epw nov 2016 by nayana sp

7/23/2019 Epw Nov 2016 by Nayana Sp

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The United States wants to impose its rules on much of the world

through the Trans-Pacic Partnership.

The Trans-Pacic Partnership (TPP) that has been agreed to by 1 Pacic !im countrieswill" when actuali#ed" usher in the world$s largest trade bloc. The free trade agreement(%T&) that is the TPP began ta'ing shape in when the United States (US) agreed toengage with *ew +ealand" Singapore" ,hile and runei" the so-called P/0 group ofcountries" which had concluded the Trans-Pacic Strategic conomic Partnership in 23owe4er" it was not until late 5 that US President arac' 6bama ga4e the green signfor the US to 7oin the TPP negotiations with the goal of shaping a regional agreement thwill ha4e broad-based membership and the high standards worthy of a 1st century tradagreement.0

The TPP was negotiated with the aim of comprehensi4ely liberali#ing trade in goods andser4ices and to ha4e rules" including behind-the-border measures" that the members ofthe grouping would be re8uired to adopt" rules that are well beyond those established bthe 9orld Trade 6rgani#ation (9T6). 6ne of the more e:plicit ob7ecti4es of the TPP is toestablish product and process standards that are increasingly becoming important forregulating mar'et access in a world where tari;s are becoming pass<. These product anprocess standards" based essentially on those that pre4ail in the US" could e4entuallypro4ide the template for the ma'ing of trade rules under the aegis of the 9T6. &t thesame time" the TPP introduces regimes for the protection of intellectual property rights(=P!s) and in4estment" the pro4isions which re8uire the member-countries to meet themost onerous commitments e4er to ha4e been applied in these areas.

The framewor' for =P!s in the TPP enhances the rights of the owners of intellectualproperty" thus pro4iding a glimpse of what a T!=PS-plus0 regime could loo' li'e. The rsamong such features of the =P! chapter of the TPP is the considerable dilution of the

remedies that can be used if" for e:ample" the patent rights are in direct con>ict withpublic interest. =n the 9T6" the de4eloping countries were able to collecti4ely wor'together more than a decade ago and ma'e the ?ene4a-based trade body adopt the@eclaration on T!=PS and Public 3ealth0 at the 1 @oha ministerial meeting. =ncludedin this framewor' are pro4isions for granting a 4e-year mar'et e:clusi4ity to theoriginator rms that submit test and other data to the regulators for obtaining mar'etingappro4al for new pharmaceutical products. This pro4ision is intended to e:tend the perioof mar'et e:clusi4ity that producers of new products would normally en7oy through thepatent rights.

The TPP legitimi#es the highly contested in4estorAstate dispute settlement mechanism

its framewor' for the protection of in4estors. &lthough se4eral of the participatingcountries had 8uestioned this mechanism" gi4en the spurt in the cases brought by foreigin4estors against their host go4ernments before the international tribunals" the bac'ingfor this mechanism by the US carried the day in its fa4our. The signicance of the TPPthen is more in the rules and pro4isions it will en7oin on its members" for the US sees the TPP as a mechanism to impose its own trade rules on a signicant proportion of theworld$s trading powers" bypassing in the process the multilateral system. Bore ominousthe US hopes to e4entually draw ,hina and =ndia into the TPPC if that were to happen thescuttling of the multilateral trading system will be complete.



The impact of the TPP on =ndia (refer mind map of =*S=?3TS on

the same also)

The impact of the TPP on =ndia needs to be analy#ed from two perspecti4esD

=ndia not being a member of the TPP and =ndia 7oining the TPP

more than E of the 4alue of =ndia$s e:ports to &ustralia" ,anada and Fapan are in product

lines which =ndia also e:ports to the US in signicant amount" say at least G1 mn. Thus" as

=ndia complies with the standards in these products in the US" it would be able to comply wi

the harmoni#ed standards in &ustralia" ,anada and Fapan. This should allay fears that =ndia

would nd it burdensome to comply with harmoni#ed product standards that may be

introduced as a conse8uence of the TPP.

implications for =ndia if it were to 7oin the TPPDthe focus has to centre on some of the

conse8uences for =ndia if it were re8uired to comply with pro4isions related to tari;s" S6s"

agriculture and =P! protection. liminating customs t ari;s on most of the products would

e:pose the domestic industry to se4ere import competition. ?i4en the infrastructure

deciencies that hobble domestic manufacturing and raise the cost of production" the sur4i4

of most of the manufacturing sector would be se4erely threatened in a #ero-duty regime.

What Should India Do?

=n order to mitigate the ad4erse impact" although limited" of remaining outside the TPP" =nd

needs to act domestically and at the international le4el. 9ithin the country" e;orts must be

made to enhance the competiti4eness of =ndia$s e:ports. This would re8uire the go4ernmen

to ma'e concerted e;orts at addressing some of the well-'nown constraints that hobble

manufacturing in the country. &nother area that re8uires urgent attention is enhancing the

regulatory capacity within the country. =n particular" the ability to formulate and implement

standards in di;erent product sectors needs to be enhanced. ;orts also need to be made t

ensure that impediments to compliance with impro4ed domestic standards are addressed. &

the e:ternal front" =ndia needs to conclude some of its crucial %T&s" including =ndiaAU

bilateral trade and in4estment agreement and the ongoing !egional ,omprehensi4e

conomic Partnership mega %T&. nhanced mar'et access resulting from these agreements

could mitigate some of the e:port losses on account of =ndia$s e:clusion from the TPP. 6f

course" =ndia must safeguard its core interests in these %T& negotiations. =n parallel" =ndia

must create a coalition of de4eloping countries at the 9T6 for resisting pressures to introdu

the non-trade issues into the negotiating agenda of the 9T6.



64erall" the TPP has been crafted by the US to further its commercial interests" particularly

its pharmaceutical industry and that of its in4estors in other countries. %rustrated at its failu

to push its agenda in the @oha round of multilateral trade negotiations at the 9T6" the US

has also used the TPP agreement to create a template of rules on many non-trade related

issues. ,ompliance with the non-trade issues is li'ely to raise the manufacturing costs in th

signatory countries" thereby eroding the cost competiti4eness of their e:ports. 9hile many

de4eloping countries ha4e re7ected the attempts of the US to push some of the non-trade

issues into the agenda of the 9T6" the highly e:aggerated e:port gains if countries 7oin TPPcould induce some of them to ac8uiesce to the TPP template.

%rom the perspecti4e of the signatory countries" the success of the TPP will depend on

bringing emerging economies" including ,hina" =ndia" =ndonesia and Thailand" within its fold

the emerging economies remain outside the TPP" then this would put the TPP countries at a

disad4antage. 9hile the e:port competiti4eness of TPP countries would be eroded by the co

that would need to be incurred in order to comply with the labour standards and en4ironme

re8uirements" non-member countries would not be constrained by these conditions. %urther

emerging economies outside the TPP club would ha4e the >e:ibility to pro4ide subsidies to

their S6s" while S6s in TPP countries would not be able to benet from go4ernment

support. 3ence" in order to pre4ent these per4erse conse8uences for themsel4es" the TPP

signatories are li'ely to ma'e e;orts to e:pand the geographical co4erage of the agreemen

&ttempts by some US thin' tan's to pro7ect e:aggerated e:port gains for =ndia supposedly

from 7oining the TPP should be seen in this conte:t.

