far from that.According to Sen, the regimeof high prices in general expands procurement but decreases the

    affordability of food. That is the reason why we have worst of

    undernourishment in the world & the largest unused food stocks at the

    same time. As the system only encourages producing more & more

    rather than selling more at a lower price, it only leads to more income

    for farmers (that to very limited no in few states). The overall net effect

    of these subsidies is regressive in distribution.

    Another important issue in producer subsidy is the continuous piling up

    of the stocks with FCI. Central govt subsidy report shows that in 2002

    January the actual stocks were 32.4 million tons as against the buffer

    norms of 8.4 million tons. The excess as a % of minimum norm is as

    high as 285.7%.. The stocks were piling up to such an extent, that

    exporters had to be provided with food grains at a near BPL price.

    Practically food grains were resubsidiesed for exports. Swati Kundu

    (2005) points out that while poor consumers were unable to purchase

    the food at high prices, exporters were being subsidized. She also points

    out, that overflowing FCI godowns and lack of scientific storage

    resulted in a substantial amount of food grains being wasted. In fact,estimated losses of food grains were about 10 per cent of the total

    production, or about 20 million tonnes a year. To put things in

    perspective, the loss suffered was about as much as what all of

    Australia produces. This also pushed up the economic cost of the FCI.

    In this light, Shikha Jha& P V Srinivasan (2000) show that the retail

    margins of private traders are much lower than post procurement costs

    incurred by the FCI. That means there are clearly net losses for the

    economy. Central govt subsidy report points out the reason behind it.

    Since all costs of FCI are automatically reimbursed in the extantsystem, there is little incentive to raise efficiency and reduce costs for

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    FCI. One more point related to stocks & its relation with food inflation

    is brought out by business standard in its article. It points out that,

    Recent food inflation has also been created by govt policies to some extent.

    Business standard article (11 Feb. 2010) points out that, while prior to 2004,public agencies used to mop up only around 50 per cent of the post-harvest

    mandi arrivals, leaving the rest in the market to maintain year-round supplies,

    now over 90 per cent of the arrivals are cornered by government agencies,

    starving the market of supplies. It has definitely contributed to the food

    inflation.Rajiv kumar, pankaj vashisht & gunjit kalita (March 2010) show

    that govt did not effectively used open market operations for stabilising

    wheat prices recently. With stock of 23.1 mt in January & next procuring

    season starting in April, govt. conducted open market sale of just 0.5 mt

    of rice & wheat together.

    Central govt subsidy report, states that the concentration of FCI

    purchases in just two food grains and a few States has facilitated tax

    exportation by some of these States. Punjab and Haryana have imposed

    taxes such as mandi fees on the purchases of food grains. With FCI

    paying such taxes, the tax gets exported to consumers in other States. It

    also raises the costs to FCI. Moreoverthe exclusive attention to wheat

    and rice has distorted the cropping pattern of farmers in favor of these

    two food grains alone. The higher water and fertilizer intensity of these

    two crops in turn has had adverse environmental impacts.

    B. CONSUMER SUBSIDY

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    Now we take the issues related to consumer subsidy. First we will

    discuss the broad framework of PDS. According to economic survey

    2009-10, allocations of food grains for BPL and AAY categories are

    made at the rate of 35 kg per family per month for all accepted 6.52

    crore families in the country. The total BPL and AAY allocations madeduring 2009-10 were 276.77 lakh tonnes comprising 181.05 lakh tonnes

    of rice and 95.72 lakh tonnes of wheat. Allocations under the APL

    category are made depending upon the availability of stocks of food

    grains in the Central Pool and past offtake. Presently, these allocations

    range between 10 kg and 35 kg per family per month in different

    States/UTs. During 2009-10, 197.17 lakh tonnes of food grains has

    been allocated to States/UTs under the APL category as against 112

    lakh tonnes during 2008-09. Central issue prices are as follows-

    CIPs of wheat

    Effective from

    1.7.2002 to till

    date

    BPL APL AAY

    415 610 200

    (w.e.f.

    25.12.2000)

    CIPs of Rice

    Effective from

    1.7.2002 to till

    date

    BPL APL AAY

    565 830 300

    (w.e.f.

    25.12.2000)

    Source- dept of food & public distribution

    According to a blog posted on India affairs website, whether a

    particular household will be eligible for a BPL card or not depends on

    two different processes. Firstly, the numbers of BPL households aredetermined based on the Planning Commission estimates of poverty

    (from NSS consumption-expenditure surveys) superimposed on the

    number of households from census data. Secondly, an independent

    exercise of identification is conducted based on a household census

    using criteria (proxy indicators) determined by the Ministry of Rural

    Development (MoRD), with the restriction that the number of poor to

    be identified by this process should be within the number estimated by

    the Planning Commission.There are many identification problems in the PDS system. The datafrom the 61st round of the NSS shows that only 44% of the households

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    in the poorest quintile have BPL cards, while 17% of the households in

    the richest quintile also possess BPL cards. The exclusion errors are

    lower in states that have a higher coverage of the PDS. Currently govt

    uses 13 point criteria to identify poor. It has proxy indicators like

    ownership of house, land, toilets etc. but this method has proved to beproblematic so far.

    The NCAER study found the PDS rarely meets the full requirement

    of cereals of the poor households. They have to depend on market for

    remaining supplies. As a result, these households spend around 60 per

    cent of their income on food items. It means that for achieving food

    security market price stabilization is also important & mere PDS reform

    will not be sufficient.

