epilogue august 2011

EpilogueJ&K'S MONTHLY MAGAZINE ISSN : 0974-5653

N E W S , C U R R E N T A F F A I R S, S O C I A L S C I E N C E S

IN FOCUS: COMMUNITY PERCEPTIONS

The Gujjar-Pahari Fault Line

LADAKH AFFAIRS12-Page Special Section on Politics,Development in Ladakh Region

The Lighter Side of Serious StoryMein Hoon

Khushrang Hina

Case of Political, Social Conflicts in Rajouri, PoonchAn IPCS early warning project

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Indo-Pak Detente

Building Trust, CarefullyEXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW

Musharraf formula was floated afterconsultations with all top Kashmiri leaders

MANI SHANKER AIYYER

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Epilogue1

EditorZafar Iqbal Choudhary

PublisherYogesh Pandoh

Consulting EditorD. Suba ChandranManu Srivastsa

Associate EditorsTsewang RigzinZorawar Singh Jamwal

General ManagerKartavya Pandoh

Research OfficerRaman Sharma

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C O N T E N T

b e c a u s e t h e r e i s m o r e t o k n o w

Vol 5, Issue 08AUGUST 2011

E p i l o g u e

PROLOGUEReconciling with Identities 3

INDO-PAK DETENTENew Delhi, Islamabad Pick upThreads, Carefully 4

The Lighter Side of Serious StoryMein Hoon Khushrang Hina 14

INTERVIEW'All Kashmiri leaders were taken onboard in Musharraf era Indo-Pakconsultations' 11

FRONTIER CONCORDSKashmirs, Punjabs, Rajasthan-SindhThe case for a border province'trilateral' 23

COLUMN: OTHER KASHMIRNew Govt Gets Down to Business 26

COLUMN:HISTORYTracing the History of JammuHill States Through Their Forts 32

SPECIAL ARTICLEBorn in Conflict, Brought Up onMargins -the Sorry State ofKashmir's Children 28

LADAKH AFFAIRSTowards Making LadakhPower Surplus 38

Spalbar Gets Experts from Sikkim to PlanLeh Town 40

HOMAGE TO KARGIL HEROES 43

'We want UT with legislature' 44

Ladakh Unanimous forUnion Territory 47

Beyond Reservations, Gujjars HaveNothing or Little Against Paharis 16

IN FOCUS

Paharis Have Lived the Life of Gujjars,Why Not Treat Them Same As Well 19

CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE

Maini, KD (In Focus, PP 19) is anauthor, writer and social activistsbased in Poonch City of Jammuprovince. He has written exten-sively on history of Poonch andPahari people. His present essayhas been written under a projectof Institute of Peace and ConflictStudies.

Mohammed, Prof Jigar (Column, PP32) is a renowned historian andprofessor of History at the Univer-sity of Jammu. He has been writ-ing with Epilogue a regular columnon history for over four and halfyears

Singh, Priyanka (Column, PP 26) isAssociate Fellow with Institute ofDefense Studies and Analyses,New Delhi. At IDSA, among otherthings, she edits PoK digest

Sharma, Raman (Diplomacy, PP 4)is an RTI activist and Research Of-ficer with this magazine

Khaki, Shumaila (Special Article,PP 28) is working with ACM-GIDF,NGO working in Kashmir.

Ahmed Dar, Tanveer (Special Ar-ticle, PP 28) is a Research Scholarat Jawaharlal Nehru University,New Delhi

Maini, Tridivesh Singh (Column, PP23) is Associate Fellow withObserver Research Foundation,New Delhi. He is author of 'SouthAsian Cooperation and the Role ofthe Punjabs', and has also co-authored 'Humanity Amidst Insan-ity: Hope During and After theIndo-Pak Partition'

Rigzin, Tsewang (Ladakh Affairs,PP 38) is Associate Editor of Epi-logue. He is based in Leh.

Choudhary, Zafar (In Focus, PP 11,Diplomacy PP 16) is Editor of thismagazine. His present essay oncommunity perceptions has beenwritten under a project of Instituteof Peace and Conflict Studies.

Identity is perhaps the most important ingredient of self respect and dignity. Very concept of identity stems from the vision of how a person orcommunity looks at itself and how they want others to look at them. It is a

basic natural quest and there is nothing wrong in formation, preservation orpromotion of identities of persons or communities. The problem, however,arises when one community looks at its identity purely in context of the othercommunity. It is again a basic fact that one has an identity only because thereare many identities. Had there been no multiple identities, the one identitywouldn't have carried any meaning. In Jammu and Kashmir identity is a majorarea of competitive politics. Kashmiri identity, which is also often referred toas Kashmir nationalism, is a major dominant identity for historical reasonswhich are equally valid to the present day. In terms of the politics of competi-tive identities, the Kashmiri identity is challenged by the Dogra identity ofJammu plains. Dogras had ruled Jammu and Kashmir 101 years, somethingKashmiris resisted for nearly half a century before 1947. In post-1947 era, theseat of power has rested in Kashmir, something Dogras see as an aggressionon their identity. Kashmiris' grouse against Dogras for buying them through atreaty and ruling them over hundred years is as much a part of daily politicaldebate as the Dogras' feeling of disempowerment by Kashmiris. This goes on.Towards the north, the Buddhists have a feeling of never being part of anypacking order in Jammu and Kashmir. Their demand for separation from J&Kand protection of their identity in a Union Territory is as old as the issue ofKashmir. Two documents (on pages 44 & 47) submitted by two prominentLadakhi organisations to the Government of India's interlocutors clearly showthe Buddhist discomfort. Now, away from the Kashmir issue but not entirelyout of it, the most serious conflict in contemporary Jammu and Kashmir is thetrouble between the Gujjars and the other Pahari speaking people. This ispredominant in the districts of Rajouri, Poonch, Baramulla, Kupwara andBandipore. Both communities have a deep feeling of victimhood and theyhold each other responsible for it. Peoples in the Pir Panjal ranges have liveda life of acute deprivation and poverty over the centuries. Miseries in thesemountains have been common among the Gujjars and the others who nowidentity themselves as Pahari speaking people. The plight of Gujjars slightlyimproved after their inclusion in Scheduled Tribes some two decades ago.Now Pahari speakers are demanding the same treatment, which is resisted bythe Gujjars and hence the conflict. Both communities must look at their his-torical past and offer each other a grand reconciliation lest they keep on fall-ing prey to political designs.