%rom =ndia$s perspecti4e" remaining outside the TPP will certainly create trade di4ersion" but

membership of the TPP could entail hea4y costs without commensurate gains. The e:tent o

trade di4ersion may be relati4ely small. 9hile 7oining the TPP could enhance e:ports in som

sectors" on the other hand" the costs of medicines would rise steeply. &ccepting the narrati4

of supposed gains from TPP" without a critical e:amination of the inherent ris's" could

se4erely 7eopardise =ndia$s economic prospects. The country needs to tread cautiously by

ta'ing a balanced and comprehensi4e approach to the supposed gains and li'ely costs of TP

membership. 4en if the TPP is the gold standard0 for trade in the 1st century" the

template does not seem to ser4e =ndia$s o4erall interest.

9orld ban'Hs po4erty estimation

This article has argued that the 9orld an'$s approach to measuring po4erty" and the norm

and assumptions it has chosen to uphold in its e:ercises of estimating global po4erty o4er t

last 8uarter century" ha4e been informed by conceptual muddles and predispositions that

ha4e supported a picture of relati4ely low and declining po4erty gures. =t has been further

argued that e4en without fundamental shifts in methodology" but with changes made to the

po4erty line and PPP e:change rates that are scarcely based on grounds that could meet wi



serious ob7ection from the internal logic of the an'$s approach" the picture of world po4erty

is probably a good deal more serious than their estimates would suggest.

9hy should this matterI 9hen targets relating to po4erty redress are mechanically set and

monitored in accordance with the 9orld an'$s approach" one has to as' if the global

ob7ecti4es embraced in such grand statements as the B@?s and the S@?s are not much

more than perfunctory gestures aimed at propitiating rituals and addressing the demands omaintaining polite public relations amongst the nations of the world. =n a cosmopolitan 4iew

of global 7ustice such as has been ad4ocated by philosophers li'e Thomas Pogge and ,harle

eit#" supranational institutions ha4e a responsibility towards facts and duties that are poor

ser4ed by facile diagnoses and assessments of the global phenomena of po4erty and

ine8uality.

=ssues such as unfair trade practices" capricious and niggardly aid >ows from the de4eloped

to the de4eloping world" illicit global nancial >ows" the plunder of natural resources incountries with a large pre4alence of po4erty" the 8uestionable corporate practices of

multinational companies" and debt" and strife" and the urgings of austerity and impositions

conditionalities on countries already reeling under recessionary pressuresD these are issue

that deser4e to be seriously addressed. ut these are also the issues that can be largely

swept under the carpet by downplaying the rigors of global depri4ation" and in4iting the

global population to share the 4iew that we are well on our way to being in the best of all

possible worlds. Such a construction is" at best" both inaccurate and di4ersionary. That is als

why criti8ues of the present typeDstubborn" repetiti4e and plodding though they areDmigh

be seen to matter.

The new policy on foreign in4estment is only concerned with

augmenting in>ows.

The recent amendments to =ndia$s foreign direct in4estment(%@=) policy see' to increathe scope for foreign in4estment through multiple waysJ raising the sectoral caps"withdrawing the sub-limits within the o4erall composite caps and minimi#ing there8uirement of go4ernment appro4als. The amendments co4er se4eral 'ey sectorsJdefense" broadcasting" pri4ate sector ban's" non-scheduled air transport ser4ice"ground handling ser4ices" plantations" single brand retail trade" construction" and credinformation companies.

@ue to the progressi4e liberalisation of =ndia$s %@= regime" caps on the share of %@= inan indi4idual company$s e8uity are hitherto applicable to only a few ser4ice sectors li'retail trade" ban'ing" insurance" broadcasting and print media" besides defence. Thisimplies that barring a few e:ceptions" the entire manufacturing sector and a largenumber of ser4ice sectors are not constrained by restrictions on foreign ownership.Since the scope for further opening up is 8uite limited" the focus has turned to thee:isting caps.



9hile the %@= policy tries to distinguish between 4arious types of foreign in4estors" %@per se is merely being seen as a source of funds.

& ma7or and rele4ant 8uestion in this regard is whether serious foreign in4estors whocontribute almost half of the ris' capital can accept the position of sleeping partners.%urther" it would be unrealistic to e:pect foreign in4estors not to be interested insecuring their technologies and reputation besides ma:imi#ing their o4erall returns ontheir in4estments. 6n the other hand" the =ndian partners are li'ely to see' %@= to get

access to critical intangibles" namely" technologies" goodwill" etc" apart from a stablesource of ris' capital. Under such circumstances" foreign in4estors are more li'ely tosee' control of the operations of the 7oint 4enture (FK)

Since the distinction between %@= and the other forms of foreign in4estment is beingdone away with" =ndia$s %@= policy is progressi4ely turning into a generic foreignin4estment policy.0 The go4ernment is rapidly rendering irrele4ant the notion of sectocaps. =t must be noted howe4er that foreign in4estment caps pro4ide domesticentrepreneurs the opportunity to form FKs and to meaningfully contribute to the runniof such enterprises. The go4ernment can ill-a;ord to ignore the signicant benet t thcan be deri4ed through the promotion of true FKs" namely" opportunities for =ndianentrepreneurship to de4elop.

=n the name of %@= policy reforms" =ndia is merely easing the procedures and enhancinthe scope for foreign e8uity participation. There cannot be a stand-alone %@= policy wthe main ob7ecti4e of ma:imi#ing in>ows. 9hat it actually should do is to constantlyre4iew the re8uirements of 4arious sectors" assess the contribution of di;erentconstituents" create conditions which force foreign in4estors to contribute positi4ely tothe national economy and de4ise ways to enhance the bargaining power andcapabilities of domestic entrepreneurs. Thus" instead of gi4ing the concept of foreignin4estment caps a 8uiet burial" the go4ernment needs to carefully re4iew =ndia$s

e:perience with %@= o4er the past two decades and proceed further to ma:imi#e thenet benets within the freedom allowed by its international commitments. =n his budgespeech" the nance minister stated that the measures relating to %@= in defense"insurance and railway infrastructure" construction and medical de4ices sectorswere ta'en to create 7obs.0 =t may therefore be worthwhile to loo' at the paste:periences with %@= in 7ob creation" in order to ensure that such e:pectations are beireali#ed.

The new adoption guidelines re8uire more deliberation and ne-

tuning.

&doption in =ndia has always been entangled in legal and social issues" further

confounded by periodic reports of adoption rac'ets. The long pending need for

simplication of procedures is cited as the reason behind the new guidelines set out b

the ,entral &doption !esource &uthority (,&!&) which came into e;ect from &ugust t

year. 3owe4er" no sooner was this done" complaints began and the ombay 3igh ,ou



is e4en hearing a Public =nterest Litigation (P=L) against the guidelines. The %ederation

of &doption &gencies in Baharashtra has also led an inter4ention application.

