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Facebook communities about nostalgic photos of Turkey: creative practices of remembering and representing the past Özlem Savaş Department of Communication and Design, Bilkent University, Ankara, Turkey ABSTRACT This article focuses on Facebook communities about nostalgic photos of Turkey to explore how citizenship is enacted through the participatory and collaborative use of social media to remember and represent the past. By sharing their personal photos, knowledge, testimonies, narratives and life stories, members of these communities actively and creatively use social media to generate new ways of remembering and representing the past, as well as improving its accessibility and visibility. Furthermore, through exchanging affectively and politically charged photos and conversations about the past, participants fashion nostalgia as a public feeling that becomes a source for affective political criticism of the present. This article addresses the participatory and collaborative creation of knowledge and memory of the past to discuss everyday creative citizenship practices facilitated by social media. KEYWORDS Creative citizenship; memory; knowledge community; politics of nostalgia; social media Introduction The new and diverse forms of civic participation and action facilitated to a great extent by digital media technologies call into question the conven- tional understandings of citizenship and the public sphere. Broadened concepts of citizenship, such as cultural citizenship(Miller 2006), creative citi- zenship(Hargreaves and Hartley 2016) and DIY citizenship(Ratto and Boler 2014), pay attention to productive digital media practices to locate new possibilities for enacting citizenship in the everyday. Hartley (2016) describes the crea- tive, cultural or DIY approach to citizenship through the idea of citizens who create their own forms of association among strangersusing the affordances of digital and interactive media, social networks, and their experiences and practices as audiences and consumers(23). The concept of creative citizenship attributes considerable civic value and effect to the every- day creative productions of individuals and communities in diverse domains, regardless of whether they have civic intent (Hargreaves 2016). Bourgeoning social media practices of self-presentation and community building have prompted critical attentiveness to pro- ductive citizens (Jenkins 2002; Uricchio 2004; Burgess, Foth, and Klaebe 2006; Hartley 2010). Ordinary participants in social media are recog- nized as active and productive agents who con- stantly move between modes of creating and using media content (Jenkins 2002; Bechmann and Lomborg 2013). Bruns (2008) coins the term produsageto describe this hybrid form of producing and using knowledge in the parti- cipatory and collaborative social media © 2017 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group CONTACT Özlem Savaş [email protected] İletişim ve Tasarım Bölümü (Department of Communication and Design), Bilkent Üniversitesi (Bilkent University), Ankara TR-06800, Turkey DIGITAL CREATIVITY, 2017 VOL. 28, NO. 1, 4857 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14626268.2017.1291526

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Facebook communities about nostalgic photos of Turkey: creativepractices of remembering and representing the pastÖzlem Savaş

Department of Communication and Design, Bilkent University, Ankara, Turkey

ABSTRACTThis article focuses on Facebook communities about nostalgic photos of Turkeyto explore how citizenship is enacted through the participatory andcollaborative use of social media to remember and represent the past. Bysharing their personal photos, knowledge, testimonies, narratives and lifestories, members of these communities actively and creatively use socialmedia to generate new ways of remembering and representing the past, aswell as improving its accessibility and visibility. Furthermore, throughexchanging affectively and politically charged photos and conversationsabout the past, participants fashion nostalgia as a public feeling thatbecomes a source for affective political criticism of the present. This articleaddresses the participatory and collaborative creation of knowledge andmemory of the past to discuss everyday creative citizenship practicesfacilitated by social media.

KEYWORDSCreative citizenship; memory;knowledge community;politics of nostalgia; socialmedia

Introduction

The new and diverse forms of civic participationand action facilitated to a great extent by digitalmedia technologies call into question the conven-tional understandingsof citizenship and thepublicsphere. Broadened concepts of citizenship, such as‘cultural citizenship’ (Miller 2006), ‘creative citi-zenship’ (Hargreaves and Hartley 2016) and‘DIY citizenship’ (Ratto and Boler 2014), payattention to productive digital media practices tolocate new possibilities for enacting citizenshipin the everyday. Hartley (2016) describes the crea-tive, cultural or DIY approach to citizenshipthrough the idea of citizens who ‘create theirown forms of “association among strangers”using the affordances of digital and interactivemedia, social networks, and their experiencesand practices as audiences and consumers’ (23).