Reconciling with Identities

ZAFAR CHOUDHARY

PROLOGUE

www.epilogue.in Vol. 5 Issus 08 Epilogue, August 2011

Krishna-Khar Meeting

New Delhi, Islamabad Pick upThreads, Carefully

RAMAN, SHARMA

Putting behind the baggage of events like Mumbai and moving beyond the symbolism of Mohali, India andPakistan seem inching closer to the regional realities as they demonstrated more maturity and pragmatism

than anyone had expected in the region, during the recent Foreign Minister-level talks.

The latest engagement between India and Pakistanseems to most serious and

meaningful in recent years. It ap-pears that Foreign Minister SMKrishna and his Pakistani counter-part Hina Rabbani Khar just read outfrom a script already prepared af-ter a sustained hard work throughback channels and front channelswith full concurrence of both gov-ernments. The strong foundationfor the joint statement had alreadybeen laid by two rounds of meet-ings of the Foreign Secretarieswithin last one month and in be-tween the most important meetingof India-Pakistan Joint WorkingGroup. Krishna and Khar just appro-priated the background by rightkind of body languages and refinedverbal nuances. The most importantlesson here is that India and Paki-stan should never rush to sensitivediscussions without sufficientground work and in-principle agree-ments on broader areas of con-cerns. Agra summit was one suchevent which instead of doing anygood to Prime Minister Vajpayee'shonest intentions bred further sus-picion and hostility between twocountries. The Confidence BuildingMeasures announced by the For-eign Ministers is not anything whichcan be described as a major break-through but what better they couldhave done at this stage. The wayforward for India and Pakistan is togradually go ahead with incremen

4DIPLOMACYINDO-PAK DETENTE

The Return of warmth: Krishna and Khar in New Delhi


DIPLOMACYINDO-PAK DETENTE

tal measures, build the trust andthen do the bold things.

Satisfactory Round

In the recent round of meeting inNew Delhi India and Pakistan an-nounced additional ConfidenceBuilding Measures related toJammu and Kashmir, including in-creasing cross-LoC trading days andexpanding travel to include tourismand religious aspects. The two sidesalso decided to relax permit condi-tions for travel by people of Jammuand Kashmir to the other side of theLoC by having a system of a six-month multiple entry.The two ministers discussed Jammuand Kashmir, counter-terrorismmeasures, including progress in theMumbai attacks trial in Pakistan,humanitarian issues, commercialand economic cooperation, WullarBarrage or Tulbul NavigationProject, Sir Creek, Siachen, peaceand security including CBMs andpromotion of friendly exchanges.They also agreed to convene sepa-rate meetings of the expert groupson nuclear and conventional CBMs,in Islamabad in September 2011. "The ministers held discussions onthe issue of Jammu and Kashmirand agreed to the need for contin-ued discussions, in a purposefuland forward looking manner, witha view to finding a peaceful solu-tion by narrowing divergences andbuilding convergences," said a jointstatement issued after the talks.Krishna later said, "I must say that Iam satisfied at the progressachieved in this round of the re-sumed dialogue. The outcomeshave been as per our expecta-tions... While being fully cognisantof the challenges that lie ahead, Ican confidently say that our rela-tions are on the right track."On Jammu and Kashmir, Krishnasaid they will continue discussions

with a view to finding a peacefulsolution by "narrowing divergencesand building convergences".Expressing satisfaction at the out-come of the talks, he said the twosides decided that the Foreign Min-isters will meet again in Islamabadin the first half of 2012 to reviewprogress in the dialogue process. "We are listening carefully to eachother and giving serious consider-ation to the ideas and proposalsfrom both sides that are on thetable. I am also confident about ourfuture course of relations, whichhas to be normalised for the peaceprogress and prosperity of our twocountries and the region," the Ex-ternal Affairs Minister said. "This is indeed a new era of bilat-eral cooperation between the twocountries and it is our desire and Ibelieve after having spoken to you(Krishna), that it is the desire andcommitment of both governmentsto make it an uninterrupted and anuninterpretable process," Kharsaid. "We have expressed our satisfac-tion on holding of subject specificmeetings during the last five

months. We have agreed that theprocess should continue and in factthere is no alternative to dialogueand constructive engagement," shesaid in a brief press stake-out afterthe meeting.She said, "A new generation of In-dia and Pakistan will see a relation-ship which is going to be much dif-ferent then the one we experi-enced in the last few decades."Khar, the youngest and first womanForeign Minister of Pakistan, saidthey should make every effort pos-sible to narrowing down diver-gences and building convergences. "It is important that a responsiblestate we take ownership of our ownaffairs. In the recent months wehave seen an intensification of con-tacts at different levels betweenboth the countries," she said.The joint statement said the minis-ters affirmed the importance of car-rying forward the dialogue processwith a "view to resolving peacefullyall outstanding issues through con-structive and result oriented en-gagement, and to establishfriendly, cooperative and goodneighbourly relations between Pa-

5

Opposition on Board: Khar with BJP Leader LK Advani



kistan and India".They also underlined the need forsustained efforts by both countriesto build a relationship of trust andmutually beneficial cooperation inconformity with the determinationof the people of both countries tosee "an end to terrorism and vio-lence and to realise their aspira-tions for peace and development".Krishna and Khar also agreed thatterrorism poses a continuing threatto peace and security and reiteratedthe firm and undiluted commit-ment of the two countries to fight

and eliminate this scourge in allits forms and manifestations. "Both sides agreed on the needto strengthen cooperation oncounter-terrorism includingamong relevant departments aswell as agencies to bring thoseresponsible for terror crimes tojustice," the statement said.They noted with satisfaction thefact that "since the resumption ofdialogue earlier this year, theprocess of release of prisonersand fishermen from both sideshas continued."

