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EpilogueJ&K'S MONTHLY MAGAZINE ISSN : 0974-5653

N E W S , C U R R E N T A F F A I R S, S O C I A L S C I E N C E S

Brief summary and analysis of allproposals that came up for discussions or imaginationssince 1947 for resolution of Kashmir issue

OPTIO

NS FO

R PEA

CE

"Everyone wants peace and mostwant a political solution to be foundas soon as possible"

INTERVIEW: RADHA KUMAR

MIRZA WAHEEDThe Story of The Collaborator"Sustainable peacebuilding seems to

come from incentives rather than threats"

JONATHAN COHEN

Is there any suitable,applicable and acceptablemodel for J & K

An interview byNAWAZ GUL QANUNGO

Epilogue1

EditorZafar Iqbal Choudhary

PublisherYogesh Pandoh

Consulting EditorD. Suba ChandranManu Srivastsa

Associate EditorsIrm Amin BaigTsewang RigzinZorawar Singh Jamwal

General ManagerKartavya Pandoh

Research OfficerRaman Sharma

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C O N T E N T

b e c a u s e t h e r e i s m o r e t o k n o w

VOL 5, ISSUE 02FEBRUARY 2011

E p i l o g u e

OPINION

LADAKH AFFAIRSEducation

PROLOGUE

BOOKS

Kashmir, back in focus

The Story of The Collaborator

STRATEGIC THINKINGBefore Next Summer

COLUMNHistory

PEPORTAGEKashmir's Timber Mafia

CALENDAR JANUARY 2011J&K affairsNationa AffairsCross - LoC

www.epilogue.in Vol. 5 Issus 02 Epilogue, February 2011

INTERVIEWMIRZA WAHEED 4-8

INTERVIEWJONATHAN COHEN 18-21

PLANS THAT NEVER WORKED 22-39

INTERVIEWRADHA KUMAR

Options in Kashmir

13-17

3

4

9

40

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The political conflict in Kashmir, an inspiration for hundreds ofwriters, novelists and filmmakers, is once again under creative,academic and scholastic focus. At present, 29 leading Universi-

ties in different parts of world are running fulltime programmes onKashmir. Think-tanks, research houses and strategic institutions ofglobal repute have again activated their south Asia cells with par-ticular focus on Kashmir and India-Pakistan relations. In last one monththere have been three international conferences and roundtables onKashmir, an intra-Kashmir conference is taking place in Delhi in themiddle of February. Kashmir was never entirely out of such gaze butin past few years focus was in terms of stability and the dominantstories were about peace, reconciliation and reconstruction. Writ-ings, research, film making and other creative engagements withKashmir have been a long story indeed. One of the oldest books onconflict in Kashmir dates back to 1853, around 100 years before themaking of present conflict; that book had talked about the strategicimportance of Kashmir and potential of being a reason of or being asolution to conflicts between regional powers. Recently when fewnovels sets in Kashmir hit the shelves there was a lot of discussion inmedia about Valley becoming a new destination for novelists. How-ever, few did know that some of the best books on Kashmir were setin the scene of 1947 turmoil. The decade of 1990s saw huge world-wide strategic research engagements on Kashmir. Leading think-tanksand research institutes like United States Institute of Peace, theStimson Centre, the Carnegie Foundation and many more had set upspecialised cells of interest on Kashmir. During this period there werehundreds of books coming up on Kashmir, written by Indian and west-ern authors and researchers. However, the pace of such work de-clined after 2002 and for next few years when think-tanks and re-search centres shifted their focus to other conflict areas of the world.There was a general feeling that things were coming to terms inKashmir and the worst was over. After the massive eruption of 2008in Kashmir Valley and events of next two years, Kashmir is once againunder international focus. As long as Kashmir offers creative oppor-tunities to professionals it is good but the subject being humanitar-ian tragedies underlines the fact that Kashmir continues to be a dan-gerous hotspot. While debate on the conflict and its contours givesan insight into what went wrong, but there is need of a futuristicapproach to suggest measures for peace and reconciliation. In thisissue we look at some of the ideas that could not make any change inKashmir and some arguments which have strong potential forbrokering peace.

Kashmir, back in focus

ZAFAR CHOUDHARY

PROLOGUE

OUR OCTOBER 2007 ISSUE

OUR DECEMBER 2009 ISSUE


3

The Story of The Collaborator

From British Council Library to Jaipur Literary Festival to a Muffasil College of Kashmir, The Collabo-rator is on everyone's lips. A story a teenage boy who happens to be in a situation and is doing things

which he does not want to do, The Collaborator is a tragic fiction, first novel written by acclaimedKashmiri journalist Mirza Waheed who was recently in Srinagar for a launch in hometown.

Mirza Waheed was born and brought up in Srinagar, Kashmir. He studied English Literature at theUniversity of Delhi, and worked as a journalist and editor in the city for four years. In 2001 he went

onto join the BBC's Urdu Service in London, where he now works as an editor.Waheed briefly attendedthe Arvon Foundation in 2007. He has written for the Kashmir Observer and the BBC's Urdu and En-

glish websites and appeared on BBC radio and TV as a commentator. He has been writing since he wasten. The Collaborator is his first novel and he has started work on a second novel, a young girl's love

story spanning Kashmir, Delhi and Pakistan. NAWAZ GUL QANUNGO catches with MIRZA WAHEED inSrinagar for an exclusive interview: Here are excerpts:

NAWAZ GUL QANUNGO: You spoke about thenovel being the best form of writing for what youwanted to do. Could you go through that time ofinception of The Collaborator...

MIRZA WAHEED: Well, sometimes, it's amatter of what you know best. People

don't really go through acomplicated process of deci-sion-making in the sense thatthis is this form, and that iscalled real, and this is fictionand that is non-fiction andthen you will decide what formyou have got. It's a continuousprocess. I've grown up with thenovel as a form and I said thiselsewhere that in my teenageyears I actually used to believethat the novel, the novelisticform is one of the best inven-tions of mankind. I'm talkingabout my teenage years. Youknow this form is somethingwhich has survived for so longbecause essentially it goesback to a very, very long time,the oral traditions, the clas-sics, the Greek epics, even theepics from our culture or even the world

culture, the Arabian Nights and all those things.Then you need stories, we always want stories andit has gone through such a huge transformation.From the time when people would sit in a villageand then recite and narrate stories even in thisera but essentially it is story telling. And we needthat all the time. There's something very interest-

ing that somebody said on Twitterthat even the cave men used to writevery short... scribbles... for eachother and for recording their thingsand here's Twitter doing very muchthe same thing, after thousands ofyears. So I've always been comfort-able in it and I thought of the noveland what helped and what must havebeen a catalyst was that I studiedliterature. And then you begin toknow more about the technicalities.And the sense of delight that you getfrom a story and the art, thecharacterisation, and what thenovelist is saying beneath the textwhich is so important, so important,you know you say that this is whathappens and then this happens andthen this happens... and there's abeginning and then there's an end.But, there's also a lot happening

underneath the text. That's why some novels take

NAWAZ GUL QANUNGO


BOOKSINTERVIEW

4

time because the writer needs a processingtime, there is a period of gestation... Whatdoes he or she want to explore? What arethe themes? Some novels have a philosophi-cal theme because the writer is of a philo-sophical kind of mind or thinks a lot. He orshe may not even have read the philosophi-cal texts, but there is sometimes an innateunderstanding of the kind of the world andthe universe that we live in.And then there's the context, the thematiccontext or a political context or a historicalcontext and so on. So, it's a part of it. So,what I found myself is that the novel is thebest form for all these things to, you know,to really come together and enter this mix.How a theme emerges from say a dramaticscene. Yes, you are making the reader read,there's plot, there's movement, there'sexpectation of something, there's suspense,and all those things. But some of thosethings may have already worked into thetext and what you want in the text. So, yes,I've always been with the novel. I've readmany novels... not too many, though... andI've always been absolutely delighted by it.

There is already this huge body of work aboutKashmir that people from outside Kashmir havewritten. There are writers from India and theworld. How do you see that body of work? Andhow do you see, now, Kashmiri writers enteringthat space and writing about Kashmir and talkingabout themselves...

The Kashmiris talking about themselves isvery important. And it's very crucial. In

the sense that, you know, we have alwaysbeen written about, we have been "ex-plained" as well. Sometimes, we have beenexplained to ourselves, you know, that thisis what you are like. (Laughs.) And then,when you are growing up, even that plays onyour mind, you know. Writing about Kash-mir, writing books about Kashmir, writinghistories of Kashmir, writing accounts of theconflict and coming up with solutions to thedispute, you know, Formula 1, Formula 2and Formula 3 and all those things, youknow, at one level they are slightly upset-ting when you are growing up in Kashmir.Upsetting in the sense that sometimes youread a book and you say, "OK, that's not howit is, I don't see that." Yes, you have doneyour research and you have spent time herebut we know a different Kashmir. So, thatplays on your mind. And many of the books

about Kashmir are not good. I have read afew, I haven't read too many I should behonest, since you refer to a 'body of work,' so Ihaven't read too many of them, but the ones Ihave read I found them inadequate. And Ifound them... sometimes, you know, when youdon't know the world but you get a feeling thatyou are being exoticised, you know, to beotherised, in many ways. You know, there arethese native Kashmiris and they are like thisand they are like that and they are not to betrusted (laughs) and, you know, they lie, theyare deceptive, and all those things. And theyhave been published! (Laughs again).

...and this affects?

Yes. At a young age, they do affect you. Youbegin to question you begin to ask

that it's not like that, so why are you sayingthat?

And it affects the process of your writing...

Yes, absolutely. It affects. But it's not aconscious effort in terms of that you

decide like that you set aside a few monthsand you say that I'm now going you read thesebooks with a critical eye and then I will writesomething which is better. It doesn't work likethat. It's part of your growing up, part of yourbeing as a writer, part of your novelisticprocess as well. So, those things can impingeon you and they inform you as a writer. At thesame time all books about Kashmir are not


BOOKSINTERVIEW

5

bad, obviously. Obviously some great writing hasbeen done on Kashmir by people who are notKashmiris. So one should sort of you know respectthat as well. But there have been some horriblebooks about Kashmir (laughs)... yes, seriously...

You want to name any...

Oh no, no... (Laughs again.) I'm sure youknow!

So, yes, now there is this stage where Kashmiris aretalking about themselves, writing about themselves...What difference does it make to the whole discourseand, in a sense, does it have a potential to change thesituation on the ground?

It may not change the situation on the groundbut it does open up a new narrative space, a

very important narrative space. This is my story.I may get it wrong but this is my story. I amwriting it. And I have the ownership of that story.And it's not about territorial ownership or aboutracial ownership or ethnic ownership. It is theownership of... it's a cultural ownership...(pauses.) And, you know, that, I can do this. So,it's about that restoration of faith in who you areand that you can talk about yourself and this is, Ithink, quite important. And it's not about ability.You know, some people say that you can't write,so that's why you have people writing about you,from you, on you. It's not so simple. It's not aboutability. It's about the impulse. It's about the needto write. It's not about that somebody can do agood sentence in English or not. The ability towrite a good sentence in English does not neces-sarily mean that you have something important tosay. So, that, too, is a mistake. Some people maywrite excellent prose but they may not have manythings to say. So it's not about that narrow thingcalled ability to tell a story. It's about a need. It isimportant for me to write. And it's also about thatmoment when you think you cannot not write.One writes, but one doesn't write because one

wants to tell people that one can write a finesentence in English. You write because youthink, "Oh! I think differently. And this is whatI think." So, something drives you. You don'twrite because you want to prove to somebodythat you are a writer or you can write or thatyou know how blogs are written or how col-umns are written, correct me if I'm wrong.There is something inside you that drives youto write the impulse to write is much morethan just being a chronicler of your commu-nity, area, region, population - there's some-thing more important - it's about you as well.You don't just say that I will now be thespokesperson of Kashmir, or India, or Pakistanand so on. But yes, it's about the context aswell, it's about nuance and sometimes youthink, OK, my story, the story of Kashmir orany place, wherever you may be writing from,you sometimes think that its way morecomplex and nuanced and detailed than whatyou've read and you think that you want to dothat and that you want to add to that body ofwork, so the novel can be about that. But it'snot just Kashmir. It's also about that I wantedto write (laughs) and at some point of my lifeI thought I could write and then you test it.And then there comes a moment when you arebrave enough and you set up on it and youembark on it and you start a chronicle or ashort story or an essay and you embark on it.And that is a crucial act when you tell your-self, "OK, I think I can do this. I want to putmyself out and I want to test it." And that'show the book [comes about]. So, that was avery long answer (smiles).

And coming back to that... Your book goes almostright across the world, there's Curfewed Night[Basharat Peer, 2009] already. And so these aregoing almost across the world. How much does thishave the potential to change how the outside worldlooks at Kashmir?


Mirza reading a passage from The Collaborator during a Lunch event in Srinagar in Jammu 2011

BOOKSINTERVIEW

6

People begin to take notice that thereare stories coming out of this conflict

that the world has chosen to forget. It'sexactly what I believe. The world is notreally very keen on the Kashmir conflictand you very well know. And then, I'm notsaying that Curfewed Night or TheCollaborater will change that overnight. Butit does enter consciousness, it enterspublic consciousness, to a small measure.However, two books cannot be called awork of major proportions or emergence ofwriting... it's a beginning. So, CurfewedNight was important, very important inthat context because it did force open thegates. And it told a lot of people that thiscan be done. And I also think it should bedone.

You have been in Delhi, you have been in London,you've been away. And it's a fast changing worldoutside. And when you look back at Kashmir,especially talking about the last two decades,nothing has actually changed here. It's like asituation where yesterday repeats itself todayand today repeats itself tomorrow... how doesone write a story different from another? Howdoes one move from one work of writing toanother?

But they do change even when they don'tchange. Things do change as well in the

way you look at them. You know the wayyou look at the Kashmir situation betweennow and twenty years ago, it may not beexactly the same. Not because, you are adifferent person now but [because] youhave grown up (laughs) and you have reada little more and you know you have goneout and you have seen other things andyour context is widened. So there is thatchange. Now, coming to the second part ofthe question, what will another book looklike... you know, fiction does more than wegive it credit for. And I am speaking frompersonal experience, it does a lot more,that's why people still write fiction. That'swhy it's still there. That's why it is pub-lished.

And then there is someone like [V.S.] Naipaulwho moved from fiction to non-fiction...

I liked his fiction. I've read his novels,there was Miguel Street [V S Nipaul,

1959] and In a Free State [V S Naipaul,1971]. I quite liked that and I read himearly, in my late teenage. But in the lateryears, you know... He is a fine writer youknow he is one of the finest living writers.But then he turned to non-fiction, chroni-cling nations, countries, communities. Andhe does a brilliant job of it. However, I

may not agree with some of his politics. So thatdetracts my relationship with the book. Although thewriting on the page is absolutely brilliant. You know,very few people can write such fine prose but thenwhen you get uncomfortable with the politics, withthe way he looks at the world, even his views. But Istill admire him for the writer he is. He is one of thegreatest writers.And, so, you know, fiction is - I end up repeatingmyself endlessly - it is about going beyond what ispolitically available. You want to explore... Themesand nuances, that may not appear in the immediatecultural output or in immediate output of knowledgein terms of news and current affairs and analysesand backgrounds, seminars, panel discussions,(laughs)... an experience I already hate.

You had some panel discussions in the recent JaipurLiterature Festival. So, how were the panel discussionsthere?

It was OK, I mean it's a format. So you go there andthey have this format. And formats have their

limitations. And you can't do things in sound-bites,especially things like Kashmir though some peoplemay be very good at it, who can do Kashmir in twosentences. I can't.

You also said there that India and Pakistan both were notdoing enough. And it is an issue stuck mainly between thetwo countries...

Yes, they are not [doing enough]. I mean the thingis you know one could easily see there is an issue

between these two countries, very simple andnothing new about it. And there is the central partywhich is Kashmir and unless and until India andPakistan engage sincerely - and that's the word - andmeaningly - and that's exactly what's missing, sounless they make it the top-most priority, and theycould have different reasons for doing that, so thishas to change. And then they have to understandthat they have the Kashmiris, by the way (laughs),which is the most important thing, which theyhaven't done (laughs). So, they have to listen toKashmiris. They have to listen to the younger gen-eration of Kashmiris. They have to listen to allKashmiris. They have to listen to all kinds ofKashmiris. And unless that happens, I don't see a lotof hope.

Talking about journalism, you have worked as a journalistin Delhi and you have been working in London. How do yousee Kashmir being covered in India and the world?

It's becoming better, but only slightly. I wish I couldsay that there has been a watershed change in the

way Kashmir has been covered. But there has been achurning. And in Delhi as well. A small churning inthe sense that people have begun to look at Kashmirin a slightly different manner as opposed to the1990s. In the 90s, you know you were here and youwould see Kashmir covered in the so called nationalpress and TV as if it were a crime story, or a thrillerat best. But that's what my feeling used to be. I was


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here and there was a tragedy happening here andyou are reporting as a law and order issue, or athriller or something sensational. It was a verybad decade, which also meant that the worddidn't get out in the manner that it should havegotten. So you have this impression of you knowyou are a young person and I've just seen atragedy happening during the day and it affectsyou. You know, conflicts are very personal. Andthen you see newspapers or broadcasters orwhoever and you are shown a completely differentnarrative which unfold on the screen or in thenewspaper that you see in the morning. And thenyou say that there is something wrong in this -bhai hum to kucch aur dekh rahe hain, you know,ya hum pe to kuchh aur guzar rahi hai, dekhne kito duur ki baat hai, aur aap is ko, you know, istarah is ko pesh kar rahe hain. So, that, I think,is beginning to change, but not massively. Butthere has been something, some sections who arecoming and saying OK, let's look at it in a slightlymore broader perspective and with some context.And thats also happened, I mean, I wish I couldsay that it has happened internationally in a bigway. But internationally, there's Iraq, Afghanistan,Af-Pak as they call it and other things are still thebig stories and there are other reasons for that.There is the entire debate about democracy andit is a huge growing market for western powersand capitals. But, yes there has been a smallchurning, and that to me is a small ray of hope.

Then there is also a sudden outburst in the Kashmirmedia. How do you see this media doing its job?

I wish I could answer that. I'm not really entirelyqualified to comment on the local media because

I don't really get the time to consume all of it fromLondon. But I see, and this is reassuring, that thisyounger generation of journalists and writers andpeople you find on the social media and suchspaces. They represent hope for me. ... Yes, I dosee a difference between this lot, to use a badword, and the earlier lot, though there are ofcourse fine journalists already here, known inter-nationally. So, this represents hope for me. Andthe other important thing that's happened is thisnew generation is that they do seem to have asense of their place in history, where they seethemselves in a context. And they read. You knowits not just about writing. And they - though as Isaid I'm not entirely qualified because I've notspent enough time - but, you know, what I've seenand what I've read it does feel like that they read.

You read out a very moving, painful chapter called"Milk Beggars" at the reading. And some listeners inthe room were crying while listening. [A person gotup, weeping, asking the novelist to stop reading.] Andyou said it was your favourite chapter in the book.Why is this one passage the favourite?

Well, it's not my favourite in that sense.There are other sections in the novel that

are my favourites. But this is closest to myheart. Because in the entire 22-year-old narra-tive on Kashmir, the big constituency of thepopulation are the women of Kashmir and it'sbeen more or less a silent area while they havesuffered in all kinds of ways. They have sufferedin involuntary ways and even voluntary ways.They have been left with the legacy of sufferingand mostly they have been silent. You have seenpictures of protesting women and that is noth-ing, they have gone through a lot. So thatsection is close to me in that sense. I wouldn'tsay it's the favourite section but it is close to mein that it is important. And I actually believe thisis true, you know, that the women of Kashmirare among the bravest in the world. It's notabout coming up with a sentence. I actuallysincerely think so.

And then you also said that it was a very long chap-ter and it took years to write it and then youbrought it down to just a few pages. So is there aconflict? You know that you are writing fiction butyou also know that you are talking about reality. Andthen there may perhaps be a temptation to exagger-ate reality while, on the other hand, you do not evenwant to tell the truth and you kind of suppress thestory.

See, fiction is a very complex business. Eventhe concept of realism is a very complex

concept. There is realism... there is literaryrealism and there is realistic fiction. They aretwo different things. And a novel can be real, inthat context of the novel, in the pages of thatnovel, it's very real. It may not be realistic inrelation to what has happened for real... It's avery, very complex. And there's a huge discus-sion about fiction and non-fiction. See, fiction islike, it's sometimes more effective than reality.It brings reality alive. At least it hopes to dothat. It's not about just picking up an incidentand narrating it. I would have then written anon-fiction book... It's not about that at all. It'sabout what you do with that material and what isthe effect, what is the engagement with thereader, what is the contract with the reader.And, have you agitated the reader enough. I dothink that fiction should, you know, it shouldprovoke. And it should agitate in all kinds ofways. It doesn't always have to be disturbing.But it should do something to the reader andthat is the whole point about the novel as well.That you want to write about a thing that maybe real but that's not the main motive of writingthat I want to represent reality. It's abouttaking the reader along on a more, if I may usethe word, illuminating curve. You know, afterhe has read it, does it come alive for him or,more importantly, has it made him think.


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Before Next Summer

Alternative Strategies for J&K

One ought to applaud the State and Union governments for standing up to the BJP'smarch to Lal Chowk in Srinagar to hoist the Indian flag. It was expected that the State

government (with support from New Delhi) would allow the BJP yatra to enter theValley, and leave it to the security forces to physically prevent them from enteringSrinagar. Thankfully, there was no political paralysis on the issue and matters werehanded over to the security forces in Kashmir. In perhaps one of the clearest policy

moves yet, the government prevented the BJP yatra from crossing Jammu. What next?

The BJP, from its initiation,was never serious aboutprotecting any long-term

national interests. It emphasizedcheap publicity for narrow politicalgains; perhaps, even during thecurrent crisis, the BJP may havescored some points amongst theHindu community in the Jammuregion. One will not of coursedisagree with the BJP in terms ofhoisting the national flag in LalChowk because legally and politi-

cally, J&K is a part of India andhence every citizen has a right tohoist the national flag. The issue,rather, is of the mind; of thehoisting of perspectives andvalues in the mind of everyKashmiri. This needs a long-termvision, and strategies to achieveit. Why does a majority perceivethe Indian flag as an imposition?Why do Kashmiri intellectualsrepeatedly emphasize that Indianpolitical values relating to good

governance, human rights anddemocracy have never crossed theBanihal/Jawahar tunnel?

While the governments haveavoided a show-down, this is only atemporary relief. What must then bedone? Discussions of a hot summerin the Valley are already underway;and there are three specific reasonsfor this. First and foremost, theyouth unrest in the Kashmir valley,which is being expressed (or/andmanipulated by mainstream and

D SUBA CHANDRAN

STRATEGIC THINKING

SECURING PEACE IN KASHMIR

9

STRATEGIC THINKINGSECURING PEACE IN KASHMIR

separatist elements) periodi-cally. Violence in the Kashmir valleyin the last few years has becomeseasonal; all it takes is a trigger tounleash the situation and bring theyouths to the streets with stones intheir hands.

Second, Pakistan will try toreposition itself in J&K after havinglost its edge in the last few years.The security forces fear that aprocess is already set in motion andcould blow up during this summer.While the Valley is not inclinedtowards terrorism, one cannottotally discount the fear thatKashmiri youths may be tempted toexplore alternative strategies.

Third, there seems to be a wavegripping Muslim societies of theMiddle East and North Africa,starting with Tunisia, now reachingEgypt. While the situation andreasons are not comparable, oneshould not completely overrule theimpact of global developments inthe minds of Kashmiri youth.

How can a disastrous develop-ment be averted? The interlocutors

appointed by the Indian governmenthave done their homework. NewDelhi should work with the govern-ment of J&K and take small butsincere steps. At least three stepsare essential. First, an element ofdemilitarization, at least in selectareas. The government in J&K andthelocal police have repeatedlyemphasized that they should beable to secure the urban areas - atleast certain select towns in theValley, starting with Srinagar. If notthe entire valley, New Delhi shouldmake an announcement immedi-ately or at least propose a time-table for the relocation of troopsfrom urban areas.