,&!&" which is an autonomous body and the nodal agency under the Binistry of 9om

and ,hild @e4elopment (B9,@)" has assured the court that it is willing to loo' into th

grie4ances.

Criticism of complete online process J- photographs of si: children would be put

on the ,&!& website for the prospecti4e adopti4e parents (P&Ps) to 4iew along with th

child$s study and medical e:amination reports. P&Ps must rst upload their own

documents on the website and following a home study" the si: photographs are put u

in accordance with the choices mentioned. This is a loo's-based approach that is also

unfair to the countless P&Ps who may not ha4e access to online communication or be

familiar with nglish. 4en those with such access are not necessarily comfortable wit

underta'ing such a signicant and emotional step through an impersonal computer

screen. 3owe4er" the new guidelines ensure that the waiting list mo4es according to

seniority0 in applications (thus assuring transparency). There is a centrali#ed waiting

list that allows application and matching from any place in the country (adoption rates

ha4e been 4ery low in states with a negligible number of adoption agencies). &nd non

resident =ndians will be on par with =ndian parents and there will be strict monitoring o

adoption agencies -

non-responsi4e toll-free help lines and tech-unfriendly sta; at ,&!&

There are other issues in adoption that are not necessarily lin'ed to the guidelines.

=ndian P&Ps predominantly opt for children without any disability and those below si:

months. The focus thus tends to be not on what the child needs but what the

prospecti4e parents want. &gain" on the issue of adoption by foreign parents there is a

great deal of bad press" associated as it is with allegations of rac'eteering. &ccording

adoption agencies" foreigners are more willing than =ndians to adopt children withspecial needs. 3owe4er" while there is no study to pro4e this" the =ndian unwillingness

to adopt special children is perhaps due to the fact that in =ndia state-sponsored

facilities to bring up a disabled child are abysmal. There is also the issue of illegal0

adoptions which continue to be rampant. The e;orts to crac' down on them seem to

ine;ectual



9hile there are positi4e aspects to the new ,&!& guidelines" there is need for more

deliberation and ne-tuning. The long-term goals of nding homes for disabled childre

and older children" and moti4ating more =ndians to adopt need to be focused on. This

possible only through more sustained and wider consultations and debates. The fate o

la'hs of =ndia$s children who need a family and a home depends on better adoption

practices.

The protest by *agaland editors is one that editors elsewhere

should heed.

ac'groundJ- 6n 2 Fune 15MN" a couple of nglish language daily newspapers ran blan'spaces instead of editorials. They were protesting press censorship imposed by =ndira?andhi$s go4ernment when it proclaimed a state of internal emergency. =n =ndia$s *orth asthere has been a 4irtual state of emergency for decades. ut for the rst time" the local prein *agaland decided things had gone too far. Three daily newspapers" Borung :press"

astern Birror and *agaland Page" substituted their editorials with a blan' space to mar' 12*o4ember" *ational Press @ay. This was their dramatic re7oinder to attempts to curb the 4erfreedom that day is supposed to denote.

The blan' spaces also spo'e to the challenges that face the media in con>ict areas"particularly if they decide that freedom of the press also means they are free to gi4ee:pression to con>icting points of 4iew. They also reminded us of the in4isibility of thestruggles of these 7ournalists" who wal' a tight rope between militant groups on the one sideand the army and go4ernment on the other.

The media" especially the print media in much of the *orth ast" faces a tenuous e:istence

*ewspapers are grossly underfunded" their sta; is poorly paid by any standards" they facehuge infrastructural problems with erratic electric supply" intermittent internet connecti4ityand a constant threat of closure when supplies cannot reach them whene4er there is any 'iof trouble. Banipur is the most 4ulnerable in this respect as a bloc'age on one highway canbring the state to a 4irtual standstill. 6n top of this" newspapers ha4e to gure out how tosur4i4e direct threats and pressuresDfrom the security forces" from the state go4ernment"and from militant groups. That they are able to publish at all is itself a miracle. =f they publiscertain news" such as on the *S,* (O) for instance" they face charges under laws li'e theU&P& for aiding banned groups. 6n the other hand" if they refuse to publish the handouts ofmilitant groups" they face 4iolent threats that cannot be brushed aside lightly.

,ommunity Land !eser4es

,ommunity Land !eser4es (called ,ommunity Land Trusts in the US) ha4e been in e:istencearound the world for o4er / years. They are non-prot organi#ations with a mission topro4ide a;ordable housing to low income groups" for all time. Someone starts one o; bypro4iding a gift of land. The organi#ation then ta'es this gift of land o; the mar'et to hold ittrust fore4er thereafter. 6wnership of the land remains with the organi#ation" which cannotsell it. =ndi4idual parcels are gi4en out to owners who build on them and own the constructiobut not the land. 6n resale" the owner recoups the cost of his construction" ad7usted to



present-day 4alue" but not the appreciation in land 4alue. &s a result" the incoming occupancan also get housing at an a;ordable price" because it is unburdened by land 4alue. ,ritical success are the format of go4ernance of the organi#ation and the resale formula whichreturns to the homebuyer the amount he or she has in4ested in construction" ad7usted forin>ation" or the rate specied by the ta:-free return on a so4ereign paper" or any otherformula that is lin'ed to the in4estment in construction" but any appreciation in land 4alueremains with the ,L!.

=n principle" no new legislation should be re8uired to implement a ,L!. &s an organi#ation itwould be go4erned by ,ompany Law" and its own Bemorandum and &rticles of &ssociation.These would spell out its mission of pro4iding a;ordable housing distributed through the cit3owe4er" to ease the process of setting up ,L!s" it may be ad4isable to amend the B!TP &cas indicated abo4e. %urther" if we want rentals to form a signicant part of the housing in a,L!" as indeed we should" we will need to declare that the !ent &ct does not apply in the arowned by the ,L!. That little piece of legislation will denitely help. 9e need no change toconrm that the Transfer of Property &ct applies" as does S&!%&S= &ct.

,L!s as described abo4e that has been in use in the US for o4er / years o;er a scheme fo

perpetually a;ordable housing in cities. To wor' well" such ,L!s must not be in ghettos butshould form an integral part of comprehensi4e housing de4elopments that o;er housingacross the spectrum of income groups" with the ,L! forming part of a larger housingde4elopment. =ncidentally" there is no systematic gathering of data that can tell us incomedistribution across the population of any of =ndia$s towns or cities. So there is no ocial datathat can reliably tell us what the median income is" or what percentage of the population fawithin a specied income range. =t should be a fairly simple underta'ing to remedy thisglaring deciency in our economic data.

Transforming global de4elopment Q humanitarian agendas Tur'ey$s presidency of the ?- saw initiati4es that are in sync with the imperati4e of

inclusi4e world order. They set the tone for the agenda of the recently concluded ?-summit at &ntalya. They ha4e also prepared the ground for the rst 9orld 3umanitariSummit in =stanbul in Bay 12.