On CBMs, the statement said the Work-ing Group will review the trading listwith a view to further specifying per-missible items to facilitate intra-Jammu and Kashmir Cross-LoC trade. "The number of trading days standenhanced from 2 to 4 days per week.Truck movements shall take place onTuesdays, Wednesdays, Thursdaysand Fridays, both on Srinagar-Muzaffarabad and Poonch-Rawalakotroutes," the statement said.The statement said the designatedauthorities will resolve operationalissues concerning cross-LoC tradethrough regular interaction.The meetings of the designated au-thorities will be held alternately at theTerminal of the Crossing Points onboth sides of the LoC every quarter oras and when deemed necessary.On cross-LoC travel, the statementsaid it would be expanded on bothsides of the LoC to include visits fortourism and religious pilgrimage andthat modalities in this regard will beworked out by both sides. "Facilities including waiting area, ter-minal and clearing procedures at theoperational crossing points will bestreamlined by both sides for smoothCross-LoC travel," the statement said.The cross-LoC bus service betweenSrinagar-Muzaffarabad and Poonch-Rawalakot routes will henceforth runon every Monday. "Application forms and requisitedocumentation in respect of travelacross LoC will be exchanged by emailbetween Designated Authorities ofboth sides. Such email transfer of ap-plication forms will be backed up byhard copies," the statement said.It said India and Pakistan will expe-dite the processing time for applica-tions, which shall not be more than 45days. "Six month multiple entry cross-LoCtravel permits will be allowed by theDesignated Authorities after comple-tion of the required formalities at anearly date," the statement said.It was agreed that the Joint WorkingGroup will henceforth meet on a bi-

6

Revival at Mohali: Prime Ministers Singh and Gillani



annual basis to review existing ar-rangements and suggest additionalmeasures for Cross-LoC travel andtrade.Krishna and Khar agreed that in-crease in trade and economic en-gagement between the two coun-tries would be mutually beneficial. "In this context, they emphasizedthe importance of early establish-ment of a non-discriminatory traderegime between the two countries,including reduction/removal of tar-iff and non-tariff barriers. They alsoemphasised the need for facilitat-ing trade and redressing trade im-balance," the statement said.The ministers also noted with sat-isfaction that during their meetingheld in Islamabad in April 2011, theCommerce Secretaries of the twocountries had decided on a numberof important steps to realize the fullpotential of bilateral trade.

"The Ministers agreed that discus-sions will continue on Siachen,Wullar Barrage/Tulbul NavigationProject and Sir Creek to find a mu-tually acceptable solution to theseissues. They reiterated their com-mitment to seeking early and ami-cable solutions to all these issues,"the statement said. The two sidesalso reaffirmed their commitmentto the Indus Waters Treaty.They noted with "satisfaction" theprogress made towards finalizationof a revised Visa Agreement whichwould help liberalise the visa re-gime and facilitate people-to-people, business-to-business andsports contacts. "The ministers also emphasisedpromotion of cooperation in vari-ous fields including, facilitating vis-its to religious shrines, media ex-changes, holding of sports tourna-ments and cessation of hostile pro-

paganda against each other," thestatement said.The ministers also decided to re-sume the work of the India-PakistanJoint Commission and agreed thatthe Technical Level Working Groupsshould hold their meetings to iden-tify avenues of further cooperationin these fields. "They reaffirmed their commit-ment to the goals and objectives ofSAARC and agreed to make jointefforts to promote cooperation forregional development in the SAARCframework," the statement said.

Kashmir and Other Issues

Of all the issues that hang betweenIndia and Pakistan, Kashmir is at thetop. However, in recent monthsNew Delhi and Islamabad havebeen engaging over in Kashmir in afar less irritating manner. Pakistan

7

Proper homework: Foreign Secretaries Rao and Bashir built the background trust



has traditionally adopted the position of re-solving Kashmir under United Nations ref-erences on self determination, somethingIndia never entertained. In past few years,however, India and Pakistan have shown agreat degree of reconciliation on Kashmir.Their public postures have often irritatedthe other but in principle both countriesseem agreed to the understanding thatboundaries once drawn cannot be redrawn.Much of this progress in change of mindsettook place during the reign of PervezMusharraf in Pakistan and Prime MinisterVajpayee. Prime Minister Manmohan Singhcontinued with Musharraf the process setin motion by Vajpayee. The biggest achieve-ment of New Delhi-Islamabad engagement,mostly through back channels, was the ini-tiation of Cross-Line of Control bus servicebetween two divided parts of Jammu andKashmir in 2005. Launch of trade betweentwo sides in 2008 strengthened this biggestof all Confidence Building Measures.Beginning with Mohali summit meet be-tween two Prime Ministers and the latestround involding Foreign Ministers, the re-cent renewed engagement between NewDelhi and Islamabad seems to have pickedup the threads where both governmentshad left in early 2007. Agreement on en-hanced LoC based Confidence BuildingMeasures in Jammu and Kashmir and resolv-ing other outstanding issues through dia-logue offer sufficient evidence that theachievements made in the past have notfully gone away with the distrust caused byMumbai terror attacks of 2008.

Here are the other issues which are seen asareas of dispute between India and Paki-stan:

Security

For India, security is the top issue, broughtinto stark relief by three near simultaneousbomb blasts in Mumbai this month thatkilled at least 23 people and which analystssuspect was the handiwork of a domesticIslamist militant group.Until this year, India had refused to resumepeace talks until Islamabad took actionagainst Pakistan-based militants and

DOCUMENT

Here is the full text of a joint statement they issued after themeeting.

2. The Ministerial level talks were preceded by a meet-ing between the Foreign Secretaries of India and Pakistan onJuly 26, 2011.

3. The talks were held in a candid, cordial and construc-tive atmosphere.

4. The Ministers reviewed the status of bilateral rela-tions and expressed satisfaction on the holding of meetings onthe issues of Counter-Terrorism (including progress on Mumbaitrial) and Narcotics Control; Humanitarian issues; Commercial& Economic cooperation; Wullar Barrage/Tulbul NavigationProject; Sir Creek; Siachen; Peace & Security including CBMs;Jammu & Kashmir; and promotion of friendly exchanges.

5. The Ministers affirmed the importance of carryingforward the dialogue process with a view to resolving peace-fully all outstanding issues through constructive and result ori-ented engagement, and to establish friendly, cooperative andgood neighbourly relations between Pakistan and India.

6. The Ministers underlined the need for sustained ef-fort by both countries to build a relationship of trust and mutu-ally beneficial cooperation in conformity with the determina-tion of the people of both countries to see an end to terrorismand violence and to realise their aspirations for peace and de-velopment.

7. The Ministers agreed that terrorism poses a continu-ing threat to peace and security and reiterated the firm andundiluted commitment of the two countries to fight and elimi-nate this scourge in all its forms and manifestations. Both sidesagreed on the need to strengthen cooperation on counter-ter-rorism including among relevant departments as well as agen-cies to bring those responsible for terror crimes to justice.

8. The Ministers noted with satisfaction the fact thatsince the resumption of dialogue earlier this year, the processof release of prisoners and fishermen from both sides has con-tinued. In this regard, the Ministers agreed with the recom-mendations of the Judicial Committee on Prisoners regarding(a) early repatriation of the prisoners who have completed theirsentences and whose travel documents are available; (b) adop-tion of a humane approach in dealing with cases of fishermen,women, elderly, juvenile prisoners, prisoners terminally ill orsuffering from serious illness or physical / mental disability and(c) need to monitor the welfare of prisoners in order to ensuretheir humane treatment.