Second, the Union governmentalso should seriously reconsider itsdecision to continue with theAFSPA. This has become a politicalissue in the Valley and hence couldbecome a very significant confi-dence-building measure. Especially,if the local government and policeforce is confident of securing theurban areas, there is no reason forthe Union government to be

apprehensive about removing theAFSPA from urban areas. Both theabove issues are interlinked andneed to be undertaken by theUnion government. What is moreimportant is also an announcementof panchayat elections; this in factwill do wonders in the Kashmirvalley. Governance, especiallythrough panchayats, is the biggestweapon and protection (and notthe police or Army) that the gov-ernments at the Union and Statelevels have in the area. However,they are reluctant to use it fornarrow political reasons. Thenational flag has an emotionalmeaning for everyone. One canneither be forced to hoist it, norshould one attempt to hoist theflag in a place where such gesturesare not universally supported. Thereal challenge is not hoisting theIndian flag in Lal Chowk. Theaction itself is the easiest thing todo. The real challenge is instillingsensitized values and hoisting themind to educated thought andaction.(IPCS)

A Hot Summer Ahead?ALI AHMED

Events in Tunisia, Egypt andLebanon have drawn widespread surprise since for the

first time Arabs have turned out onthe streets. After decades ofdomination by authoritarian re-gimes, supported by the West inmost cases, democratic stirringshave been received with welcomeand apprehension, depending onthe political slant of the commenta-tor. Why does this article, whosetitle suggests it is one on Kashmir,need to begin with events else-where? To recall, the outbreak ofpeoples' participation in the mili-tancy in Kashmir was at the turn ofthe nineties. The Berlin Wall had

just come down. The upsurge inEastern European nations hadoverthrown communist regimes.The Palestinian intifada dating to1987 had captured minds. Imagesfrom these events, far away as theywere, unfolded and influenced thoseviewing them on newly acquired TVscreens in Kashmir. All accountsfrom the heady days of the mili-tancy mention the impact of thecommunication revolution andglobalization, then in infancy, onpeoples' participation in the 'rebel-lion', to borrow from a perceptivetitle, 'Lost Rebellion'. Therefore, incase the unrest in Arab lands is tospread, the ripple effects will be

felt right up to Kashmir.The disturbances in the Valley of

last summer witnessed considerableparticipation by the youth. Themobile network and the internetplayed a part in the mobilization,despite some constraints such aspreventing of the SMS feature bythe state. The youth, being mediaand internet savvy, are doubtlessreceiving updates even as eventsunfold elsewhere. This means thatit could be yet another hot summerin Kashmir.

A reasonable attitude could bethat there is no reason to panic.The state, though under an un-stable coalition in New Delhi and

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Governor's rule in Srinagar, hadmanaged the mass participation ofearly 1990 adequately. There hasbeen considerable learning done inthe disruptions of the last threesummers which should find thestate better prepared this timeround. This would be in terms ofbetter policing methods to take onstone throwing agitators. There-fore, while a heightened oppositioncan be expected, the state is betterprepared too. A fear-mongeringapproach would be that the youth,energized by events in the Muslimworld, may be more provocative,even if non-violent. This may leadto the use of force. Such force hadled up to 114 deaths and over a1000 injured cops and paramilitaryin 2010. Deaths on the streetusually occur, witnessed earlier atGowkadal and during the funeral ofMirwaiz in 1990 and later inBijbehara during the Hazratbalcrisis. The situation gets furtherenflamed. The death of young TufailMattoo when hit by a tear gas shellsparked off the 2010 protests in theValley. After the winter's recupera-tion, youth power could well beback. Both approaches have utility.The first would help ensure that the

necessary changes in policingmethods are done well in time.Police and paramilitary can use theinterim to get familiar with freshtactics, techniques and non-lethalequipment. However, a positiveaspect of the second is in theapprehensions imparting greaterurgency to the current politicalinitiative in Kashmir. This is not toimply that the threat of agitationsneed to or can impel Indian initia-tives, but that the agitations canbe avoided and defused by theinitiative bearing fruition timely.

The current state of the initia-tive is that the interlocutors havecovered much ground in Kashmir.They have submitted three reportsto the government, mostly dealingwith confidence-building. A moresignificant report is due in March.Task forces have ascertained viewsin the other two regions. Theinterlocutors await a discussionwith the separatists, who are stillholding out. The Home Secretary'sannouncement of a proposedreduction of security forces pres-ence by 25 per cent was to buildtrust and a conducive atmospherefor the progression of the politicalinitiative. Alongside, the foreign

secretaries of India and Pakistanare to meet in Thimpu, to befollowed by the foreign ministers.Mr. Kasuri, in a lecture at SapruHouse, indicated the extent towhich India was prepared to go toresolve the issue during 'backchannel' talks. The position atwhich the two sides left off appar-ently had the backing of the Paki-stani Army, with Kayani, then ISIchief, privy to the meetings. Heimplied that this can serve as apotential starting point for resump-tion of the peace process. Pakistan,considerably on the backfoot due tointernal problems, has fewer cardsat the moment. Therefore, India ispoised to gainfully proceed on theKashmir issue at this juncture, bothin its external and internal dimen-sions. In case it is unable to, thenit can handle the backlash. TheArmy remains deployed sinceaccording to the Army Chief and hisminister, troop reductions would beonly of the paramilitary. Even the25 per cent cut was to be effectedover 12 months. This should helpreassure India that since it is notnegotiating from a position ofweakness, it can afford to go in fora political solution. (IPCS)


STRATEGIC THINKING

SECURING PEACE IN KASHMIR1 1

STRATEGIC THINKING

US & SOUTH ASIA

President Barrack Obama releasedanother review of the Af-Pak situa-tion on 16 Dec 2010. Weeks in for-mulation and after careful delibera-tions by top officials, the summarystill leaves too many questions unan-swered. Unlike the Bruce Riedel re-port of March 2009, which bore theimprint of the author's intimateknowledge of the region and condi-tions, this is a paper prepared by ahigh level committee of principals andrepresents the Administration's poli-cies formed over two years. It at-tempts to reconcile the differencesbetween the US military's call formore troops and time, the Republi-can Party's desire for a military vic-tory and the political and economiccosts of the war.Ultimately, it is domestic compulsionsthat trumped other issues. The Af-Pak war is already America's longestconflict in history. Along with anothermajor war that is not quite over,other geostrategic issues calling forurgent attention around the globe,and an economy in tailspin, there isin practice only one option. It is todisengage as early as possible underwhatever terms and with least lossof face. Everything else is extrane-ous.The strategy should have attemptedto find a realistically achievable planthat would have balanced these com-pulsions while countering the alQaeda-Taliban nexus to harm the freeworld. The Presidential Review fallsshort of these objectives.It is in fact an exit strategy withouta plan. One that is based on assump-tions that are highly questionable, agoal that is increasingly unattainable,and a timeline, that though moreflexible, is still unrealistically short.The US and International Security

Obama's Annual Af-Pak Review:Need for a Reappraisal

MAJ.GEN. (RETD.) DIPANKAR BANERJEE

Assistance Force (ISAF) today hasover 1,50,000 soldiers in Afghani-stan and a certain presence in Pa-kistan. This is the largest ever de-ployed there and much larger thanthe Soviet 8th Army at its peak.Yet, the Afghan Taliban remainscapable of disruption and destruc-tion in much of the eastern andsouthern parts of the country. Theal Qaeda and its senior leadershipare safe in Pakistan and probablynot unduly troubled. The Talibanleadership too remains intact andhas probably moved to bases in cit-ies. No counterinsurgency opera-tion has ever succeeded when asanctuary is available and therecan be none better than the bor-derlands of Pakistan and ISI sup-port. US drone strikes have provedutterly counterproductive evenwhen successful. With guaranteedcollateral destruction, it is insteada potent recruiting tool for terror-ists.Cooperation with the Pakistan Armyand the ISI is far from satisfactoryas the Wikileaks disclosures haveso clearly identified. They have anindependent objective and strategydifferent from the Pakistan Gov-ernment and counter to US inter-ests. No amount of dollars canchange this mindset of the Paki-stani military, as Ambassador AnnePatterson reported. Pakistan's Armyor its radicalized citizens have yetto accept that the Taliban threat-ens Pakistan's very existence. Tillthen the US will remain the greater'enemy'.Obama's West Point speech on De-cember 1 2009 signalling July 2011as the 'beginning of draw down' ofUS forces from Afghanistan was thebiggest policy mistake of recent

times. While the speech addressedgrowing domestic public concerns overan open-ended commitment, it had anentirely separate message for the ter-rorists. It told them that they could winby just sitting out the war. The Novem-ber 2010 NATO declaration at Lisbon,that its forces will remain till 2014 andbeyond does not impress. NATO mili-tary capability except for the US is de-clining and popular support for prolong-ing the commitment just does not ex-ist.In a situation where the terrorists arenot weakening, where Pakistan is un-willing to engage in a manner that mat-ters and the al Qaeda is morphing intoa global franchise, international terror-ism has not lost support. Recent at-tempts to strike in Europe reflect thereality.What then are the alternatives toObama's strategy? There are two dis-tinct variants on offer and neither issatisfactory. One is the "cut and run"school propagated by Robert Blackwill,a renowned realist with a clear thoughnarrow perspective of securing US in-terests. Called Plan B in a Foreign Af-fairs article, it would split Afghanistaninto a Pashtun-controlled territory insouthern Afghanistan. By obliteratingthe Durand Line it may lead even to anearly break up of Pakistan. This maynot be a major concern to the US butits regional implications are likely to beserious. Would it also mean a sharingof nuclear assets among its compo-nents?The other is a 'regional solution'. Seek-ing the help and support of allneighbouring and regional players tocontribute to and support stabilizationoperations, under international or UNcontrol. This would include all countriesfrom Turkey to Bangladesh and othersin between or outside who are readyand able. There are far too many geo-political difficulties that will preventadopting this approach and withoutIran, there will be little chance of suc-cess. Pakistan too opposes this andparticularly a possible role for India init. The 2010 Af-Pak Review provideslittle hope or comfort. There is insteada deepening sense of an impendingunravelling.


1 2

In August 2003 when US Vice President Dick Cheney called Kashmir asone of the two most dangerous

flashpoints on earth, his opinion wastaken with contempt not only in Indiabut also among the South Asia expertsand think-tanks in different parts ofworld. Dick Cheney had said nothingdifferent than what US President BillClinton said four years before that.While Clinton's statement was takenas an honest appreciation of the situ-ation, Cheney's observation earnedcriticism. The difference is thatClinton had made this observationwhen Kashmir was caught in a dan-gerous web of insurgency and counter-insurgency while Indian and Pakistaniforces stood eyeball to eyeball on theborders. Dick Cheney earned criticismbecause he foresaw danger at a timewhen peace was making strong wavesin Kashmir, a free and fair election hadinstilled public faith in democracy, in-cidents of violence were at the low-est, presence of troops in civilian ar-eas were at bare minimum, India andPakistan were close to an agreementon border ceasefire and preparationsfor softening the Line of Control wereunderway. However, if one looks atwhat happened in the following years,

Options in Kashmir

Dick Cheney's observation is found notentirely out of place.

Kashmir is a multi-layered problemwhich has passed through many crestsand troughs of its political history. Foran honest understanding of Kashmirissue we need to be sure of the peopleand the geographical ambit under ref-erence. In context of what is calledKashmir conflict, there are few thingswhich can't be understood unless wetalk about the entire princely state ofJammu and Kashmir that existed be-fore 1947, then there are many otherthings, far more serious, which canbe understood only by limiting our dis-cussions only to the Valley of Kashmiron the Indian side of Line of Control.

Various aspects of the Kashmir con-flict are deeply embedded in history;many are manufactured while few oth-ers are grossly misunderstood. In thisessay we try to cast an eye on recenthappening in valley of Kashmir to un-derstand challenges of internal peaceand regional security. A look at therecent history of political and armedconflict that erupted in 1988 wouldreveal many interesting aspects whichoffer clues for resolution as well. Someevents are pivotal in the making orunderstanding of history. There have

been at least three such major eventsin last 25 years which made Kashmiraltogether a different place and raisedserious concerns of peace and secu-rity. To say that the separatist move-ment erupted in Kashmir only in late1980s would be an ignorance of thepost-1947 political history of the Val-ley. And again, to say that it was onlyin 1987 elections when people inKashmir were denied their genuinedemocratic rights would be an attemptto erase very well documented eventsof 1953, 1975 and 1984 -sacking andarrest of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah,installation of Sheikh as CM withoutgoing to elections and dismissal ofelected government of FarooqAbdullah, respectively.

The Trigger

As the first pivotal event of the recent conflict history of Kashmir,

1987 elections were a deadly blow topeace and order. Having gone throughfour major sad experiences of theirtryst with democracy, the too wellknown rigging of 1987 elections madeKashmiris to lose trust democraticsystem. Dissidence is mostly seen asa minority thinking against a major

ZAFAR CHOUDHARY

OPINIONOPTIONS FOR PEACE


Relative winter calm after three consecutive violent summers notwithstanding,Kashmir continues to engage the world attention and concerns for peace and stabil-ity in the South Asian region. There is a set of public opinion which says that Kash-mir region is one of the most dangerous conflicts on the earth and then there are

people who opine that the problem is about few urban centers of the Valley whereminor triggers lead to cyclic unrest. Looking at the trends of past few years, the

first set of opinion seems more compelling and needs serious debate.

1 3

"Everyone wants peace and most want apolitical solution to be found as soon as possible"The latest process of interlocution in Kashmir initiated by Government of India in Octo-ber 2010 is seen one of the most credible and outreaching. However, scepticism is aninherent factor which can't be wished away. Given the record of past dialogue processesit is natural for many to see the present interlocution as a time buying exercise. Themajor different present interlocution brings to fractured political theatre of Jammu andKashmir is that this process has offered a fairly good amount of respect of recognition tothe voices outside the ambit of Kashmiri separatist thinking. There is no denying the factthat the voice of dissent has to be heard and that is the principle aim of interlocution butvoices outside that spectrum have a lot to say too. The meetings of interlocutors withcivil society groups in Jammu, Rajouri, Poonch, Kargil and Leh have instilled confidenceamong the people in these regions and given them a feeling that their opinions matter.For an assessment of what is going on and where the dialogue is headed to, ZAFARCHOUDHARY spoke to RADHA KUMAR, one of the three interlocutors. Here are excerpts ofan interview:

ZAFAR CHOUDHARY: You have spent more than threemonths talking to the people representing variousshades of opinions in different parts of Jammu andKashmir. What is your assessment, so far, of the domi-nant public opinion on Kashmir issue?

RADHA KUMAR: Everyone wants peace and most want apolitical solution to be found as soon as possible. Butthere are also many fears regarding possible solutionsand so there is also intense opposition to finding a con-sensus.

The current interlocution process was initiated, par-ticularly, in backdrop of unrest in Kashmir in the sum-mer of 2010. We have seen unrest flaring up in sum-mers twice earlier also -in 2008 and 2009. There aremeasures which the state government could have takento prevent violent disturbances. In meetings with yourgroup, what is that people are mostly asking for fromthe state government?

Most of the memoranda given to us are related to is-sues of governance, human rights and sectoral griev-ances. Some deal with the overall issue of political reso-lution. The governance issues range from unemployment

to poor service infrastructure to reservations; thereare also specific grievances regarding education, es-pecially in Ladakh and in some of the districts. Wenoticed that there are only few instances in whichMLAs, local administration and police work togetheras a team (it should be added that that is probably acommon problem in the whole country).

We have had series of interlocution processes in thepast decade. People like KC Pant and NN Vohra ledthe missions. Then there were Working Groups con

INTERVIEWOPTIONS FOR PEACE


1 4

stituted by the Prime Minister after roundtable con-ferences. There is a feeling on the ground that ei-ther recommendations are not known in public do-main, as in first two cases, or the implementationis not taken up, as in the case of Working Groups.What is your self assessment of the difference yourgroup is making, particularly in term of short termdividends for the stakeholders?

We have had some small gains in the ground situa-tion, such as release of youth and a few political pris-oners, removal of around 20 bunkers in Srinagar, re-straint on the part of protesters and police, setting upof a fast track passport facility, exploration of build-ing a hostel for Kashmiris in Delhi, but of course theseare small gains, and the process remains slow.

Your team has not been able to catch up with theseparatist leadership in a major way. Are you hope-ful of getting them on table sometimes in near fu-ture. And what if they don't talk, as they are indi-cating, do you think the current interlocution makesa significant sense without talking to separatists?

In my study of recent history and especially of peaceinitiatives from 2000 on, the Hurriyat, JKLF and alliedgroups have generally come on board talks only whenthe process has advanced - generally within 6 monthsto a year of its initiation. Their participation has beenmore substantive when there has been active and publiccivil society engagement. We need therefore to con-centrate on these tracks before expecting them to startformal talks.

Very recently the Home Secretary Mr GK Pillai indi-cated Government of India's intentions of cuttingthe troop strength in Jammu and Kashmir by 25 per-cent. He also said that decision on AFSPA is left withstate government. Within no time there was a flurryof statements, from separatist and mainstreamcircles, hailing the announcement by Home Secre-tary. Dramatically, hours later on the same day,the Army Chief ruled out the need of troop cut. Nextday the Commander of Northern Command also sec-onded the thoughts of Army Chief. Don't you thinksuch things damage the confidence your group hasbeen trying to build up.

It is clear that we all have a lot to learn about consul-

tation and coordination before making public state-ments. In this particular example, the situation has beenclarified and it appears that the bulk of the cuts thatthe Home Secretary mentioned refer to the CRPF. Butthere are many instances in the past months in whichmedia driven utterances have caused setbacks to peace-making initiatives - one example being the incessantquerying of both dissident leaders and ourselves onwhether and when we will talk. Political processes needtime and a certain degree of confidentiality to brew,and a responsible media would respect that need.

In a very short time your group has been able to reachout to people in all three regions and further theirsub-regions. Do you see possibility of a consensus be-tween Kashmir, Jammu and Ladakh around any po-litical initiative altering the status quo?

Yes very much so. The popular will for a solution thatwill be acceptable to all and will be peacefully negoti-ated is very strong, but then so are the fears that eachwill be left out when it comes to a solution. Our going todistricts was an attempt to reassure that the process ofreaching a consensus for a solution will be an inclusiveone. We also believe that a solution based on democ-racy and empowerment should be able to accommodatethe aspirations of all in a framework of give and take.

You have had good meetings with people in north ofKashmir Valley and also in Rajouri and Poonch. Whatis your assessment of the local impact of Cross-LoCconfidence building measures like travel and trade?

The potential for impact of "making the LOC irrelevant"is immense, in terms of human relations, economic ben-efits and political symbolism.

During your very first visit to Srinagar, your colleagueDilip Padgaonkar mentioned about importance of Pa-kistan as party to the issue. How do you look at theexternal dimension in terms of taking all parties onboard and the role your group can play?

If Pakistan were to come on board a peace process, tack-ling cross-border militancy and picking up from where theback channel left off in 2006-7, it would be ideal. But it isdifficult to see how Pakistan, with its current instabilities,can be persuaded to do that. In any case, our mandate isfor Jammu and Kashmir and not for Pakistan.

INTERVIEWOPTIONS FOR PEACE


1 5

fore, the amaranth land row was perhaps the third piv-otal point in recent conflict history of Kashmir which hasonce again brought the Valley under international focus.

Abdullah lost election in his family's well traditional con-stituency to a little known contestant.

If the malpractices of 1987 election forced the youthsto take to arms, the fairness of the 2002 electionshelped them come back to the democratic system insignificant numbers. Proving as watershed in the re-cent conflict history, the 2002 assembly elections alsomarked the beginning of the fast decline of armed in-surgency. Restoration of democratic space to the peoplethrough 2002 elections considerably shrunk the con-stituency of dissidence and resultantly began to denyspace to the armed insurgency. Post-2002, every yearhas registered a 25 to 35 percent decline in militantviolence over every previous year. Elections, of course,are not an answer to all the historic questions in Kash-mir but people getting a role in the democratic space,a participation in the decision making process and sayin their local issues of immediate concern is somethingworth looking at. It was perhaps inspiration of this ideathat leading separatist leaders like Sajjad Gani Loneof Peoples Conference later contested elections to seeka seat in the Indian Parliament.

A government that returned to the office after 2002elections was though not stable enough but its leaderMufti Mohammad Sayeed, the Chief Minister, had vi-sion and political acumen to consolidate the gains thrownby elections. This opportunity was also too well by thecentral government through slew public outreach poli-cies and confidence building measures. Next four tofive years were relatively peaceful in Kashmir. It wasduring this time that India and Pakistan took same keyconfidence building measures like the historic bus ser-vice opening up opportunities Cross-LoC interactions.There is no point in understanding that fair electionsor confidence building measures ended the conflict orhad potential of doing that. Conflict is an essential partof any political culture but the idea and the need is totake violence out of conflict. To that extent, 2002 elec-tions and several measures taken after that, either byVajpayee regime or his successor Manmohan Singh, sig-nificantly helped in taking violence out of conflict.

What went wrong?

Unfortunately, what went entirely missing throughout the peaceful years of optimism was the lack of

dialogue between New Delhi and Kashmiri leadership.It was the absence of this dialogue which led to breakdown of confidence in Kashmir that a very small admin-istrative error like allotment of a piece of land to atemple trust put the valley back to throws. There

ity order but large scale electoral malpractices of thatyear made dissidence largest political constituency inKashmir. Next year saw arrival of guns and explosivesand thus followed the horrible saga of bloodshed. Manyof those who had made bid to represent people in thelegislature by contesting elections later became top mili-tant leaders recruiting and inspiring hundreds of frus-trated youths. The flare-up in Kashmir was perhaps god-send for Pakistan to re-strategise its ambitious two-na-tion theory. Over the period of next 10 to 12 years Kash-mir came to be known as a south Asian hotspot posingdangers to world peace. Instability and uncertainty inKashmir is one of the main reasons for arms race insouth Asia which is home to almost half of the world'spoor.

As goes the simple logic of impossibility of a fish'ssurvival without water, the separatism and armed insur-gency could not have survived in Kashmir without localsupport. Many people continued to support the armedmovement as they didn't come across opportunities ofhaving their trust restored in the democratic system.One mistake, a Himalayan one, went on become reasonfor hundreds of mistakes. There was apparently unat-tended anger in Kashmir and denial of just and genuinedemocratic space to people in 1987 served as a trigger.Six years of Central rule between 1990 and 1996 furtherwidened the gulf between peoples and the State. Theassembly elections of 1996 were entirely free and fairand the popular government which came in place alsofailed to consolidate whatever little gains the electionshad offered. There is a general consensus in the Indianpolitical thinking that malpractices of 1987 elections spoiltthe Kashmir story.

The Silver Lining

Second major event in the recent history of conflictcan be seen in the assembly elections of 2002 through

which the visionary and statesmanship leadership ofPrime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee tried to restore theconfidence of people in the institutions of democracy.Kashmir had undergone an incalculable damage between1987 and 2002, but these elections reassured public faithin democracy and offered people a chance to look at thepeaceful means for addressing their grievances. It wasVajpayee's promise of fairness and honesty in electionsthat many former militants and separatists took part inthe exercise and walked into the legislative assemblywith a democratic agenda. After 15 years of condemna-tion of events of 1987, even the separatists, who don'tsee elections as answer to any Kashmir questions, en-dorsed the fairness of 2002 elections. Mirwaiz OmarFarooq of Hurriyat Conference was the first to commenton fairness of elections on October 10, 2002 when rulingNational Conference's Chief Ministerial candidate Omar



1 6

neighbourhood, the need for maintaining a level of se-curity presence is well appreciated but their relocationfrom the civilian areas will help ease tensions. In thisconnection a recent statement of the Home Secretaryindicating 25 percent cut in troop strength sounds in-spiring.

Third, it need to be understood that any inter-vention of third parties at any stage or in any mannerwill bring more harm than any benefit. The global ex-perience of third party intervention in conflict situa-tions is already disappointing. Examples of Afghani-stan and Iraq are live before us. There is an obsessionamong sections of Kashmiri leaders in inviting US rolein Kashmir. It may be marked here that between 2002and 2008 US was apparently distanced from the Kash-mir and engaged more into building strategic partner-ship with India and, therefore, it was during this pe-riod that New Delhi and Islamabad were able to takehistoric confidence building measures like borderceasefire and Cross-LoC bus service and trade.

Fourth, there is an urgent need of initiating asustainable civil society dialogue between three regionsof Jammu and Kashmir, on the Indian side. There areclearly different patterns of thinking, behaviors andattitudes in three regions and there is no homogeneityin their aspirations. In such a scenario, any solution oroption which imposes a majority will on the minorityor vice versa would be more dangerous than what hasbeen seen so far.

Fifth and the most important in context of hu-manitarian angle of Kashmir issue, is the need of en-hanced contacts across the Line of Control. A limitedexchange of human beings and goods through Cross-LoC bus service since 2005 and Cross-LoC trade since2008 has brought huge emotional relief to the mem-bers of divided families. There are hundreds and thou-sands of divided families on both sides of Line of Con-trol which never had opportunities of meeting. Despitea very tough travel and trade regime this process ofCross-LoC interactions is sustained by the emotions ofpeople and this need to be appreciated. Easing of traveland trade restrictions, opening more crossing pointsand entering into other areas of Cross-LoC collabora-tions like tourism, education and healthcare would beof great help.

This article is based on author's presentation atRoyal United Services Institute of UK's seminar

'Asian Powers in Kashmir' held in London onJanuary 25


The cyclic emotional eruption coupled with massive streetviolence which is countered by force leading to large num-ber of civilian killings in non-militant protests has one posi-tive and one negative. The positive can be seen in thecontext of keeping the gun away from scene of confronta-tion with the State but the losses of life that negative as-pect is bringing is not a bargain worth indulging in. In 2010alone 112 persons were killed in the street violence. If thisis the pace with which human life is to be lost then the kindof tomorrow people are looking for might be bright enough.This third phase of conflict which Jammu and Kashmir ispassing through has led to the hardening of stands wherepeople are looking at the processes like fair and honestelections or other confidence building measures as irrel-evant options. Perhaps this is the time for a pause andrethinking.

It has been 63 years, three full scale wars, one limitedwar and two decades of enormous sufferings in a low in-tensity but high loss conflict. Official estimates put theloss of life in 20 years to 40,000 while separatists and civilrights activists say it is double that. Loss of life or a lifebeing part of continuous theater of conflict can't be anyone'spassion. Instead of being a contributor to uncertainty andvulnerability to greater dangers it is imperative upon allstakeholders in Jammu and Kashmir to support all thosemeasures and processes which help in taking violence outof the conflict. There are options before the political classand the civil society to creatively stay engaged in conflictand the same time work together towards taking violenceout of it.