The ?- summits feature countries who represent some NE of the global grossnational product (?*P) and E of global trade is a debutant in the panoply of nascenand senescent international organi#ations. &mongst the 15 countries and the U thatma'e up the ?- are states which are 'nown to ha4e led the e4olution of internationsystem" butthe group also comprises emerging powers who ha4e so far been 'ept awfrom dri4er seats. Be:ico and Oorea ha4e hosted ?- summits. &fter Tur'ey" ,hina an=ndia would surely lead the ?- in coming years. These emerging powers are nownding a strong global 4oice through the ?-.

&t the core of these de4elopment is the concept of human security and a new approacto humanitarianism" not as a 9estern0 or *orthern0 but as a global concept.

&s the ?- president" Tur'ey highlighted three ob7ecti4esDimplementation" in4estme

and inclusi4eness. 6n implementation" the aim has been to infuse credibility to ?-



Li4ing conditions of tea plantation wor'ers

The stri'e by women wor'ers in the tea plantations of Oerala brings to fore the miserableli4ing conditions of the wor'ers in this sector across the country. 9ith more than a millionpermanent wor'ers" the tea plantation industry is the largest in the formal pri4ate sector inthe country. et wages of these wor'ers are the lowest in the formal sector and their li4ing

conditions are appalling. Though there are laws that go4ern the li4ing conditions of wor'ersthese are 4iolated and the state seems indi;erent.

The wor'ers and their families in the tea plantations of &ssam are in some ways worse o;than the others. The permanent wor'ers number a little more than N"" and the totalpopulation of these wor'ers would easily be 4e times more. The tea plantation wor'ers in9est engal are a part of the Scheduled Tribes (ST) but in &ssam the people of similar originare denied this status. eing ST would mean a4ailing of free educational facilities and laterreser4ation in employment among other facilities pro4ided by the state. The plantationwor'ers in &ssam ha4e been struggling for ST status" but the state go4ernment has refusedthis so far. This has depri4ed them of any form of protecti4e discrimination which is absolute

necessary for their de4elopment.

The problems of plantation wor'ers are mainly due to the indi;erence of the go4ernments"both state and centre" to their basic needs as human beings. The plantation companies tooare e8ually to blame for creating this situation. The wor'ers$ organi#ations" the trade unionsare largely controlled by leaders who are not from the community and cannot re>ect theaspirations of these wor'ers. &fter se4eral years of oppression and marginali#ation" thefemale wor'ers in Oerala too' up the challenge of defending their rights to li4e a decent lifeThey depended neither on the largesse of state or the outside trade union leaders forassisting their cause. 6n the contrary" they created the mo4ement through their collecti4estrength and their labour power. This could be the only way these marginali#ed wor'ers can

assert their claims for decent wor' and the right to li4e with dignity

Smarter Subsidies for LP?- promoting clean Q a;ordable coo'ing

The health e;ects of coo'ing with biomass and coal are now well-recognised. The recent

?lobal urden of @isease Study estimates that there are more than 1 la'h premature deat

each year from household air pollution due to these polluting coo'ing fuels with another 1.N

la'h due to their contribution to general outdoor air pollution in the country

&lthough more people use LP?" the number of those using biomass and coal has remained

static for nearly years. 9hile LP? subsidies ha4e played an important role in e:panding

access to this coo'ing fuel" directing the subsidies to the poorest and the most 4ulnerable

remains a fraught matter. This article proposes that consumers opt in for the subsidy by

self-certifying that their household income is less than an amount set by the go4ernment"

instead of the opt-out approach followed today.



Therefore our full proposed re4ised approach towards targeting subsidy would beJ

(1) Persons applying for new connection would ha4e to self-certify that their household

income is less than the po4erty line if they wish to recei4e the standard subsidy designed to

'eep net LP? costs no more than E of e:penditures. =f heshe possesses the PL card"

heshe would submit the rele4ant documents also to be eligible for an additional subsidy to

'eep LP? costs less than NE

of e:penditure.

() %or PL cardholders" the information would be 4eried from the state go4ernment which

maintains PL households list.

() %or PL households" the le4el of subsidy is !s N'g.

(/) %or non-PL households below the *LT a subsidy of !s N'g (half the ma:imum cost at

E of income for any =ndian family" and much less for most.

(N) =f abo4e the *LT" no subsidy would be a4ailable.

=n sum" while there has been much progress in the past decades in bringing clean coo'ing

energy to the =ndian populace facilitated by subsidies" the time has come to ta'e the

programme to the ne:t le4el and use smart subsidies to ensure the ma:imum possible

de4elopment and h ea lth bene t for a gi4en amount of subsidy. =ndeed" if the LP?

e:penditure of the go4ernment can be targeted to poor people more smartly" it should betermed social in4estment rather than subsidy" in 'eeping with other public in4estments in

health and welfare" such as primary healthcare and schools. The national health and social

benets could also be immense.

VVVVVVVVV

Towards a *ew ducation Policy

• the 152 policy" although based on Oothari ,ommission recommendations" was neitheimplemented nor re4iewed for o4er 1N years.

• =t was only in 15M2 that education became a concurrent sub7ect through the /nd

,onstitution &mendment

• =n the mid-15s" the instrumental 4alue of education in building human resourcesbegan to get recognised and this informed the approach to education policy. The thenBinistry of ducation with the assistance of the *ational Uni4ersity of ducational



Planning and &dministration prepared a status paper that highlighted the challengesconfronting the education system and policy directions that could be ta'en.

• The education scenario in =ndia has seen considerable acti4ity since 155. =t has beendotted with large-scale mission mode programmes such as the @istrict Primary ducatiProgramme (@PP) followed by the Sar4a Shi'sha &bhiyan (SS&)" !ashtriya Badhyami'Shi'sha &bhiyan (!BS&)" !ashtriya Uchchatar Shi'sha &bhiyan (!US&)" the ,onstitution(ightysi:th) &mendment &ct () and the !ight of ,hildren to %ree and ,ompulsoryducation (5)" acceptance of e:ternal aid for education programmes in the early

155s and the mobilisation of additional domestic nances through the le4y of aneducation cess" restructuring of teacher education programmes" and e:pansion of bothgo4ernment and pri4ate education institutions at all le4els of education.

• *ational policies on education ha4e been shaped by the political and economic conte:within which they were formulated and these in turn de ned the espousal of speci cpolicy goals. =n 152" when education was still a state sub7ect" the primary ob7ecti4e ofthe *ational ducation Policy brought in by the central go4ernment was to establish anational system of education meant to ser4e national goals.

• The 152 policy aimed to build human resources so as to promote economic andtechnological de4elopment. =n order to do this" it emphasised 4ocationalisation in a4ariety of ways" including for neoliterate youth. The policy suggested 4ocationalisationfrom secondary school and encouragement to technical" computer and managementeducation. The focus was to be on inno4ation" research and de4elopment" and onpromoting e ciency and e;ecti4eness at all le4els" through modernisation andindustrylin'age. The policy emphasised population control" apparently grounded in aneconomic theory where a4ailable resources and technological ad4ances were considereto be o;set by demographic growth. The national system of education as promisedunder the 152 policy was meant to pro4ide education of comparable 8uality0 to allchildren. The statements on inclusion and e8ual opportunity do not specify its meaning

implication. The confusion is e:emplied by the idea of a ,ommon School Systeminterspersed with *a4odaya schools" merit admission and di;erentiated learningopportunities for the talented including meagre scholarships to a few poor children.