    The performance evaluation of TPDS conducted by programme evaluationorganisation on the request of planning commission & ministry of consumer

    affairs, food & public distribution is the most important document clearly

    proving the very high inefficiencies in the TPDS & it states in plainly that

    transition from universal PDS to TPDS has neither led to a reduction of

    budgetary food subsidies, nor has it been able to benefit the large majority

    of the food insecure households in the desired manner.

    The main findings of the study are:

    The implementation of TPDS is plagued by targeting errors, prevalence

    of ghost cards and unidentified households;

    Though the off-take per household has shown some improvement under

    TPDS, High exclusion errors imply low coverage of the target group

    (BPL households). Of the estimated 45.41 million BPL households

    (March 2000), TPDS has extended coverage to only 57% BPL families.

    Leakages and diversions of subsidized grains are large and only about

    42% of subsidized grains issued from the Central Pool reach the target

    group.

    Table: total leakage

    Abnormal Leakage

    (More than 75%)

    Very High Leakage

    (50%-75%)

    High Leakage

    (25%-50%)

    Low Leakage

    (Less than 25%)

    1 2 3 4

    Bihar &

    Punjab

    Haryana,

    Madhya Pradesh &

    Uttar Pradesh

    Assam, Gujarat,

    Himachal Pradesh,

    Karnataka,

    Maharashtra & Rajasthan

    Andhra Pradesh,

    Kerala, Orissa,

    Tamil Nadu &

    West Bengal

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    Table A: Leakage at FPS Level

    Table 2-B: Leakage Through Ghost Cards

    Very High Leakage(+30%) High Leakage(10%-30%) Moderate Leakage(less than 10%)

    1 2 3

    Assam, Himachal

    Pradesh &

    Madhya Pradesh

    Bihar, Gujarat, Karnataka,

    Maharashtra, Orissa,

    Uttar Pradesh & West

    Bengal

    Andhra Pradesh, Haryana,

    Kerala, Punjab,

    Rajasthan &

    Tamil Nadu

    The table shows that the states having abnormal leakage have the highest

    leakage at the FPS level.The cost of income transfer to the poor through PDS is much higher than

    that through other modes.

    Irregular delivery schedule of FPS quota is a persistent problem in most

    States. This has contributed to low off-take by consumers and hence to

    large diversion of subsidized grains to the open market.

    The FPSs are generally not viable because of low annual turnover and

    they remain in business through leakages and diversions of subsidised grains;

    The off-take by BPL cardholders varied significantly across States.

    A multivariate analysis suggests that the factors (supply and demand side)

    contributing to this variation are: variation in BPL quota, facility of off-take

    in installments, regularity in the availability of grains in FPSs, availability of

    preferred cereals, seasonality in demand for PDS grains (wage in kind & low

    prices in harvest seasons) and asset holding (particularly land and consumer

    durables).

    During 2003-04, out of an estimated budgetary consumer subsidy of Rs. 7258

    crore (16 States), Rs. 4197 crore did not reach the BPL households. Around

    Rs. 2640 crore of the Central subsidy never reached any consumer (BPL or

    APL), but seems to have got siphoned off the supply chain of TPDS.

    Except in Kerala, the Economic Cost (EC) is higher than the correspondinglocal market prices. This implies that in general, market is a more efficient

    Very High Leakage

    (+50%)

    High Leakage

    (25%-50%)

    Moderate Leakage

    (10% to 25%)

    Very Low Leakage

    (Less than 10%)1 2 3 4

    Bihar, Haryana

    & Punjab

    Rajasthan &

    Uttar Pradesh

    Andhra Pradesh,

    Gujarat, Karnataka,

    Kerala &

    Maharashtra

    Assam, Himachal

    Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh,

    Orissa, Tamil Nadu &

    West Bengal

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    mode of transferring income to the poor than the public agencies. These calls

    for looking for ways and means of reducing the Cost of transferring grains

    through PDS. Because of the very high cost in public transfer, the budgetary

    subsidy of Rs. 3061 core in 2003-04 is worth only Rs. 1990 crore to the BPL

    families. Taking into account all the inefficiencies in the PDS, it is found thatthe GOI spends Rs. 3.65 through budgetary food subsidies to transfer Re 1 to

    the poor.

    Balance Sheet of Central Pool BPL Food grain

    (Kg./BPL family/ annum)

    State

    Off -take by States

    Govt.

    2003-04

    Off-

    take

    by BPL Families

    Food

    grains

    not

    reachingthe poor

    households

    1 2 3 4

    Andhra Pradesh 466.16 197.65 268.51

    Assam 490.76 227.32 263.44

    Bihar 138.13 12.24 125.89

    Gujarat 320.24 169.47 150.77

    Haryana 416.16 138.79 277.37

    Himachal Pradesh492.22 266.14 226.08Karnataka 480.80 139.91 340.89

    Kerala 407.58 248.58 159.00

    Madhya Pradesh 365.57 124.04 241.53

    Maharashtra 347.29 227.27 120.02

    Orissa 276.37 175.88 100.49

    Punjab 364.24 38.25 326.00

    Rajasthan 366.53 238.43 128.10

    Tamil Nadu 525.95 181.14 344.81

    Uttar Pradesh 285.16 92.73 192.43West Bengal 336.78 246.19 90.59

    16 States (Avg.) 380.00 160.25 219.75

    Central Unit subsidy for BPLState wise

    (Rs./Kg.)