The concept of creative citizenship attributesconsiderable civic value and effect to the every-day creative productions of individuals andcommunities in diverse domains, regardless ofwhether they have civic intent (Hargreaves2016). Bourgeoning social media practices ofself-presentation and community buildinghave prompted critical attentiveness to pro-ductive citizens (Jenkins 2002; Uricchio 2004;Burgess, Foth, and Klaebe 2006; Hartley 2010).Ordinary participants in social media are recog-nized as active and productive agents who con-stantly move between modes of creating andusing media content (Jenkins 2002; Bechmannand Lomborg 2013). Bruns (2008) coins theterm ‘produsage’ to describe this hybrid formof producing and using knowledge in the parti-cipatory and collaborative social media

© 2017 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group

CONTACT Özlem Savaş [email protected] İletişim ve Tasarım Bölümü (Department of Communication and Design), BilkentÜniversitesi (Bilkent University), Ankara TR-06800, Turkey

DIGITAL CREATIVITY, 2017VOL. 28, NO. 1, 48–57http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14626268.2017.1291526

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environment. Specifically, the networked com-munities of interest and practice built by theactive and creative contributions and sharingby their members (Uricchio 2004) constitute a‘connect-collaborate-create’ model of DIY/DIWO (Do-It-With-Others) citizenship prac-tices (Hartley 2010). Collective, collaborative,and bottom-up creation and exchange are con-sidered to have great potential to challenge con-ventional authorities of knowledge andexpertise through the broadened understand-ings of citizenship, with critical attention tothe limitations of the individuated, privatizedand commercialized social media environment(Bruns 2008; Hartley 2010; Ratto and Boler2014; Hargreaves and Hartley 2016).

This article focuses on Facebook commu-nities that collect, share and archive nostalgicphotos of Turkey to explore how citizenship isenacted and made sense of through the partici-patory and collaborative use of social media toremember and represent the past. Recently pro-liferating Facebook groups focusing aroundnostalgic images of Turkey digitally remediateold photos of people, places, activities, andevents that are significant to personal and col-lective memories alike, and that are gatheredfrom a wide range of sources, including familyalbums, private collections, archives, postcards,advertisements and popular magazines. Asearch in the category of groups with the key-words ‘eski fotoğraflar’ (old photos) and ‘eskifotoğrafları’ (old photos of) yielded 243 Face-book groups (as of 26 November 2016). Whilesome groups centre on Turkey’s past in general,others are dedicated to particular towns ortopics. In this article, I focus on the Facebookgroups Eski Türkiye Fotoğrafları—Old Photosof Turkey and Eski Türkiye Fotoğrafları—Photosof Old Ankara, which are among the oldest,most active and most popular groups aboutnostalgic photos of Turkey (respectively,47,341 and 44,792 members as of 26 November2016). In both groups, participants post severalphotos daily and ‘like,’ re-post and comment oneach other’s photos. Due to my own interest in

nostalgic photos, I have been participating inboth groups as a member for about sevenmonths by posting ‘likes’ and comments onthe photos.

What inspired me to think about creativecitizenship practices in these two Facebookgroups is the active participation of manydiverse members, through exchanging notonly their photos but also their personal knowl-edge, memories, testimonies, life stories andpolitical views. Different from various othergroups that collect and display nostalgic photos,participants in Old Photos of Turkey and Photosof Old Ankara engage in long discussions aboutthe photos, yielding a particular kind of knowl-edge, memory and representation of the past.This participatory and collaborative memorywork improves the past’s visibility and fluidityof, as well as its accessibility. It also potentiallyyields a different kind of memory, one thatcalls into question the conventionalized, author-itative and institutionalized expertise about his-tory (Haskins 2007; Garde-Hansen, Hoskins,and Reading 2009; Hoskins 2009). Furthermore,transcending personal interest in nostalgicimages, participants in these communitiesassume responsibility for preserving, displayingand defending the past, which is reinforced byan everyday politics of nostalgia. Participantsshape and engage in a ‘cultural public sphere,’which ‘refers to the articulation of politics, publicand personal, as a contested terrain throughaffective (aesthetic and emotional) modes ofcommunication’ (McGuigan 2005, 427).