What Next

As Kashmir passes through a relatively peaceful winterand no one seems so sure about the scenario next sum-

mers, here are few contemplations for many better sea-sons ahead:

First and of foremost importance is the need for asustainable, credible and creative engagement between NewDelhi and Kashmiri leadership. A process of interlocution isalready going on and before too long it is important for thegovernment and also the separatists to take an extra milein interest of peace and start talking. There is also an ur-gent need for revival of dialogue between New Delhi andIslamabad and at a stage when enough confidence has beenbuilt, the process can take Kashmiri opinion on board. Itneeds to be understood here that trust is the key ingredi-ent and that comes with patience.

There is a most compelling need for the downsizingof troops in Kashmir Valley and other parts of Jammu andKashmir. In view of the uncertain developments in


1 7

"Sustainable peacebuilding seems tocome from incentives rather than threats"

INTERVIEW WITH JONATHAN COHEN,DIRECTOR PROGRAMMES, CONCILIATION RESOURCES

Much water has flowed down the Chenab and Jhelum in 63 years but we are not any closer to reachinga mutually acceptable formula for Jammu and Kashmir conflict. Past negotiations and dialogues haveoften contributed to hardening of stands. However, one agreement between India and Pakistan - onCross-LoC interactions -has been widely hailed as a historic "Confidence Building Measure". The lim-ited travel and trade across the Line of Control has not only withstood bitter tests of time but alsolooks promising in terms of involvement of the key stakeholders, the members of the divided families.As people in Jammu and Kashmir keenly look towards resumption of New Delhi-Islamabad dialogueand also the process of internal interlocution that is currently going on, there is a huge pressure from thetraders and the members of the divided families for easing the Cross-LoC travel restrictions. Socialscientists, think-tanks and conflict resolution organisations strongly believe in Cross-LoC interactionsas an important means of building peace below the state and their potential to help alter key positions.Conciliation Resources, a UK-based peace support service with global experience, is one such organisationwhich is helping the Cross-LoC stakeholders in Jammu and Kashmir to build constituencies of peace. Inthis exclusive interview to Epilogue, JONATHAN COHEN the Director of Programmes tells us aboutthe CONCILIATION RESOURCES and its peace-building engagements in Jammu and Kashmir. Hereare excerpts:

Please tell us about the Concilia-tion Resources, its main objectivesand work experiences in differentparts of world?

Conciliation Resources (CR) is anindependent non-profit

organisation, which was set up inLondon fifteen years ago. We workwith partners - local civil societyorganisations and governments - inAfrica, Asia, Europe, Latin Americaand the Pacific to build sustainableand peaceful responses to violentconflict. We very much believe thatconflicts can be transformed peace-fully, but this is a painstaking andoften, sadly, a very long-term pro-cess. In each situation our work is

driven by analysis undertaken jointlywith our local partners. For example,we work with local community andreligious groups in Central Africa tohelp them respond to the Lord's Re-sistance Army conflict that has spreadfrom Uganda into neighbouringSudan, Democratic Republic of Congoand Central African Republic. In theSouth Caucasus we have a long trackrecord of bringing people togetherfrom across the Georgian-Abkhaz andArmenian-Azerbaijani divides so thatthey can engage in dialogue and jointanalysis. Sometimes this has led tochanges in peace policies, helped lo-cal mediators and local peacebuilderstransform their conflicts and chal-lenge stereotypes, or simply enabled

young people to better understandthe needs and fears of communitiesacross divides. In all of our work webelieve very strongly in giving a voiceto the people most directly affectedby the conflict. We believe that pro-moting public participation inpeacebuilding in the long run gener-ates more sustainable and more justoutcomes. Likewise it is our experi-ence that peace processes are moreeffective when they are inclusive ofdifferent voices and are not the ex-clusive terrain of elites. One way thatwe try to contribute to thinking aboutpeacemaking is to provide compara-tive insights about different interna-tional experience by publishing ourjournal Accord, which documents


INTERVIEWOPTIONS FOR PEACE 1 8

peace initiatives from around theworld.

You have been working in Jammuand Kashmir recently. What is thenature of your peace support workhere in the region? Please broadlyoutline the contours of your work inJammu and Kashmir?

Our work in Jammu and Kashmirbegan a couple of years ago in

response to a series of conversationsthat we had with people from NewDelhi, Islamabad, Muzafarabad andSrinagar. Despite the deeply en-trenched nature of the problem wewere encouraged by our interlocutorsto understand that there was a greatdeal of work to be done to supportpeople across the LoC searching fora vision of peace and a longer termsolution to the troubles.To initiate our involvement we under-took a process of analysis and con-sultation, talking to people from asmany different perspectives as pos-sible as well as with other outsideorganisations working on the conflict.Then in March 2009 we organisedwhat we called a joint analysis work-shop (JAW) in Bangkok. We invited24 people from across the LoC - amixture of academics, journalists,teachers, lawyers, business people,represenatives of displaced and mi-grant communities and people work-ing with non-governmentalorganisations. We tried to includepeople who had not had similaropportunties in the past. This was agreat learning opportunity for us. Itprovided the participants with achance to discuss approaches topeacebuilding and conflict transfor-mation from other parts of the worldand to look at how they could applythese approaches to their situation,as well as sharing their own experi-ences and hopes.A number of ideas were proposedduring the workshop and a couple pro-vided a real basis for engagement.One was in relation to the then newlyinitiated process of trade across theLoC. Participants felt that many chal-lenges lay across the path of the tradefulfilling its economic and

peacebuilding potential. The ideaarose to support a group of research-ers - again academics, journalists,economists and traders - to writeabout the trade and explore both theconstraints and opportunities. Wewere able to bring a group of twentysuch people together in Sri Lanka inspring 2010 to discuss their researchand then used the papers to feed intothe study that is now being published.And I hope that this publication willprovide a further opportunity formore people to discuss how the tradecan contribute to both economic de-velopment and peacebuilding.(Next three questions are based onthe presumption that you have al-ready talked about JAW and Cross-LoC trade and the trade publication,above)

Your Joint Analysis Workshop ideasounds interesting. As far as theparticipation in these JAWs is con-cerned, do you think this exercisehas helped in building some sort ofCross-LoC linkages among the par-ticipants who attended workshops?How often do you get feedback fromthem?

I do think that the JAWs have contributed to linkages. At the most ba-

sic level we have been able to bringtogether some fifty people fromacross the LoC to engage in rigorousreflection and analysis of the chal-

In contexts from North-ern Ireland to Aceh to

Sudan to Cyprus innova-tive steps have been

made to enable tradersto work across borders,to share resources (even

when ownership hasremained disputed) or

to be creative in how todeal with issues of tar-

iffs and licenses. Inthese contexts a num-

bers of objectives haveconsistently supportedthe dividends: informa-tion exchange and man-agement mechanisms,establishing a commonunderstanding of the

economy, fostering trustand managing expecta-tions, highlighting theopportunity costs, cre-ating frameworks for

effective governance oftrade and increasingpredictability. Ulti-

mately the dividendsbecome more tangiblewhen people can seejobs being created. A

thread that runs thoughthis is that sustainablepeacebuilding seems tocome from incentivesrather than threats


INTERVIEWOPTIONS FOR PEACE1 9

lenges that face their communities.It was important for us that in invit-ing people we reached well across di-vides in regional and professionalterms with a diverse group of inter-locutors. This brought much richnessto the discussions. We are not thefirst to do this sort of work - thePugwash Conferences, and the Cen-tre for Dialogue and Reconciliation,and WISCOMP (both in India) and oth-ers have been ploughing this furrowfor some time. We have been able tobenefit from their wisdom and hope-fully contribute new dynamics and newopportunities. Perhaps one importantdynamic has been that we have givencolleagues opportunities not just tomeet but to grapple with specific is-sues such as trade and education incollaborative ways so that they haveexchanged ideas and practial sugges-tions. Clearly what is important isthat these conversations don't justhappen across the LoC but within therespective communities as well - theydo obviously happen but not alwaysin structured or consistent ways, andnot always detached from emotion.In building on previous efforts I hopewe have also been able to reachsome new and young people who havepreviously not had opportunities tobe involved.

What attracted you to promotingthe idea of Cross-LoC trade?

We became interested in this workbecause of the energy and com-

mitment of the people who werethemselves making the trade hap-pen. The conversations we and ourpartners had helped us see that thereis real potential to promote changethrough trade. I think this can workon different levels. For us it was en-lightening to hear the constructiveand yet critical tone in which peoplefrom across the LoC examined theissues and aspired to a trade regimethat could benefit the economy of thewider region. Improving the way inwhich trade happens can have signifi-cant benefits for the economy ofKashmir, on both sides of the LoC,and the question of people's liveli-hoods is critical. Then there is the

issue of the personal connectionsbetween families that have been di-vided. While the personal contactsmust be hugely important for all fami-lies affected, perhaps most impor-tant is the question of whether tradecan indeed be a confidence buildingmeasure that gives people an incen-tive to believe that a non-violent fu-ture can be built.

economic cooperation can also fuelviolent conflict if profits are used forwar, as was the case with blood dia-monds smuggled out of Sierra Leoneor mineral extraction in the Demo-cratic Republic of Congo. But there isno doubt that economic cooperationhas tremendous potential to createchange. One can't take peacebuildingoutcomes for granted - increasedcross-border trade needs to extendbeyond economic activity if it is in-deed going to address the needs ofpeacebuilding. But there are goodexamples of cases in which cross-bor-der cooperation has had a positiveimpact. With the current tide ofchange in Eqypt I am reminded of theimpact of joint Israeli-Egyptian Quali-fied Industrial Zones that were estab-lished in 2005. They provoked pro-tests - not by Egyptians angry at col-lusion with the enemy, rather by job-less Egyptians who felt excluded fromthe scheme. If people see tangiblebenefits they will often find ways towork together. For eighteen yearsGeorgians and Abkhaz have managedto sustain the operation of a hydro-electric power station that straddlestheir divide - the dam is on theGeorigan side and the turbines on theAbkahz side - but both need the elec-tricity. However, the fact that thepower station has kept operatingthrough thick and thin has sadly nothelped the wider communities over-come the very deep political dividebetween them. This makes onerealise that it is necessary to movebeyond profit or tangible results ifthere is to be a peacebuilding as wellas an economic dividend - econom-ics is critical but on its own it won'tnecessarily move in the direction ofpeace.In contexts from Northern Ireland toAceh to Sudan to Cyprus innovativesteps have been made to enable trad-ers to work across borders, to shareresources (even when ownership hasremained disputed) or to be creativein how to deal with issues of tariffsand licenses. In these contexts a num-bers of objectives have consistentlysupported the dividends: informationexchange and management mecha-

One of the moststriking things forme was when onetrader involved inour research saidabout the trade "Isuddenly realised

it's not just a tradeventure but can be-

come a tool forpeople-to-people

diplomacy"

Can you bring us some examples ofpeace-building dividends of cross-border cooperation, like trade,tourism etc, from other areas ofthe world?

Much work is being done in different regions to examine the way

in which economic or resource coop-eration across boundaries and bor-ders in pursuit of a shared goal - beit access to markets, or regional eco-nomic intergration to promote devel-opment, or mutually advantageusmanagement of shared but limited re-sources - can act as an entry pointfor peacebuilding. This can be in re-lation to opening trade channels tobuild trust or establishing interdepen-dencies across divides, that provideincentives for cooperation and collec-tive action and, in many ways, high-light the way in which conflict and warhas very significant costs in terms oflost development.It is important to be realistic aboutthe role of economics - years of re-search have shown how cross-border


INTERVIEWOPTIONS FOR PEACE 20

nisms, establishing a common under-standing of the economy, fosteringtrust and managing expectations,highlighting the opportunity costs,creating frameworks for effectivegovernance of trade and increasingpredictability. Ultimately the divi-dends become more tangible whenpeople can see jobs being created. Athread that runs though this is thatsustainable peacebuilding seems tocome from incentives rather thanthreats.

You have talked about a publica-tion on Cross-LoC trade, based ondiscussion papers? Could you pleasetell us something about economicand peace potential of Cross-LoCtrade and also how do you look atits future?

In doing the research what we heardfrom traders and analysts is that

traders face considerable obstacles,primarily from the heavy constraintsthat govern their activities, so if welook to the future I think it is impor-tant to examine ways to make thetrade operate more effectively. Thiscould be done by easing limitationson communication and travel, by ex-tending trading - in terms of how of-ten the Trade Facilitation Points areopen and the list of goods that canbe traded, and perhaps later lookingat whether or not more routes couldbe opened. If trade is to continue togrow and have both economic andpeacebuilding impacts it needs to beplaced on a modern economic basiswith proper banking services andcommunications facilities.I think the Jammu and Kashmir JointChamber of Commerce and Industrydemonstrates the potential of trad-ers from both sides of the LoC to worktogether. It is the only cross LoC non-government organisation and is thefirst indication of the possibility ofregion wide formal civil society ini-tiatives. Such an organisation canact as a pressure group to galvaniseother stakeholders in the economyand by example show how it is pos-sible to cooperate across the LoC formutual benefit. But for it to work ef-

fectively the separate Chambers alsoneed to operate more effectively.One of the most striking things forme was when one trader involved inour research said about the trade "Isuddenly realised it's not just a tradeventure but can become a tool forpeople-to-people diplomacy". I thinkthere is a constituency that has astake working together and this couldbe an example to others. On its ownthe trade will not transform the situ-ation - there is no hiding from thefact that the overall situation hasbecome increasingly complex in thepast couple of years - but it does cre-ate a positive dynamic that should benurtured.

people and the governments mustlook at?

At the JAW in Bangkok we exploredwhether or not scope exists to

promote cooperation across the LoCin other fields and in particular thatof higher education. Participants feltthat finding connections in thissphere, that is of widening intellec-tual horizons, could reach across di-vides - both the physical and geo-graphical divides that impact on theregion but also the intellectual andpsychological divides and legaciesthat have become so much a part ofthe recent history of the region. Wehave been pleased to be able to fa-cilitate contact between peopleclosely involved in the higher educa-tion system and generation of ideasacross the LoC. Their work togethersets out some ideas of how coopera-tion could occur. On the basis of theirinitial research we brought togethersome educators in Istanbul late lastyear to discuss the suggestions. Nowit is a question of extending the dis-cussion and seeing whether theirideas can be applied in reality. I knowthat others are also doing researchinto whether or not there is scope forcooperation in the sphere of tourismand I am sure there are other issuesthat can be examined.In looking at these different oppor-tunities it is important to be con-scious that there are very real secu-rity concerns involved. The politicalreality of relations across the LoC andon each side is also complex so find-ing the right balance is always goingto be a challenge. But ideas in them-selves can provide an important cre-ative stimulus to ensure that peoples'concerns are addressed in ways thatcan be mutually beneficial. It has beena privilege for CR to work with somany people committed to findingways forward in what has been sucha long running and painful context.We see many opportunities ahead andhope that we can continue to supportthese sharing some our thinking andexperience in the field of peace-build-ing to help provide space to thinkanew about today's challenges.

CR is an independentnon-profit

organisation, whichwas set up in London

fifteen years ago. Wework with partners -

local civil societyorganisations and gov-ernments - in Africa,Asia, Europe, LatinAmerica and the Pa-

cific to build sustain-able and peaceful re-sponses to violent con-

flict. We very muchbelieve that conflictscan be transformed

peacefully, but this isa painstaking and of-

ten, sadly, a very long-term process

To an extent, we are convinced thatCross-LoC trade between two partsof Jammu and Kashmir is providingopportunities of building peace con-stituencies as well as some eco-nomic benefits for the stakeholders.What, do you think, may be theother areas of Cross-LoC coopera-tion in Jammu and Kashmir which


INTERVIEWOPTIONS FOR PEACE2 1


Prescriptions without DiagnosisA prescription can work only if the disease is diagnosed. For Kashmir, there have been around 70 proposalsfor resolution of the conflict that has been lingering on since 1947. This means, on an average more thanone new conflict resolution model every year. A majority of these models, more than 50, came up during thedecades of 1950s, 1960s and 1990s. While some of the plans were results of state led negotiations, backchannel diplomacies and cravings of stakeholders but majority of ideas have come from researchers andthink-tanks. Why none of 70 models could bring desired results in Kashmir? Our understanding of allmodels suggests that there were all overwhelming and ambitious prescriptions without taking the pain ofdiagnosis. To say that all models overlooked the ground realities sound ludicrous but an analysis of everyindividual plan would reveal that formulator kept only one or two constituencies in mind and ignored therest. Sixty-three years after eruption of conflict, an appreciation of diversities in Jammu and Kashmir hasyet to come. The princely state of Jammu and Kashmir that became of theatre of conflict with rival claimsin 1947 is comprised of five key regions -Kashmir valley, Jammu, Ladakh on Indian side and 'Azad' Kashmirand Gilgit-Baltistan on Pakistani side. Most of the conflict resolution models from earlier years to date havetheir focus mostly on the valley of Kashmir, very less attention on Jammu and hardly any mention of Ladakhand Gilgit-Baltistan. That's seems a fundamental flaw with all prescriptions. While political aspirations indifferent regions of Jammu and Kashmir were never homogenous at any given point in history the pro-longed conflict over past six decades has further hardened the stands. Therefore, in present times itbecomes all the more important to get deeper into the problem and find out areas of consensus. In followingpages we have listed 44 most important and much talked about conflict resolution models. Others from thelist of 70 were not picked up in this issue because most of them were more or less repetitive. The Autonomyformula of National Conference is not discussed here for that needs a larger deal. By listing these proposalshere were are just trying to take readers to the creative options that came up from time to time and at thesame time there is an opportunity of locating the reasons for their failure. These proposals reveal sets ofstrategic and political thinking of different times and different powers and give some ideas about the pointsof convergence and commonalities. While compendium of conflict resolution proposals for Kashmir havebeen taking rounds for a long time, but in our present issue we have drawn benefit from a comprehensivestudy done by Aadil Najam of Frederick Pardee Centre at Boston University and Moeed Yusuf of USIP.

PLANS THAT NEVER WORKEDOPTIONS FOR PEACE 22

PROPOSAL 11

Plebiscite under UN

CONTOURS

Plebiscite in entire Jammu and Kashmir after substan-tial force reduction GilgitBaltistan administered by lo-cal authorities under UnitedNations supervision

General Andrew George LattaMcNaughton, (February 1887-July1966) was a Canadian army officer,politician and diplomat. McNaughtonenlisted in the Canadian militia in1909. He took the 4th Battery of theCanadian Expeditionary Force over-seas with the outbreak of World WarI in 1914. While there he helped makeadvances in the science of artillery,and was wounded twice. The need toaccurately pinpoint artillery targets,both stationary and moving, led tohis invention called Sound Rangingwhich was the forerunner of radar. Hesold the rights to that invention tothe Government of Canada for only$10. This scientific innovation en-abled the Canadian artillery to knockout 70 percent of the German gunsjust before the battle of Vimy Ridge.By the end of the war as a Lieuten-ant-Colonel he was in command of allof the Canadian Corps artillery

Does UN resolution offer 'independence option' as Kashmiri freedom leadersdemand? This question is hypothetical in terms of ifs and buts. Theleaders of Kashmiri separatist movement, who are essentially opposed

to the idea of Kashmir being part of India, demand UN supervised plebisciteto determine the political future of the troubled state. However, there are notenough explanations from them whether UN resolution offers the Azadi op-tion. After almost a decade after UN Secretary General himself said that UNresolution is no more relevant in case of Kashmir, there is a growing under-standing among the Kashmir separat-ists who have not started talking moreabout an Indo-Pak dialogue. In No-vember 2010 it was learnt that UnitedNations has removed Kashmir fromits list of unresolved disputes. Thatwas a big setback to Pakistan's posi-tion. However, a day later the UN saidthat Kashmir has been retained on theagenda for another year.BackgroundOn January 1, 1948, India formally re-ferred the case of Pakistani aggres-sion in Kashmir to the United NationsSecurity Council under Article 35 of theUN Charter. This move was directedtowards protecting India's territorialintegrity. Initially, Pakistan denied thatits troops were present on the soil ofKashmir but when a three-member UNdelegation (subsequent to the UN Security Council resolution dated 20 Janu-ary 1948) visited the actual scene of fighting, the Pakistan government ad-mitted the presence of its troops. Consequently, the UN included the Kashmirissue on its agenda. On February 5, 1948, the UN resolution interalia calledfor an immediate ceasefire and a plebiscite to decide the future of the state.By April 21, 1948, the UN among other issues, increased the number of mem-bers of the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP) from 3to 5 and recommended to the governments of India and Pakistan interalia for(1) the withdrawal of all tribesmen and Pakistanis, (2) the reduction of forcelevels by India on restoration of normalcy, (3) the appointment of a plebisciteadministration by India and (4) the appointment of a plebiscite administratorby the UN Secretary General. On August 13, 1948, the UN adopted anotherresolution interalia calling for (1) a ceasefire, (2) Pakistan to withdraw thetribals and to put its troops under the command of local civilian authorities,(3) India to withdraw bulk of its troops, (4) the UN observers to supervise theceasefire and (5) the holding of the plebiscite. The resolution was followed upon December 11, 1948 with the appointment of a plebiscite administrator. OnJanuary 5, 1949, the two earlier resolutions were amalgamated into a singleresolution that reiterated the earlier proposals. (a) On March 22, 1949,Admiral Chester Nimitz of the US Navy was appointed by the UN to ensure theimplementation of the 13 August 1948 resolution through arbitration. The

UN resolution is on the lips of every'freedom leader' but is therean option for freedom ?

The U.N involvement in theKashmir Conflict largely

lasted for 17 years (1948-65).After the Indo-Pak war of

1965, the U.N engagementwith Kashmir continued at a

very nominal level till the 3rdPakistan-India war of 1971and completely ended with

the signing of the SimlaAgreement in 1972, an Indo-Pak peace agreement, whichlaid emphasis on adopting abilateral framework to solve

the Kashmir imbroglio andkept the U.N out of the pic-

ture afterwards.

BRAINCHILDAGL McNaughtonPERIOD: 1949-50


PLANS THAT NEVER WORKEDOPTIONS FOR PEACE23


mission failed. (b) Following this, General

Macnanghton of Canada, the then UNPresident, was authorised by the Se-curity Council to informally seek amutually satisfactory solution. Hisproposals for the demilitarisationwere unacceptable to India and Paki-stan. Hence, on 14 March 1950, theUNCIP was dissolved and Sir Owen, ajudge from Australia was appointedas the UN representative to seek theUN objective of demilitarisation. Hesuggested two plans including the di-vision of the state. The governmentof India rejected both the proposalsas these provided for the establish-ment of an UN authority in the state.

(c) Thereafter, Dr. Frank Grahamwas appointed as the UN representa-tive by a UN resolution (30 March1951) to bring about demilitarisation.Five rounds of discussions followed(Sept. 1951 - Feb. 1953). Dr. Grahamhad suggested the reduction of Paki-stani troops in Pakistan OccupiedKashimr (PoK) to 6000 and that of theIndian troops to 21000 in J&K. Theproposal fell through because of op-position from Pakistan.

(d) The UN later authorisedGunnar Jarring, the then UN Presi-dent, to visit India and Pakistan toseek demilitarisation. He visited In-dia and Pakistan (14 March - 11 April1957). He later reported the failureof the visit to the UN. The U.N in-volvement in the Kashmir Conflictlargely lasted for 17 years (1948-65).After the Indo-Pak war of 1965,the U.N engagement with Kashmircontinued at a very nominal level tillthe 3rd Pakistan-India war of 1971and completely ended with the sign-ing of the Simla Agreement in 1972,an Indo-Pak peace agreement, whichlaid emphasis on adopting a bilateralframework to solve the Kashmir im-broglio and kept the U.N out of thepicture afterwards. During thecourse of its engagement with theKashmir Conflict, spanning 23 years(1948-1971), the U.N passed a num-ber of resolutions, which were aimedat mediation and resolution of theconflict. Between 1948 and 1971, theU.N Security Council passed 23 reso-lutions on Kashmir Conflict

PROPOSAL 22

Plebiscite along regional lines

BRAINCHILDOwen DixonPERIOD: 1950

CONTOURS

PROPOSAL 33

Partition-plebiscite

BRAINCHILDOwen DixonPERIOD: 1950

Sir Owen Dixon (1886 - 1972) Australian judge anddiplomat, was the sixth Chief Justice of Australia. Ajustice of the High Court for thirty-five years, Dixonwas one of the leading jurists in the English-speakingworld[1] and is widely regarded as Australia's greatestever jurist. On May 27, 1950, Dixon was invited bythe United Nations to act as their official mediatorbetween the governments of India and Pakistan overthe disputed territory of Kashmir. His role was to con-tinue conciliation talks between the two nations in thelead up to a proposed plebiscite to be put to the resi-dents of Kashmir. His role as mediator ended in Octo-ber 1950, although he had left India in September frustrated with what hesaw as an inability of the respective governments to negotiate.