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    Total Central

    Subsidy for Off-take

    By identified BPL

    Intended Subsidy Unintended Subsidy/

    Additional

    Delivery Cost

    State

    1 2 3 1

    13.75 5.83 7.92 Andhra Pradesh12.59 5.83 6.76 Assam

    50.98 4.52 46.46 Bihar

    8.77 4.64 4.13 Gujarat

    12.44 4.15 8.29 Haryana

    9.19 4.97 4.32 Himachal Pradesh

    18.78 5.46 13.31 Karnataka

    9.56 5.83 3.73 Kerala

    14.53 4.93 9.60 Madhya Pradesh

    7.32 4.79 2.53 Maharashtra9.16 5.83 3.33 Orissa

    40.15 4.22 35.93 Punjab

    6.39 4.16 2.23 Rajasthan

    16.93 5.83 11.10 Tamil Nadu

    14.13 4.60 9.54 Uttar Pradesh

    6.63 4.84 1.79 West Bengal

    12.24 5.16 7.08 16 States (Avg.)

    The average of 16 major states show that out of 380 kg/annum offtake for Bpl by stategovt only 160.25/kg actually reaches the poor, while more than that (about 219kg) get

    leaked in the system.

    Similarly, out of 12.24 rs/kg subsidy by central govt only 5.16rs/kg is an intended

    subsidy, while 7.08 rs/kg is the additional delivery cost.

    These findings reveal that the present situation of TPDS & ground reality, which calls

    for some urgent corrections in the system.

    There are many arguments to replace the system with either food stamps or universal

    PDS. We take up both the alternatives one by one. World Bank discussion paper bysubbarao & radhakrishna (1997) had suggested the use of food stamps in urban & rural

    areas & keeping Fair Price Shops in remote areas. Tenth five year plan has elaborately

    given the mechanism required for the implementation of food stamps. It suggests that

    state governments can issue a subsidy entitlement card (SEC) instead of ration cards.

    SEC will show no of members in the family, their age & entitlement level for food

    stamps. It suggests more entitlement to adults & less for children. Each family could

    collect food stamps from prescribed distribution centers, on showing their SEC. they

    could then use these food stamps at any food supply shop to buy food at a price below

    the market price. The retailer will then be reimbursed by the govt. High level committee

    report of Abhijeet Sen on PDS (2000) has also recommended the use of food coupons

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    to be discounted at the FPS, (but interestingly they favour universal PDS). The tenth

    plan discusses in detail the possibility of issuing food credit/debit cards. It emphasizes

    on the Andhra Pradesh experience of using food coupons. The leakage through FPS &

    ghost cards has substantially reduced in Andhra Pradesh, saving 14.67 crore per month.

    Recent justice Wadhawa committee (2009) suggested the use of biometric identificationof beneficiaries & use of electronic smart card. Chandigarh has launched a scheme to

    introduce smart card on pilot basis. The smart card with a 32Kb capacity will have

    biometric data of three family members of the card holder. The beneficiary will know

    the ration allocation already done and also the remaining balance in his account. There

    will be resubmission of the fingerprint of the beneficiary after the allocation. The

    system can work in both online & offline mode. (News on wellsphere.com Jan 2009).

    But there are many counter arguments regarding food stamps. Madhura Swaminathan

    points out that there is problem of indexing or inflation adjustment of food stamps in

    which case the real transfer to the poor might reduce. Second there can beadministrative problems in issuing food stamps & reimbursement. She also states that

    when the income inequalities are high & needs are uniform direct rationing should be

    preferred over income transfers. But keeping in mind the recent advances in technology

    & success of Andhra Pradesh model for ten years, the food coupons, smart cards &

    food credit/debit cards seem to be the future of PDS.

    There is also a debate going on between targeted vs. universal PDS. Madhura

    Swaminathan & Reetika Khera (2009) seem to favour universal PDS over Targeted

    PDS being implemented. Firstly, there are large exclusion & inclusion errors in TPDS.

    When the food insecurity is widely prevalent, the leakage from a universal programme

    will be small and the benefits of targeting will be limited. Secondly, programme for the

    poor tends to become programmes of poor quality, as Amartya Sen points out. Thirdly,

    universal programme does not mean universal benefits. Swaminathan suggests that if

    the target group is large it makes sense to provide benefits universally & then to claw

    back benefits from rich through taxes. Khera (2009) also makes some important

    arguments. Equity argument or universal entitlement to food is important in the light of

    coming right to food act. (But the contradiction is that the govt. is deciding to reduce

    the quota from 35kg/month to 25 kg/month.) Secondly, the whole BPL approach is very

    divisive in contrast with programmes like NAREGA where all are eligible.But universal PDS may not be feasible & not as necessary as it seems. Khera herself

    has counted the cost of universal PDS which will be around rs 1, 15,000 crore which

    will increase the fiscal deficit tremendously & there will be other repercussions of it on

    the economy. Also, M H Suryanarayana (2008) has proved that already more than four

    fifth of rural households & two third urban households are covered with PDS. But a

    very small proportion actually makes purchases from rice & wheat. Hence issue is not

    of universalisation but of improved functioning of PDS. Observation of TPDS

    evaluation committee in this regard is important. The offtake by the poor under TPDS is

    substantially higher than under earlier universal PDS. It implies that the poor are pricesensitive & the move towards targeted PDS was a right step.

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    C. RECOMMENDATIONS BY COMMITTEES

    Now we will look very briefly at the recommendations of the various committeesappointed by the Govt till now & the World Bank report on PDS on the food subsidy

    system as a whole.

    1. World Bank report (1997) suggests doing away with the procurement operations,

    making the grain markets free from restrictions & limiting the role of FCI as a holder of

    strategic buffer stocks intervening only in case of national level food shortages.