In this article, I draw on the remediation andexposure of personal photos (mostly fromfamily albums) that depict ordinary individualsand families posing in homes, studios, streetsand schools at celebrations, picnics, holidaysand so on. Such a relocation of private mem-ories into the cultural public sphere of socialmedia perfectly epitomizes participatory andaffective practices of remembering and repre-senting the past. I discuss creative citizenshippractices of the Facebook communities aroundnostalgic photos of Turkey, which entail a

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collaborative and participatory creation ofknowledge and memory of the past and articu-late an affective politics of nostalgia that criti-cizes the present.

The collaborative memory andknowledge of the past

The group description of Old Photos of Turkeyopens with: ‘Hello, lovers of Turkey, the aimof our group is to tell Turkey’s past and toreinforce its beauty, character and history,thanks to the old photos.’ With considerableattention to the archival value of its activities,the group organizes posted photos in separatealbums that focus on diverse topics, including‘Family Albums’ (Figure 1), ‘Past Figures andEvents,’ ‘Our History of War,’ ‘Politicians andThe Political Past,’ ‘Panorama of Turkey’sPeople,’ ‘Occupations,’ ‘Studio Photos,’ ‘SchoolYears,’ ‘Musicians,’ ‘TheWorld of Sports,’ ‘Nos-talgic Transportations’ and so on. Group mem-bers actively contribute to this archival work byposting their photos and leaving comments thataim to clarify the people, places, objects, activi-ties and time periods portrayed.

Many photos posted to Old Photos of Turkeyand Photos of Old Ankara prompt an enthusias-tic and collaborative effort to provide infor-mation about historical details that are notexplained by the captions, such as places, peopleand time periods; professions, arts and hand-crafts; fabrics, styles and social meanings ofclothing; tools, machines, guns and transpor-tation modes; buildings, houses, schools andhospitals; cityscapes and landscapes; and cus-toms, traditions, rituals, manners and words.Individual contributions to this collaborativelycreated and exchanged knowledge of the pastreflect multiple and diverse ways of knowing(Jenkins 2002), such as personal interests andpractices, professional expertise, and testimo-nies, biographies and life stories. For example,a photo of a family posing in front of a bus,posted on Old Photos of Turkey and stored in‘Family Albums’ has an uninformative, candid

caption, ‘With my aunt and my mom,’ andhas sparked numerous explanatory comments(Figure 2): ‘This photo is from the 1930s,’‘The bus is a 1930 Büssing-NAG,’ ‘This is thetransit bus between Trabzon and Iran.’ Onecomment states that the place in the photo isTrabzon (a northern city) because ‘the writingon the bus is something like “state bus” and“Trabzon.”’ Another comment opposes it byasserting: ‘It cannot be Trabzon, based on theway people look.’ The conversation continueswith expressions of private memories and lifestories that relate to the contents of the photo:

There was a transit route from Trabzon [toIran]. My grandfather used to bring preciousfabrics and carpets to my mother and grand-mother. Back then, my grandparents had amansion in Trabzon. People of Trabzon usedto be chic like this; some are still chic.

Those were my secondary school years. Thesame type of bus used to transport peoplefrom Üsküdar [an Istanbul neighborhood] toŞile [another Istanbul district]. We took aschool trip. Because it was very hot, the bushad its windows open. We were covered withdust and dirt. I still remember it.