9. The Ministers attached importance to promotingpeace and security, including Confidence Building Measures,between India and Pakistan and agreed to convene separatemeetings of the Expert Groups on Nuclear and Conventional

8



brought to justice those behind the2008 Mumbai attacks.India has not linked the latest at-tacks to Pakistan, but suspicions lin-ger that Pakistan's powerful ISI spyagency backs militant groups oper-ating against India.Testimony from Pakistani-Ameri-can David Headley, who scoutedtargets for the militants who stagedthe 2008 Mumbai attacks, says someISI officers were connected to theplot. Pakistan denies India's accu-sations.For its part, Pakistan accuses Indiaof backing separatists in itsBaluchistan province and providingweapons and funding to PakistanTaliban groups, charges India de-nies.

Afghanistan

Afghanistan is a major source of fric-tion. The two countries have longcompeted for influence there andPakistan is deeply suspicious of arise in India's presence there sincethe fall of the Islamabad-backedTaliban government in 2001.Pakistan accuses India of using Af-ghanistan as a base to create prob-lems inside Pakistan, including back-ing separatists in Baluchistan prov-ince. India denies the accusations,saying its $2 billion aid is focusedon development.India is worried that negotiationswith the Taliban and the US pulloutwould give Pakistan an upper handin Afghanistan and offer anti-Indianmilitants a base.This rivalry is complicating US-ledefforts to end an intensifyingTaliban insurgency and bring stabil-ity to Afghanistan almost 10 yearsafter the Taliban were ousted.The US drawdown has also pushedWashington to work harder in get-ting India and Pakistan to normaliseties.

CBMs, in Islamabad in September 2011.10. The Ministers held discussions on the issue of Jammu and

Kashmir and agreed to the need for continued discussions, in a purpose-ful and forward looking manner, with a view to finding a peaceful solu-tion by narrowing divergences and building convergences.11. On Cross-LoC trade and travel facilitation for Jammu & Kashmir theMinisters decided the following:-

CROSS-LoC TRADE:

i) List of 21 products of permissible items for Cross-LoC tradewill be respected by both sides. The Working Group will review the trad-ing list with a view to further specifying permissible items to facilitateintra-Jammu &Kashmir Cross-LoC trade.

ii) Both sides will provide adequate facilities at the trade facili-tation centres on each side.

iii) The number of trading days stand enhanced from 2 to 4 daysper week. Truck movements shall take place on Tuesdays, Wednesdays,Thursdays and Fridays, both on Srinagar-Muzaffarabad and Poonch-Rawalakot routes.

iv) The Designated Authorities will resolve operational issuesconcerning cross-LoC trade through regular interaction.

v) Regular meetings between the Chambers of Commerce andtraders of both sides will be facilitated.

vi) Existing telephone communication facilities should bestrengthened.

vii) The meetings of the Designated Authorities will be held al-ternately at the Terminal of the Crossing Points on both sides of the LoCevery quarter or as and when deemed necessary.

CROSS-LoC TRAVEL

i) Cross-LoC travel would be expanded on both sides of the LoCto include visits for tourism and religious pilgrimage. In this regard, themodalities will be worked out by both sides.

`ii) Facilities including waiting area, terminal and clearing proce-dures at the operational crossing points will be streamlined by bothsides for smooth Cross-LoC travel.

iii) The Cross-LoC bus service between Srinagar-Muzaffarabadand Poonch-Rawalakot routes will henceforth run on every Monday.

iv) Application forms and requisite documentation in respect oftravel across LoC will be exchanged by email between Designated Au-thorities of both sides. Such email transfer of application forms will bebacked up by hard copies.

v) Both sides will expedite the processing time for applications,which shall not be more than 45 days.

vi) Six month multiple entry cross-LoC travel permits will be al-lowed by the Designated Authorities after completion of the requiredformalities at an early date.

vii) Coordination meetings between the Designated Authori-ties will be held at the Terminals alternately on both sides of the LoCevery quarter or as and when deemed necessary.

9



Trade and visas

Both countries want to boost trade,particularly important for Pakistan'sweak economy, but Islamabad hasyet to grant India a "most favourednation" trade status over concernsits market will be flooded withcheap Indian goods.There is hope that Wednesday'stalks will make progress on easingcross-border travel mostly in theKashmir region.

Water

The two countries disagree overuse of the water flowing down riv-ers that rise in Indian Kashmir andrun into the Indus river basin in Pa-kistan.Pakistan says India is unfairly divert-ing water with the upstream con-struction of barrages and dams. In-dia denies the charge. No immedi-ate progress is expected here.

Siachen

Indian and Pakistani forces havefaced off in mountains above theSiachen glacier in the Karakoramrange, the world's highest battle-field, since 1984.The two sides have been trying tofind a solution that would allowthem to withdraw troops, but Indiasays it is unwilling to bring its forcesdown until Pakistan officially au-thenticates the positions they hold.Pakistan has said it is willing to doso but on the condition that it is nota final endorsement of India's claimover the glacier, one source of meltwater for Pakistan's rivers.A meeting of defence secretaries ofthe two nations about the glacierin May was inconclusive andshowed that even less controver-sial issues remain difficult to tackle.

It was agreed that the Joint Working Group will henceforth meet on abi-annual basis to review existing arrangements and suggest additionalmeasures for Cross-LoC travel and trade.

12. The Ministers agreed that increase in trade and economicengagement between the two countries would be mutually beneficial.In this context, they emphasized the importance of early establishmentof a non-discriminatory trade regime between the two countries, in-cluding reduction/removal of tariff and non-tariff barriers. They alsoemphasised the need for facilitating trade and redressing trade imbal-ance. The Ministers noted with satisfaction that during their meetingheld in Islamabad in April 2011, the Commerce Secretaries of the twocountries had decided on a number of important steps to realize thefull potential of bilateral trade.

13. The Ministers agreed that discussions will continue onSiachen, Wullar Barrage/Tulbul Navigation Project and Sir Creek to finda mutually acceptable solution to these issues. They reiterated theircommitment to seeking early and amicable solutions to all these is-sues. They reaffirmed their commitment to the Indus Waters Treaty.

14. The Ministers also agreed that people of the two countriesare at the heart of the relationship and that issues of people-to-peoplecontacts and humanitarian issues should be accorded priority and treatedwith sensitivity. They noted with satisfaction the progress made to-wards finalization of a revised Visa Agreement which would helpliberalise the visa regime and facilitate people-to-people, business-to-business and sports contacts.