    2. Abhijeet Sen committee on PDS (2000) recommends the uniform CIP for all

    consumers & additional subsidy to poor to be given in form of cash. FCI should

    withdraw from states like Punjab & Haryana & operate mainly in states where distress

    sale occurs.3. Expenditure reforms commission (2001) recommends that FCI should procure all

    the rice through a levy system. The national food security buffer stock of 10 millions

    should be maintained all the times but the cost of buffer stocks held in excess of this

    stock should be treated as producer subsidy.

    4. Planning commission working paper (2002) discusses the alternative farm

    income schemes suggested by Prof Naik of IIMA. In Direct payment scheme farmers

    will be paid difference between actual market price & MSP. In income insurance

    scheme average income levels are protected. But planning commission has found out

    that there will be no saving in subsidy due to either of the schemes. Also it will be

    difficult to implement in rural areas where people do not maintain proper records.

    Regarding exports it recommends to renounce the use of export restrictions. Domestic

    shortages should be met through imports & not export regulation. (Though the rationale

    behind it is not explained in the paper, the recommendation is quite interesting). It also

    recommends lifting the ban on futures trading & stocking of all agricultural

    commodities.5. Tenth five year plan (2002-2007) clearly states that the objective of the food

    procurement policy should be food price stabilization rather than subsiding producers,

    because PDS can fulfill the food requirements only partially. FCI should gradually hand

    over it role of procurement to private traders.6. Central government subsidy report (2004) recommends that the MSP of wheat

    should immediately be rationalized & should adhere to the CACP determined C2 cost.

    Purchase operations should not be open ended. A system of price insurance should be

    introduced to those who do not benefit from the procurement operations. The

    reimbursement to FCI should be based on the normative unit costs & actual quantity

    involved instead of reimbursement on the actual basis. In PDS, purchases should be

    allowed on weekly basis.

    7. The performance evaluation committee on TPDS (2005) has suggested some

    important things for the improvement in the mechanism of TPDS, such as doorstepdelivery of grains to retail outlets, weightage to local preferences in food grains,

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    observing the seasonal variability in offtake, allowing PDS shops to sale non PDS items

    to increase their viability, finding easily observable qualitative criteria for identifying

    BPL, preferring co-operatives & SHGs for giving FPS dealership.

    8. CACPs report on kharip crops 2008-09 recommends that practice of providing ad

    hoc bonus should be stopped, as it does not help farmers to get more income nor ithelps govt to procure more. Also procurement operations should reach unreached areas.

    9. Justice Wadhawa committee (2009) has recommended computerization of PDS,

    use of biometric cards, use of radio frequency identification service in delivery

    mechanism, central monitoring system for tracking carriages to prevent leakage

    & use of food stamps.

    RESEARCH OBJECTIVES-

    After this extensive review of literature, I have decided my research objective as

    follows-

    1. to look at the food subsidy situation 2000 onwards- analyze the trends in MSP,offtake & stocks & other parameters after 2000 with empirical data

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    2. to look at the food subsidy as a whole & analyze some problems not been

    considered yet

    3. to recommend policy changes required

    METHODOLOGY-

    I have used empirical data to establish all the arguments. Data from 2000 to 2010 is

    essentially used to analyse latest trends in subsidy bill, MSP, offtake, Procurement,

    stocks, consumption pattern, PDS offtake, BPL population. The main sources of data

    are economic survey 2009-10, budget documents of various years, agricultural statistics

    given by ministry of agriculture & NSSO 61st round. The whole analysis is divided into

    3 parts as a overall subsidy, producer subsidy & consumer subsidy & problems in each

    section are deal with separately, though there are obviously links between various

    points in each section. At the end conclusion & policy recommendations are given.

    FINDINGS

    A) OVERALL FOOD SUBSIDY-

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    Food subsidy has become the single largest component of the total

    government subsidy bill over the years. Following chart shows the

    trend of food subsidy as % of total subsidy bill.

    total subsidy in 2004-05 budget estimatesyear total subsidy food subsidy % of total

    In rs crore In rs crore

    2000-01 28271 12060 42.66

    2001-02 32722 17499 53.48

    2002-03 45189 24176 53.50

    2003-04 46869 25200 53.77

    2004-05 46514.43 25800 55.47

    2005-06 46874.12 23200 49.49

    2006-07 53462.6 24203.92 45.272007-08 69742.06 31545.59 45.23

    2008-09 129707.63 43751 33.73

    2009-10R 131024.94 56002.01 42.74

    2010-11E 116224.04 55578.18 47.82

    Source- basic data from various budget documents

    The data shows that food subsidy has started declining recently as a %

    share of total subsidy after reaching peak of 55% in 2004-05. But in

    2010-11 estimates, it has again started increasing & has been given47% share in total subsidy bill. In the light of coming food security act

    & pressure for universalisation of PDS, increased estimates of 7.5

    crores of BPL population by Suresh Tendulakar committee (as against 6

    crore BPL presently) we can expect further increase in food subsidy bill

    if there are no special efforts to curb the bill.