Through the collaborative intellectual andemotional efforts to illuminate Turkey’s past,Facebook groups about nostalgic photos of Tur-key build knowledge communities, which Jen-kins (2002) defines by drawing on the idea ofLévy’s (1997) collective intelligence. Knowledgecommunities depend on the principle of a col-lective and reciprocal exchange of knowledge,which is essential to participatory culture, andpotentially challenges traditional hierarchies ofexpertise. The knowledge these groups produceis accumulated as ‘a “patchwork” woventogether from many sources as members poolwhat they know, creating something muchmore powerful than the sum of its parts’ (Jen-kins 2002, 160). With respect to digitallymediated memory work, Haskins (2007) simi-larly argues that a collective and participatoryauthorship promises non-hierarchal, pluraland vernacular representations of the past,

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Figure 1. A screenshot of the album ‘Family photos’ stored in old photos of Turkey. With kind permission of oldphotos of Turkey.

Figure 2. A family photo stored in ‘Family Albums’ in old photos of Turkey with the caption, ‘With my aunt and mymom.’ With kind permission of old photos of Turkey.

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and constitutes a significant alternative to theidealized and homogenized history that emergesfrom ‘official institutions of remembrance’ suchas museums, archives, and memorials. Hesuggests:

At least in theory, online memorializing canaccommodate an infinite variety of artifactsand performances.… Instead of only officialaccounts disseminated by mainstream mediaand the government, all kinds of stories cannow become part of an evolving patchworkof public memory.… The boundaries betweenthe official and the vernacular, the public andthe private, the permanent and the evanescentwill cease to matter, for all stories and imageswill be equally fit to represent and commenton the past. (Haskins 2007, 405)

The collaborative memory of Turkey createdby the Facebook communities I studied reflectssuch a patchwork, composed of various images,knowledge and stories, and none emerges asmore important or trivial than any other.Ordinary private photos and accompanyingpieces of knowledge and life stories gatheredfrom diverse sources create a different kind ofmemory, a ‘social network memory,’ whichbridges the personal with the collective (Hos-kins 2009). This vernacular knowledge andmemory of the past challenge the authoritativeand institutionalized expertise on history, notonly because the ‘patchworks’ are createdthrough the participation and collaboration ofordinary individuals, but also because theygather private, subjective and affective represen-tations of the past.

Affective politics nostalgia

‘Nothing is left now; only lovely memories.’Written under a photo of Ankara’s oldest neigh-bourhood and posted to Photos of Old Ankara,this comment epitomizes the prevailing nostal-gia, ‘a yearning for a different time’ (Boym 2007,8) in Facebook groups about old photos. Manycomments posted to Old Photos of Turkey andPhotos of Old Ankara compare Turkey’s past

and present and suggest the decline of the latter.‘Those were the days’ is commonly voiced bothby group members with personal recollectionsof the past and by younger ones who imagineit. Old photos of places, people, events and var-ious everyday scenes are regarded as visual evi-dence of the ‘good old days,’ when the life wasremembered (or imagined) to be more peaceful,wholehearted and humane. More strikingly,nostalgic photos of Turkey are observed as ameasure of modernity and civilization, per-ceived as achieved in the past but currentlyunder threat of effacement. People of the past,especially women, are usually described asmore beautiful, elegant, noble, classy, man-nered, polite, civilized and modern. A familyphoto of a picnic, a studio photo of a womanand a photo of young women in a village nearAnkara (Figure 3) posted on Photos of OldAnkara have prompted a large number ofsuch comments:

Just compare the way of life back then withour present situation. The photo swells withcivilization.

This photo is one in the eye for today’s anti-modern mindset.

Who knows how the grandchildren of thesemodern young girls look today?

It looks like it’s the year 2050, and republicand modernity are back in the country.