15. The Ministers also emphasized promotion of cooperation invarious fields including, facilitating visits to religious shrines, mediaexchanges, holding of sports tournaments and cessation of hostile pro-paganda against each other.

16. The Ministers decided to resume the work of the India-Paki-stan Joint Commission and agreed that the Technical Level WorkingGroups should hold their meetings to identify avenues of further coop-eration in these fields.

17. They reaffirmed their commitment to the goals and objec-tives of SAARC and agreed to make joint efforts to promote coopera-tion for regional development in the SAARC framework.

18. It was also decided that the Foreign Ministers will meet againin Islamabad in the first half of 2012 to review progress in the dialogueprocess.

19. The Ministers agreed to the continuation of the dialogueprocess and to the convening series of Secretaries level meetings onCounter-terrorism (including progress on Mumbai trial) and NarcoticsControl; Humanitarian issues; Commercial and Economic cooperation;Wullar Barrage/Tulbul Navigation Project; Sir Creek (at the level of Ad-ditional Secretaries/Surveyors General); Siachen; Peace & Security, in-cluding CBMs; Jammu & Kashmir; and Promotion of Friendly Exchanges.Dates of all these meetings will be decided through diplomatic chan-nels and will be held prior to the next Ministerial meeting.

20. The Ministers noted that Shri Anand Sharma, Hon'ble Minis-ter for Commerce and Industry of India, has extended an invitation tohis counterpart, Makhdoom Amin Fahim, Minister of Commerce of Pa-kistan to visit India at a mutually convenient date.

10



INTERVIEW

'All Kashmiri leaders were taken on boardin Musharraf era Indo-Pak consultations'

After a long and disturbing hiatus,the India-Pakistan dialogue andthe relations building around itseem encouraging and pacing upfast. How do you look at this newlybuilding up atmosphere betweenNew Delhi and Islamabad, particu-larly after its revival at Mohalisummit?

The Mohali summit was reflectiveof Prime Minister ManmohanSingh's deep commitment toreconciliation with Pakistan. They(India and Pakistan) had to meetand keep meeting. There is abackground to that.

Background!

Yes, background. And the back-ground is that New Delhi andIslamabad were close to a histori-cal breakthrough on Kashmir,which is the most contentiousissue between them. In early 2007dates were being finalised forManmohan Singh's Islamabad visit.A ground had been preparedthrough sustained back channelengagements between mostdependable track-II diplomatSatish Lamba and his Pakistanicounterpart Tariq Aziz. Next stepwas the joint statement by PrimeMinister Manmohan Singh and

Senior Congress leader and former Union Minister for Panchayati Raj, Mani Shankar Aiyyer is known for hissupport to strong Indo-Pak relations despite unpleasant incidents like Mumbai bombing. Mani, whose per-

sonal friendship with Gen Pervez Musharraf's Foreign Minister Khurshid Kasuri goes back to 1960's, says thatthe so called Musharraf formula was worked out after due consultations with all major Kashmiri leaders. Here

are excerpts of an exclusive interview to Zafar Choudhary:

President Pervez Musharraf whichwould have changed the situationfor ever. Had that Islamabad visitand meeting taken place in 2007things would have changed.

What went wrong then?

It was a sort of accident. MusharrafGovernment got into trouble withcountry's judiciary which resulted

into weakening of the regime.Even as a weak government couldnot have taken a major step butMusharraf was still committed tothat. However, his Foreign MinisterKhurshid Mehmood Kasuri stronglyadvised Musharraf against takingforward the agreement with Indiain that situation. He counselled forselling the agreement to thepeople of Pakistan first and theninking it. A weak Governmentcouldn't have done that.

And then the change of regime inPakistan and later the 26/11washed all the trust away?

Not really. Diplomacy is the art ofsustained engagement and thekind of back channel contactbetween India and Pakistan to-wards continuity. The change ofregime though did not do muchharm but yes it has delayed thethings. Musharraf was more com-mitted and more forthcoming.Mumbai terror attacks were themost unfortunate thing. However,credit goes to Prime MinisterManmohan Singh for not lettingthe terror attacks wash away theunderstandings build over years ofhard work through back channelsas well as front channels.Prime Minister's reaction to 26/11

11



was most reflective of his commit-ment to maintaining and strength-ening Indo-Pak ties. Despite anational outrage post Mumbaiattacks, Prime Minister took phoneof call his Pakistani counterpartSyed Yusuf Raza Gillani and ac-cepted his offer of sending toMumbai an intelligence officer forjoint investigation. Pakistan,however, later erred by pulling outof the offer. It was actually at thatstage that relations took a plungeand then there was a long gapwhich Manmohan Singh nowrevived at Mohali.

What exactly made Mohali hap-pen?

There is, as such, no major incidentor theory behind that. The simplereason is that dialogue had to beresumed and cricket match was agood opportunity to meet and sittogether in a cordial atmosphere.Remember, what (Foreign Secre-tary) Nirupama Rao said after herreturn from Islamabad last month.In an interview to Karan Thappar(Devil's Advocate at CNN-IBN) sheadmitted that breaking off dia-logue with Pakistan served nopurpose. "It is intelligent to restorethe dialogue", she said and agreedthat Manmohan Singh is of thatview.Now, what is most important is tostructure the dialogue in a mannerthat it is uninterrupted anduninterruptible.

Musharraf's formula has beenmuch talked about. Kashmiris(separatists) in the Valley say thatthe formula was most damaging.Was that just a New Delhi-Islamabad agreement or did theyfactor the Kashmiris in? MostKashmiris often dismiss the for-mula arguing that it was amilitarised solution which did nottake into account human senti-

ments of Jammu and Kashmir.

(Laughs) Those who say so, I invitethem to watch a serial named"Journey to Pakistan with ManiShankar Aiyyer". The serial iscoming up on News-X Channel bythird week of August. It is a conver-sation between me andMusharraf's Foriegn MinisterKhurshid Mehmood Kasuri. In thecourse of this conversation, Kasurielaborated on full background ofwhat is called as Musharraf'sformula. He shares all elements ofprogress -how Corps Commandersand even General Kayani weresupportive of the dialogue. Kasurisays that it would have beencompletely impossible to sell anyIndo-Pak agreement to the peopleof India and Pakistan unlessKashmiris welcomes it. Therefore,Kasuri says, all shades of opinionfrom Kashmir were taken intoconsultations. He admits thatexcept Gilgit-Baltistan, the opin-ions from all regions of Jammu andKashmir had been taken intoaccount. There were severalrounds of consultations withdifferent leaders from KashmirValley and also Pakistan adminis-tered Kashmir held within India,Pakistan and also in third coun-tries. And there was sufficientmajority to support the agreement.Kasuri says that Syed Ali ShahGeelani (the Kashmiri leadercompletely opposed to Musharrafformula) was one such leader whoenjoyed extremely good relationswith him (Kasuri) and stayedengaged in consultations for thelongest while.