    Annual growth in food subsidy

    Food

    subsidy

    Annual

    growthRs crore) %

    1999-2000 9,200.00 5.75

    2000-01 12,010.00 30.54

    2001-02 17,494.00 45.66

    2002-03 24,176.45 38.2

    2003-04 25,160.00 4.07

    2004-05 25,746.45 2.33

    2005-06 23,071.00 -10.39

    2006-07 23,827.59 3.282007-08 31,259.68 31.19

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    2008-09 43,668.08 39.69

    2009-10r 56,002.01 28.24

    2010-11E 55,578.18

    TGR 19.86909091

    Source- basic data from economic survey 2009-10 & budget 2010-11

    The above table shows that subsidy tends to jump up in some years &

    it is sticky downwards. Hence, in overall effect the subsidy has risen

    by targeted growth rate of 19.86%. If we compare the growth rates with

    90s growth rate of 19.43%, the subsidy has grown slightly faster in this

    decade, when actually we should expect it to shrink or at least grow

    slower due to implementation of TPDS since 1997. But the huge

    increase in MSPs after 2000 along with keeping the central issue priceconstant after 2002 seem to have contributed to this rise in subsidy bill.

    Share of food subsidy in total govt. expenditure (in rs crore)

    Actuals of

    2008-09

    2009-10R 2010-11E

    total 883956 1021546.53 1102749.24

    food

    subsidy

    52489.72 56002.01 55578.18

    % of

    total

    5.9380466

    9

    5.48208117

    4

    5.039965387

    Source- various budget documents

    One positive development is that the share of subsidy in total govt

    expenditure is low compared to other developing countries & it has

    started declining in the recent years.

    But while large amount is being spent on food subsidy, there are hardly

    any efforts to strengthen the PDS or increase the efficiency of FCI,

    which all the committees have recommended. In 2009-10 only 40.40

    crore were allocated to evaluation, monitoring & research in foodgrains

    management & strengthening of PDS. The figures were revised to only

    14.60 crore in budget of 2010-11. & 2010-11 estimates allocate only

    29.69 crore (remaining of 40 crore?) towards strengthening of PDS.

    Now lets look at the trends in procurement, offtake & stocks after

    2000.

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    Public Distribution System Procurement, Offtake and Stocks

    (Million tonnes)

    Year Procurement Off-take Stocks

    Rice Wheat Total Rice Wheat Total Rice Wheat Total1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

    2000-01 18.93 16.36 35.29 10.42 7.79 18.21 23.19 21.5 44.98

    2001-02 21.12 20.63 41.75 15.32 15.99 31.3 24.91 26.04 51.02

    2002-03 19 19.03 38.03 24.85 24.99 49.84 17.16 15.65 32.81

    2003-04 20.78 15.8 36.58 25.04 24.29 49.33 13.07 6.93 20.65

    2004-05 24.04 16.8 40.83 23.2 18.27 41.47 13.34 4.07 17.97

    2005-06 26.69 14.79 41.48 25.08 17.17 42.25 13.68 2.01 16.62

    2006-07 26.3 9.23 35.53 25.06 11.71 36.77 13.17 4.7 17.93

    2007-08 26.29 11.13 37.42 25.23 12.2 37.44 13.84 5.8 19.752008-09 32.84 22.69 55.53 24.62 14.88 39.5 21.6 13.43 35.58

    2009-10 4.1 24.4 28.5 . . . . . .

    Source- economic survey 2009-10

    Procurement of wheat had shown a declining trend until 2007-08 which

    was reversed only after declaring highest MSP of Rs10000 & Rs10800

    for 2008-09 & 2009-10. Even though the wheat production has

    increased over the years its growth rate is lower than that of rice &

    more steps need to be taken to raise the production & procurementrather than just increasing MSP. Merely increasing MSP & procuring

    more, the open market supplies reduce which increases the market

    price. It is evident in the ever increasing WPI of wheat. It has increased

    from 179 in 2007-08 to 191 in 2008-09. Is it a coincidence that

    procurement has doubled & stocks more than doubled in the same years

    when production had increased just by 2 million tonnes? It thus clearly

    establishes the relation between increasing procurement, stocks &

    market prices. Offtake has shown a declining trend for wheat in this

    decade even after keeping the issue price constant mainly due todecreasing stocks. Hence, govt had to increase stocks to increase

    availability of wheat for PDS. Both these explanations show that govt

    has to draw a fine line between keeping enough stocks & not fuelling

    market prices through rising stocks.

    In case of rice, procurement has shown a consistently rising trend.

    During 2005-06 to 2007-08 procurement, stocks & offtake are constant

    & high. But in 2008-09 sudden rise in procurement due to high MSP of

    8500/ ton has resulted in decreased off take in PDS (24 million ton) &

    rise in WPI in open market.(from 216 to 225).

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    One point here can be noted, MSP thus seems to affect procurement

    rather than production. And the link through stocks, offtake, open

    market prices directly comes to net availability of food grains (apart

    from population & aggregate demand affecting net availability). In

    2008-09 the net availability of rice in gram per capita came down to175 from 194 in 2007-08. Similar exercise for wheat shows that rise in

    MSP has affected net availability in case of wheat also. It decreased

    from 157gm/capita in 2007-08 to 145gm/capita in 2008-09.

    B) PRODUCER SUBSIDY

    Now we will look at some problems in producer subsidy. Due to openended procurement operations of FCI wheat & rice farmers are

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    benefited. But 69% of wheat procurement is done from 3 states alone

    viz., Punjab, Haryana & Uttar Pradesh. In case of rice, 67% of rice is

    procured from 3 states Punjab, Uttar Pradesh & Andhra Pradesh.

    (Economic survey 2009-10) Hence, practically major portion of the

    procurement benefit goes to farmers in these 4 states only. According tofinance ministry report, majority of these farmers are not even poor. If

    we look at the no of farmers in these four states, it shows that out of

    total 8 crore farmer households in India, only 2 crore or 30% farmers

    are living in these four states. Even after making the assumption that all

    these farmers produce either wheat or rice only & they all are able to

    sell their produce to FCI, maximum 30% of farmers are covered by FCI

    open ended procurement operations.