• 9hile the aims of the new policy formulation now under way ha4e not been publiclyshared" the B3!@ website describing the consultati4e processes states that it is aimingto ma'e =ndia a 'nowledge superpower by e8uipping its students with the necessarys'ills and 'nowledge and to eliminate the shortage of manpower in science" technologyacademics and industry.0 Thus" the aims of education as e:pressed in policies ha4e beealigned with the larger political and economic compulsions and thrusts of the times.

9hile these shifts are understandable

gi4en the dynamic climate and the role ofeducation" it is imperati4e that the aims of education do not lose sight of theconstitutional goals that the education system is meant to stri4e towards.

• The consultati4e themes identied under the *ew ducation Policy 1N process areprimarily focused on agendas that would help impro4e eciency of the system" ensureaccountability" enable students to t into the global mar'ets" and impro4e 8uality. 9hithese are necessary" the themes rele4ant to reforming education so as to further theconstitutional goals of social 7ustice" e8uity" and protection of %undamental !ights rece4ery little attention. These are limited to inclusion of disad4antaged categories(Scheduled ,astes" Scheduled Tribes" girls" minorities and children with special needs) i



the case of school education and the remo4al of regional" gender and social disparities the case of higher education. The primary concern of these themes is that of access anparticipation. The assumption is that physical e:pansion will automatically result inimpro4ed participation without considering the economic" social" and cultural barriersthat e:clude 4arious groups. The tension between balancing the local and the global0re8uires to be addressed by the *ew ducation Policy./ =f not" there is a ris' of s'ewingthe education system in fa4our of the global at the cost of the local" thereby increasinge:isting ine8ualities. =t also appears that the current themes are acti4ity and action-see'ing" rather than mo4ing towards a framewor' and principles that can be discussed

and would o4er time guide the action programmes

• The elements need to be carefully wo4en in to include elements of e8uity and ensurinaspirational awareness and opportunities more e8uitably. =t needs to ta'e lessons frompast e:perience including in 4ocationalising. The thrust on technology" 4ocationalisatiohuman beings as resources for nation building" greater mention of 4alue education"bringing technology and computers into education and con4ersion of pedagogicalprocesses to short cuts and methods" has not been successful in mo4ing education in tdesired direction. The current e;ort of 4ocationalisation is of limited use due to themisalignment of these with the economy.

• Some of the challenges that will need to be addressed in the new policy areJ

• (i) uilding a consensus around e8uality of opportunity and the road towards the goal&nd then building structures and capability to meet this goal and putting all this into odi;erentiated economy" society and culture.

• (ii) *eed to ha4e a fair and supporti4e system that respects" supports and encouragesteachers and for administration to o4ercome the temptation of centralisation" o4er-go4ernance" and oppressi4e monitoring.

• (iii) ,reate systems that gi4e go4ernance of the school to the teacher" ma'ing hercentral and empowering her for that responsibility.

• (i4) uilding faith in and construct pragmatic mechanisms for decentralisation"

autonomy and shared responsibility. There is also a need to 8uestion the myths ofstandards and achie4ables" and the e:cessi4e competition and an:iety that are lin'ed tit.

• (4) uilding condence in teachers" children and other people that all children canlearn" and correspondingly abandon myths about gifted and slow children.

,ow slaughter ban and the welfare of cattle

Pros

(1) anning cow slaughter is necessary and 7usti ed because 3indu religious belief 4enerat

the cow as a holy animal.

() =t is among the @irecti4e Principles of State Policy incorporated in the ,onstitution and

se4eral states ha4e enacted laws for enforcing the ban on slaughter and also against sale a

consumption of beef.



() ,ows form the bac'bone of the economy and allowing slaughter will cause serious

damage to society.

,ons

(1) The fundamental ob7ection to the ban on cow slaughter" consumption of beef and the

manner in which it is sought to be enforced are against the spirit of our ,onstitution thatrecogni#es" celebrates and see's to accommodate the immense di4ersity of religious beliefs

and dietary preferences in the society.

() %orcing specic dietary taboos of a particular section of society on all other sections and

the imposition of puniti4e sanctions with se4ere penalties on 4iolators" especially by

indi4iduals within the pri4acy of their homes" is 8uestionable.

() =ndi4iduals must be free to decide what 'inds of food (including what 'inds of meat) they

want to eat. !ecent attempts to enforce the ban on beef eating through coerci4e 4iolence b

4igilantes are ob4iously illegal. The conse8uences of failing to chec' this tendency in terms e:acerbating latent social tensions and disruption of healthy functioning of democratic

politics are of great concern.

Need to Review the Ban

The ban on cow slaughter is focused on abattoirs that for the most part process dysfunctionand unproducti4e cattle discarded by their owners. =t ignores the fact that most deaths are

not due to deliberate 'illing but to disease and neglect by owners mar'ed by systematic

discrimination by gender. 9hether there is or whether there is no legal ban on slaughter wil

ma'e little di;erence to the way the 4ast ma7ority of cattle are

managed and to their well-being. =n any case" it is well 'nown that the legal ban on cow

slaughter is ine;ecti4e. @espite it" and the elaborate restrictions and regulations to pre4ent

abattoirs from 4iolating it" a signicant number of cattle (mostly old and dysfunctional cows

and bulloc's) are in fact slaughtered here. Part of the reason is that these laws are in the

domain of statesJ Some ha4e not imposed any legal ban" while the laws of others di;er in

scope and content of the ban (ambiguity in whether they apply

to cows only or to all cattleC di;erences in age restrictions). There are elaborate regulations

restrict transport of cattle within and across regions" from mar'ets to abattoirs" ensuring

transparency and hygienic conditions in abattoirs and for their site inspection to ensure tha

those authori#ed process only bu;aloes. ut notoriously wea' enforcement ma'es them

ine;ecti4e lea4ing ample room for illegal processing of cattle as well. =f enforcing a legal ba

is impossible" so is the alternati4e of corralling all old and dysfunctional cattle and caring

forthem in well-managed gau shalas till they die naturally and in peace. 6ne has only to



consider the logistics of identifying these animals dispersed widely across 4illages and town

the tas' of setting up public gau shalas e8uipped to handle such large and growing number

the organi#ational problems of managing them" and abo4e all nding the resources to meet

their establishment and management. 4en if this were feasible there remains the problem

how the dead animals will be dealt withJ old and dysfunctional animals may be useless for

wor' or reproduction" but their hides"

bones" meat and other by-products are useful for se4eral other purposes. 3ides are perhaps

the most 4aluable as raw material for the leather and leather products industry whosecontribution to the economy$s output" employment and both in the domestic and e:port

mar'ets is 8uite si#eable. (=t is rele4ant to note that a good part of raw hides for tanning and