Plebiscite in entire Jammu andKashmir to determine region byregion allocation to Pakistan orIndia. Sir Owen Dixon proposedto trifurcate the State in 1950.He suggested that the state bedivided into three zones andplebiscites be conducted sepa-rately for the three zones. Thethree zones were to be 1) Kash-mir valley plus the Muslim areasof Jammu - Poonch, Rajouri andDoda. Moreover, Kargil wouldform part of the Valley. 2)Jammu with the remaining dis-trict of Ladakh. 3) Pakistan con-trolled Kashmir plus the North-ern Areas.

CONTOURS

Partition between Indian and Pakistan, Except for Kashmir Valley;valley decision through United Nations administeredPlebiscite.

DIXON PLANOne of over 60 different plans thatcame up for resolution of Kash-mir at different points of time,Dixon Plan is the most popular andis still being discussed. Research-ers say this was the only planwhich had brought India and Paki-stan closer to a resolution. TheDixon Plan had assigned Ladakhto India, the Northern Areas andPakistan-Occupied Kashmir (POK)to Pakistan, split Jammu betweenthe two, and envisaged a plebi-scite in the Kashmir Valley. Paki-stan demurred at first, butagreed. It fell through becauseNehru did not accept the condi-tions in which the plebiscite couldbe held; precisely the issue onwhich the United Nations Commis-sion for India and Pakistan (UNCIP)and Graham failed. They, becauseof their ineptness; Dixon becausehe lost patience

PLANS THAT NEVER WORKEDOPTIONS FOR PEACE 2 4

Territorial status-quo-demilitarisation

BRAINCHILDJohn GalbraithPERIOD: 1961

John Kenneth "Ken" Galbraith (1908-2006)was a Canadian-American economist. Hewas a Keynesian and an institutionalist, aleading proponent of 20th-century politi-cal liberalism. His books on economic top-ics were bestsellers from the 1950sthrough the 2000s and he filled the roleof public intellectual from the 50's to the1970s on matters of economics. Galbraithwas a prolific author who produced fourdozen books and over a thousand articleson various subjects. Among his most fa-mous works was a popular trilogy on economics, American Capital-ism (1952), The Affluent Society (1958), and The New IndustrialState (1967). He taught at Harvard University for many years.Galbraith was active in Democratic Party politics, serving in theadministrations of Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry S. Truman, John F.Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson; he served as United States Am-bassador to India under Kennedy. Due to his prodigious literary out-put he was arguably the best known economist in the world duringhis lifetime[1] and was one of a select few people to be awardedthe Presidential Medal of Freedom twice, in 1946 and 2000, forservices to economics. During his time as an adviser to PresidentJohn F. Kennedy, Galbraith was appointed United States Ambassa-dor to India from 1961 to 1963. His rapport with President Kennedywas such that he regularly bypassed the State Department and senthis diplomatic cables directly to the President.[9] In India, he be-came an intimate of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, and exten-sively advised the Indian government on economic matters; heharshly criticised Louis Mountbatten, the last Viceroy of British rule,for Mountbatten's passive role in the Partition of India in 1947 andthe bloody partition of Punjab and Bengal. While in India, he helpedestablish one of the first computer science departments, at theIndian Institute of Technology in Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh. Even afterleaving office, Galbraith remained a friend and supporter of Indiaand hosted a lunch for Indian students at Harvard every year ongraduation day. It was at his recommendation, First Lady of theUnited States Jacqueline Bouvier Kennedy undertook her diplomaticmissions in India and Pakistan.

PROPOSAL 44

CONTOURS

Plebiscite in entire Jammu and Kashmir. Prof. JosephKorbel, author of Danger in Kash-mir, was the first person to beappointed by the United NationsSecurity Council to be chairmanof the UN commission for Indiaand Pakistan.

BRAINCHILDJeseph Korbel PERIOD: 1954 PROPOSAL 5

5CONTOURS

Territorial status -quo with out formal partition, freedom of movement across the cease fire line:soft border, applicable only to residents of speciallydesignated areas, demilitarized ceasefire line. Thelatest Indo-Pak Confidence Building Measures on Kash-mir, like travel and trade across Line of Control, seemto revolving around John Galbraith's formula.

Josef Korbel (1909 - 1977) was a Czechoslova-kian diplomat and U.S. educator, who is nowbest known as the father of Bill Clinton's Secre-tary of State, Madeleine Albright, and the men-tor of George W. Bush's Secretary of State,Condoleezza Rice. Though he served as a dip-lomat in the government of Czechoslovakia,Korbel's Jewish heritage forced him to flee af-ter the Nazi invasion in 1939. Prior to theirflight, Körbel and his wife had converted fromJudaism to Roman Catholicism. He served asan advisor to Edvard Beneš, the exiled Czechpresident in London, until the Nazis were de-feated. He then returned to Czechoslovakia,receiving a luxurious Prague apartment previ-ously owned by Karl Nebrich, a Bohemian Ger-man industrialist expropriated and expelled un-der the Beneš decrees. Korbel was asked byBeneš to serve as the country's ambassador toYugoslavia, but was forced to flee again duringthe Communist coup in 1948. After learning thathe had been tried and sentenced to death inabsentia, Korbel was granted political asylumin the United States in 1949. He was hired toteach international politics at the University ofDenver, and became the founding Dean of theGraduate School of International Studies.

Plebiscite


PLANS THAT NEVER WORKEDOPTIONS FOR PEACE2 5


PROPOSAL 66

Adjustment of LoC as international border

CONTOURS

Adjustment of Line of Control as per manent international border betweenIndia and Pakistan allowing both countriesto hold control of the parts of Kashmir,de facto and de jure, as per possessionof the territory on the day.

PROPOSAL 77 Chenab formula

BRAINCHILDPakistanPERIOD: 1962-63

CONTOURS

This formula could have been a repeat of the reli gion based partition and fulfillment of the ulti-mate goal of the two-nation theory. The Chenabformula envisaged partition of Jammu and Kashmiralong the Chenab River, Pakistan willing to give upthe remote region of Ladakh in India's favour andsome Hindu majority areas of Jammu staying withIndia.

BRAINCHILDIndiaPERIOD: 1962-63

PROPOSAL 88 Partition along communal

lines in JammuBRAINCHILDPakistanPERIOD: 1963

CONTOURS

This was again another formula proposed by Pakistanthat sought division purely on commu-nal lines. Interesting feature was that this formulawas proposed only for Jammu division and it wassuggested to defer decision for Kashmir Valley. Theformula sought partition along the peaks of PirPanchal range in northern Jammu; Kashmir valleyinternationalized for 5-10 years, valley's residentsto ascertain their wishes subsequently.

CONTOURS

Partition with the international borderrunning through Kashmir val-ley; northwestern part of the valley andwestern part of Jammu becomes Paki-stan; a silver of territory above Kargil; becomes India; new soft border forresidents of the valley ; residents guar-anteed some self rule ; active US roleenvisioned in implementation .

PROPOSAL 99 Partition through

ValleyBRAINCHILDUnited StatesPERRIOD: 1963

OPTIONS:(L) Kashmir Going to India (R) Status quo


10PROPOSAL 10

BRAINCHILDA product of Pakistan-IndiaNegotiationsPERIOD: 1964

BACKGROUNDThe first conflict between Yugoslavia and the US and the UK was over Trieste. This was one of the first incidents of thenascent and emerging Cold War. In Veneto and Trieste there were population displacements following World War IIwhen a shooting war between Yugoslavia and the US was narrowly averted. Trieste was the first salvo in the Cold WarDespite its Austrian status, Trieste preserved linguistic and cultural ties with Italy. It was a center of irredentism, andafter World War I Trieste and its province were annexed (1919) by Italy. However, its prosperity declined under Italianrule. After World War II the area was claimed by Yugoslavia, mainly because the population outside the city of Triesteis predominantly Slovenian. The Western powers opposed Yugoslavia's claim. As a compromise, a new state, the FreeTerritory of Trieste, was created (1947) under the protection of the UN Security Council. The Free Territory includedthe city of Trieste and a coastal zone of Istria, running from Duino along the Gulf of Trieste to Cittanova. When theSecurity Council was unable to agree on a governor for the territory, Anglo-American forces occupied Zone A, consist-ing of Italian-speaking Trieste and its environs, while the Yugoslavs occupied Zone B, the remainder of the FreeTerritory. Tension between Italy and Yugoslavia continued until 1954, when, in a compromise agreement reached underWestern auspices, Zone A was placed under Italian administration and Zone B under Yugoslav civil administration(divided between the republics of Slovenia and Croatia). The solution amounted to a partition of the Free Territory,which then ceased to exist; this arrangement was finalized by the Treaty Of Osimo (1975).

Trieste-like arrangement

CONTOURS

There is no evidence of India having agreed to suchproposal but contemporaries say that the idea wasdiscussed between the countries. It is also understood thatthe Kashmir leader Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah was keptin loop on these discussions. Trieste-like arrangement wouldgive Jammu and Ladakh to India, Kashmir valley to Paki-stan; soft border for Kashmiris on both sides of border.

1 1PROPOSAL 11

Partition-Trusteeship-plebisciteBRAINCHILDParvez Iqbal CheemaPERIOD: 1986CONTOURS

Pakistan Kashmir and Gilgit and Baltistan incorporated intoPakistan and Jammu and Ladakhin to India; Kashmir valley placedunder UN Trusteeship for at leasta decade; subsequently, Plebiscitein valley.

Dr. Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema was born at Sialkot and was initially edu-cated at Sialkot, later on he moved to Government College, Lahorewhere he completed his Master's in History. Till July 1995 Dr. Cheemawas working as a Professor of International Relations, Quaid-i-AzamUniversity, Islamabad, Pakistan and in July 1995 he started workingfor the Ministry of Education, Government of Pakistan in the capacityof a Director General, Academy of Educational Planning and Manage-ment. From November 1996 to September 2000 Dr.Cheema worked asa Professorial Iqbal Fellow at South Asia Institute, Heidelberg Univer-sity, Germany. During his 19 years stay at Quaid-i-Azam University;Dr. Cheema served as the Chairman of International Relation's Depart-ment as well as Defence and Strategic Studies Department for morethan 14 years. From Oct.2000, Dr. Cheema worked for IslamabadPolicy Research Institute as its President. Since Feb. 2009 Dr. Cheemahas been working in the National Defense University as a Dean,Faculty of Contemporary Studies, Islamabad. Dr. Cheema is also ascholar of international repute. His articles have regularly appearedboth in National as well as International Academic Journals, PopularMagazines and daily Newspapers. He has published more than 120research articles and over 600 other general articles/columns etc. Inaddition, Dr. Cheema has authored many books and monographsincluding the following;




12PROPOSAL 12

Demographic maneuvers

BRAINCHILDBJP and its supportedorganizationsPERIOD: 1990 Onward

13PROPOSAL 13

Sovereignty Association

BRAINCHILDAyesha JalalPERIOD: 1990

Ayesha Jalal is a Pa-kistani-American so-ciologist and histo-rian. She is a profes-sor of history at TuftsUniversity and a 1998MacArthur Fellow.The bulk of her workdeals with the cre-ation of Muslim iden-tities in modern SouthAsia. She is thedaughter of HamidJalal, a niece of thefamous Urdu fictionwriter Saadat HasanManto and a civil ser-vant. Jalal is amongthe most prominentAmerican academics who writes on the history of India andPakistan. Her innovative scholarship has led to frequentcriticisms by both Pakistani and Indian establishment schol-ars. Her most prominent works are on the role of MuhammadAli Jinnah and the partition of India. She argues that the1947 partition of India-the event that opened the door forthe creation of Pakistan-was an accident, a colossal mis-calculation. What's more, she says that Jinnah never wanteda separate Muslim state; he was only using the threat ofindependence as a political bargaining chip to strengthenthe voice of the Muslim minority in the soon-to-be sover-eign India.Conversely, she lays a greater share of the blame for parti-tion on the Indian National Congress and leaders likeJawaharlal Nehru and Sardar Patel, who saw partition as away of eliminating its main competition and leaving it thedominant player in a centralised state

14PROPOSAL 14

BRAINCHILDSelig HarrisonPERIOD: 1992

CONTOURS

Jammu and Ladakh go to India ; Gilgit andBaltistan to Pakistan; Kashmir valleyalong with Sizable Muslim pockets' inJammu and Ladakh get autonomy as doesPakistani Kashmir; LOC becomes interna-tional border ; Pakistan Kashmir and the'new state' to have soft borders; demilita-rization of Jammu Kashmir under UN su-pervision.

Selig Seidenman Harrison (born March 19, 1927 inWilkinsburg, Pennsylvania) is is a scholar, journalist,and author who specializes in South Asia and East Asia.He is the Director of the Asia Program and a seniorfellow at the Center for International Policy, and a se-nior scholar of the Woodrow Wilson International Cen-ter for Scholars. He has written five books on Asianaffairs and U.S. relations with Asia. His latest book,Korean Endgame: A Strategy for Reunification and U.S.Disengagement (Princeton University Press), won the2002 award of the Association of American Publishersfor the best Professional/Scholarly Book in Governmentand Political Science.

His outspoken, constructive criticisms of Adminis-tration policies often appear on Op-Ed pages of manymajor newspapers, including The Washington Post, TheNew York Times, The International Herald Tribune, TheLos Angeles Times and The Financial Times. He is cur-rently a member of the Afghanistan Study Group.

CONTOURS

Two state referendum ; in Indian Kashmir with two options: status quo or indepen-dence in Pakistan Kashmir with two options;unite with the rest of Jammu Kashmir on thebasis of sovereignty association or remain withPakistan; Jammu and Ladakh can opt to joinIndia; Pakistan and India to minimize militarypresence.

CONTOURS

Entire Jammu and Kashmir part of India; massive Hindu and Sikh immigration toIndian Kashmir to convert the state into aMuslim minority area.

Autonomy-Trieste-likearrangement


15PROPOSAL 15

Confederation ofautonomous statesBRIANCHILDRaju ThomasPERIOD: 1992

CONTOURS

Joint India-Pakistan control over a demilitarized ` Jammu- Kashmir.Eventually, Jammu-Kashmir be-comes part of an overall confederal arrangement insouth Asia; the autonomous 'republics' to havr a singledecentralized, democratic confederation managing de-fense, foreign affairs, communications and currency.

DETAILSRaju G.C. Thomas provides an interesting starting point for study-ing possible solutions in his edited volume Perspectives on Kash-mir. Thomas outlines nine possible strategies for India to dealwith the Kashmir conflict:(1) maintain the territorial status quo,(2) secure Kashmir's accession to Pakistan,(3) create an independent Kashmir,(4) partition and transfer the Vale of Kashmir to Pakistan,(5) transform the demography of Kashmir by settling non-Muslims,(6) generate an exodus of Kashmiri Muslims to Pakistan,(7) share control with Pakistan,(8) foster a subcontinent of several states, and(9) promote a decentralized confederation of subcontinen-tal states.

16 Autonomy-de facto parti-tionBRAINCHILDJagat S. MehtaPERIOD: 1992

17PROPOSAL 17

Maximum autonomyto Jammu-Kashmir

BRAINCHILDAG NooraniPERIOD 1992

CONTOURS

Maximum autonomy for entire Jammu-Kashmir; power

sharing finalized through a sus-tained dialogue with equal voice toIndia, Pakistan and Kashmiris; softborder between Indian and PakistanKashmir.A. G. Noorani, a secular Indian Muslim, is alawyer and political analyst. He is is an Ad-vocate in the Supreme Court of India and aleading Constitutional expert. His columnsappear in The Hindustan Times, Frontline,Economic and Political Weekly and DainikBhaskar. He is the author of a number of booksincluding: 'The Kashmir Question', 'BadruddinTyabji Ministers' Misconduct', 'Brezhnev's Planfor Asian Security', 'The Presidential System','The Trial of Bhagat Singh' and 'ConstitutionalQuestions in India'

18PROPOSAL 18

South Asia House(Joint Pakistan-India control)BRAINCHILDAsia SocietyPERIOD: 1992

CONTOURS

Line of Control converted intointernational border,India to give up special statusto its part of Jammu-Kashmir,; both parts jointly managedby Pakistan and India; inter-national actors help bring thetwo countries to agreement.

PROPOSAL 16CONTOURS

Demilitarized of Line of Control up to 5-10 miles on both sides; in creased autonomyfor Indian Kashmir; elections held simulta-neously in Pakistan and Indian Kashmir, the two state gov-ernment allowed to maintain regular contact.Jagat Singh Mehta is a former foreign secretary of India. A career diplomat(1947-1980) he was foreign secretary from 1976 to 1979. He was Chargéd'affaires China (1963-1966) and High Commissioner to Tanzania (1970-1974).He was Associate at Harvard (1969 and 1980) and Fellow at Woodrow WilsonCenter, Washington, D.C., 1981. His publications include: Militarization inthe Third World (1985); The March of Folly in Afghanistan (2002); and Nego-tiating for India (2006). He received the Padma Bhushan award in 2002.




19PROPOSAL 19

Fourth Alternative

BRAINCHILDBhawani Sen GuptaPERIOD: 1993

CONTOURS

In Hindustan Times February 5,1993, Bhawani Sen Guptafloated the idea of fourth al-ternative. According to him,this is the concept of theState of undivided Jammuand Kashmir which will notbe sovereign and free. But itwill be independent in its in-ternal affairs and it is pos-sible that it will be free toestablish financial connec-tions with outside world. Itwill have no independent for-eign policy. Its security canbe guaranteed by India andPakistan jointly or separatelyor through an agreementreached between India andPakistan.

20PROPOSAL 20

Autonomy, co-federalism

BRAINCHILDBG VerghesePERIOD: 1993

CONTOURS

Line of Control becomes international border; India to grant maximuma utonomy to Indian Kashmir; new demilitarizedsoft border. Verghese is also in favour of the restoration ofpre-1952 constitutional position in Kashmir. According tohim, Kashmir should be free to manage all affairs exceptforeign affairs, defence and communications. The Line ofActual Control is to be treated as international border. Thisborder should be made soft so that Kashmiris carry out tradeand other cultural activities freely.

B G Verghese is a veterancolumnist and journalist.He was former Editor ofHindustan Times and IndianExpress. He is also an au-thor and visiting professor,Centre for Policy Research,New Delhi. Verghese startedhis journalistic career inThe Times of India. He wasinformation adviser toformer Prime MinisterIndira Ghandhi during the period 1966-69. His autobiography "First Draft:Witness to Making of Modern India" published in October 2010. He receivedRamon Magsaysay award for his outstanding contribution to journalism, in1975.

21PROPOSAL 20International me-diation-pacificationBRAINCHILDRobert WirsingPERIOD: 1994

CONTOURS

International mediation on Kashmir by the united states with the objective of demilitarization, pacification and peacekeeping alongthe Line of Control, Joint India-Pakistan patrolling of the boundary.

Dr. Robert G. Wirsing is a member of the faculty of the Asia-PacificCenter for Security Studies, Honolulu, Hawaii. A specialist on SouthAsian politics and international relations, he has made over 40 re-search trips to the South Asian region since 1965. His recent researchfocuses primarily on the politics and diplomacy of natural resources(water and energy) in South Asia. Dr. Wirsing's publications includePakistan's Security under Zia, 1977-1988 (St. Martin's Press, 1991); In-dia, Pakistan, and the Kashmir Dispute (St. Martin's Press, 1994); Kash-mir in the Shadow of War (M. E. Sharpe, 2002); Religious Radicalism &Security in South Asia, co-editor (Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies, 2004); and EthnicDiasporas & Great Power Strategies in Asia, co-editor (India Research Press, 2007).


22PROPOSAL 22

Partition, formation ofKashmir AutonomousRegionBRAINCHILDJoseph SchwartzbergPERIOD: 1995

CONTOURS

Referendum in Jammu-Kashmir followed by autonomy for all or part of the state ; bor-der rationalized by crafting it along the moun-tain crests in Jammu-Kashmir ; subsequently ,referendum with choices of incorporation intoIndia or joining a 'Kashmiri Autonomous Region'(KAR) for India Kashmir, and incorporation intoPakistan or joining KAR for Pakistan Kashmir,soft border for KAR with Pakistan and India;

23PROPOSAL 23

Partition alongcommunal lines

BRAINCHILDSaeed ShafqatPERIOD: 1995

CONTOURS

Partition along a renegotiated boundary; Pakistan gets all Muslim majorityareas; Jammu and Ladakh go to India; involve China innegotiations.A leading Pakistani academician, Saeed Shafqat holds an MA in SouthAsian Studies and Ph.D. (Political Science) from University of Pennsyl-vania, Philadelphia. He is a founder member and former Chairman ofthe Department of Pakistan Studies established in 1973 at the Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad. He has served as Chief Instructor andWarden (1988-2001), Pakistan Civil Services Academy, Lahore. Overthis period, he imparted instruction and training to over 1,500 undertraining officers (federal civil servants) who are now serving in different branches ofgovernment all over Pakistan. He has been President (1990), Institute of Regional StudiesIslamabad (and retains the distinction of being the only academic/professional to headthat research organization). His research articles on culture, politics, security and variousaspects of public policy, governance and civil service reform on Pakistan have been pub-lished in journals of international repute. His books include: Political System of Pakistanand Public Policy (1989) Civil- Military Relations in Pakistan (1997), Contemporary Issuesin Pakistan Studies (2000, 3rd edition). New Perspectives on Pakistan: Visions for theFuture (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2007)

24PROPOSAL 24

Indus Water Treaty model(division along river basins)

BRAINCHILDMushtaq-Ur-RahmanPERIOD: 1996

CONTOURS

Partition along river basins; Kashmir Valley and 'same eastern areas' become part of Pakistan; parts of Jammu and Ladakh become India' bilateral negotiations to settle the issue of Muslim majority areas on Chenab basin;involve international community in finalizing partition

Joseph E. Schwartzberg is a University of Minnesota professor emeritus of geography andprominent world federalist scholar. Schwartzberg was born in Brooklyn, New York in 1928. Hehas done significant work in seeking solutions to the Kashmir conflict. He also developed theidea of "weighted voting" for representation in a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly. Heis best known as the editor and principal author of the Historical Atlas of South Asia, whichwon the Watumull Prize of the American Historical Association and a distinguished achieve-ment award from the Association of American Geographers. He served on the board of direc-tors of the World Federalist Association, has chaired its Policy and Issues Commission, and ispresently President of the Minnesota Chapter of Citizens for Global Solutions.



PLANS THAT NEVER WORKEDOPTIONS FOR PEACE

25PROPOSAL 25

Partition-autonomyfor KashmirBRAINCHILDSummit GangulyPERIOD: 1997

CONTOURS

Step-wise approach leading to par tition along a modified Line ofControl; bilateral negotiations onother contentions issues; Pakistan towithdraw support for the insurgencyin Jammu and Kashmir; New Delhito provide autonomy for Jammu andKashmir and amnesty to insurgents.

26PROPOSAL 26

Livingston Proposal

BRAINCHILDKashmir Study GroupPERIOD: 1998

CONTOURS

Jammu-Kashmir, excludingJammu and Ladakh, to become

a sovereign entity with its own citi-zenship, flag and legislature butwithout internationally recognizedindependence; Kashmir represen-tation in negotiations, soft-bordersfor Kashmiris; Pakistan and Indiaonly manage defence and foreignaffairs. The 1998 Livingston Pro-posal was developed by some mem-bers of the KSG in consultation withwell-informed Indians and Paki-stanis. In brief summary, theLivingston Proposal envisages a fu-ture dispensation for Jammu &Kashmir that departs from theparadigm of "indivisibility" and sug-gests reconstituting an entity (orentities) from portions of theformer princely State of Jammu andKashmir that would have their ownsecular, democratic constitution(s),as well as their own citizenship,flag(s), and legislature(s). Thelegislature(s) would act on all mat-ters other than defense and foreignaffairs. India and Pakistan would bejointly responsible for the defenseof Kashmir, which would itselfmaintain police forces for internallaw and order. India and Pakistanwould be expected to work out fi-nancial arrangements for the newKashmiri entity or entities. One ofthe main elements of the proposeddispensation involves the ability ofthe Kashmir region to have liberalaccess to and from both India andPakistan for the transit of people,goods, and services.

This proposal is called so be-cause this was drafted and dis-cussed at Livingston, NewYork, estate of Kashmiri busi-nessman Farooq Kathwari

27PROPOSAL 27

Plebsicite-independence

BRAINCHILDJKLFPERIOD: 1998

Sumit Ganguly is a Professor of Political Science, theDirector of the India Studies Program and holds theRabindranath Tagore Chair in Indian Cultures and Civi-lizations at Indiana University, Bloomington. He has pre-viously taught at James Madison College of MichiganState University, Hunter College and the Graduate Schoolof the City University of New York and the University of Texas at Austin. Aspecialist on the international politics of South Asia, he is the author, co-au-thor, editor, co-editor of twenty books on the region. Professor Ganguly hasbeen a Guest Scholar and Fellow at the Woodrow Wilson International Centerfor Scholars in Washington, DC, a Visiting fellow at the Center for InternationalSecurity and Cooperation, and a Visiting Fellow at the Center of Democracy,Development and the Rule of Law at Stanford University. He currently serves onthe editorial boards of Asian Affairs, Asian Security, Asian Survey, Current His-tory, the Journal of Democracy and Security Studies. His most recent book isIndia, Pakistan and the Bomb: Debating Nuclear Stability in South Asia (with S.Paul Kapur). He is currently at work on a book, Deadly Impasse: India-Paki-stan Relations at the Dawn of a New Century for Cambridge University Press.