    If we look at the costs of production in these states, it can be seen thatcosts are much less than the MSP in these states. Hence these states

    reap the maximum benefit of high MSP. The table below makes this

    point clear.

    Cost Estimates of Principal Crops

    Crop/State Year Cost of msp/qtl

    Production

    C2

    (Rs/qtl.)1 2 3 5

    PADDY

    Andhra Pradesh 2003-04 488.83 550

    2004-05 503.73 560

    2005-06 540.96 570

    Punjab 2003-04 442.56 550

    2004-05 448.62 560

    2005-06 487.28 570

    Uttar Pradesh 2003-04 440.56 550

    2004-05 570.7 560

    2005-06 559.19 570

    WHEAT

    Haryana 2003-04 506.72 620

    2004-05 522.87 630

    2005-06 577.41 640

    Punjab 2003-04 504.24 620

    2004-05 494.35 630

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    2005-06 556.27 640

    Uttar Pradesh 2003-04 482.78 620

    2004-05 597.81 630

    2005-06 654.22 640

    Source- ministry of agriculture, agriculture statisticsat a glance 2008 & economic survey 2009-10

    Hence, rice farmers in these states are getting profit of Rs 61/quintal

    while wheat farmers get benefit of Rs 85/quintal on an average

    according to this table. As the MSP is always more than costs for these

    states (due to economies of scale in these states, costs remain low) they

    continue to reap highest benefit from FCI procurement operations.

    One way out from this cycle seems to be introducing cap on maximumprocurement that can be done from one single farmer. If such a cap is

    there, large farmers cannot sell their entire procurement & small

    farmers will also have a chance to enter into the system. Hence small

    farmers will be protected, FCI will have to expand their procurement

    operations & the reach to farmers will increase. And even if large

    farmers will need to depend on market, they are more capable of

    competing in the market than small farmers. It might also increase the

    availability of supplies to market & reduce unnecessary piling up of

    stocks with FCI. The extra costs incurred by FCI in procuring from

    large no of small farmers will be more than compensated if these

    benefits are achieved.

    Here we come to the question of rising stocks over the buffer stock

    norms.

    wheat Rice

    as on minimum

    buffer norms

    actual

    stocks

    as on minimum

    buffer norms

    Actual

    stocks

    Apr-04 40 69.31 Apr-04 118 130.69

    Jul-04 143 191.52 Oct-04 65 60.92

    Apr-05 40 40.66 Apr-05 122 133.41

    Jul-05 171 144.54 Oct-05 52 48.49

    Apr-06 40 20.09 Apr-06 122 136.75

    Jul-06 171 64.12 Oct-06 52 59.7

    Apr-07 40 47.03 Apr-07 122 131.72

    Jul-07 171 129.26 Oct-07 52 54.89

    Apr-08 40 58.03 Apr-08 122 138.35

    Jul-08 171 249.12 Oct-08 52 78.63

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    Apr-09 40 134.29 Apr-09 122 216.04

    Jul-09 171 329.22 Oct-09 52 153.49

    Jan-10 82 230.92 Jan-10 118 243.53

    Source- basic data from economic survey 2009-10 (figures in lakh tons)

    In this table we are going to consider only two periods regarding stocks.

    In case of wheat we are going to consider April (least buffer stock

    requirement) & July (maximum buffer stock requirement). It shows that

    barring the period from July 2005 to July 2007, the actual stocks are

    higher than minimum buffer stocks and recently they have again started

    piling up. In case of rice, we are going to consider stock positions on

    April (maximum requirement) & October (minimum requirement). It

    shows that barring only one exception of October 2004, the rice stocks

    are also piling up over the years.

    Now the question is why the government does not release these excess

    stocks in the open market & help reduce the prices? There is certainly

    not the question of farmers welfare here. Because once the

    procurement of wheat is done in April (both by FCI & private traders)

    & Procurement of rice is done in November, in the remaining year the

    stocks are either with the FCI or private traders. Hence, there is no

    harm in open market sales & pushing down the price for the benefit of

    all the consumers. But govt does not seem to do that. High prices in

    open market thus seem to be benefiting only private traders with FCI

    incurring huge costs of carrying buffer stocks & consumers paying high

    prices & govt incurring fiscal deficit.

    Balakrishnan & Ramaswami (2000) say that the govt faces a dilemma.

    Either it accommodates consumer valuations by keeping issue prices

    sufficiently below market prices or it ignores these valuations but at the

    cost of carrying larger stocks. Either way scope for reducing the food

    subsidy is constrained by quality differentials between the grain

    supplied through the PDS and in the open market. The question arises

    here that, in the present situation govt. seems to loose on both thefronts. Govt has kept the issue price low & fixed since 2002 & it is still

    piling up buffer stocks due to high procurement in some years. Hence it

    is increasing economic cost & with low issue price, the food subsidy is

    increasing.

    Now lets look at some recent initiatives by the govt to improve the

    system. They have got positive results. Decentralized procurement

    scheme started in 1997, is working well in recent years. Under this

    scheme state govt. themselves procure & distribute food grains, moresuitable to local tastes, more farmers are covered & transportation costs

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    are indeed reduced. Central govt. still gives the difference between

    economic cost & CIP as a subsidy.