But then there is another draw-back. The new Government inPakistan (of Zardari and Gillani)has refused to acknowledge anyMusharraf era breakthrough withIndia, much less the Musharrafformula.

Their refusal to acknowledge is apolitical compulsion we mustunderstand. This is a Governmentheaded by another party and theywould not like to lend publiccredence to their opponent.However, the fact of the matter isthat Kasuri had expanded thediscussions to key politiciansincluding Mian Nawaz Sharief andShahbaz Sharief. Then he took allbackground papers to PresidentZardari. Kasuri is willing to stand byand has already challengedGovernment's denial. The reality isthat so much progress was re-corded in three years of backchannel dialogue which cannot betranslated into full reality in threeto four months (the period afterMohali summit).Call it Musharraf formula or any-thing else; the basic conclusion ofsustained Indo-Pak engagement isthat it is not possible for either(India or Pakistan) to exchangeterriroty. Restoration of connec-tions is the first step towardssolution and solution is renderingthe Line of Control irrelevant.

So, how to negotiate with thedenial of Pakistan Governmentthat there was no progress

That would not be much of aproblem provided that the dia-logue is structured. We have hadenough of back channel, even as itcontinues to hold its own impor-tance; now it is important to moveto the front channel. Back channelis for building confidence and frontchannel actually steers the processforward.

Pakistan has traditionally harpedon Kashmir and people haveheavily rallied against India. Whatis your assessment of the situationtoday?

I have lived in Pakistan for three

12



years and my realisation is thatthere is a broad and extensivepro-India constituency. Kashmir isjust the Punjabi issue...it is onlyin Punjab that Kashmir runs highin their sentiments. Sindhis andBalochs are not interested inKashmir, anymore. Even Punjabisrecognise that taking away Kash-mir from India is not possible.Therefore, those traditionalstands on Kashmir are things ofpast. Peoples are looking forwardto the larger realities.In Indian politics you are perhapsthe strongest votary of goodIndo-Pak relations. Your stands,particularly in the aftermath ofincidents like Mumbai bombing,often earn you criticism. Is there astrong conviction behind takingsuch stands or just passion?

See, I have reached a stage whereI am in politics not to get posi-tions but to take positions. Whatis that I had not in politics. Now Iwant to bring that to politicalrealm which I could not do over50 years. In context of Indo-Pakrelations I strongly believe thatfriendship is the only way out andwould continue to pitch for strongrelations between the two coun-tries.

Jammu and Kashmir has recentlygone through Panchayat elec-tions with a very huge voterturnout. Sounding mysteriouslydefensive, both the separatistsand mainstream parties sayPanchayat elections are for day today issues of governance andhave nothing to do with the issueof Kashmir. What is your take?

First, let me say that I am op-posed to Azadi for Kashmir but Iam fully in favour of Azadi forKashmiris. The Panchayati Rajsystem is something whichempowers people at the lowestlevel and this could be the realAzadi. Now since the people have

registered their overwhelmingparticipation in the elections, thenext big step is for the govern-ment to empower the Panchayatswith all functions and finances.

Empowerment of Panchayatsthrough full devolution of powerswould also help the ruling Na-tional Conference to justify itsdemand for the greater autonomy.

There were several rounds ofconsultations with different leaders

from Kashmir Valley and alsoPakistan administered Kashmir heldwithin India, Pakistan and also in

third countries. And there wassufficient majority to support the

agreement. Kasuri says that Syed AliShah Geelani (the Kashmiri leader

completely opposed to Musharraf for-mula) was one such leader who en-

joyed extremely good relations withhim (Kasuri) and stayed engaged inconsultations for the longest while.

13


"Even the Delhi skies aredrooling," wrote Spectatorcolumnist and novelist Seema

Goswami as 34-year old fairyPakistan Foreign Minister HinnaRabbani Khar made a coincidentallanding along with downpour onan otherwise humid Tuesdayafternoon in the Indian capital.Switch over to news channels andthere is no news. Instead of news,the parody goes: My name isHinna...Hinna K Rabbani...MeinLadki Pakistani...Tere Haath NaAani. At another channel it is:Mein Hoon Khushrang Hinna. Themuch serious channel is running:Ek Ladki Ko Dekha to Aisa Laga.That is how the Indian newsmedia welcomed who they calledHRK -Hinna Rabbani Khar. Hercounterpart, the SMK -ForeignMinister SM Krishna -did notfigure much in the media exceptfor a wrong reason that he tookthe non-traditional route of rakingup Kashmir. However, this was oneand only meeting in Krishna'srecent career course which savedhim from any embarrassment: hisrunning into rough weather withShah Mohammad Qureshi inIslamabad exactly this month lastyear and then later, in Februarythis year, he went on reading fromPortuguese Foreign Minister'sspeech at UN Security Councilbefore being stopped by an Indiandiplomat. Hinna clearly scoredover Krishna but the latter mustbe happy with the grace.

For Indian Press, it was Paki-stan Foreign Minister's fashionand beauty that made strongerstatement than the political

The Lighter Side of Serious Story

Mein Hoon Khushrang Hina


14


message she carried. Here are fewheadlines:

Pak Bomb Lands in India Mumbai MirrorPak Puts on its Best FaceTimes of IndiaIndia Sweating Over Model-LikeMinisterNavbharat TimesAll Eyes on Glamourous Pak Minis-terRediff.com

Kolkatta daily The Telegraphcompared Khar with her elderlyyet style conscious counterpartSM Krishna like this: "In theunkind world of adjectives, theodds are stacked against SMK andin favour of HRK... Khar carrieswith ease descriptions such as'stunning' and 'petite". ExceptIndian Express which carried afashionable photograph and nostory of the meeting on frontpage, almost all newspapersfocused more on details of Hinna'sfashion and accessories. Heroversized Hermes black Birkinbag, purportedly priced at Rs 17lakh, the blue tunic-pants en-semble teamed up with priceySouth Sea pearls glistening at herneck and ears and Roberto Cavallishades covering half her face -thiswas all the stuff Press went gagaabout. On Tuesday one channelreported about diamond ring andthe next day there was a scoop:"the diamond ring on her lefthand was missing". That was thekind of focus on every minutedetail. On twitter someone said:"She's better looking than thenew Duchess of Cambridge. Sothere, world".