CONTOURSThe JKLF has proposed the for-mation of an eleven memberInternational Kashmir Commit-tee (IKC) consisting of one rep-resentative each from theU.N., United States, Russia,France, Britain, China, Ger-many, Japan, and the Organi-zation of Islamic Conference,and two representatives fromthe Nonaligned Movement.This committee will oversee aKashmir settlement in fivephases, beginning with(1) the formulation of anagreement,(2) the withdrawal of Indian,Pakistani and foreign militantforces from the entire state, (3) the demilitarization of allKashmiri militants,(4) the opening of all roads be-tween the two halves of Kash-

mir followed by a secular,democratic constitution withrepresentation from Kashmir,Jammu, Ladakh, PakistaniKashmir and the Northern Ter-ritories, and(5) a U.N.-supervised referen-dum 15 years later where theresidents of the state will de-cide on whether to join India,Pakistan or remain indepen-dent.The proposal is clearly loadedin favor of the independenceoption.

32


28PROPOSAL 28

Andorra-Like Solution

BRAINCHILDFazal Haq QureshiPERIOD: 2000

CONTOURS

Semi-sovereign status for Jammu-Kashmir, managed jointly by India andPakistan but their rule is limited to defence, foreign affairs and communi-

cations; Kashmiris residents get dual citizenship.

BACKGROUNDAndorra is a princely state located on the border between France and Spain and itwas claimed by both Spain and France. In 1993, the two countries reached anagreement and gave Andhora an independent constitution and gave them au-tonomy bordering on complete freedom - Andorra adopted Parliamentary democ-racy, but retains the titular heads of state nominated by France and Spain.Under the Andorra Proposal, Kashmir Valley would become a principality with for-eign policy, defence and financial support shared by India and Pakistan. The An-dorra proposal would result in the Kashmir Valley - including Pakistan-occupiedKashmir - dominated by Muslims, being carved out into a principality with its ownParliament. However, India and Pakistan would have nominated representatives. Itwould have open borders. It would also involve the tripartite partition of Jammu &Kashmir According to some experts, such an agreement was almost finalized in1964 negotiations between President Ayub Khan and Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru.

A patriarch of jihadist movement in Jammu and Kashmir, Fazal Haq Qureshi became a keypeace aficionado in 2009 when he got the moderate Hurriyat conference into secret talkswith New Delhi following Home Minister P Chidambaram's offer of quiet diplomacy. How-ever, later same year he was shot at in the skull by unidentified assailants and left seri-ously injured.Born in 1944 to a Srinagar cleric, Qureshi grew up in old-city Srinagar - the central site ofthe fierce contestation between Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah's Left-influenced, pro-peas-ant National Conference and the Islamist-leaning urban petty-bourgeoisie which shapedpost-independence Jammu and Kashmir politics.Qureshi was one among the three members of the Students and Youth League who laid thefoundations of the jihadist movement in Jammu and Kashmir in 1964. In 1987, inflamedby electoral malpractices which denied the opposition Muslim United Front a share inpower, Qureshi decided to form a new armed organisation. He was arrested in 1989, buthis old friend Abdul Majid Dar went on to secure Pakistani support for the idea. Dar laterco-founded the Tehrik-e-Jihad Islami, which in 1991 merged into the Hizb ul-Mujahideen.

29PROPOSAL 29

Referendum sum election

BRAINCHILDKashmir Records andResearch CouncilPERIOD: 2001

CONTOURS

Undertake variety of 'soft' measures to being normalcy to re-

gion; this will be followed by pro-cess for formulating an all-Kashmirparliament which will determineregion's future.

Referendum-separate autonomy

BRAINCHILDJohn DorschnerPERIOD: 2002

30PROPOSAL 30

CONTOURS

A two-year period of ceasefire, demilitarization, soft-borders and autonomy on both sides followed by internationally administered ref-

erendum; all negotiations to involve Kashmiri representation



BRAINCHILDSumantra BosePERIOD: 2003

31PROPOSAL 31

Good Friday agreement

CONTOURS

Maximum autonomy for Indian and Pakistani Kashmir without a formal partitions; soft borders between the two Kashmirs; negotiation to include

Kashmiris and post-agreement, ratification by Indian and Pakistani parliamentsand a referendum on both sides of the LOC.

BACKGROUNDThe Good Friday Agreement - also known as the Belfast Agree-ment and occasionally as the Stormont Agreement - was amajor political development in the Northern Ireland peace pro-cess. It established the Northern Ireland Assembly with de-volved legislative powers and marked a de-escalation of vio-lence in The Troubles. It was signed in Belfast on 10 April 1998(Good Friday) by the British and Irish governments and en-dorsed by most Northern Ireland political parties. On 23 May1998 the Agreement was endorsed by the voters of NorthernIreland in a referendum. On the same day, voters in the Re-public of Ireland voted separately to change their constitution in line with the Agree-ment. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) was the only large party that opposed theAgreement. The Agreement came into force on 2 December 1999.

Sumantra Bose is Professor of International and Comparative Politics at the London School of Economics. He specialisesin the study of ethnic and national conflicts and their management, with a particular focus on the Indian subcontinent(especially Kashmir) and the former Yugoslavia (in particular Bosnia and Herzegovina). His publications include States,Nations, Sovereignty: Sri Lanka, India and the Tamil Eelam Movement (Sage, 1994), Bosnia after Dayton: NationalistPartition and International Intervention (Oxford University Press, 2002), Kashmir: The Roots of Conflict, Paths toPeace (Harvard University Press, 2003) and Contested Lands: War and Peace in Israel-Palestine, Kashmir, Bosnia,Cyprus and Sri Landa (Harvard University Press, 2007).

32PROPOSAL 32

Partition-autonomy for Valley

BRAINCHILDMP BhandaraPERIOD: 2004

CONTOURS

Pakistani Kashmir and Northern Areas to Pakistan and Jammu and Ladakhto India; Kashmir Valley given maximum autonomy on all matters ex-

cept defence, foreign affairs and currency.

Minocher P Bhandara (died June 15, 2008, popularlyknown as Minoo, was a Pakistani businessman andformer minority representative and member of theNational Assembly of Pakistan (MNA). He belongedto the small Zoroastrian community.

33PROPOSAL 33

Sovereign, autonomousJammu-KashmirBRAINCHILDVed BhasinPERIOD: 2004

CONTOURS

Autonomy sovereign, democratic, federal and demilitarized. Jammu-Kashmir; state's security guaranteed jointly by India and Pakistan via a joint

council of representatives from Pakistan, India and Kashmir.



34PROPOSAL 34

Autonomy-soft border

BRAINCHILDPrem Shankar JhaPERIOD: 2004

CONTOURS

Maximum functional autonomy for Indian and Pakistani Kashmir with soft borders between them; electedrepresentatives from both Kashmirs decide if they want to set up a common consultative council to co-

ordinate policy on specific subjects.

Prem Shankar Jha (born 1938) is the Managing Editor of Financial World, the soon to belaunched business daily from Tehelka. He is also a columnist with Tehelka magazine. In 1961,he joined the United Nations where he spent five years in the United Nations DevelopmentProgramme UNDP. He spent two years in New York as a special assistant to the managingdirector of the Special Fund Mr. Paul G. Hoffman who was the first administrator of the UNDP.The remaining three were spent in Damascus, Syria. In 1966 Jha joined the Hindustan Timesas an assistant editor, in 1969 he moved to the Times of India, where he was the deputyeditor of The Economic Times. He then joined the Financial Express as its editor beforemoving back to the Times of India in 1981 as its economic editor. In 1986 he re-joined theHindustan Times as its editor. The World Bank appointed him as a consultant in 1978 toprepare a report on the public sector in India. In 1977 the Asia and Pacific Development

Administration Centre of the UN in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia gave him the project of preparing a manual for use by publicsector managers for operation and evaluation of projects. Jha was a member of the Indian National Commission forUNESCO in 1975-1977 and in 1976 he was a delegate to the 63rd Session of the Indian Science Congress Association,Waltaire. In 1990 he has served as the information advisor to the Prime Minister of India. He has written nine books andtwo of them are Kashmir 1947: Rival versions of History and Kashmir 1947: the Origins of a dispute

35PROPOSAL 35

Self-Rule

BRAINCHILDParvez MusharrafPERIOD: 2004

CONTOURS

Pakistan and India concede and demilitarize areas of Jammu-Kash-

mir no longer truly disputed; remain-ing regions put under joint supervi-sion of both countries with maxi-mum autonomy or self-rule; ensuresoft borders.

36PROPOSAL 36

No-borders-autonomyBRAINCHILDManmohan SinghPERIOD: 2004

CONTOURS

Complete autonomy to Indian and Pakistan under their respective controls;India and Pakistan to retain control of the currency, defence, election pro-

cess and judicial systems, LOC while still demarcating territorial control to be-come open border.

BACKGROUND(A report in Indiadaily.com by S Chadda appearing on November 20, 2004 out-lines Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's proposal for Kashmir)

Manmohan Singh finally came out with India's proposed and acceptable Kash-mir solution. India will provide autonomy to Jammu and Kashmir. It will alsorequire that Pakistan provide the same on Pakistan occupied Kashmir. Therewill be no "border" between the east (Pakistan) Kashmir and west (India)Kashmir. India will hold authority over currency, defense, election process and




judicial system. The Kashmir Government will manage the rest. Samereciprocation will be required from Pakistan on eastern Kashmir.While rejecting Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf's recent formula onKashmir, India has proposed a "self rule" and "open borders" to both partsof Jammu and Kashmir. The proposal put forward here unofficially by thePrime Ministers Office (PMO) has set a flurry of activity within the gov-ernment. Officials here on Friday were busy dusting off the ''KashmirAutonomy Report'', passed by the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly in June2000, but later out rightly rejected by the previous Atal Bihari Vajpayeegovernment."Dr Manmohan Singh is in a fast mode of firming up his own Kashmirsolution to counter the Musharraf formula with maximum autonomy to thepeople of Jammu and Kashmir and an eventual "borderless" Kashmir bypressurizing Pakistan to give similar autonomy in their part of Kashmir,"sources in the PMO here said. Also China will be made to come around torevive silk routes between Kashmir, Tibet and Xinjiang that could gener-ate prosperity in the region. Soruces in the PMO further said, DrManmohan Singh wants to bank on the same report for giving greaterautonomy to the state that was adopted by the Jammu and KashmirAssembly during the chief ministership of Dr. Farooq Abdullah but rejectedby the NDA government as not in national interest despite his NationalConference being its partner.During his visit to Delhi on November 23, Pakistan Prime Minister ShaukatAziz is supposed to officially convey the proposals floated by PresidentPervez Musharraf through the media. Dr Manmohan Singh has, however,foreclosed any consideration of such proposals by asserting that therewould be no redrawing of the international boundaries or realignment ofregions that smacks of communal dimensions. Sources said, Dr ManmohanSingh may give his counter proposals to Aziz for both sides moving fast togive maximum autonomy to the people living on two sides of the Line ofControl (LoC) and India will then proceed to start the process of autonomyin Jammu and Kashmir to build pressure on Pakistan to follow suit.India has the benefit of the autonomy report prepared by the Kashmiriexperts and adopted by the state assembly to move fast in this direction,the sources pointed out. They said it is not necessary for New Delhi toagree on everything in the report but it will be the basis for starting aprocess of political discussion. India is keen that the Supreme Court, theElection Commission and the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG)continue to have jurisdiction over Jammu and Kashmir. Once the PM getsan analysis of the autonomy report he has ordered to be prepared expedi-tiously, he will start discussions with those within the political system-both in the government and in the opposition in Jammu and Kashmir-while keeping doors open also for others who want to contribute in bring-ing a new "aman" (peace) to the people of the state, the sources said.They said the PM may even go to the extent of ushering in the pre-1953autonomy, where New Delhi had powers limited to foreign affairs, defenseand currency. "If it dilutes and ends the anti-India attitude of theKashmiris, New Delhi is ready to re-limit its role to these three areasbesides jurisdiction of the Supreme Court, Election Commission and theComptroller and Auditor-General in the state," the source said.The PM's disgust at the Hurriyat Conference leaders showing no courtesyto come forward to meet even when he traveled all the way to their landwas conveyed to the media accompanying him in no uncertain terms,dubbing the Hurriyat leaders as "small men thrown into big chairs."Pointing out that these leaders have no more sway except in own localareas, the sources asserted that they cannot be allowed any longer to beeven seen as dictating to the Prime Minister of India. The same Hurriyatleaders who refused to meet Manmohan Singh are to line up in Delhi onNovember 23 on an invite from the Pakistan High Commissioner in Delhifor a luncheon with the Pakistan Prime Minister and that itself showsthese leaders should be better treated with the contempt they deserve,the sources said.

Quoting the PM, the sources said:"India believes that there shouldbe a free flow of ideas, people andtrade between the two parts ofKashmir. In this increasinglyborderless world, a day may alsocome in Kashmir when borderswould not matter. It would be thenimmaterial where the Kashmirislive."The Congress on Friday hailedPrime Minister Dr Manmohan Singhfor asserting India's unwaveringstand on its territorial integrityduring his two-day visit to Jammuand Kashmir by rejecting the so-called Musharraf formula to resolvethe Kashmir issue. Party spokes-man Abhishek Singhavi told report-ers at the AICC Press briefing thatDr Manmohan Singh has madesincere efforts to impart freshimpetus to Kashmir with an openinvite to all for a dialogue to rerailthe state on the path of growthand prosperity. While the PM wasengaged in constructive andsincere exercise, the Uma Bhartiepisode overshadowing the BJPwhole of the week provided thecontrast of comic and hypocriticalstance, Singhavi said. "In place offlip-flop-flip by the previousregime on India-Pakistan relations,the unequivocal stand of the PMshows where India stands,"Singhavi said. The economicpackage of Rs 24,000 croresannounced by the PM for J&K ismoulded by schemes with lastinginfrastructure that guaranteesgrowth of the state instead of thead hoc handouts bordering oncharity by the previous governmentat the Centre, Singhavi added.



37PROPOSAL 37

Autonomy-partition

BRAINCHILDKuldip NayyarPERIOD: 2004

CONTOURS

Full autonomy to a partitioned Jammu-Kashmir, a soft LOC , with minimum changes be-

comes the international border; state represen-tatives of Pakistani and Indian Kashmir manageall affairs except defence, foreign affairs andcommunications.

38PROPOSAL 38

Autonomy-partition

BRAINCHILDVerghese KoitharaPERIOD: 2004

CONTOURS

LOC declared international border with minimal alternations; border remains soft; maximum autonomy withdevolution of government on both sides; greatly reduced military presence; low-level mediations role for the

United States.

39PROPOSAL 39

Separate autonomy-joint bodyBRAINCHILDStrategic Foresight GroupPERIOD: 2005

CONTOURS

Maximum autonomy through devolved powers for both sides of Kashmir; Pakistan integrates Gilgit and Baltistan with Pakistani Kashmir; a

permanent body formed jointly by India, Pakistan and representativesfrom Indian and Pakistani Kashmir responsible for day-to-day functions;soft borders with totally free movement in the long run.



40PROPOSAL 40

Autonomy-referendum

BRAINCHILDMubashir HassanPERIOD: 2005

CONTOURS

Reunified Jammu-Kashmir with maximum autonomy for both sides; a state-wide referendum to ratify level of autonomy; demilitarization except for

strategically important external borders; joint India-Pakistan control overissues of vital national interest.

Dr Mubashir Hasan is a well-known figure in both aca-demic and political circles in Pakistan. A Ph.D. in civilengineering, he served as an irrigation engineer andtaught at the engineering university at Lahore. Hisformal entry into politics took place in 1967 when thefounding convention of the Pakistan Peoples' Party washeld at his residence. He was elected a member of theNational Assembly of Pakistan in 1970 and served asFinance Minister in the late Prime Minister Zulfikar AliBhutto's Cabinet from 1971-1974. In 1975, he waselected Secretary General of the PPP. Dr Hasan has writ-ten three books, numerous articles, and has spokenextensively on social, economic and political subjects

41PROPOSAL 41

Four-Point Formula

BRAINCHILDPERVEZ MUSHARRAFPERIOD: 2006

CONTOURS

Autonomy for the entire state; Pakistan's Northern Areas and territory underChinese control remains with the respective countries; demilitarization of

troubled areas; self -government to Kashmir's; a tripartite supra body havingrepresentatives from Pakistan, India and Kashmir to oversee the functioning of aself-governed Jammu-Kashmir.

BACKGROUNDPakistan's ruler Pervez Musharraf all along his tenure talked about creativeproposals on Kashmir. It was during his regime that Pakistan indicated irrel-evance of UN resolution and offered to broad-base dialogue with India. 2004onwards Musharraf started talking about a 'self governance' or 'four-pointformula'. However, it was only in December 2006 that he spelled out his for-mula which was widely welcomed in India, some sections of Pakistan and inKashmir for the purpose of discussions. It was also first time that Pakistanipublicly said to give up its claim to Kashmir. In an interview to Indian newschannel NDTV ON December 4, 2006 Pervez Musharraf spelled out a four-pointplan for Kashmir that rejected demands for independence. Giving a coldresponse to Musharraf's suggestions to resolve the Kashmir issue the Indiangovernment, however, said that it was committed to peace and removal ofdistrust but not in favour of redrawing of boundaries. Musharraf's four-pointsolution included phased withdrawal of troops; local self-governance; nochanges in the borders of Kashmir; and a joint supervision mechanism inJammu and Kashmir involving India, Pakistan and Kashmir. Musharraf alsosaid he was opposed to independence for Kashmir, but both India and Pakistanwill have to compromise.

The four point proposal:

• phased withdrawal of troops• local self-governance• no changes in the borders of Kash mir• a joint supervision mechanism in Jammu and Kashmir involving In dia, Pakistan and Kashmir.

42PROPOSAL 42

Achievable nationhood

BRAINCHILDSajjad Lone,PERIOD: 2006

CONTOURS

Sovereignty for Jammu-Kashmir; New Delhi and Islamabad demilitarize their respective parts; formal relationship between Pakistan and Indian Kashmir; and

India and Pakistani Kashmir, the tow Kasshmirs have an economic union, joint im-migration control, joint control over natural resources and additional sector-spe-cific co-operation.

Sajjad Gani Lone is a Kashmiri politician, the youngest sonof Abdul Ghani Lone, who was killed in a rally in Srinagar.After the death of his father, Sajjad Lone became the chair-man of People's Conference. In the 2009 Indian general elec-tion he stood as an independent candidate in Baramulla, be-coming the first separatist leader to stand in a general elec-tion in Jammu and Kashmir in 20 years. He was defeated bythe National Conference candidate Sharifuddin Shariq.



42PROPOSAL 43

Self-Rule Framework

BRAINCHILDPeoples Democratic PartyPERIOD: 2006 onwards

CONTOURS

Self-rule for all of Jammu-Kashmir;soft border but no partition or al

tering of the Line of Control;Jammu, Ladakh and Kashmir Valleyform their own local assemblies;power-sharing arrangement be-tween Indian and Pakistani Kashmirthrough a regional council includ-ing legislators from both sides. Po-litical restructuring, economic inte-gration between the two parts ofKashmir, demilitarisation and con-stitutional restructuring within theIndian Constitution are the high-lights of the self rule formula whichwas floated by the Peoples Demo-cratic Party in 2006 and the visiondocument was formally unveiled onOctober 26, 2008. The self-ruledocument was firm on making Ar-ticle 356 (imposition of President's Rule) non-applicable to Jammu andKashmir, for which a separate constitution and its special status underArticle 370 formed the basis. The Governor should be elected and ro-tated between Jammu and Srinagar. The PDP termed the economic aspectthe critical element of self-rule. Economic integration across the LoC wasparamount. For the process of integration, establishing a common eco-nomic space, instituting a dual currency system, harmonisation of eco-nomic legislation and synergistic regulations were important ingredients

CONTOURSConstituency for peace developed through economic integration betweenIndia and Pakistani Kashmir; 10-year economic development plan leadingto free movement of people and tariff-free trade of Kashmiri goods acrossPakistan, India and Jammu-Kashmir. The new opportunities explored inhis reported written with support from United States Institute of Peaceinvolve moving along three fronts simultaneously. First, India should grantautonomy to the state well beyond that promised in Article 370 of itsConstitution. Second, India and Pakistan should allow the free movementof people, goods, and commodities between Pakistan and the part of Kash-mir India occupies. The most appropriate way of achieving this would bein the context of the South Asia Free Trade Area, which, having becomeoperational on January 1, 2006, is likely to evolve in terms of its scopeand geographic coverage. Third, India andPakistan should become partners, so thatthey-along with a community of interna-tional and bilateral donors-might considerlaunching a massive program of economicdevelopment and reconstruction on bothsides of the border. Although the programsuggested in this study would cost $20billion over a ten-year period, it wouldroughly double the state's gross domesticproduct growth rate to 9.5 percent a year,significantly reduce the pool of poverty,and better integrate the economies of thetwo parts of the state with Pakistan andnorthern India, respectively. This, in turn,would set the stage for the ultimate reso-lution of this long-standing conflict

44PROPOSAL 44

Economics replacing politics

BRAINCHILDShahid Javed Burki, USIPPERIOD: 2007

A Pakistani economist, Shahid Javed Burki is a former vice president of the WorldBank, where he worked from to 1999. He also served as finance minister of Paki-stan in 1996-97. In 2004 he was at Woodrow Wilson Center for International Schol-ars, where he began work on his latest Historical Dictionary of Pakistan, which waspublished by Scarecrow Press in 2006




India's Relations with the Central Asia:An Assessment of the Poicies 0fthe Mughal Emperors of India during the 16th and 17th Century.

(PART-I)

PROF JIGAR MOHAMMED

India and Central Asian countriesmaintained diplomatic and commercial contacts with each other

from ancient period. Both the Cen-tral Asian and Indian cultures influ-enced each other from time to time.The Central Asians came to India asrulers or conquerors, soldiers, mer-chants, sufis, artisans craftsmen andmusicians etc. India always remaineda favourable country to them in termsof territorial aggrandisement and cul-tural exchange. The Kushans whoruled many parts of India for a sub-stantial period, contributed greatlyfor the cultural development of In-dia, Kanishka, the Kushan ruler of Istand IInd century A.D. introduced theShaka calendar in India. SatishChandra, one of the most sinceremodern historians, rightly observes,"Throughout Indian History eventsand developments in Central Asia hada deep and abiding impact onIndia…during the 10th and 12th cen-turies developments in Central Asialed to the advent of the Ghazanavids,then of Ghurids into India. Similarly,developments in Cental Asia duringthe 15th and 16th centuries, led to anew Turkish incursion into India, thistime in the shape of ZahiruddinMuhammad Babur." (Satish Chandra,Medieval India, Part Two,Mughal Em-pire (1526-1748), Delhi, 2004, (p.1)

Although the process of thecultural contacts between CentralAsian states and India started to bestrong with foundation of the Kushanrule in India, with the establishmentof the Turkish Sultanate in north In-dia, both the diplomatic and commer-cial relations between these two re-gions were very much widened. Dur-ing the Sultanate period (1206-1526),the Central Asian, Persian and Indiancultures came closer to each other. Itis well established that the sufis,merchants, scholars and skilled work-ers travelled from Central Asia and

Persia to India in search of better op-portunities. It is known that theSufism emerged as one of the mostpopular social trends of India duringthe medieval period. Most of the SufiSilsilas, established in India, be-longed to Central Asia and Persia. Theoccurrence of the socio-political cri-sis in Central Asia and Persia duringthe 12th and 13th centuries, causedby the Guzz and Mangol invasions,made devastating impact on thesocio-economic life of the people ofthese regions; a large number ofpeople of people migrated from theirhomelands to other areas. Since In-dia was better place in terms of peaceand resource, some of the CentralAsians and Persians came to India.Even the family of famous sufi ShaikhNizamuddin Aulia became the victimsof these invasions and decided to mi-grate to India. Both Khwaja Ali, thepaternal grand father of ShaikhNizamuddin Aulia, and Khwaja Arab,the maternal grand father of ShaikhNizamuddin

Aulia, belonged to Bokhara.They could not sustain the onslaughtof the Mangol leader Changiz Khanand migrated from Bokhara to Lahoreand later on they settled at Badaun(in modern Uttar Pradesh). Similarly,merchants of Central Asia also en-larged their trading contacts with In-dia during the Sultanate period. It isknown that Iltutmish came to Indiaas a slave. He was brought to Indiaby two slave merchants of Bokhara,known as Bukhara Haji Ali andJamaluddin Quba. They sold Iltutmishto the Turkish ruler Qutub-ud-dinAibak of the Sultanate of Delhi Lateron Iltutmish became the Sutlan(1210-36) of the Sultanate of Delhi.Changiz Khan's attack on Persia com-pelled Jalal-ud-din Mangbarani, sonof Khwarazm Shah of Persia, to fleeto India. When Changiz Khan cameto know that Jalal-ud-din Mangbarani

had taken shelter at Multan, he at-tacked Multan and Lahore and cap-tured them. But because of the hotclimate of Punjab the Mangols had togo back to their mountainous region.