leather processing industries is also met from the carcasses of animals that

die in the care of owner households.) That these are economically 4aluable products for whi

there is a large and protable mar'et both domestically and abroad is the reason and

inducement for o4ert and co4ert 4iolation of the slaughter ban. & properly regulated slaught

restricted to old and dysfunctional animals is therefore 7ustied. ut clearly a drastic o4erha

of the current regulatory regime is imperati4e to ensure trans parency

and e;ecti4e enforcement. The e:tant anti-cow slaughter laws and attendant regulations

ha4e to be rationali#ed by remo4ing ambiguities about the scope of the ban and clarifying t

conditions sub7ect to which cattle slaughter will be allowed in abattoirs. !egistration

and licensing of all abattoirs must be made mandatory and standards of operation to ensure

clean and hygienic en4ironment must be far more stringent. &battoirs must be re8uired to

maintain complete and accurate accounts of all operations" outputs and their disposition an

submit periodic reports to the regulatory authority sub7ect to surprise site inspection of

compliance sub7ect to stringent penalties for 4iolations. The regulatory authority to enforcethe law should be autonomous" with an ade8uate professional sta; empowered to punish

4iolations. =n all these respects" a degree of comparability

of regulations across states would be useful. ut states that choose not to ban

cattle slaughter or sale of beef must be left free to do so because under the ,onstitution

this decision is the prerogati4e of the states. Permitting cattle slaughter necessarily results

the production of beef along with s'in and other products. ut se4eral states ha4e imposed

ban on production and sale of beef. @isposing such an important 7oint product of slaughterpresents a problem. oth bans are 8uestionable" as they go against the core 4alues" premis

and commitment of the ,onstitution to accommodate and protect the di4ersity of beliefs"

customs and dietary habits of 4arious communities and regions without discrimination. To

impose a ban on production and sale of beef based on

the faith of a particular religious group" on all sections of the population" clearly goes agains

the spirit of the ,onstitution. 4en so" in practical terms" as long as the ban imposed by any

state is held to be legal" it cannot be 4iolated. ut abattoirs could be allowed to send the be



to other states where there is no such ban or e:ported to other countries. This is a practical

and pragmatic option because the sale and consumption of

beef is not restricted in some important states and because there is a large and

lucrati4e e:port demand for this meat. 3owe4er" the attempt to ban the consumption of be

by indi4iduals within the pri4acy of their homes with the threat of puniti4e sanctions for

4iolation is an unacceptable intrusion into citi#en$s fundamental right to choose what

'inds of food (including meat) they eat. The recent tendency to use e:tralegal" 4iolent and

intimidatory tactics by 4igilantes" on indi4iduals e4en on alleged use of beef in their homes"

e:tremely worrisome and can ha4e disastrous conse8uences. Unless chec'ed with a rm

hand it can and as recent e:perience has shown" will create or aggra4ate social disharmony

and spread of political 4iolence.

3and washing Q public health

The importance of hand-washing in personal and public hygiene has e4ol4ed o4er thecenturies. 9hile the mar'et with its countless number of soaps and hand-wash productsfor personal hygiene with the accompanying ad4ertising has created a false sense ofsecurity" it is community hygiene implemented through public health measures that isreally e;ecti4e in the battle against disease.

Scientic and micro-le4el inter4entions are not sucient to bring down the burden ofinfectious diseases. & social and physical en4ironment riddled with po4erty" ine8uities"unhygienic and insanitary conditions generates the ris' of infectious diseases . 3ygienehas di;erent le4elsJ personal" domestic and community hygiene. The rst two le4els" whare predominantly a matter of personal choice and habits" are undoubtedly important.

unless the third le4el" that is" community hygiene" is ensured through 4arious public healmeasures" the disease burden will continue to be hea4y. There is no doubt that personalcleanliness brings down the rate of infectious diseases. ut the entry of the mar'et intothis domain has created a false sense of security that gets conditioned and reinforced bythe onslaught of ad4ertisements. 9e should not forget the lessons learnt from publichealth inter4entions in 9estern urope that along with personal hygiene" generalimpro4ements in en4ironmental conditions and components li'e clean water" sanitationand food security ha4e brought down infantchild deathinfection rates considerably. Theobsession with hand hygiene also brings in the persisting in>uence of the mar'et onpersonal health" o4erriding or marginali#ing the negati4e impact on ecology and theemergence of resistant germs

Transgender and the mainstream

The transgender community in Tamil *adu is gradually nding its feet socially and

economically through self-help groups and microenterprises with the state go4ernment$s he

=t is also stri'ing out independent of the lesbian" gay and bise:ual

groups. Bore non-go4ernmental organi#ations must come forward to help the transgender

become economically independent



=t is indeed a welcome change that transgender in contemporary =ndia struggle for collecti4

mobili#ation and representation 'eeping them outside the umbrella of L? (lesbians" gays

and bise:uals). Theoretically the issues of transgender need not be clubbed with that of the

L? community because the issues of the former come out of their ambiguous0 se:ual

identity" whereas the other group$s issues originate from their disputed0 se:ual orientation

outside the normati4e system of society. This di;erence apart" the acti4ities of transgenders

in public places to get their rights inde pendent of the L? e:hibit their sub7ecti4eunderstanding of their position in relation to that of the heterose:uals and homose:uals. %o

instance" the transgenders from 4arious parts of =ndia got together in 5 in Tamil *adu fo

a wee'-long festi4al of good neighbours0 at Badurai. This was in fact a healthy trend set by

them to demonstrate their intention to get into the mainstream of =ndian society.

,losing down the women$s empowerment programme Bahila

Sama'hya will directly a;ect la'hs of women.

concei4ed in 15 as a pilot pro7ect in 1 districts spread o4er three states" Bahila Sama'hya

attempted to imbue a go4ernment-funded programme for women$s empowerment and literac

with a non-go4ernmental sensibility that encouraged women to set its course the central

go4ernment appears to ha4e decided to stopfunding the programme by Barch 12

9hen Bahila Sama'hya began as a pilot pro7ect in 155 with funding from the ?o4ernment o

the *etherlands" it stood out for its di;erent approach. ringing both central and respecti4estate go4ernments to the table" it also included and consulted women$s groups and 4oluntary

organisations. =ts aim was to wor' in areas where female literacy was low" and to inno4ate in

bridging the gender gap in literacy. !ather than 7ust focusing on literacy" it too' a cue from th