The Pakistani Press had a keeneye on what was happening inIndia. "India Gushes Over Hinna"said Dawn in a conclusive state-ment. However, the ExpressTribune was little critical. In

response to what media calledmost high profile visit of Hinna,the Express Tribune she was on animportant tour to France soonafter killing of Osama Bin Laden.The newspaper further said, "inParis, the fashion capital of world,there was not a single word onHinna's attire and accessories butin India there is hugehullaballoo".

Express Tribune's argumentdoes not fit in this situation.Shortly before Hinna, US Secretaryof State of Hillary Clinton was inDelhi. She went through the samekind of ignorance in Delhi whatExpress Tribune has spoken highof Paris in case of Hinna's visit.The underlying fact here is thatwe are one people across thedivide and when someonetouches down after crossing overthe fence, it leaves us allenamoured. Hinna is not morefashionable than many of our

political socialites. Yes, she isyoung and fresh but in terms ofattire and accessories she can'tcompete with someone likeShobhna Bhartia. What engagesour imagination is the fact thatshe comes from Pakistan. It wasexactly this month ten years agowhen Indian public and mediawent after style statement of themost hated person of that time -General Pervez Musharraf. Duringthe July 2001 Agra summit, themedia focus was entirely on styleof the man till he dropped thepolitical bombshell before takinghome flight. Slew of differenceand rivalries between the Statesnotwithstanding, the averagepeople of India and Pakistan haveusual tendency of falling for eachother. So there was nothingunusual in India falling for Hinna.Now that is at level of peopleswhen they look at each otherbeyond the State.

Kolkatta daily The Telegraph compared Khar withher elderly yet style conscious counterpart SM Krishnalike this: "In the unkind world of adjectives, the odds

are stacked against SMK and in favour of HRK... Kharcarries with ease descriptions such as 'stunning' and'petite". Except Indian Express which carried a fash-

ionable photograph and no story of the meeting on frontpage, almost all newspapers focused more on details ofHinna's fashion and accessories. Her oversized Hermesblack Birkin bag, purportedly priced at Rs 17 lakh, theblue tunic-pants ensemble teamed up with pricey SouthSea pearls glistening at her neck and ears and RobertoCavalli shades covering half her face -this was all thestuff Press went gaga about. On Tuesday one channel

reported about diamond ring and the next day there wasa scoop: "the diamond ring on her left hand was miss-ing". That was the kind of focus on every minute detail.On twitter someone said: "She's better looking than the

new Duchess of Cambridge. So there, world".

DIPLOMACYINDO-PAK DETENTE15


Beyond Reservations, Gujjars HaveNothing or Little Against Paharis

ZAFAR CHOUDHARY

Amongst the contemporary internal conflicts in Jammu and Kashmir, the political and socialclashes between the Gujjar tribe and the Pahari speaking people are perhaps one of most serious

challenges to internal peace at the micro level, and an emerging impediment to handling theKashmir issue at large. This conflict between the Gujjars and Paharis, who are themselves a het-

erogeneous community, transcends all regional boundaries and religious divides within J&K(Jammu and Kashmir) and beyond.

Historical literature traces thefaultline between the Gujjarsand other communities in

present day J&K to several decadesago but the differences have sharp-ened following the inclusion of theformer into Scheduled Tribes listunder the constitution of India. Thesituation has worsened with a simi-lar demand being made from a largenumber of ethnic identities andcastes drawn from Muslim, Hinduand Sikh groups which congregateunder an identity of a Pahari speak-ing community. However, the clashbetween the two communities isbased around concessions and privi-leges guaranteed under the provi-sions of the Scheduled Tribes Actand not necessarily about every-thing.

Battle lines between the twocommunities are becoming promi-nent on a large scale, given the factthat the political parties extend se-lective patronage to certain com-munities against each other for se-curing easy vote banks. In fact, thepolitical parties and the govern-ments of the state have helped,

overtly or covertly, in escalation ofconflict from time to time. There isa hidden tension between theGujjars and the Paharis who nursehuge contempt for each other. InRajouri and Poonch districts of theJammu province and some parts of

Baramulla, Kupwara, Bandipore andBadgam districts of the Kashmirprovince where these communitiesare predominant, the Gujjar?Paharidivide is a major political and socialdiscourse in everyday life and theirdivide becomes a dominant factor

It is true that Gujjars and various Pahari speakingpeople have lived and continue to live in the same

areas under almost similar circumstances. There aresome affluent people among Gujjars and many under-privileged among Paharis. The clash between the twocommunities is based around concessions and privi-

leges guaranteed under the provisions of the ScheduledTribes Act and not necessarily about everything. Thegenuine concerns of Gujjars and genuine aspirationsof Paharis have been utterly politicised to the benefit

of political parties and dismay of the members of bothcommunities who have willingly played in hands of

politicians. Need is to help every community attain astatus of self reliance and self respect

IN FOCUSCOMMUNITY PERCEPTIONS

16


in all decisions - political and ad-ministrative. From selection of can-didates for assembly elections, ap-pointment of Ministers in the cabi-net, nominating office bearers ofpolitical parties to posting of gov-ernment officers at different levelsin the districts, even identifyinggovernment projects like schools,dispensaries and road or bridges, itis a major determining factor.

Instead of trying to resolve thisdivide by placing things in a correctperspective the political parties andthe government are playing theGujjar and Pahari cards which fur-ther hardens their stand and sharp-ens the conflict. Nevertheless, bar-ring few cases in Poonch andRajouri, there is no major evidenceof violence between the two iden-tities; psychological irritations dueto social differences, wilful tenden-cies of getting at odds with eachother leading to land disputes andlong drawn police and court casesare common in sight. These are alldangerous signals of an impendingconflict in J&K which already wit-nesses a high level of armed con-flicts and where arms licences areissued on a daily basis to a an aver-age of average of 100 civilians.

While the Gujjar?Pahari divideoffers a huge vote bank dividend tothe political parties but furtherdeepening of this divide has thepotential of becoming unmanage-able for the future incumbents. Toprevent further escalation oneneeds to understand who exactlythese people are, what are thestakes involved, where can oneplace them in the larger conflictzone of J&K, what has gone wrongso far and how can these things becorrected.