During the 13th and 14th cen-turies the Mangol leaders of CentralAsia, from Changiz Khan to Timur,invaded north west frontier of Indiafrequently. Virtually Punjab region be-came a source of the income of theMangols in terms of plundering. Be-cause of the Mangol menace peopleof many villages of Punjab migratedfrom their native places to othersafer areas. The sovereignty of theSultans of Delhi was always endan-gered by the Mangol invasions.Timur's invasions of India in 1398devastated the area from Multan toDelhi. His invasion brought deluge forboth the common people and rulingclass of north India, Many rulers ofnorth west frontier of India acceptedhis sovereignty. His invasion alsochanged the political set up of theSultanate of Delhi. It caused the de-cline of the Tughluq dynasty. SayyidKhizr Khan, one of the associates ofTimur, laid the foundation of the ruleof the Sayyid dynasty in India. TheSayyid dynasty acted as one of thetributaries of Timur in the Sultanateof Delhi. As a mark of the recogni-tion of Timur's sovereignty, KhizrKhan included the name of Timur andafter him Shah Rukh in the Khutba.

However, it was Sultanateperiod when the Mangols of CentralAsia realised the influence of Indianculture on themselves. During thereign of the Sultan Jalal-ud-din Khilji(1290-96), the Mangols under theirleader Abdullah attacked the northwest frontier of India. Jalal-ud-dinKhilji defeated the Mangols and com-pelled Abdullah to retire from thefrontier of India. At the same time aprocess of the friendship between theMangols and Sultan of Delhi started.

COLUMNHISTORY

40


Ulugh Khan, a grand son ofHalaku, along with his army men ac-cepted Islam and sought permissionfrom the Sultan Jalal-ud-din Khilji tostay in the Sultanate of Delhi. TheSultan not only permitted them tosettle in Delhi, but he also providedthem accommodation and other sup-ports The Mangol settlement usedto be called Mughalpura. The Mangolleader Timur was also very much im-pressed by the skills of the Indian ar-tisans. After his invasion when hedeparted from India to Samarqand,he carried on a large number of theIndian artisans as captives toSamarqand. It is said that Timur wasvery much impressed from the archi-tectural beauty of the Jama

mosque of Delhi, constructedby the Sultan Firoz Shah Tughluq(1351-87). When Timur reachedSamarqand, he ordered the construc-tion of a grand mosque there. Healso ordered that the Indian masonsand craftsmen, brought by him toSamarqand, were to be employed forthe beautification of the mosque.Thus India's interactions with theMangols of the Central Asia startedwith destructive activities of the lat-ter, but later on a process of culturalsynthesis also started.

During the 16th century theMughals entered India as conquerorand ruling class under the leadershipof Zahir-ud-din Muhammad Babur.They were very much proud of beingthe descendants of Changiz Khan andTimur. Before the foundation ofMughal rule in India Babur and hisancestors had played a leading rolein the political life of Central Asia.His father Mirza Umar Shaikh was theruler of Farghana. After the latter'sdeath in 1494, Babur became the rulerof Farghana. In the beginning of hisreign in Farghana Babur not onlymaintained an effective control on it,but he also initiated a process of ter-ritorial expansion and conqueredSamarqand in 1497. But the politicalstrife and mutual rivalries among theruling families of Central Asia did notallow Babur to keep his political powerintact for long time. Both his rela-tions and Uzbeks attacked him. Theattack of Shaibani Khan Uzbek com-pelled him to leave his native state.In 1502 he went to Tashkant, ruledby his maternal uncle Mahmud Khan.n 1504 Babur came to Kabul and es-tablished his rule. He maintained hisrule in Kabul up to 1525. But he foundthat Kabul was a very small and eco-nomically weak area, there was hardly

any opportunity for Babur to expresshis talent in terms of military strengthand territorial aggrandisement. How-ever, in 1526 he was provided an op-portunity by the Afghans of India toextend his rule beyond Kabul. In thesame year he attacked the AfghanSultan Ibrahim Lodi (1517-26) of theSultanate of Delhi and defeated him.Babur's success against Ibrahim Lodiled to the establishment of theMughal rule in India

With the foundation ofMughal rule in India, Babur initiateda policy to strengthen ties betweenIndia and Central Asia. Though Baburcame to India with a definite objec-tive of making it as a place of hispermanent settlement, he and hisassociates worked on the politicalpattern of Central Asia. It is impor-tant to mention that after the estab-lishment of his sovereignty in northIndia, Babur dreamt to bringFarghana and Samarqand under hiscontrol. Keeping in view the politicaltrends of Central Asia he decidedkeep a watch on its political devel-opments. He was fully aware that thefoundation of his rule in India couldbe shaken by his Central Asian rivals.It is well established that Babur's con-temporary Cental Asian states werefull of internal conflicts, conspiracyand tribal rivalries. Commenting onthe internal conditions of Central Asiain the first of the 16th century, E.Dennison Ross, the translator of theTarikh-i-Rashidi, writes, " In CentralAsia it was a period of full of acci-dent: were on foot on every side:states were over run and cities be-sieged, while rulers arose and wentdown, almost from day today, accord-ing to their fortune in war or intrigue.The princes and the descendents ofexiled ruling families, together withmost of the Khans and Begs of thevarious tribes,

found themselves forced totake a side, either in support of theirhouse or their relations, or in theirself defence, and in many cases theyseem to have changed sides with aslittle consideration for the rights andwrongs of the cause, as when theyfirst took a part in the quarrel. Whenthey were strong they attacked aneighbour with or without reason…"(Mirza Haidar Dughlat, Tarikh-i-Rashidi (Persian), Eng, Translation byDennison Ross, Delhi, 1986, p.2)

His political experience andearly difficulties realised Babur tohave a strong frontier to deal withhis Central Asian rivals. He also in-

structed his son Nasir-ud-dinMuhammad Humayun to take advan-tage of the Uzbeks defeat at thehands of Shah Tahmasp of Persia.Babur wanted that Humayun shouldconquer Samarqand. ThoughHumayun failed to fulfil the desire ofhis father, Babur till the last days ofhis life was hopeful of conqueringSamarqand and ruling it from Agra

Babur's attachment with hisancestral lands in Central Asia is viv-idly depicted in his Memoirs, Tuzuk-i-Baburi or Baburnama. In his Mem-oirs he gives a detailed descriptionof the different places of CentralAsia. His description of Farghana andSamarqand incorporates their physi-cal features, existing political sys-tems, nature of the population, army,agriculture, horticulture and routesto the different neighbouring states.To keep the memory of Central Asiaalive in the minds of his successorsand to inspire them to strengthentheir ties with Farghana andSamarqand Babur narrates theachievements of his ancestors, fromTimur to his own father Mirza UmarShaikh, in very interesting manner.To draw the attention of the Mughalsof India towards the significance ofSamarqand Babru writes, "Few townsin the whole hospitable world are sopleasant as Samarkand…its countrypeople used to call (it) Mawara' un-nahr(Transoxiana). They used to callit Baldat-i-mahfuza because no foelaid hands on it with storm and sack.It must have become Musalman inthe time of the Commander of theFaithful, his Highness 'Usman'.Qusam ibn Abbas, one of the com-panions, must have gone there; hisburial place, known as the tomb ofthe Shah-i-Zinda( the Living Shah,i.e. Faqir) is outside the Iron Gate.Iskandar must have foundedSamarkand. The Turks and Mughalshordes call it Simiz-kint (fat village)Timur Beg made his capital; no rulerof so great will ever have made it acapital before (qilghan aimas dur). Iordered people to pace round theramparts of the walled-town; it cameout at 10,000 steps (qadam).Samrkandis are all orthodox (sunni),pure-in-the Faith, lqw abiding andreligious. The number of Leaders ofIslam said to hae arisen in Ma wara'u'n-nahr, since the days of his High-ness the Prophet, are not known tohave arisen in any other country…Inthe town and suburbs of Samarkandare many fine buildings and gardensof Timur Beg and Aulugh Beg Mirza.

COLUMNHISTORY

4 1


In the citadel, Timur Begerected a very fine building, the greatfour-storeyed kiosque, known as theGul Sarai. In the walled town, again,near the Iron Gate, he built a FridayMosque of stone (sangin); on thisworked many stone-cutters, broughtfrom Hindustan…Samarkand is a won-derfully beautified town. One of itsspecialities, perhaps found in fewother places, is that the differenttraders are not mixed up together init but each has its own bazar, a goodsort of plan. Its bakers and cooks aregood. The best paper in the world ismade there…Another article ofSamarkand trade, carried to all sidesand quarters, is cramoisy velvet."(Zahiruddin Muhammad Babur,Baburnama, Eng. Tr. by A.S.Beveridge, Delhi, 1997, pp. 74-81).Babur's methods and approach of nar-rating te historical events of CentralAsia indicate that he presented hismemoirs as a gazetteer to his suc-cessors in India.

However, to keep a closewatch on the political situation ofCentral Asia Babur worked in twoways. First, he kept a strong controlover the routes from India to Cen-tral;

throughout his reign he re-tained Kabul, Ghazni, Qandhar andBadakhshan as the integral parts ofMughal India and developed friendlydiplomatic relations with CentralAsia's neighbouring countries such asPersia, Ottoman Turkey and others.Secondly, he exchanged envoys withCentral Asia frequently.12 Thus, firsttime in the history of India, Baburmade India an active participants inthe Central Asian politics and widenedthe scope for a long lasting diplomaticrelations between India and CentralAsia. Babur initiated a definite pat-tern of Central Asian policy, whichintended to have regular political con-tacts with Central Asia so that his em-pire could be safe and no Central Asianpower could get an opportunity toshare political power with him in In-dia. Even Babur did not associate withthe Uzbegs to form an alliance againstPersia. From his days in Central Asiato the foundation of his rule in IndiaBabur felt more comfortable to benearer to Persia than to Uzbeks.

Babur's Central Asian policy,in terms of diplomatic relation, wasbroadened by his successors. ThoughNasiruddin Muhammad Humayun(1530-40 and 1555-56) was very

much involved in the internal affairsof his empire and had hardly anytime to play a role in the CentralAsian politics or to initiate a newpolicy to safeguard the frontier ofhis empire against the Uzbeks, hemade an alliance with Safavide rulerShah Tahmasp of Persia to regain hislost empire of India instead of seek-ing any assistance from the Uzbeksof Central Asia. Humayun alsotreated Balkh as a buffer betweenhim and the Uzbeks. When Humayunreturned from Persia, he decided tostrengthen his position in Afghani-stan and Transoxiana. First he con-quered Qandhar, Kabul andBadakhshan. Humayun also attackedBalkh and defeated its Uzbek gover-nor Pir Muhammed . But because ofthe rebellion of his brother KamranHuamyun failed to maintain his sov-ereignty in the Balkh and it was re-occupied by the Uzbeks.

The Mughal emperorAkbar(1556-1605) not only continuedthe Central Asian policy of his an-cestors, but he also added some newpoints to it intending to keep peacein Central Asia. Akbar believed thatpeace in Central Asia couldstrengthen the internal security ofIndia. It is important to mention thatWhen Akbar became the Mughalemperor, the political chaos was thedominant trend of Central Asia.Abdul Aziz, the ruler of Transoxianadied in 1551. Afterwards his succes-sors such as Muhammad Yar Sultan,Burban Khan and Borak Khan contrib-uted to the spread of political insta-bility and factionalism in CentralAsia. It was 1570s when Abdulla KhanUzbek fought for the establishmentof political stability in large part ofCentral Asia. He became successfulin his mission and became the mas-ter of the large parts of Central Asia.Abdulla made considerable gains interm of territorial expansion. Healso showed his inclination to forman alliance with the Mughals of In-dia to strengthen his position in Cen-tral Asia and reduce the power of theShah of Persia. In 1572-73 AbdullaKhan initiated the process ofstrenthening his ties with the Mughalemperor Akbar. According to AbulFazl, "One of the occurrences of thistime (1572-73)…was that AbdullahKhan Uzbeg, the ruler of Turan, wasinduced by the fame and majesty ofthis sovereignty (Akbar's) to send

Haji Altamash as an ambassodor. Hebrought with him letters of respectsand affection, and the curiosities ofhis country. The purport of his let-ters was to recall ancient relationsand to renew friendship, in orderthat by the help of such Divine gloryhe might act vigorously against theother princes of Turan. Another ob-ject was that he might repose inpeace and be without apprehensionof the strokes of this world conquer-ing armies. For greater security andsuccess he sent presents to MunimKhan Khan-i-Khanan and the KhanAazim Mirza Mirza Koka in order thatthey might exert themselves to laythe foundations of friendship. Theprudent sovereign received the am-bassador graciously, and gave himhis dismissal after he had dischargedhis duty. Present consisting of therarities of India were sent along withhim." (Abul Fazl, Akbarnama, Vol. II,Eng.

Tr. by H. Beveridge, Delhi,1972, p. 534) The mention of AbulFazl regarding the letters of AbdullaKhan to the Mughal emperor Akbarthrough his said envoy show that theUzbek leader wished to have an alli-ance with the Mughals of India.Though the purpose of the forma-tion of this alliance is not clearlyshown by the letter, it seems thatAbdulla Khan intended to use his al-liance with the Mughals against Per-sia. But as far as Akbar's responsewas concerned, Abul Fazl's mentionclear shows that the Mughal emperordid not show any interest in formingan alliance with the Uzbek againstany other neighbouring power. EvenAkbar did not send his envoy toAbdulla Khan to encourage diplo-matic exchanges. Two reasons havebeen given by the modern histori-ans for Akbar's cold response to theAbdulla Khan's initiatives. First,Akbar was planning to conquer Turan.Secondly, Akabr was not interestedto embitter his relations with Persiafor the sake of Uzbek's interests.However, Akbar intensified the pro-cess of the commercial contacts withthe Central Asia. The Ain-i-Akbarirecords of the presence of CentralAsian products and Central Asians inthe Indian markets, army and liter-ary field etc. Abul Fazl, author of theAin-i-Akbari, mentions the fruits ofthe Central Asia, available in India,the Mewa-i-Turan.

COLUMNHISTORY

4 2


Right after the independence untilrecent years, there have been nu-

merous incredible movements initi-ated by Ladakhi leaders and socialreformers to bring awareness amongLadakhi public about the very mean-ing and importance of education andstrengthening of government schools,to make education accessible and af-fordable to all reach and poor. Manyof Ladakh's renowned and admireddoctors, engineers and officers, bothretired and serving, are the productsof government schools of a time whenprivate school culture almost didn'texist in the region. But those dayseducation through schooling systemwas new to Ladakhi society, and con-sequently people were reluctant toenroll their children into school formodern education. Fortunately, LehLadakh had prominent leaders likeKushok Bakula Rinpochey who, during1950s and 1960s, launched door todoor campaigns in every nook andcorner of the region to convinceLadakhi people for enrolling their chil-dren into schools.

However, with the passage of time,between 1980s and early 1990's, thequality of education through govern-ment schools had deteriorated and theeducation system had become quiteirrelevant to Ladakhi children, and asresult of which the pass percentagein class 10th was not more than five.Every year hundreds of youth werecoming out of schools as metric failedstudents. The participation of par-ents in the betterment of schools orthe community ownership of their vil-lage schools almost didn't exist. "Thelanguage used in books and examswas one non-Ladakhi language, Urdu,up to class 8, and then another, En-glish, for classes 9 and 10. All the text-books, even in early primary classes,

came from Delhi. The examples wereof unfamiliar cultures and environ-ments like ships, oceans, coconuttrees and monsoon rains. These alienexamples in alien languages only con-fused Ladakhi children".

Students' Educational & CulturalMovement of Ladakh (SECMOL) wasfound in response to the gloomy stateof education and in 1994 it launcheda movement called the OperationNew Hope (ONH) to make educationrelevant and meaningful to Ladakhisociety. With the formation of theLadakh Autonomous Hill Develop-ment Council Leh in 1995, the ONHwas adopted by the Hill Council asits policy on education. Through thismovement efforts have been madeto bring the education system closerto Ladakh's life and culture. Hun-dreds of teachers, Village EducationsCommittee (VEC) members and othercommunity leaders were given appro-priate trainings. Medium of instruc-tion was changed from Urdu to En-glish and locally relevant textbookswere introduced.

"The ONH movement had threearms working together: the Govern-ment, the Non-Governmental Orga-nizations (NGOs), and the villagecommunities.

ONH's aims and objectives havebeen:

To organize the village com-munities for active constructive par-ticipation in the running of schoolsthrough the formation of Village Edu-cation Committees (VECs).

To train teachers in creative,child-centered, and activity-basedteaching methods in order to makeschooling less painful and more joy-ful for children.

To produce Ladakh-relevantversions of primary textbooks and

teaching materials.To use the above factors to

revive the interest, strengthen theconfidence, and enhance the dedica-tion of Government school teachers."

Due to the initiatives takenthrough ONH many things startedchanging in the otherwise given-upgovernment schools of Ladakh. Onesimple indicator of our success hasbeen the matriculation results, whichrose up to 56% pass by 2004, afterbeing a mere 5% pass continuouslyuntil 1998. It was indeed a signifi-cant achievement in a span of onedecade, yet there were still lots ofthings to do to achieve the goals en-visaged through the Operation NewHope. When the Government of In-dia launched the Sarva ShikshaAbiyan program in the year 2000, ithad already been almost five yearsin Leh district to have launched themuch acclaimed Operation New Hope,similar to the national program SSA.

Launch of Ladakh Model ofSarva Shiksha Abhiyan

The launch of the Model of SarvaShiksha Abhiyan (LMSSA) or the sec-ond phase of Operation New Hope bythe then President of India, Dr. APJAbdul Kalam in Leh in 2006 at Lehwas another historical event in theprocess of education reform move-ment. This program was formulatedto further address the remaining illsin the government school system ifthey are to survive as a source ofquality education for all. This pro-gram aimed to present the majorchallenges facing Ladakhi schools dueto which the government schoolsshow very poor results making themunable to attract children, despite thefact that in Ladakh the governmentspends more than a staggering over

Ladakh's Education Reforms:Scaling up and downTSEWANG RIGZIN

L A D A K H A F F A I R S

EDUCATION

43


Rs 2,000 per child per month,which is comparable to any best pri-vate school. Thus the program aimedto overhaul the government school-ing system in Ladakh and make ourotherwise neglected rural governmentschools comparable in quality to anyother private or public schools. Thevision statement of the programstates: "The ultimate vision of theprogramme would be to jump-startthe government educational machin-ery to a level of quality where theeducated and the influential of thesociety can also entrust their childrento state schools. It may sound far-fetched for the rest of the country butin Ladakh, after ten years of reforms,this process has already started andthere are instances of people includ-ing some leaders bringing their chil-dren from private schools into an im-proved local government school."

The State directorate of SarvaShiksha Abhiyan hoped that this pro-gram would become a paradigm shiftin the educational system at elemen-tary level. Responding to LMSSA con-cept document the then State ProjectDirector SSA Mr Farooq Ahmed Peernoted that the practical and beautifulideas put forward in the paper touchthe core problems affecting elemen-tary education. "I must inform you thatSSA does not only support such ideasbut prompts the various stakehold-ers to think innovatively and imple-ment the program in the local socio-cultural context, Mr. Peer appreci-ated.

Dr. Kalam was so optimistic aboutthe education reform movement inLadakh that he even appreciated thelaunch of the Ladakh Model of SarvaShiksha Abhiyan in his speech on theeve of the Independence Day 2006.In his address to the nation on eve ofthe independence day, referring to theimprovement of Ladakh's educationsystem and the launch Ladakh Modelof Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, the DrKalam said, "I am very confident thatsuch initiatives, when applied acrossthe country in the total education sys-tem will enable us to realize near 100percent literacy and employable skillsamong youth, leading to a KnowledgeSociety by the year 2020."

Stagnancy and collapse ofhistoric reforms

Soon after its historic launchby the President of Indian in presenceof the Governor and the Chief Minis-ter of Jammu & Kashmir among dig-nitaries, LMSSA had to be suspendedon account of some differences arosebetween Mr. M K Dwevidi, the thendeputy commissioner and chief ex-ecutive councilor of the Hill Counciland SECMOL, the organization whichpartnered the Hill Council for LMSSAand ONH movements. The Chairmanof the Hill Council had requestedSECMOL to continue its support to theHill Council by "providing expertisein teachers' trainings and mobilizingand training the Village EducationCommittees" to realize the goals en-visaged through such movements.But on the other hand, Mr. M K Dwevidiordered a complete ban on SECMOL'scollaboration with any governmentdepartment. Showing some brutal useof power, the DC leveled the founderof SECMOL and architect of the Op-eration New Hope (ONH), Mr. SonamWangchuk with charges includingantinational among many other alle-gations. Since then the NGO sus-pended its activities with govern-ment schools in Leh. Consequentlythis ambitious program had to be putinto hibernation.

The suspension of such move-ments has affected the rural schoolsa lot. Class 10th results in Leh in thelast few years have once again shownthe signs of stagnation and degrada-tion. The dismal result brings to forethe negligence caused to the educa-tion sector by the concerned authori-ties. Authorities have failed to main-tain and carry forward such presti-gious education movement of Ladakhlike the ONH which is being replicatedin other parts of the country and theworld today. After the success of ONH,Nepal and Bhutan sought the exper-tise of the architect of ONH, Mr.Sonam Wangchuk, who is also a mem-ber of the Governing Council of Na-tional Mission for Sarva ShikshaAbhiyan, to advise the neighboringcountries on their education pro-grams. About a year ago Bhutan in-vited Mr. Wangchuk to advise the

country how it can create a nationaleducational system that truly reflectsthe principles of Bhutan's unique de-velopment philosophy of Gross Na-tional Happiness (GNH). The PrimeMinister of Royal Government ofBhutan Mr. Jigmi Y. Thinley sought theexpertise of Mr. Wangchuk to helpBhutan "clearly delineate our visionand educational objectives and howwe can achieve and implement them".

Hence, the sudden collapse in theprocess of education reform move-ment, among other factors, can bewell attributed to the uncalled foractions of Mr. M K Dwevidi, who,before his transfer from Leh, kept nostone unturned to create a deep riftbetween the government depart-ments and reputed local NGOs (a clas-sical example of "divide and rule" for-mula).

This is of course very discourag-ing to see that after years of struggleto reform the education system thingsare once again moving back to squareone. A number of primary schools hadto be closed in the district in the re-cent years on account of several rea-sons including parents pulling theirchildren from government schools andenrolling them into private schools.Parents in certain areas have onceagain stated losing faith in the gov-ernment run village schools. Themost affected ones from such a poorsystem are mainly the voiceless andpowerless children hailing from ruralvillages of Ladakh, because govern-ment schools are a ray of hope forquality education for all - rich andpoor, rural and urban.

Formation of VECs and fundraising drives..

Dr. Kalam donated an amount ofrupees 3 lakh (three hundred thou-sand rupees) to the VECs of the dis-trict. The Hill Council distributed thisamount among all VECs (about 300VECs) of the district during the an-nual Bakula Rinpochey campaign in2006 as seed contribution from thePresident of India with an appeal tomultiply the amount through gener-ous donation from villagers and othersources. In most villages every fam-ily had agreed to donate an amount


EDUCATION4 4


minimum of Rs 100 per year to theVEC funds and accordingly the Presi-dent of India need money multipliedinto several times in a short period.One day one individual from Sabu vil-lage appeared before the CEC LAHDCLeh in 2006 with a cash of 1 lakh andfive rupees (Rs 100005). He said hewas inspired by the appeals made bythe Hill Council and the NGOs on thelocal radio and television requestingfor assistance and support for theeducation movements being carriedout to strengthen the governmentschools. This way of raising suchfunds was discovered and found suc-cessful when SECMOL received a do-nation of 1.50 lakh rupees from HisHoliness the Dalai Lama in 1998. TheNGO distributed the amount amongall VECs as a sacred seed contribu-tion and in less than a year the amounthad grown about ten times.

A Ray of Hope:Unlike the other districts of the

State of Jammu & Kashmir, Leh dis-trict has a Vision Document calledLadakh -2025 which envisages that"by 2025, Ladakh will emerge as thecountry's best model of hill area de-velopment in a challenging environ-ment, with its sustainability embed-

ded in ecological protection, culturalheritage and human development".The document states that Govern-ment schools should be completelyoverhauled to restore faith in them.It lays emphasis to make educationmore locally relevant for children.Among many other important strate-gies for overhauling the educationsystem, the Vision 2025 has declaredthat "there should be convergence andsynergy among schemes like SarvaShiksha Abhiyan from the central gov-ernment and the Hill Council's ownOperation New Hope…. locally relevantTextbooks and teaching learningmethods (TLMs) should be used, withperhaps a separate curriculum fornomadic children. In future, Ladakhcould even have its own curriculumin the form of a Ladakh Board ofSchool Education."

The newly elected LAHDC underthe chairmanship of Sh Rigzin Spalbaris keen to revisit the Ladakh Docu-ment and implement it in letter andspirit. Sh Rigzin Spalbar was instru-mental in the formation and thelaunch of the Vision Document in2005. However, soon after the launchof this ambitious project by the PrimeMinister in Leh followed the 3rdLAHDC Elections, and Mr. Spalbar

couldn't make a comeback in power.Unfortunately, the Vision Document-Ladakh 2025 was not implemented bythe LAHDC that succeeded Mr.Spalbar. However, the recent returnof Sh Rigzin Spalbar as the chairmanof the 4th LAHDC has raised hopesand expectations among many thathe would implement the Vision Docu-ment to avoid the present trend ofdevelopment, the unplanned and hap-hazard development. Mr. Spalbar hasrepeated vowed to carry out all de-velopmental plans in accordance withthe roadmap laid down for Ladakh inthe Vision Document. Let's hope Mr.Spalbar overcomes all odds thatmight come his way in implementing'his' Vision and also to undo what havegone wrong in the last few years,eventually, to make Ladakh a modelfor the rest of the country. Let's alsohope that Ladakhis rise above pityselfish interests and personal differ-ence to support revolutionary pro-grams like the Vision Document -Ladakh 2025.