*ational Policy on ducation 152 that had stated that education will be used as an agent fo

basic change in the status of women.0 To do this" sanghas or collecti4es of the poorest and

most marginalised women were formed with the help of local 4oluntary organisations. Throug

these sanghas" the women recei4ed not 7ust basic literacy s'ills but also learned how to get

information about their rights and entitlements" what to do about employment" legal literacy

and health (including reproducti4e health). The sangha members were 4iewed as acti4e age

in their empowerment0 rather than passi4e recipients of welfare or charity

9hen programmes li'e Bahila Sama'hya" concei4ed in a way that run counter to most

go4ernment programmes" are scaled up" there is often a danger that while the framewor'

remains" the spirit disappears. et what one must remember is that the 4ery fact of women

coming together to understand their rights and entitlements" and to be allowed into spaces

from which they had always been e:cluded" is something that is worth nurturing and

supporting. =t is these processes that gi4e substance to programmes that would otherwise be

shells of good intent lea4ing behind little that is sustainable o4er time. Unfortunately" gi4en th



procli4ities of the current go4ernment at the centre and its open hostility to *?6s" it is unli'e

that the positi4e aspects of Bahila Sama'hya will be appreciated. Possibly" as with other

programmes initiated by the pre4ious regime" this go4ernment prefers to set it aside rather

than build on its positi4e outcomes. =n e;ect" e4en as it mouths slogans of women$s

empowerment" it will disempower the thousands of sangha women across =ndia who ha4e

demonstrated the real meaning of an inclusi4e and gender-sensiti4e de4elopmental policy

?eopolitics of pollution in southeast &sia

The recent episode of an oppressi4e smog that blan'eted Southeast &sia highlights an entirely new

'ind of problem in contemporary international relations" namely"" the comple:ity of transnational

go4ernance when traditional remediesDfrom bombs and missiles at one e:treme" to diplomatic

d<marches and summits on the more polite endDare of no use at all. *ot only is responsibility and

accountability di;use and spread across a number of actorsDpri4ate and public" domestic and foreig

Dthe presence of non-state agents confuses standard diplomatic operating procedures that aredesigned to respond

to the predations of other states. Buch as some of us may want to" we do not 'now how to indict

e4eryday capitalism in the =nternational ,riminal ,ourt. Bany of these problems recur in the

negotiations o4er climate change. 4en when states are willing to ma'e concessions and reduce

emissions" it is not always clear where to loo' and who to regulate. %or small and wea' countries tha

are on the recei4ing end of another country$s pollution" the situation is e4en more frustrating. &t lea

in the case of the Barshall =slands and nuclear testing we 'new where to point the nger. 9ith the

ha#e" neither the nature of the problem nor its ob4ious cause is clear. That is why the international

community is still wor'ing on the defenses against it.

The Sarbat Ohalsa

The Sarbat Ohalsa may ha4e addressed the hurt sentiments but it failed to

e4ol4e as a democratic space to engage with masses at large. The in>uenceof

non-resident =ndians was pretty e4ident The programme was telecast li4e in th

US and ritain. &part from 4enting anger against the adal clan and S?P," theorganisers did not ha4e any agenda to ma'e institutions more democratic. The

4eteran radical0 Simran7eet Singh Bann" one of the main organisers" is hoping

to con4ert the Sarbat Ohalsa support into a poll 4ictory in the 1M assembly

elections .Though one needs to e:plore if these e4ents are coincidental or the

result of a deep conspiracy" the anger e:pressed by the people of Pun7ab"

especially the Si'h



community" must be ta'en seriously. They ha4e lost faith in all religious and

political institutions. There is an urge for democracy and democratic institution

that can address e4eryday grie4ances. They demand restoration of the sanctity

of religious institutions. Pun7ab is at a crossroads bereft of political alternati4es

and leadership.

What is a Sarbat Khalsa?

• word sarbat means Wall$" and literally" Sarbat Ohalsa is an assembly of all Si'hs (Ohalsa)

• =n the 1th century" following the death of the 1th ?uru" ?uru ?obind Singh" Si'h misls(military units) began to con4ene the Sarbat Ohalsa

Why it is convened?

to discuss political, social and religious issues of extreme importance to the community

Who can call a Sarbat Khalsa? From where does it draw its authority?

Sarbat Khalsa can be convened only at the Akal Takht — following a call by the chief of the Akal Takht. ther

however, believe that a Sarbat Khalsa can be convened by the !Sikh community", even somewhere other than t

Akal Takht, albeit under rare circumstances.

So, who called the November 10 Sarbat Khalsa? What happened there?

#t was convened primarily by radicals Simran$it Singh %ann and %ohkam Singh, leaders of the Shiromani Aka

&al'SA&( 'Amritsar( and )nited Akali &al respectively, both fringe groups. %ann became %* from Tarn Tara

in +-, when he was in hagalpur prison, and was elected again in + from Sangrur. %ohkam Singh is a

former chief spokesperson of the &amdami Taksal, the Sikh seminary once led by Sant /arnail Singh

hindrawale.



The 0ovember +1 Sarbat Khalsa was convened to remove the Sikh priests at the highest temporal seats of the

faith in *un$ab — the Akal Takht '2iani 2urbachan Singh(, Takht Keshgarh Sahib '2iani %al Singh( and Takh

&amdama Sahib '2iani 2urmukh Singh(. The clerics have been criticised for their decision — made on

September 34, along with the top cleric at Takht *atna Sahib '2iani #5bal Singh( and a representative of the

/athedar of Takht 6a7oor Sahib in 0anded — to pardon 2urmeet 8am 8ahim Singh, the chief of the &era Sach

Sauda, who had, in 3119, been accused of committing blasphemy by imitating 2uru 2obind Singh.

What is the significance of convicted terrorist awara being named !athedar of the "#al $a#ht?

:or a radical section of the Sikh community, 6awara is an icon. y naming him to the exalted position of the

head of the Akal Takht, the organisers of the Sarbat Khalsa have scored a political point with the SA&, which h

been claiming credit for the transfer of militants &evinder *al Singh hullar and 2urdeep Singh Khera to $ails

*un$ab from &elhi and Karnataka respectively. #n order to keep its core panthic constituency intact, SA& has b

doing a balancing act over the years — with its proxies S2*; and the Akal Takht honouring members of the

families of the assassins of #ndira 2andhi and 2en 'retd( A S <aidya at the 2olden Temple.

Pun7ab nds itself at a for' in the road. The e4ents of the last few months D the desecration of

religious boo's" the resurgence of the militant Si'hs D now force the state$s politicians to choose

between addressing the widespread discontent in the state and resorting to religious sentiment

and institutions to derail" if not 8uell" articulation of that discontent. The choices that the ruling

Shiromani &'ali @al (S&@)" in alliance with the FP" and the only other political party of note in th

state" the ,ongress" ma'e will determine whether Pun7ab is thrown bac' into turmoil or mo4es

forward.

The huge public response to the *o4ember 1 Sarbat Ohalsa called by leaders with 'nown

Ohalistani or separatist leanings was dri4en more by disenchantment with the S&@ go4ernment

than by sympathies for hardliners. That hardliners" who ha4e consistently been shown their plac

by the 4oters" were able to turn the Si'h congregation into a reclamation of religiousestablishment from the control of political masters should ser4e as a warningJ not addressing the

issues head on" but attempting to manage public discontent by manipulating Si'h religious

institutions" can easily blow up in the face. The ,ongress" for its part" must resist the temptation

use the Si'h hardliners to push bac' against its political opponents. Pun7ab faces lac' of

employment opportunities" crop failures and an agrarian crisis" besides an escalating drug

problem. ut the response to these problems does not lie in playing politics with religious

institutions and sentiments.