In her study of vintage photographs of Egyptshared on Facebook groups, Ryzova (2014) verysimilarly observes that images of the past act asvisual proof of a nostalgic imagination thatsuggests that civilization and modernizationwere achieved in the good old days. She arguesthat vintage photographs are stripped of theirhistorical contexts and resignified in the newdigital environment with new meanings that‘always stand for more than their referents’(Ryzova 2014, 309). In the Facebook groups ofnostalgic photos of Turkey, resignification ofpersonal photos as a measure of civilizationand modernity is largely indebted to a pre-exist-

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ing visual regime that shaped the image of mod-ern Turkey. Because the Turkish modernizationproject attributed absolute significance to trans-forming ways of living, images of the everydayplayed a vital role in the production and repro-duction of a series of dichotomies that havecharacterized the experience of modernity inTurkey, such as modern/traditional, civilized/uncivilized and secular/Islamic. For example,during the foundational years of the Republic,the country’s new modernity was symbolized

by images of the idealized ‘Republicanwoman,’ such as women wearing ballroomdresses and young women in shorts, school uni-forms, or army uniforms (Deren 2012). It is notunexpected that the photos of urban women inpublic spaces posted to Facebook groups oftenprompt nostalgic conversations about thepast’s modernity and civilization.

This imagination of the modern past inTurkish Facebook communities relates to abroader nostalgia for the foundational years of

Figure 3. Personal photos posted on photos of old Ankara. With kind permission of photos of old Ankara.

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the Republic that emerged in the 1990s, partlyin response to the increasing public visibilityof Islam and the arrival of a counter-Islamicnostalgia for the Ottoman period (Özyürek2006). Such nostalgia, Özyürek (2006) argues,has come within a neoliberal transformationof the political field through privatization ofstate ideology and symbolism, which indicates‘a new kind of relationship citizens have estab-lished with the founding principles of the Turk-ish republic, one that manifests itself inaffective, domestic, and otherwise privaterealms generally considered outside the tra-ditional field of politics’ (179; original empha-sis). The intense imagination of the modernpast, especially in Photos of Old Ankara, is notunexpected, because the Republic’s capital andits visual imagery have always been constructedand represented as symbols of a modern way oflife (Batuman 2008). Indeed, the early Republi-can Ankara has emerged as a representation inresponse to the political conditions of the 1990s,including the rise of political Islam, and haspowerfully served in political discourses of nos-talgia (Batuman 2008). The group descriptionof Photos of Old Ankara declares Ankara’s his-torical significance as follows:

This group, of which you are now a member, isthe first group on nostalgia and urban historyof ‘old Ankara,’ established with the aim ofsharing pre- and during-Republic images ofour capital city where national decisions weremade.…We should remind you that this is agroup on the remarkably meaningful Republi-can capital, where our Ata [Atatürk] is lying.

Nostalgic conversations in Photos of OldAnkara do not only and simply express bitter-ness over a lost past, but develop substantial cri-ticism of the present, with constant referencesto the daily flow of political events. Evenunpleasant photos of police interventions instudent protests in the 1970s evoke positiveresponses of ‘those difficult days,’ compared tothe present: ‘After seeing today, we have startedto hanker after those days,’ and ‘Back then, atleast there was hope for a bright future.’

Nostalgia on Facebook relates to the currentdesire to preserve and defend the ‘Republicanmemory’ against the threat of effacement. Forexample, a photo was posted of the old CentralRestaurant (Figure 4), established in 1925 onAtatürk Orman Çiftliği (Atatürk Forest Farm),and recently transformed into a different eatingestablishment. A number of comments suggestthat the new venue ‘especially serves the govern-ment party,’ and the photo sparked a long nos-talgic conversation. In addition to privaterecollections of ‘the taste of artichoke’ or ‘thewonderful wedding dinner,’ experienced there,many group members expressed their frustra-tions of the loss of a particular memory: ‘Allthe history and memory of this place has beendestroyed,’ and ‘Another symbol and memoryof Ankara and the Republic has been ruined.’This photo and many other affectively and pol-itically charged photos have gained new value asvisual records of the past, resisting the loss ortransformation of public memory.