-Under NFI fellowship program

Note: All quotations, unless otherwiseattributed, have been taken fromONH brochures.

Leh Councilors get expert trainingA two-week long exposure tour for the newly elected Coun-cilors of LAHDC Leh was started from January 1, 2011. Thetouring team led by the CEC, LAHDC, Leh Mr. Rigzin Spalbarvisited Delhi, Mumbai, and Gujarat, and interacted differ-ent experts.

In Delhi workshops were held about effective implemen-tation of MG-NREGA and watershed programs with expertsfrom the concerned ministries. Member parliament andformer Union Minister, Mani Shankar Aiyar, also spoke tothe Councilors about the importance of devolution of powerand having Panchayati Raj in place to ensure smooth devel-opment at the grassroots. He urged that Government ofJammu & Kashmir should lose no time anymore to hold themuch delayed Panchayat elections in the State of Jammuand Kashmir.

In Mumbai councilors were given trainings on "MG-NREGA, Governance, Development, Disaster Managementand Leadership". Providing of effective leadership to the public was a core issue. At Ahmadabad in Gujarat theCouncilors attended a workshop organized by the National Institute for Disaster Mitigation Institute.

The tour was organized by the TATA- LAHDC Development Support Program (Gyurja) as an endeavor to broaden thevision of the newly elected Councilors at the start of the tenure and also to learn from successful stories/programselsewhere in the country. The team included the Chief Executive Councilor, Executive Councilors, Councilors andRepresentatives of some NGOs from Leh. -Tsewang Rigzin


EDUCATION45


For timber smugglers,the summer of unrest is a boonZEENAT ZEESHAN FAZIL

While the summer of unrest in Kashmir was devastating human lives and disrupting nor-mal life of citizens, there has been another kind of plunder going on deep within the

forests. The nexus between illegal cutting of trees and the smuggling these through amaze of check-posts has existed for a long time. It is at times like these that it is

emboldened to strike even deeper into the green-gold of the region.

Somehow the measure ofany disaster or destructive activity or violence

is always taken in terms ofloss of human lives, of prop-erty and disruption in dailylife of ordinary citizens. Yesthese are of paramount im-portance but does anyonecare to also examine the ill-effect on the larger environ-ment? Conflict the worldover has robbed nations andsocieties of their heritage,archeological, literary, cul-tural. It has caused havocto natural resources, for-ests, to agricultural lands,which get attention typicallyafter the violence and angerhave subsided and some-times it is by then too late.

In Kashmir too, behindthe smoke-screen of the con-tinuing unrest beginning insummer last and continuingfor a few months, timbersmugglers have been work-ing overtime to loot as muchof green gold as they could.This is not the first time.Sources say that when mili-tancy broke out and gath-ered momentum in the nine-ties, it was pretty much thesame scenario. The spreadof their operations is vastaccording to reports. Lushforests in the Kothar range,

Shopian-Pulwama, Doodganaga range, Rithan range, Beerwah range, Googaldhara areain Tangmarg, Rafiabad, Doabgah range and Kandi range of Baramulla are affectedzones. The forests are no doubt spread over a wide expanse across the valley.

Vigilance naturally cannot be water-tight even though there are laws in place and anentire department is dedicated to it. But whatever the systems and mechanisms hadbeen prior to the summer of unrest in Kashmir, it simply fell apart. Timber smugglingactually means the process, the entire chain of events to reach the timber to themarket. Illegal felling is what starts this process. At every step, there need to bechecks and technically they are there. It is just that the entire region was engulfed bythe cycle of violence, that the system quite literally froze. Thus giving a free hand tothe criminals.

"I believe the extent of damage done to the forests in these areas during thesethree months has taken forest damage back to the levels of 1990s when militancy wasat its peak and the timber smugglers were having a free run," confessed a seniorofficer of Forest department on conditions of anonymity. Forests are an open and not alocked treasure; so one can expect illegal felling anywhere and at any time, but in thecurrent unrest even the official monitoring mechanism has fallen apart which has onlycontributed to the increased illegal activity," he added.

It would however be naïve to assume that it was due to the power-vaccum alone

PEPORTAGEKASHMIR'S TIMBER MAFIA

46


that the rampant fellingof trees and smugglingof wood took place or atany rate heightened itspace. No activity con-cerning the 'commons'can be conducted with-out the knowledge if notthe tacit approval of thelocal community. It isnow an accepted factacross forums for envi-ronmental degradationthat impoverished com-munities contribute tothe destruction of theforests, often by turn-ing a blind eye to theirexploitation by outsideparties. So has been thecase in this beautifulvale.

The plunder of for-est then gets into an-other gear, that of ac-tual transporting theloot through a maze ofcheck-posts estab-lished by the Forest De-partment. According tothe forest officer ,these are lax whichleads to safe passage tothese jungle smugglers.He attributed this lax-ity to the excessive red-tape plaguing the For-est Department. . "Weare still relying on andusing techniques whichare already outdatedand obsolete while thedemand of the hour isthat these need to bechanged."

For instance, theForest Protection Fundmeant for the protec-tion of the forests issame as it was in 1989,which obviously needsto be increased. Thehands of the Forest Of-ficers are also tied.They actually need to beco-opted into a networkwhich would work tobust the smuggling rack-ets. But sadly there is

no such plan on the anvil, nor any funds available to action it. This actually would be aneffective counter-move to combat the network of timber smugglers and illegal fellers.

In such a scenario, the connivance of the local authorities or some elements within itis a given. Locals of Tangmarg area of North Kashmir's Baramulla district allege "notonly are the timber smugglers involved in the game but the Special Operations Group(SOG) people are also involved." "The SOG people ferry illegal timber in their officialvehicles during night time," said Abdul Hamid Wagay of Chandilora, Tangmarg.

The losses meanwhile are mounting. The Chief Conservator of Forests, Molvi ShafatAhmad admitted that illegal felling of trees and timber smuggling had increased over themonths of unrest but claims that the situation has normalised . He says the damage tothe trees at the moment is more localised and not part of a larger design by the illegaltraders. " Now situation is under control as most of our forest staff is back to their job"

That the Forest Department needs to tighten its belt is a foregone conclusion. Butthe issue needs to be seen in the wider perspective. Yes environmental degradation is alive issue across the country where the Ministry of Environment is taking stringent steps

to bring defaulters to book whether they be connected with the mining industry, resi-dential townships or SEZ's. Needless to say, these measures put an abrupt halt to thedesigns of land profiteers or industry barons who have their eyes set on plundering thearea .

In Kashmir, there are different dynamics at work. The eruption of conflict throwsa spanner in the process of environmental protection by the state. This has beendemonstrated during the recent months as well as the previous phase of militancy. Thesystems of checks and monitoring established by the government stands compromisedfor the period of unrest. This needs to be addressed. Even if we go by the claims ofthe Forest Department that once the unrest subsides, it is back to normal, there still isa need to be vigilant, to have a system in place which would not allow the green-gold ofKashmir to be compromised again and again.

Somehow the measure of any disaster or destructive activity or violence is alwaystaken in terms of loss of human lives, of property and disruption in daily life of ordinarycitizens. Yes these are of paramount importance but does anyone care to also examinethe ill-effect on the larger environment? Conflict the world over has robbed nationsand societies of their heritage, archeological, literary, cultural. It has caused havoc tonatural resources, forests, to agricultural lands, which get attention typically after the

Vigilance naturally cannot be water-tight even though there arelaws in place and an entire department is dedicated to it. But

whatever the systems and mechanisms had been prior to the sum-mer of unrest in Kashmir, it simply fell apart. Timber smuggling

actually means the process, the entire chain of events to reach thetimber to the market. Illegal felling is what starts this process. Atevery step, there need to be checks and technically they are there.

It is just that the entire region was engulfed by the cycle of vio-lence, that the system quite literally froze. Thus giving a free hand

to the criminals. "I believe the extent of damage done to theforests in these areas during these three months has taken forest

damage back to the levels of 1990s when militancy was at its peakand the timber smugglers were having a free run," confessed asenior officer of Forest department on conditions of anonymity.

Forests are an open and not a locked treasure; so one can expectillegal felling anywhere and at any time, but in the current unrest

even the official monitoring mechanism has fallen apart whichhas only contributed to the increased illegal activity," he added.


4 7


violence and angerhave subsided andsometimes it is by thentoo late.

In Kashmir too, be-hind the smoke-screenof the continuing unrestbeginning in summerlast and continuing fora few months, timbersmugglers have beenworking overtime toloot as much of greengold as they could. Thisis not the first time.Sources say that whenmilitancy broke out andgathered momentum inthe nineties, it waspretty much the samescenario. The spread oftheir operations is vastaccording to reports.Lush forests in theKothar range, Shopian-Pulwama, Doodganagarange, Rithan range,Beerwah range,Googaldhara area inTangmarg, Rafiabad,Doabgah range andKandi range ofBaramulla are affectedzones. The forests areno doubt spread over awide expanse acrossthe valley.

Vigilance naturallycannot be water-tighteven though there arelaws in place and an en-tire department is dedi-cated to it. But what-ever the systems andmechanisms had beenprior to the summer ofunrest in Kashmir, itsimply fell apart. Tim-ber smuggling actuallymeans the process, theentire chain of eventsto reach the timber tothe market. Illegal fell-ing is what starts thisprocess. At every step,there need to be checks

and technically they are there. It is just that the entire region was engulfed by the cycleof violence, that the system quite literally froze. Thus giving a free hand to the crimi-nals.

"I believe the extent of damage done to the forests in these areas during these threemonths has taken forest damage back to the levels of 1990s when militancy was at itspeak and the timber smugglers were having a free run," confessed a senior officer ofForest department on conditions of anonymity. Forests are an open and not a lockedtreasure; so one can expect illegal felling anywhere and at any time, but in the currentunrest even the official monitoring mechanism has fallen apart which has only contrib-uted to the increased illegal activity," he added.

It would however be naïve to assume that it was due to the power-vaccum alone thatthe rampant felling of trees and smuggling of wood took place or at any rate heightenedits pace. No activity concerning the 'commons' can be conducted without the knowledgeif not the tacit approval of the local community. It is now an accepted fact across forumsfor environmental degradation that impoverished communities contribute to the de-struction of the forests, often by turning a blind eye to their exploitation by outsideparties. So has been the case in this beautiful vale.

The plunder of forest then gets into another gear, that of actual transporting the lootthrough a maze of check-posts established by the Forest Department. According to theforest officer , these are lax which leads to safe passage to these jungle smugglers. Heattributed this laxity to the excessive red-tape plaguing the Forest Department. . "Weare still relying on and using techniques which are already outdated and obsolete whilethe demand of the hour is that these need to be changed."

For instance, the Forest Protection Fund meant for the protection of the forests issame as it was in 1989, which obviously needs to be increased. The hands of the ForestOfficers are also tied. They actually need to be co-opted into a network which wouldwork to bust the smuggling rackets. But sadly there is no such plan on the anvil, nor anyfunds available to action it. This actually would be an effective counter-move to combatthe network of timber smugglers and illegal fellers.

In such a scenario, the connivance of the local authorities or some elements within itis a given. Locals of Tangmarg area of North Kashmir's Baramulla district allege "notonly are the timber smugglers involved in the game but the Special Operations Group(SOG) people are also involved." "The SOG people ferry illegal timber in their officialvehicles during night time," said Abdul Hamid Wagay of Chandilora, Tangmarg.

The losses meanwhile are mounting. The Chief Conservator of Forests, Molvi ShafatAhmad admitted that illegal felling of trees and timber smuggling had increased over themonths of unrest but claims that the situation has normalised . He says the damage tothe trees at the moment is more localised and not part of a larger design by the illegaltraders. " Now situation is under control as most of our forest staff is back to their job"

That the Forest Department needs to tighten its belt is a foregone conclusion. Butthe issue needs to be seen in the wider perspective. Yes environmental degradation is alive issue across the country where the Ministry of Environment is taking stringent stepsto bring defaulters to book whether they be connected with the mining industry, residen-tial townships or SEZ's. Needless to say, these measures put an abrupt halt to the de-signs of land profiteers or industry barons who have their eyes set on plundering the area.

In Kashmir, there are different dynamics at work. The eruption of conflict throws aspanner in the process of environmental protection by the state. This has been demon-strated during the recent months as well as the previous phase of militancy. The systemsof checks and monitoring established by the government stands compromised for theperiod of unrest. This needs to be addressed. Even if we go by the claims of the ForestDepartment that once the unrest subsides, it is back to normal, there still is a need to bevigilant, to have a system in place which would not allow the green-gold of Kashmir to becompromised again and again.

This piece has been generated with support of charkha communication and devel-opment Network


48


UDHAMPUR, JAN 1: Lieutenant General, K T Parnaiktakes over command of the prestigious Northern Commandheadquartered at Udhampur in Jammu province. Immedi-ately after his arrival Bikram Park Helipad, the new ArmyCommander laid a wreath at the Dhruva Shaheed Samarkand proceeded to meet all officers posted in HeadquartersNorthern Command. General Parnaik is an alumnus of theNational Defence Academy, Khadakvasla and was commis-sioned into Rajputana Rifles on March 31, 1972

JAMMU, JAN 1: The Border Security Forces lodge pro-test with Pakistani Rangers over ceasefire violation on De-cember 26 at Ballard post in Ramgarh sector of Sambadistrict on Indo-Pak Internal Border in Jammu province.The protest was lodged in a Commandant level flag meet-ing held at Ramgarh Border Out Post (BOP). CommandingOfficer 59 BSF O P Upadhyaya and Wing Commander,Chenab Rangers Raja Syed attended the meeting, sourcesreported.

JAMMU, JAN 2: Peoples Democratic Party patron andformer Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister MuftiMohammed Sayeed says that resolution of Kashmir issuecannot be put into the cold storage any more, risking thefuture of the people of the region. He was addressing ameeting of party workers in the winter capital. Mufti saidthat opinion of majority of the people from South Asia wasin favour of peaceful resolution of the Kashmir issue inorder to realize the full development potential of the re-gion

NEW DELHI, JAN 2: Replying to an RTI query of an ac-tivist, the Home Ministry says that a total of 7,031 civil-ians and security force personnel were killed due to vio-lence in Jammu and Kashmir in the last 10 years. 4,812civilians and 2,219 security force personnel have lost theirlives since 2001 to August 2010 in Jammu and Kashmir,the Home Ministry said. "Law and order is a state subjectand measures are taken by the Jammu and Kashmir Gov-ernment to maintain peace and public order", the HomeMinistry said in its response to a query by an activist namedAshwini Shrivastava.

JAMMU, JAN 3: Director General of Jammu and Kash-mir Police Kuldeep Khoda claims that five out of 10 dis-tricts of Jammu region are completely free of militancywhile in other districts the militancy has sharply declined.Khoda told reporters: ''Jammu, Kathua, Samba, Reasi andUdhampur districts are totally free of militancy in Jammuregion. There has been a sharp decline in militancy re-lated incidents in five other districts".

JAMMU, JAN 3: The Central Electricity Authority givesclearance to the construction of Stage-II of the Baglihar

Hydroelectric Project on River Chenab at Chanderkotein Ramban district of Jammu province in Jammu andKashmir.

SRINAGAR: The Chairman of moderate faction ofHurriyat Conference Mirwaiz Umer Farooq gets a freshpassport. This information was given by Regional Pass-port Officer GM Dar after inaugurating a new passportcollection centre in central Srinagar. It is learnt that theHurriyat chairman is issued a passport with one-yearvalidity and he has to get it renewed every year.

Giving another information, Dar said his office wasissuing 200 passports every day to residents of KashmirValley. A group 'Campaign for Right to Travel' has claimedthat scores of people have been blacklisted from re-ceiving travel document on the basis of intelligence re-ports that they could pose a security risk if they to traveloutside the country. Among those who have been deniedpassports include many separatists and relatives of mili-tants. "If there is a criminal case against anyone, hehas to pay a fine and passport can be issued. Only ad-verse cases which involve terrorism are not issued pass-ports," he said.

NEW DELHI, JAN 4: Describing the spate of violencethat rocked Kashmir Valley in summer of 2010 as ''unfor-tunate and deeply regrettable'', Union Home Minister PChidambaram claims that situation was fast improving.''The three-month period of agitation was an unfortu-nate and deeply regrettable chapter. However, after thevisit of the all-party Parliamentary delegation and theappointment of interlocutors, there has been a signifi-cant improvement in the law and order situation. Inparticular, the interlocutors have been able to changethe discourse and have been able to persuade a numberof stakeholders to offer suggestions for a political solu-tion", Chidambaram said in the union capital while pre-senting last year's overview to press.

SRINAGAR, JAN 4: In a significant shift in its standon implementation of United Nations resolutions onKashmir, moderate faction of Hurriyat Conference headedby Mirwaiz Umar Farooq calls for time-bound dialoguebetween India, Pakistan and people of Jammu and Kash-mir under international monitoring for resolving the longpending issue. "We cannot expect much from a bodywhich has failed to implement its own resolutions (onKashmir). India and Pakistan have to talk to Kashmirisunder international monitoring for resolving the Kash-mir issue," Mirwaiz said addressing a seminar at theHurriyat Conference headquarters in Srinagar. The semi-nar was organized to discuss the role of the United Na-tions with regard to Kashmir issue. Mirwaiz said theUnited Nations was a failed body as it had not been able

J&K AFFAIRSCALENDAR JANUARY 201149


to do justice with the people of the State with regard toimplementation of its own resolution. "If the UN cannotensure the implementation of its own decisions, it shouldbe disbanded," he said. The UN Security Council had passeda resolution on January 5, 1949 calling for a plebiscite inJammu and Kashmir to decide its future.

NEW DELHI 5: Adding to various ongoing situation studyexercise, the BJP President Nitin Gadkari constitutes a studyteam led by his predecessor Rajnath Singh to visit Jammuand Kashmir and submit a report on the ground situation inthe State. At a BJP national officer-bearers meeting atJammu in December, Gadkari had announced that a studyteam would be sent to the border State soon. Other thanSingh, the team comprises spokespersons Ravi ShankarPrasad, Shahnawaz Hussain, BJP Chief Whip in Rajya SabhaMaya Singh and J K Jain, Convenor of the Minority Cell ofthe party. "This team will visit Jammu, Kashmir Valley,Ladakh and Kargil among other areas of the State and dis-cuss the issues with various sections of people before sub-mitting a report to the party," spokesman ShahnawazHussain told reporters.

JAMMU JAN 5: Setting a new record, the winter capitalcity Jammu experiences lowest temperature of 30 years."Jammu is experiencing cold conditions with thick blanketof fog floating very low. January 5 temperature has beenlowest in the last 30 years", a weather scientist MK Khushutold a local newspaper. The town recorded a maximum tem-perature of 6.5 deg C, which is 10-11 degrees below nor-mal, he said, adding that the night temperature was 2.4deg C, three degree below normal.

JAMMU, JAN 5: National Conference patron and UnionMinister Dr Farooq Abdullah endorses the views of moder-ate Hurriyat Conference chairman Mirwaiz Umar Farooq thatUnited Nations has become a failed body and said India,Pakistan, people of Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh and thoseliving across the fence had to find a solution to Kashmirproblem.

JAMMU, JAN 5: Addressing a joint press conference atthe Civil Secretariat, Dr Abdullah and his son and ChiefMinister Omar Abdullah, categorically rule out the demandfor rotational Chief Ministership in the State after threeyears saying the two party high commands (National Con-ference and Congress) had settled the issue at the forma-tion of Government that the NC headed Government willlast full six years and all subsequent issues including for-mation of Council of Ministry and portfolios were decidedaccordingly. The statement from the two came exactly onthe day when Omar Abdullah completed two years as ChiefMinister heading a coalition government of his party Na-tional Conference with the Congress.

SRINAGAR, JAN 5: Hardliner Hurriyat leader SyedAli Shah Geelani rules out any move for unity with themoderate faction of the amalgam. The Hurriyat hawksaid those who think that the unity of the two HurriyatConference factions will put pressure on India to solvethe Kashmir issue, are mistaken. "For 10 years, wewere together and India was not impressed," he saidaddressing a seminar organised by his Hurriyat fac-tion in Srinagar.

ANANTNAG, JAN 6: Chief Minister Omar Abdullahsays that despite fighting 2008 Assembly elections ondevelopment subject he has left no stone unturned tofocus on settlement of State's political matters. Ad-dressing a public meeting at Amard, Ashmuqam inAnantnag after laying foundation of two bridges onNallah Lidder, the Chief Minister stressed for dialogueto discuss view points and work out solutions to theproblems. He sought to remind the people of his sin-cere efforts in paving way for addressing political is-sues of Jammu and Kashmir.

JAMMU, JAN 6: The main Opposition, People'sDemocratic Party accuses the Omar Abdullah Govern-ment of failing to keep its promises and claimed thatpeople were looking at the PDP as an alternative tohave their aspirations addressed. "Omar Governmenthas miserably failed to translate its promises intoreality, so the people of this State have been lookingtowards PDP to get their aspirations addressed",former Chief Minister and PDP patron MuftiMohammad Sayeed told reporters.

NEW DELHI, JAN 7: Describing the migration ofKashmiri Pandits from the Valley as "one of the dark-est chapters" in the history of Jammu and Kashmir,National Conference patron and Union Minister DrFarooq Abdullah asked the displaced people for "for-giveness." "One of the major tragedies that we hadto go through was the ethnic cleansing that took placein the State of Jammu and Kashmir", he said.

JAMMU, JAN 7: Chief Minister Omar Abdullahchairs first meeting of Jammu and Kashmir OverseesEmployment Corporation. He asked the corporationto fix realistic targets for the year ahead regardingplacement of skilled and educated youth in the jobmarket outside the country. "You have to tackle three-pronged challenges of global economic scenario, in-ternational job market requirements and prevailingperception of Jammu and Kashmir outside", he toldthe Corporation advising them to address these as-pects effectively.

J&K AFFAIRSCALENDAR JANUARY 2011 50


SRINAGAR, JAN 7: Hurriyat Conference chairman,Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, who is also the chief cleric of Kash-mir, surprises all by not touching upon political issuesduring his Friday sermons at the Jamia Masjid. Earlierthe Mirwaiz would always devote around ten minutes tothe political situation in Kashmir. On Friday January 7,the Mirwaiz restricted his sermon to religious thought, ararity if not the exception given his routine lecture at thegrand mosque.

JAMMU, JAN 9: Kashmir Bar Association president MianAbdul Qayoom is booked by a police station for anti-na-tional activities in Jammu. A fresh FIR is registeredagainst him at Janipura police station in Jammu. He wasaccused of talking in, what authorities described, an anti-national language Official sources said Janipura policestation has booked Qayoom for allegedly speaking anti-national language outside the High Court premises yes-terday afternoon when he was produced before the courtby Gharota police station and taken on three days policeremand.....

JAMMU, JAN 9: Media reports suggest that Chinesetroops intruded deep into Ladakh in October 2010. "Chi-nese troops entered Indian territory in the fag end of 2010along the Line of Actual Control in South-eastern Ladakhregion and threatened a contractor and his team to haltwork on constructing a passenger shed", said a PTI re-port. However, the Indian Ministries of External Affairsand Defence denied any such incursions. Chinese ForeignOffice also said reports in Indian media were baseless.

SRINAGAR, JAN 10: Accusing the Centre of pushingthe youth in Jammu and Kashmir to wall, hard line sepa-ratist leader Syed Ali Shah Geelani advises the youthagainst taking up arms and called for peaceful means totake the ongoing "freedom struggle" to its logical conclu-sion. "New Delhi has unleashed State terror to force theyouth to take up arms…It is a conspiracy against our peace-ful struggle and therefore the youth should restraint fromtaking any such step which will provide a handle to Indiato malign our movement," chairman of hard line factionof Hurriyat Conference Syed Ali Shah Geelani told report-ers at his Hyderpora residence in Srinagar.

NEW DELHI 12: The three-member group of interlocu-tors on Jammu and Kashmir, appointed by the Centre inOctober last year, said that there has been a positivechange in the atmosphere in the state. "There is posi-tive change in the atmosphere in Jammu and Kashmir.Many encouraging things are happenings. Lots of changeshave taken place and lots of good things have taken place,"one of the interlocutors M M Ansari said after a meetingwith Home Minister P Chidambaram. He said that during

the meeting, the group discussed about the action takenby central and state governments on the three reports itsubmitted earlier. The interlocutors in their reports sub-mitted the "broad contours" for a lasting solution to theKashmir issue for consideration by the government.

NEW DELHI JAN 14: On a day Home Secretary G KPillai hinted at a 25 per cent reduction in security forces'strength in Jammu and Kashmir, Army Chief General V KSingh said they do not feel the need to "cut down" theirforces in the State. He also said it will be ensured that"extra pressure" is not put on his "already-stretched"deployments. "We have not yet felt that we have to cutdown our forces. If they want to cut down para-militaryand police forces, I won't say anything... "So when thatis done, it will be ensured that extra pressure is notbrought on our already-stretched deployments there,"Singh told a press conference on the eve of Army Day.