    Procurement of Rice in DCP states (in lakh tons)

    State KMS KMS KMS KMS KMS KMS KMS2002-

    03

    2003-

    04

    2004-

    05

    2005-

    06

    2006-

    07

    2007-

    08

    2008-

    09

    Chhattisgarh 12.9 23.7 28.4 32.7 28.6 27.43 28.48

    Karnataka - - 0.2 0.5 0.2 0.18 1.07

    Kerala - - 0.3 0.9 1.5 1.7 2.37

    Orissa 8.9 13.7 15.9 17.9 19.9 23.38 27.9

    Tamil nadu 1.1 2.1 6.5 9.3 10.8 9.68 11.99

    Uttar pradesh 13.6 25.5 29.7 31.5 25.5 28.91 36.87

    Uttranchal 2.3 3.2 3.2 3.4 1.8 1.47 3.49West bengal 1.3 9.3 9.4 12.8 6.4 15.08 16.67

    A&N - Neg. Neg. - - 0 0

    Total 40.1 77.5 93.6 109 94.7 107.8

    3

    128.84

    Source- economic survey 2009-10

    Procurement of rice in DCP states has shown a growing trend. Non

    traditional states in procurement have started procuring more. Mainly

    Chhattisgarh, Orissa & Tamil Nadu really seem to benefit fromdecentralized procurement. In case of wheat also similar picture can be

    seen. But Uttar Pradesh still seems to dominate the scene. The main

    point here is that the positive effects of the scheme have started

    reflecting in economic costs of FCI. In case of rice, for the 1st time

    distribution costs have fallen by 16.63% & in case of wheat,

    distribution costs have fallen by 19.94% in 2009-10. Hence the scheme

    is benefiting more farmers plus it is helping to reduce the distribution

    costs.

    APMC act has been repealed from October 2006. In majority of the

    states the reforms in the act have taken place as suggested. (Economic

    survey 2009-10) The main feature of it is that farmers can now sell their

    produce at any place in the country where there is higher price. Hence,

    market forces will now ensure that there is demand-supply equilibrium.

    The results of this step will be seen in coming years.

    C) COSUMER SUBSIDY

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    According to official figures PDS is covering 6.5 crore families, out of

    which 2.5 crore are Antyodya card holder (AAY). Each family BPL &

    AAY family is entitled to 35 kg/ month of wheat & rice together, at a

    differential rate. As we know there are lots of type 1 & type 2 errors in

    the whole system of identification of BPL or AAY card holders. Inrural areas, 51% of people owning land below 0.01 hectors(least land)

    possessed no BPL card, while in the top 5% people 11% held BPL card

    (NSSO 61st round) that shows the skewed distribution of BPL cards. If

    the BPL cards are not provided to most needy people they practically

    remain outside the net of PDS. Then they can purchase in PDS only at

    APL prices, which are comparatively high. That is the reason why APL

    offtake is also considerably high and it should not been mistaken as

    mistargeting as is generally perceived in the literature. According to my

    view, APL offtake is generally by the people who are poor but do notpossess BPL or AAY card (that is not officially poor). The other

    misconception is that the BPL offtake from PDS is low. It is indeed

    very low compared to allocations but one more thing should also be

    kept in mind, that BPL card is actually possessed by people in all types

    of classes. NSSO revealed that 11-18% of people in each class possess

    BPL card, who practically do not use PDS for food grain purchase.

    (They might use it for kerosene or sugar or for taking benefit of other

    govt schemes) hence to that extent the figures of offtake are

    underestimated.

    Now we turn to one widely discussed question of state wise penetration

    of PDS. I want to present some observations in this regard.

    Consumption of rice in rural areas

    states poverty

    line

    average qty

    consumed

    no of

    households

    by

    BPL

    reporting

    consumption

    frompds

    fromother

    from pds/1000

    sources

    andhra

    pradesh

    15.8 15.68 30.83 622

    aasam 17.6 15.83 44.96 90

    bihar 41.4 0.693 35.953 10

    chhatisgarh 40.9 14.97 49.197 217

    gujrat 16.8 2.902 6.351 315

    harayana 14 0 2.854 1

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    jharkhand 40.2 2.767 47.124 44

    karnataka 25.1 18.204 6.526 585

    kerala 15 15.868 21.583 346

    madhya

    pradesh

    38.3 4.716 10.646 179

    maharashtra 30.7 6.974 7.53 275

    orissa 46.4 8.731 54.328 215

    punjab 8.4 0.023 4.336 1

    rajasthan 22.1 0 1 0

    tamil nadu 22.5 19.808 18.452 789

    uttar

    pradesh

    32.8 4.424 18.998 58

    west bengal 24.7 3.411 54.742 128

    Source NSSO 61st

    round & economic survey

    The table shows the fact that in states like Tamil Nadu, Andhra

    Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala, the no of households reporting

    consumption from PDS per 1000 is very high. All these states give

    additional state subsidy to consumers. In these states purchase of rice

    from other sources is comparable or less than purchase from PDS.

    (Except AP which is rice surplus state) incidentally poverty line is low

    in these states. Also, TPDS evaluation committee has reported low

    leakage levels in these states. Hence, PDS seems to work well in thesestates, reducing the incidence of poverty. On the other hand, states like

    Bihar, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh, U.P., Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh where

    poverty line is as high as 40-46%, consumption from PDS is very low

    & people have to depend on other sources for consumption of rice &

    very low % share of total rice consumption comes from PDS. Hence,

    PDS does not seem to work where it is essential.

    Now I will try to build a model to calculate actual benefit to consumers

    through food subsidy. MSP (which is floor price in market) is taken as

    market price. So difference between Market price & issue price is the

    subsidy to the consumer. Per consumer per ton subsidy is coming out to

    be Rs 1831 (18.31/kg) for wheat & Rs 758 (7.58/kg) for rice in

    2008-09.