Boym (2007) argues that nostalgia can be pro-spective aswell as retrospective, because ‘the fan-tasies of the past, determined by the needs of thepresent, have a direct impact on the realities ofthe future’ (8). For Özyürek (2006), the ongoingpublic struggle between Kemalist and Islamistpolitics about readings of the past shows thatnostalgia is a ‘powerful and versatile way of relat-ing to and transforming the present’ (177). Face-book communities focused around nostalgicphotos of Turkey intentionally or unintention-ally put forth substantial criticism of the present,through a politics of nostalgia that conveys feel-ings of anxiety about and frustration with thecurrent political conditions. By bridging theemotional with the political, these Facebookcommunities create ‘digital terrains of affectivepolitics’ that invite us ‘to think about feelings,technologies and politics together, througheach other’ (Kuntsman 2012).

Conclusion

As Hoskins (2009) argues,

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memory (individual and collective and theirvarying intersections) is “mediated” in thathow the past is and is not recorded, archived,accessed, retrieved and represented is entangledwith the nature, forms and control of the tech-nologies, media and institutions of the day. (27)

The digitally mediated Facebook practices ofcollecting, archiving, displaying and discussingnostalgic photos of Turkey yield particularforms of knowledge, memory and represen-tations of the past. The participatory and colla-borative memory work in Facebookcommunities gathers private and emotionalaccounts of the past that are conventionally dis-regarded by the institutionalized expertise onhistory. By sharing their personal photos,knowledge, testimonies, narratives and life stor-ies, members of these communities actively andcreatively use social media to generate new waysof remembering and representing the past, aswell as improving its accessibility and visibility.Furthermore, through exchanging emotionally

and politically charged photos and conversa-tions about the past, participants fashion nostal-gia as a public feeling that becomes a source foraffective political criticism of the present. Thesepractices of remembering and representing thepast in Old Photos of Turkey and Photos ofOld Ankara demonstrate how the participatoryand collaborative social media environmentaffords new possibilities for enacting creativecitizenship.

On the other hand, the creativity of Facebookcommunities in terms of the potential to gener-ate novel and unconventional representations ofthe past is subject to a number of limitations. AsBolter and Grusin (2000) argue through theconcept of remediation, the new digital mediado not externally come to shape a culture, butemerge from within existing cultural contextsthat they share with older media. While reme-diating old photos, the Facebook communitiesdiscussed here recycle a pre-existing visualregime that endows everyday images with the

Figure 4. Photo of the old Central Restaurant in Atatürk Forest Farm, posted on photos of old Ankara, with thecaption ‘Once upon a time … memory of Atatürk and the republic ….’ With kind permission of photos of oldAnkara.

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political power to represent achievements of theTurkish modernization project and often citenational myths circulated by conventionalizedrepresentations of the past. Moreover, the pol-itical discourses they create about the past andthe present represent a limited plurality,because social media communities are usuallycreated through connectivity between peopleof similar interests and viewpoints (Pogačar2009).

Even so, the work of remembering andrepresenting the past in Old Photos of Turkeyand Photos of Old Ankara cannot be character-ized as simply the recycling of older myths witha bittersweet longing for the past; this remem-bering refashions nostalgia in response to cur-rent political conditions. These Facebookcommunities value old photos of Turkey asvisual records that resist the perceived eradica-tion or transformation of a particular publicmemory by the current political enterprises.Such a value attributed to photos is multipliedby the deliberate act of circulating them in per-sonal Facebook profiles with the aim of inform-ing a larger public. In this manner, Facebookcommunities about nostalgic photos of Turkeyjoin the dispersed network of political resistanceon social media, which is recognized as freerthan the increasingly censored media environ-ment in Turkey.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by theauthors.

Funding

This work was supported by 3501 program of TheScientific and Technological Research Council ofTurkey (TÜBİTAK) [grant number 115K274].

Notes on contributors

Özlem Savaş is assistant professor in the Departmentof Communication and Design at Bilkent University.Her current research project ‘Modern practices of

self in everyday life: Ethnographic analysis of Face-book as lifestyle media’ explores self-reflexive life-style practices in the digitally mediated everyday.

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