Pun7ab$s political leaders must show courage to o4ercome the temptation of using religion to win

their political battles. This is their moment to ta'e a stand. *ot doing so could well be a return to

the days of militancy in the state.

Pasted from XhttpJblogs.economictimes.indiatimes.comet-editorialspun7abs-leaders-needs-to-choose-between-public-discontent-a

religionY

,ontract labour in =ndia

12 9hitley ,ommission recommended" by implication" that it be abolished.

=n post-independence =ndia" a number of committees and commissions prepared reports leading up

and beyond the enactment of the ,ontract Labour (!egulation and &bolition) &ct" 15M. Today"

contract labour is being used in almost e4ery industry and ser4ice in =ndia. =ronically enough" the

go4ernment itselfDunion" states and the public sector units (PSUs)Dwhich

is supposed to be a model employer0 is the biggest employer of such labour" which wor's with 7ob

uncertainty and without social security of any 'ind. The Se4enth Pay ,ommission has pointed out th

the central go4ernment alone spends !s crore annually on its temporary and contractual sta;.

current employment of contract labour at between NE and E of total employment in the

organised pri4ate sector" with the share ha4ing grown by almost ME o4er the past two decades.

The rise of contract labour is the other side of the decreasing (or at best slow growth of) direct and

permanent employment across sectors.

mployers often say" directly or by implication" that coercion0 to treat contract wor'ers on par with

the permanent ones will only lead to a net loss of 7obs. =ndustry$s arguments are well 'nownJ >e:ible

recruitment is necessary to 'eep pace with global competition. =ndustry also wants central and stateboards to be set up to deal e:clusi4ely with contract labour and for contractors to be treated as a

separate establishment

&part from labourDboth contract and casualDin public sector units" the go4ernment also employs

teachers at the school" college and uni4ersity le4el" doctors and paramedical sta; in the health sect

and o ce managerial sta; in the administrati4e section on a contract basis. 9or'ers under the

go4ernment$s myriad social welfare schemes are also often on contract.

http://blogs.economictimes.indiatimes.com/et-editorials/punjabs-leaders-needs-to-choose-between-public-discontent-and-religion/






The main resistance against regularising contract labour in permanent 7obs is the fear of the nancia

load. &s the biggest employer of contract labour in the country" it is ob4ious that this will a;ect the

go4ernment the most. =nsecurity of employment" low wages" lac' of social security benets ts and a

feeling of being discriminated as compared to permanent wor'ers can hardly lead to producti4ity an

harmonious wor'erAmanagement relations. !ather than blaming labour welfare legislation" the

go4ernment and employers should loo' at implementing it better.

,hennai %lood

,hennai had about 2N waterbodies" including la'es" ponds and storage tan's till about two

decades agoC today it has less than . =n the recent >oods" the city paid a hea4y price for thi

loss.

fundamental principle of hydrology says that whene4er there is hea4y rain" or a cyclone" natuwaterbodies and interlin'ed drainage systems hold bac' some water" use that to replenishgroundwater and release e:cess water into larger waterbodiesD oceans and big ri4ers.

This didnHt happen in ,hennaiZY poor urban planning [ rec'less growth of real estate .

Last year$s >oods in Srinagar" for e:ample .& report by the @elhi-based ,entre for Science andn4ironment notes that in the past 1 years" more than NE of Srinagar$s la'es" ponds andwetlands ha4e been encroached upon for constructing buildings and roads. !eal estate hasta'en o4er the ban's of the Fhelum !i4er" 4astly reducing the ri4er$s drainage capacity. The

1/ 9orld @e4elopment !eport of the 9orld an' says Bumbai remains 4ulnerable to rainfaof the 'ind that led to the N >oods. Bost =ndian states do ha4e disaster managementprogrammesDincluding those for urban centres. ut they are hea4y on relief and rehabilitatio@isaster management is yet to nd a place amongst the essentials of urban administration. =is also bede4iled by the corruption that plagues all other public wor's in the country. Bediareports ha4e it that in Fuly last year a ,hennai Betropolitan @e4elopment &uthority engineerwrote a confession letter to his superior detailing how a multi-crore storm water drain pro7ect ,hennai was e:ecuted without concrete reinforcements or cement" but instead with 8uarrydust.0 =n the past 4e years" ,hennai has spent more than !s 1" crore on building stormwater drains. ut opposition parties in Tamil *adu ha4e argued that these multicrore stormwater pro7ects failed to deli4erduring the recent calamity.

LSS6* in order to combat climate change related calamities we need to analy#e ground realities [

centrali#ed planning of urban areas rather than chasing smart city dream.

*a'usa girls of Baharashtra



=n rural Baharashtra" manyparents ha4e named their daughters *a'usa*a'oshi.0 =n Barat

that means unwanted.0 The parents hope the ne:t child will be a boy. Bost of these girls ar

the third or fourth daughters of their parents and their names ha4e caused them socio-

psychological problems.

6f militari#ation" counter insurgency and land grabs in Oashmir

=t is sometimes claimed that 6peration Sadbha4ana" a counter-insurgency programme

deployed to win the hearts and minds0 of the alienated masses of Oashmir has been

successful. The local populace" howe4er" considers these programmes as a tactic de4ised b

the army to bolster its credibility and reach. The army occupation of large swathes of land in

Oashmir has resulted in depeasantisation of rural areas" compounding the alienation of the

people. This paper e:amines the narrati4es underlying the Sadbha4ana programmes" milita

land grabs" and the counter-insurgency methods adopted in strife-torn Oashmir. =t suggeststhat the army$s belief that it can battle insurgency" which is essentially a political issue"

through de4elopment pro7ects and e;ecti4e go4ernance0 is an erroneous perception of

reality.

Bilitary-led de4elopment programmes ha4e been inherently inter4entionist" entering into a

domain where they ha4e no e:pertise. Subse8uently" these programmes ha4e pro4en to be

ine;ecti4e. Such 'ind of programmes are not seen as 7ust de4elopment programmes or a pa

of the army goodwill"0 they are designed and implemented to gain legitimacy and tomaintain territorial control in a region. Boreo4er" these ha4e largely failed to get the results

for which they were designed. Boreo4er" these programmes ha4e bred corruption in the

military itself and ha4e corrupted the politicians" *?6s" and the media through disbursal of

secret funds0 or source funds0 as well. 9hat is being argued here is that if the purpose of

the programme is to win the hearts and minds0 of people" then this would re8uire basic

withdrawal of forces from tourist places" agricultural lands" forests areas" and of course from

pri4ate buildings" stop human rights 4iolations in the region" and ultimately" nd a solution

the political problem through a political process rather than seeing it as a go4ernance issue

cannot be tac'led through incremental de4elopment programmes led by the military.

List of ignored articles- *o4ember P9

,ollegium system 4s new method of appointing 7udges



*J = ha4e ignored this article as there is no new information- detailed notes a4ailable at ci4ilsdaily

website

The contributions of Fohn *ash to ?ame theory and conomics

Search at google / information. = diidnHt understand the article published in P9 *o4ember editio

The Politics of uniform ci4il code

epw nov 2016 by nayana sp

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