AKHNOOR JAN 15: In the wake of Union Home Sec-retary G K Pillai's statement on cutting down troops inJammu and Kashmir by 25 per cent following improve-ment ground in situation, Lt Gen K T Parnaik, GOC-in-CNorthern Command says that time is not ripe for with-drawal of troops from Jammu and Kashmir

JAMMU, Jan 14: Madhav Lal, Additional Secretary toGovernment of India in Ministry of Micro, Small and Me-dium Enterprises is cleared for appointment as next ChiefSecretary of Jammu and Kashmir. He replaces the incum-bent SS Kapur on February 1 after latter's retirement onJanuary 31.

JAMMU, JAN 15: State High Court restrains the Com-mission of Inquiry headed by Justice (retd) Syed Bashir-ud-Din from submitting final report into 17 deaths in theKashmir valley without the permission of the Court. Thedirections were passed in a petition filed by Special Di-rector General CRPF J&K and Inspector General (Opera-tions) CRPF Kashmir seeking quashment of notificationdated July 29, 2010 whereby Justice Syed Bashir-ud-Din(retd) was made the Chairman of Commission of Inquiryand Justice J P Nargotra (retd) member of the Commis-sion for holding enquiry into the alleged 17 killings inKashmir division with effect from June 11, 2010.

SRINAGAR 18 : Padmashree Sonam Skalzan, a notedsculptor and exponent of Buddhist Art, passes away inLeh in Ladakh region of Jammu and Kashmir. Sonam,who contributed significantly to the promotion of Art inthe Ladakh region, died last evening, reports reachinghere said. In recognition of his work, he was bestowedwith the prestigious Padmashree award.

JAMMU, JAN 17: Inspector General of Central ReservePolice Force (CRPF), Jammu Sector, Dinesh Kumar, says



that about 40 % of the total CRPF force (nearly 80Battalions) are deployed in J&K state out of the total 216in the country. The highest number of CRPF battalionsare only in J&K.

JAMMU, JAN 17: Centre's interlocutors on Jammu andKashmir meet several delegations and academicians inJammu. Some local groups took up the issue of allegedpolitical discrimination with Jammu region, to which thechief interlocutor Dileep Padgaonkar said that his panelwould write to the Chief Election Commissioner to seekdetails about the criteria adopted for delimitation of as-sembly constituencies.

NEW DELHI, JAN 17: Asking the J&K Government notto just harp on "dream proposals", the Supreme Courtwanted an explanation whether even one out of the thou-sands of Kashmiri Pandits who fled the Valley followingthe outbreak of militancy have been provided with houseor employment. The court's remarks came on a petitionfiled by the All India Kashmiri Samaj which alleged thatneither the State nor the Centre was addressing thegrievances of the Kashmiri Pandits who have been suf-fering for over two decades.

NEW DELHI, JAN 19: Chief Minister Omar Abdullahasks BJP not to "precipitate" the situation in the Valleyby going ahead with its 'Ekta Yatra' to hoist tri-colour atSrinagar's Lal Chowk on Republic Day. Omar, who met Con-gress chief Sonia Gandhi and Home Minister PChidambaram to apprise them of the situation in theState, said he would be in close touch with the HomeMinistry on how to deal with any situation arising out ofthe BJP programme. Disregarding Omar's appeal, the BJPvows to go ahead with its Ekta Yatra from Kolkata thatwill culminate in Srinagar on January 26 with hoisting ofthe tricolour in Lal Chowk.

JAMMU, JAN 19: Two small Pakistani aircrafts report-edly flew close to the International Border in Niki Tawiarea of Makwal sector of Jammu frontiers for about twominutes triggering an air defence alert of the Indian AirForce (IAF). The two low-flying Pakistani light aircraftswere detected close to Indian territory between Simbaland Kharkola posts of Niki Tawi in Makwal sector of RSPura and were sighted by BSF troops deployed in the for-ward pickets, Defence sources said.

SRINAGAR, JAN 19: United Nation's Special Rappor-teur on human rights, Margaret Sekaggya says she hascome to Kashmir to compile a report on the problemsfaced by the human rights defenders. Sekaggya arrivedin Srinagar to meet various victim families, Civil Societymembers, Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons,

lawyers and journalists to gauge the mood in Kashmir onhuman rights front. Talking to reporters, Sekaggya saidshe was in Kashmir to meet the human rights defenders."I will meet human rights defenders and other people toknow the challenges they are facing," she said.

SRINAGAR, JAN 20 : Breaking the ice, the Centre's In-terlocutors on Kashmir phones up Hurriyat Conferencechairman Mirwaiz Umar Farooq discussing the situation inthe State and seeking time for a meeting. The conversa-tion, which lasted for over 10 minutes, dealt with the is-sues including the present situation in the State and theeconomic loss to common Kashmiris because of the fre-quent strikes in the State. However, Mirwaiz reportedlydeclined to meet the interlocutors.

SRINAGAR, JAN 21: The team of Interlocutors says thatmost of the people they met were not concerned aboutimplementation of the United Nations resolutions and di-vision of the State along ethnic or religious lines but feltpeople's empowerment can address the vexed issue. "Asregards a permanent, political settlement in Jammu andKashmir, a small but vocal section of opinion harped on UNresolutions, plebiscite and self-determination resulting inindependence for the state as it existed before August1947. By and large, however, most people we spoke to didnot refer to that option," chief Interlocutor DileepPadgaonkar said.

SRINAGAR, JAN 22: Opposition People's DemocraticParty says said the exclusion of Jammu and Kashmir Bankas the banker to the State Government is the most lethalnail by the ruling National Conference into the State's au-tonomy. The bank will not be permitted to provide over-draft to the State Government now on.

SRINAGAR, JAN 23: A close associate of hardlineHurriyat Conference chairman Syed Ali Shah Geelani is ar-rested in connection with an alleged Hawala racket and Rs21 lakh seized from him, police claimed. "GhulamMohammad Bhat, who has been a financier of disruptiveactivities, has been arrested," Inspector General of Po-lice, Kashmir, S M Sahai said.

JAMMU 24: Reliance Communication becomes the firsttelecom service provider in Jammu and Kashmir to launch3G services in the state.

JAMMU, JAN 24: Finance Minister Abdul Rahim Rathersays that the State Government has decided to liquidateentire Over Draft amounting to Rs 2300 crore with Jammuand Kashmir Bank most probably by the end of March thisyear and then switch over to Ways and Means Advance(WMA) with Reserve Bank of India, which will be availableat lower interest rates. He sought to clarify that the new



system would no way dilute the State's relationshipwith J&K Bank. The JKBL will be rather benefited as itwould have Rs 2300 crore to invest in economic anddevelopmental activities. The State has been providedwith Rs 1000 crore one time grant by the Finance Com-mission to liquidate the ODs while rest of Rs 1300crores will be raised by it through market borrowings.

LAKHANPUR, JAN 25: Top BJP leaders includingSushma Swaraj, Arun Jaitley are among 160 BJP andBJYM leaders and workers arrested by police after theyviolated prohibitory orders soon after crossing into theterritory of Jammu and Kashmir at Ravi bridge inLakhanpur, the gateway of the State. The BJP leaderswere leading a flag march from Kolkatta to Kashmirwhich was opposed by both centre and the state gov-ernments.

JAMMU, JAN 25: Chief Minister Omar Abdullah callsfor utilizing present conducive atmosphere of dialoguein a positive manner to address political issues ofJammu and Kashmir politically. "The institution of In-terlocutors created by the Union Government to ini-tiate interaction with all shades of opinion should beutilized earnestly to find out solution to the issues",he said in his Republic Day message and appealed theseparatists to rise to the occasion and play their role

in bringing about peace and tranquility in the State.

JAMMU, JAN 26: In his Republic Day address, GovernorN N Vohra says strict vigil should be maintained along all thefrontiers to neutralize the attempts of infiltration from acrossand all measures be taken to contain and eliminate menaceof corruption in the State.

JAMMU, JAN 27: Chief Commissioner, Income Tax,Amritsar region, G R Sofi's name is cleared for appointmentas the first Chief Information Commissioner of Jammu andKashmir. This development comes six years after the Stateenacted the landmark RTI Act. The name of Sofi was decidedafter a meeting of Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, Leader ofOpposition Mehbooba Mufti and Deputy Chief Minister TaraChand.

JAMMU, JAN 28: State Cabinet approves the Draft For-est Policy, which has been prepared for the first time in Jammuand Kashmir for scientific management and conservation ofthe forests, and approved enhancement of the water usagecharges. The forest policy lays emphasis on reconciliation ofland records of Revenue Department with Demarcation Recordof Forest Department, complete modernization of forestdemarcation system by using Global Positioning System andother modern technologies".

NEW DELHI JAN 1 : India and Pakistan exchange thelists of their nuclear installations for the 20th consecu-tive year under an agreement which prohibits any kind ofattack on such facilities. The lists were exchanged throughdiplomatic channels simultaneously at New Delhi andIslamabad under the Agreement on the Prohibition of At-tack against Nuclear Installations and Facilities, a state-ment by the External Affairs Ministry said here. Underthe agreement signed on December 31, 1988, which cameinto force on January 27, 1991, the two countries sharedetails of their nuclear installations with each other onthe first day of every year. The first such list was ex-changed on January one, 1992.

NEW YORK, JAN 2: India joins the UN Security Coun-cil as its non-permanent member for a two-year term af-ter a gap of 19 years, hoping that the seat at the hightable will not only cement its place as a key global player,but also pave the way for becoming a permanent memberof the powerful wing of the world body.

BANGALORE, JAN 8: Gautam Gambhir becomes thecostliest cricketer in the IPL by fetching a whopping USD2.4 million on the first day of the auctions where Indian

players proved to be the biggest draw with three othersgoing for more than USD two million.

ISLAMABAD, JAN 8: Pakistan says that Foreign Min-ister Shah Mahmood Qureshi will visit India if the For-eign Secretaries of the two countries evolve a "compre-hensive agenda" for resuming the stalled composite dia-logue during their meeting in Bhutan next month.

MUMBAI, JAN 9: Mumbai Police has issues an advi-sory to various police stations asking them to keep awatch on people from Jammu and Kashmir, especially driv-ers, as some of them are suspected to have been carry-ing out recce for terror groups.

BANGALORE, JAN 10: India joins a select group ofnations manufacturing warplanes with the home-grownLight Combat Aircraft 'Tejas' moving a step closer to itsinduction into the Indian Air Force after getting its Ini-tial Operational Clearance (IOC) here. 27 years after theproject was initiated, Defence Minister A K Antony handedover the IOC certificate to Air Chief Marshal P V Naik atthe HAL airport. "This is only the semi-finals", Antonysaid, adding the LCA would enhance national security andbuild the country's own fighter aircraft capabilities

J&K AFFAIRSCALENDAR JANUARY 2011

NATIONAL AFFAIRS

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fairs - and key Ministries of Commerce and Railways.

MUMBAI, JAN 21: Defence Minister A K Antony cat-egorically rules out any further troop cut in Jammu andKashmir on the ground that his Ministry had already re-duced nearly 30,000 troops in the sensitive State. Talk-ing to reporters after commissioning Italian built fleet-tanker INS Deepak into the Indian Navy at the Naval dock-yard, Antony said: "already a number of Army personnelwere reduced in Jammu and Kashmir. The current issueis now reduction of para-military forces. Do not mix upboth the issues''.

NEW DELHI, JAN 22: Prime Minister Dr ManmohanSingh steps into the controversy over BJP's plan to hoistnational flag in Srinagar on Republic Day, saying the 'sol-emn occasion' should not be used to score 'political points'and appealed for maximum restraint in 'sensitive' Jammuand Kashmir.

NEW DELHI, JAN 24: Ahead of its talks with Pakistanat Foreign Secretary level, India insists terror cannot bebrushed aside and it was necessary for both the coun-tries to find a "common wavelength" in terms of fight-ing terrorism. ".....Terror is something that cannot bebrushed aside because terror is a matter of fact. And Ithink all of us, including Pakistan, live under the fear ofterror," External Affairs Minister S M Krishna said

NEW DELHI, JAN 26: Dubbing the move of the Jammuand Kashmir Government and the Centre to prevent BJPleaders from hoisting the national flag in Srinagar as"criminal", BJP says that the party could move the courtagainst the "unconstitutional and illegal" stand taken bythe State administration. "What has happened in J-K todeal with BJP's campaign to hoist the national flag at LalChowk is something which is totally indefensible. It isillegal and criminal. I think we should knock at the doorsof the courts in respect of some of (these issues)," partyveteran L K Advani said.

DHARAMSALA (HP), JAN 28: Police claim to haveseized foreign currency valued at over Rs six crore dur-ing raids in the offices of a trust backed by 17th KarmapaUgyen Trinley Dorje, who investigators believe could behaving links with Chinese authorities. Himachal PradeshADGP (Law and Order) S R Mardi said huge sums of moneyin currencies of 25 countries including China, Taiwan,Japan, South Korea, the UK, the US, Australia, Thailand,Vietnam and Germany were seized during the raids. Therecovered amount includes 11 lakh in Chinese Yuan, 6lakh USD and Rs 30 lakh. Officials said law will take itsown course in the case.

tion work at the Kishenganga power project in Jammuand Kashmir is thwarted as it was forced to withdraw apetition in this regard at the International Court of Arbi-tration. During the first hearing of the Kishenganga Ar-bitration Court in The Hague in The Netherlands, the In-dian side put up a spirited argument for construction ofthe 330-MW project on Kishenganga, a tributary of theJhelum river, officials said.

Pakistan had moved a petition for stopping work asan "interim measure" till the case over the disputedproject was decided by the court. After the Indian argu-ment, Pakistan was forced to withdraw its petition, thesources said. Had the court, headed by Justice StephenM Schwebel, agreed for the interim measure, work atthe site would have to be stopped.

NEW DELHI, JAN 15: State-owned oil companies hikepetrol prices by Rs 2.50-Rs 2.54 per litre, the secondhike in a month, on back of rising crude oil prices.

WASHINGTON, JAN 18: Indian-American VijaySazawal, a well-known atomic industry expert, is ap-pointed by US Commerce Secretary Gary Locke to theprestigious Civil Nuclear Trade Advisory Committee(CINTAC) to advise him on trade issues facing the keysector.

BADAUN, UP, JAN 18: A local court directed the po-lice to register an FIR against SP leader Mohammad AzamKhan on the charge of sedition for his controversial com-ments on Kashmir. Khan had earlier cast doubts on Kash-mir being part of India.

NEW DELHI, JAN 19: In a reshuffle of Union Cabinet,Jaipal Reddy is made the Petroleum and Natural Gas Min-ister. The reshuffle and expansion of the Cabinet sawelevation of three Ministers to the Cabinet rank and in-duction of three new faces. Praful Patel, ShriprakashJaiswal and Salman Khursheed were promoted as Cabi-net Ministers while Congress leaders Beni Prasad Verma(Uttar Pradesh), Ashwani Kumar (Punjab) and K CVenugopal (Kerala) were the new inductions into the Coun-cil of Ministers in the rank of Minister of State. Verma,who was Cabinet Minister in the United Front Govern-ment of 1996, got the rank of MoS Independent Chargein today's exercise which left untouched incumbents ofthe 'big four' - Finance, Home, Defence and External Af-

NATIONAL AFFAIRSCALENDAR JANUARY 2011

KERALA JAN 15: In the worst pilgrim tragedy thatstruck south India, 104 Lord Ayyappa devotees are killedand 50 injured, seven of them seriously, in a stampedethat occurred at Uppupara last night.

NEW DELHI, JAN 14: Pakistan's bid to stall construc

54


JAMMU JAN 3: Twenty-four persons crossover to thestate and Pakistan-administered Kashmir via Chakan-Da-Bagh on the weekly cross-border bus service. Nine peoplecrossed over to PaK from Jammu and Kashmir, while 15came from there to the state. Visitors were both sideswere returning homes and there was no fresh visitor thisweek.

SRINAGAR JAN 3: Line of Control traders stage ademonstration here, demanding compensation for thelosses suffered allegedly due to lack of storage facility atSalamabad trade facilitation centre in Uri town onSrinagar-Muzaffarabad road. "Rains have caused dam-age worth Rs 7 crore to our goods due to non-availabityof covered storage facility. The Government should com-pensate for the losses and complete the work on infra-structure at Salamabad urgently," Salamabad-ChakotiTraders Association President, a body of cross-LOC Trad-ers, Asif Lone said.

Lone said the state government has promised and as-sured time and again for improving the infrastructure forthe trade and commerce across LOC but no concrete stepwas taken in this direction till date. "Our Association isinvolved in the trade since last two years. The inconvienceand hardships faced by us was brought to the notice ofthe concerned but no attention was paid to our just andgenuine requests," Lone said.

JAMMU, 5: Goods worth over Rs 4.32 crore are tradedbetween Jammu & Kashmir and PaK along the Line of Con-trol at Chakan-Da-Bagh crossing point in Poonch district.As many as 23 trucks rolled out from Trade FacilitationCentre (TFC) at Ranger in Poonch district of J&K to PaKtoday, they said adding these trucks carried bags of coco-nut, red chilli, embroidery and herbs worth Rs1.67 crore(Rs 1,67,08,820). From PaK, as many as 25 trucks carry-ing bags of almond, walnuts, dry grapes, dates and herbscrossed to this side and these were worth Rs 2.65 crore(Rs 2,65,40,699).

SRINAGAR JAN 6: Five guests from PaK arrive herewhile five Kashmiris crossed over to other side of theLine of Control in the Karvan-e-Aman bus, operating be-tween Srinagar and Muzaffarabad. However, trade be-tween the two parts remained suspended as traders onthis side are protesting against the alleged inadequatefacilities at Salamabad trade centre.

JAMMU JAN 12: Goods worth over Rs 4.66 crore aretraded through 50 trucks between Jammu and Kashmirand PaK along the Line of Control at Chakan-Da-BaghCrossing point in Poonch district. As many as 25 trucks

carried bags of coconuts, red chillies and walnutsworth Rs 2,01,21,569. From PaK, as many as 25 truckscarrying bags of almonds, walnuts, pista, dry grapes,dates and herbs came to this side worth Rs 2,65,48,138.

JAMMU, JAN 12: Stressing for creating requisite in-frastructure facilities for the cross-LoC trade, PDP pa-tron Mufti Mohammad Sayeed reiterates his demand ofallowing free movement of people and commoditiesacross the dividing line of Jammu and Kashmir. He saidthat opening of cross LoC trade was the most signifi-cant and historic Confidence Building Measure (CBM)which needed to be further facilitated in the larger in-terest of the region's peace and prosperity. The PDPpatron regretted that the present dispensation headedby National Conference has not only failed to furtherfacilitate this trade but it has rather reversed the wholeprocess. "What to say of exploring fresh trade avenuesbetween two divided sides of Jammu and Kashmir, thepresent Government has even hampered the cross LoCtrade through unnecessary restrictions", he observed andreminded that the trade and travel across the LoC hadbecome possible only due to the assiduous efforts ofthe previous PDP-Congress regime in the State.

JAMMU JAN 13: Refuting observations of formerChief Minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, the Ministerfor Industries and Commerce, SS Salathia says that thefacts and figures reveal that there has been sharp in-crease on LoC trade during last two years. Substantiat-ing hid claim, he said upto 31st March, 2009 since in-ception of the trade, the State has exported goods worthRs 2.76 crore while the exports reached Rs 131.96 croreduring last fiscal and this fiscal the State exported goodsworth Rs 178. 68 crore upto ending December only, whichshows the turnover of the trade is rising sharply. Heclarified that the State has imported goods worth Rs 64lakhs only from October 10, 2008 to March 31, 2009,while the State registered Rs 219.48 crore (in Pak cur-rency) imports during last fiscal. And this fiscal the im-ports upto ending December have reached Rs 297.01crore, he added.

SRINAGAR JAN 13 : Five fresh PaK guests and equalnumber of people from Kashmir crossed sides at theKaman Post, the last Indian military post in Uri sector.Eighteen residents from both the sides also crossed overafter completing their stay with their respective rela-tives in PaK and Kashmir. They said five guests fromPaK arrived at Kaman post after crossing the Aman Setu

CROSS - LoCCALENDAR JANUARY 2011

rolled out from Trade Facilitation Centre (TFC) at Rangerin Poonch district of J&K to PaK today; these trucks

55


bridge on foot this afternoon. Five residents of this side,after spending time with their relatives in POK, alsoreturned their homes in the Karvan-e-Aman bus, oper-ating between Srinagar and Muzaffarabad, capital of PaK.Five Kashmiri residents also crossed over to POK to meettheir relatives for the first time. However, 13 PaK resi-dents, who were here also returned to their homes aftercompleting their stay here. They included five womenand two children.

SRINAGAR JAN 18: The cross-border trade betweenPaK and Jammu and Kashmir resumes after the StateGovernment promised construction of additional stor-age facility within a month to store goods awaiting se-curity clearance. More than 130 vehicles, loaded withspices, dry fruit and handicraft, crossed the Aman Setu(Peace Bridge) on the Srinagar-Muzaffarabad route atKaman post. The cross-LoC trade has already crossedRs 400 crore mark and is expanding at a rapid pacedespite lack of direct communication and banking fa-cilities.

JAMMU, JAN 18: Cross-LoC trade from Chakan-Da-Bagh on Poonch-Rawlakote route touches Rs 4.39 croreon day one of two days weekly business between tradersof two parts of the divided State. Traders from this sideexported coconut, bananas, red chilli, herbs and em-broidery items worth Rs 1.49 crore to their counterpartsin Rawlakote in PaK. From PaK, almonds, oranges, pista,dates, malathi and dry grapes reached Poonch. They hada value of Rs 2.9 crore.

SRINAGAR, JAN 20 : The cross-Line of Control traveland trade between Kashmir and PaK was a mixed bagthis week as no fresh visitor travelled on the Srinagar-Muzaffarabad bus service but goods worth record Rs 25crore were exchanged at Salamabad Trade FacilitationCentre. A senior official said nine persons crossed theAman Setu (Peace Bridge) aboard the Karavan-e-AmanSrinagar-Muzaffarabad Bus Service but there were nofresh visitors either from the Valley or from PaK today.While four Kashmiris returned home from PaK after stay-ing with their relatives, five PoK residents crossed backafter spending time with their relatives as per the per-mission.

Meanwhile, the weekly trade on Srinagar-Muzaffarabad route, which resumed this week after re-maining suspended for two weeks, smashed all previousrecords as goods worth an estimated Rs 25 crore wereexchanged between the traders from PaK and Kashmirvalley. Official sources said more than 320 trucks loadedwith items approved for exchange crossed the LoC onTuesday and Wednesday - the designated days for thetrade.

SRINAGAR, 27: There was no fresh guest from PaKwhile one Kashmiri crossed over to the other side of theLine of Control in the Karvan-e-Aman bus operating be-tween Srinagar and Muzaffarabd. For the second consecu-tive week, there was no fresh guest from PaK. However, aresident of Kashmir valley, who had crossed over to otherside of the LoC returned back to home after completingsntay in PaK with his relatives. So far only ten POK resi-dents and eleven from here have crossed sides in 2011.

CROSS - LoCCALENDAR JANUARY 2011 56

Conciliation Resources, a London based international peacebuilding organisation, is soon launching a re-search work on Cross-LoC trade. "Jammu and Kashmir: trade across the Line of Control", is a publication is based on a series of twelve discussionpapers in which traders, economists, journalists and researchers from either side of the Line of Control (LoC)offer their individual perspectives on: the political economy of the cross-border trade; the potential of the tradeto nurture peacebuilding across the LoC; the challenges and restrictions faced by the trade; and advocacy forexpanding the trade. The publication is accompanied by a Policy Brief which sets out recommendations. The Policy Brief is publishedtogether with the Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies (IPCS) in New Delhi and the Pakistan Institute of Legis-lative Development and Transparency, (PILDAT) based in Islamabad. The publication and policy brief highlight the growth of the trade and its success in drawing in many familiesdivided by the conflict. Nonetheless, the trade remains limited in terms of the number of trading routes and therange of goods that can be traded as well as in terms of the means of communication and exchange betweentraders. The publications argue that for the economic potential of the trade to be realised it is necessary to put the tradeon a more modern footing. This will spread the benefits beyond the small circle of those involved and could havea significant developmental impact for the wider region. Furthermore, if the peacebuilding potential of the tradeis to be met, innovative institutions such as the Jammu and Kashmir Joint Chamber of Commerce and Industry(JKJCC), the first cross-LoC non-governmental organisation of its kind, need to have the space to evolve. As onetrader quoted in the publication notes: "it's not just a trade venture but can become a tool for people-to-peoplediplomacy".Two years of trade have created constituencies on both sides of the LoC with a strong stake in normalcy and,crucially, an increasing opposition to the resumption of hostilities, which would hamper their growing business.The trade has been resilient to the vicissitudes of state-level tension caused by the 2008 Mumbai bombing andunrest in the Kashmir Valley over the last three years.As a matter of symbolic importance the publication is being simultaneously launched in New Delhi, Islamabad,Muzaffarabad, Jammu and Srinagar.


epilogue february 2011

Documents

o r e t o

c o n t e n tb e c

u s e t h e r e i s

n e w s

s c i e n c e sbrief

c u r r e n t

kashmir dates

strategicimportance