    The methodology is as follows- the offtake of rice & wheat in 2008-09

    is calculated at both at MSP & CIP & the difference between it is

    divided by total no of beneficiaries(6.5 crore) offtake figures are for

    1000 tons. MSP- CIP figures are absolute figures.

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    rice 2008-09

    OFFTAKE

    BPL AAY APL TOTAL

    10,031.384 6,326.078 5,710.298 22,067.760

    at CIP 5.67E+10 3.57E+10 4.74E+10 1.39815E+11

    at

    MSP

    8.53E+10 5.38E+10 5.03E+10 1.89289E+11

    msp-cip 49473915700

    per consumer per ton subsidy 758.802388

    wheat 2008-09

    OFFTAKE

    BPL AAY APL TOTAL

    5,624.399 3,198.559 3,710.086 12,533.044

    at CIP 2.33E+10 1.33E+10 2.26E+10 59246800300

    at

    MSP

    5.62E+10 3.2E+10 3.71E+10 1.2533E+11

    msp-cip

    66083639700

    per consumer per ton

    subsidy

    1831.097089

    Source- as compiled by author

    CONCLUSION

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    The literature review & findings of the research suggest that there are

    many problems in the food subsidy system as follows-

    1. huge & inefficient FCI operations

    2. political pressures for high MSP & thus inflationary nature of

    MSPs3. piling up of stocks

    4. leakages in PDS, state wise different penetration in PDS, high

    subsidy for consumers which in reality does not reach them

    5. net loss of consumer welfare in the system

    6. farmers welfare also concentrated in 4 states & reach only 30%

    farmers

    Hence, we come to the issue of food security of a nation sacrificed in

    this huge, inefficient food management system which requires urgent

    attention. There is a hope that coming food security bill will address allthese issues & introduce long awaited reforms & will not just do away

    with some fancy schemes catering to their political needs.

    POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS-

    1. Strengthening of PDS requires urgent attention. More funds &

    firm policy framework is required for that.

    2. Increasing wheat & rice production is necessary in view of

    increasing aggregate demand. But avoiding piling up of stocks is

    also necessary to increase market supplies. The tendency to

    increase stocks should be curtailed by open market sales at the

    right time, consumers should benefit from increased production.

    3. Cap on maximum procurement from one farmer should be

    considered & policy in that direction needs to be worked out.4. Decentralized procurement system should further be

    implemented. States should be given all required assistance (both

    financial & logistics) to implement DCP.

    5. Special attention in PDS needs to be given to states with high

    incidence of poverty & high leakage. Smart cards, biometriccards & coming unique identification cards will prove helpful in

    reducing the no of ghost cards & leakages.

    6. in the long run, Andhra Pradesh model of food coupons needs to

    be tested on a pilot basis & then implemented at all India level.

    REFERENCES-

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    1. Balakrishnan, Ramaswami, 2000, analyzing public intervention

    in the foodgrains markets, in public support for food security,

    edited by N. Krishnaji & T.N. Krishnan, Sage Publications, New

    Delhi

    2. Jha, Shikha &Shrinivasa, P.V., 2000, liberalization of foodgrainmarkets: implications for food security & price stability, in

    public support for food security, edited by N. Krishnaji & T.N.

    Krishnan, Sage Publications, New Delhi

    3. Khera, Reetika, 2009, right to food act: beyond cheap promises,

    in Economic & political weekly, vol XLIV no 29, July 18, 2009

    4. Kumar Rajiv,Vashisht pankaj, Kalita gunjit, 2010, food inflation:

    contingent & structural factors, in Economic & political weekly,

    vol XLV no 10, March 6 2010

    5. Parikh, Kumar, Darbha, 2003, growth & welfare consequences ofrise in MSP, in Economic & political weekly, vol 38 no 9, 1

    March 2003

    6. Suryanarayana, M, 2008, Agflation & public distribution system,

    in Economic & political weekly, vol 43 no 18, 03 May 2008

    7. Swati Kundu,2005, news article Food subsidies: Scarcity

    amongst Plenty

    8. news article food prices & PDS, business standard, New Delhi,

    11 February 2010

    9. news article Rot in PDS: over 2 crore ghost cards, Times of

    India, 22 dec 2007

    10.blog what ails PDS on India current affairs website

    11. Sen, Amarya, 2003, speech at a public hearing on hunger & the

    right to food, Delhi university, transcript by right to food

    campaign

    Reports by various committees-

    12.Radhakrishna, Subbarao, 1997, Indias public distribution

    system national & international perspective, world bank

    discussion paper no 380, Washington D.C. 199713. Abhijeet Sen, 2000, high level committee report on PDS,

    prepared for ministry of consumer affairs, food & public

    distribution

    14.report of expenditure reform commission, 2000

    15. Virmani arvind, PV Rajiv, 2001,excess food stocks, PDS &

    procurement policy, planning commission working paper no

    5/2002PC

    16.central govt subsidies in India,2004, report by ministry of

    finance, department of economic affairs

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    17.performance evaluation of targeted public distribution

    system(TPDS), 2005, report prepared for ministry of consumer

    affairs, food & public distribution system

    18.CACP kharip report for 2008-09

    19.justice Wadhawa committee report, on computerization of PDSoperations,2010

    Official sources

    20.statistics at a glance 2008, ministry of agriculture

    21.economic survey 2009-10

    22.various budget documents

    23.tenth five year plan

    24.handbook of statistics, RBI

    25.NSSO 61st round data

    32

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