Who are the Gujjars?There are varying versions on

the origin and history of Gujjars butmost historians agree on their Cen-

tral Asian origin. While some oth-ers believe that the Gujjars are ofIndian origin and inhabited the re-gions around Mount Abu in west-ern Rajasthan, Malwa and Gujarat.In J&K, all Gujjars are Muslim andexcept for a few hundred families,they are nomads, semi?nomads,pastoralists and agro?pastoralists.Again, with the exception of fewhundred families there are nosettled agriculturist Gujjars in J&Kunlike their counterparts in otherstates like Uttarakhand andHimachal Pradesh. Gujjars consti-tute 88 per cent of the total tribalpopulation in J&K and their pro-jected population for 2011 is aroundone million which is eight per centof total population of the state. Interms of ethnic, cultural and lin-guistic classification Gujjars are thethird largest identity in the state,after Kashmiri Muslims and DograHindus. Their population is scat-tered and they move all across thestate except

Leh district and their largest con-centration is in Poonch district at 40per cent succeeded by 33.1 per centin Rajouri.

Next in terms of population con-centration are the undivided dis-tricts of Anantnag in south Kashmirand Doda and Udhampur districts inJammu province. Interestingly, theGujjar?Pahari faultline is more evi-dent in the districts of Rajouri andPoonch and parts of Baramulla,Kupwara and Badgam. This is dueto their historical differences withthe Rajputs who are present in largenumbers in this region. Gujjars areeconomically perhaps the most dis-advantaged section of society inJ&K. Their main activity is buffalo,sheep and goat rearing while someof them are engaged as agriculturalworkers. Education and employ-ment amongst Gujjars is also in adismal state. Lack of education isclearly reflected in their represen-

tation in the government servicesand despite the provision of reser-vations under the Scheduled TribeAct, Gujjars have not been able tosecure jobs proportionate to theirpopulation.

From a larger perspective, theinclusion of Gujjars in the list ofScheduled Tribes seems to be moreof a political statement than a realmeasure in improving the lot of thiscommunity. Incidentally, theGujjars were declared as STs in April1991 after a prolonged struggle ofthe community which began in1960s and when militancy was at itspeak in J&K. Those were the yearswhen administrative machineryhad completely collapsed in theKashmir Valley and it was gettingmore and more difficult to governthe state. After the decline of mili-tancy in 2002 the benefits underprovisions of Scheduled Tribeproved ineffective in alleviating

There is a hidden tensionbetween the Gujjars andthe Paharis who nursehuge contempt for eachother. In Rajouri andPoonch districts of the

Jammu province and someparts of Baramulla,

Kupwara, Bandipore andBadgam districts of the

Kashmir province wherethese communities are

predominant, theGujjar?Pahari divide is amajor political and socialdiscourse in everyday lifeand their divide becomes adominant factor in all deci-

sions - political andadministrative.

IN FOCUSCOMMUNITY PERCEPTIONS17


social and economic profiles ofthe Gujjars as the specific schemescomplimenting the nomadiclifestyle are yet to be made. How-ever, to some extent the benefitsof reservation in jobs and selectionsfor medical and engineering col-leges have percolated to these com-munities though a lot still remainsto be done to actually alleviate theirsocio?economic profile.

Gujjars in the Kashmir conflictGujjars are one of the most

prominent stakeholders in theKashmir conflict. They are perhapsthe only identity among Muslims ofJ&K whose patriotic and nationalis-tic credentials towards India havenever come under doubt. There hasnever been even a single Gujjar as-sociated with any of the separatistorganisation and very rare cases ofany Gujjar participating in militancyhave ever come to the fore. Com-plete abnegation is however alsofaulty as probes reveal that theyhave either worked as couriers, un-der pressure/threat or some kind ofallurement. Gujjars have in fact al-ways offered early warning signalsto the security forces in taking onmilitants and have suffered on thisaccord enormously. There havebeen cases where entire familieshave been wiped or burnt alive bymilitants.

Operation Sarpvinash, the larg-est operation against militants inthe militancy history of J&K was alsobased on the help received by theIndian military from the Gujjars.Recently a Gujjar girl from Rajouridistrict was awarded Kirti Chakra forkilling a dreaded LeT militant. Thesesupportive endeavours from theGujjar community are based on thefact that there is hardly any Gujjarfamily in the Jammu province ornorth of Kashmir Valley whichdidn't suffer from the division andwars in 1947 or 1965. Therefore,Gujjars have a major stake in

Cross?LoC confidence buildingmeasures including travel andtrade.

The GujjarPahari divideWhile the focus in the recent

reports and observations have beenon the Gujjar?Pahari divide basedon their demand for ScheduledTribe status, another reason for thisis also the emergent Pahari iden-tity among upper clan Hindus andMuslims. There are also several his-torical facts behind theGujjar?Pahari divide. In the earlyyears of their arrival the Gujjars inJ&K, they had entered into directconfrontation with the Rajput clansfor political and strategic reasons.There are evidences of Gujjars hav-ing been declared as criminals bythe local rulers and the Rajput com-munities using their influence onthese settlements. This tussleseems to have carried on for centu-ries and become a major divide be-tween the two in contemporarytimes. Gujjars have traditionallybeen tillers at the lands of RajputZamindars and have worked as theirdomestic helps and casuallabourers.

Even today the social differen-tiation continues to be a major fac-tor for the divide across allGujjar?Pahari inhabited areas.Gujjars make the largest proportionof domestic help in the householdsof Rajputs while no Rajput, eventhe poorest of them, could befound as domestic help even withrichest of the Gujjars. There are stillmany areas where Gujjars do notdare to sit equal to the Rajputs orBrahmins. Gujjars have been fur-ther stigmatized after being de-clared as Scheduled Tribes.

This social divide has aggravatedinto bitter psychological conflictwith some Gujjars becomingTehsildars or Deputy Superinten-dents of Police and getting postedin areas predominantly inhabited

by the Rajputs and Brahmins etc.There have been cases of Gujjarsbecoming the Revenue officers inareas where their families workedas tillers at the lands of RajputZamindars. These were the press-ing social turnarounds which com-pelled the upper castes and clansprimarily in districts of Rajouri andPoonch to counter the growingclout of Gujjars. Since inclusion ofGujjars in ST could not have beenreversed, they launched a move-ment for their own inclusion in theScheduled Tribe. For this purposeall non?Gujjar ethnic identities in-cluding Rajputs, Syeds and Brah-mins grouped under a single um-brella identity of Pahari speakingpeople and thus forming an iden-tity based on language. Fifteenyears of the movement for inclu-sion in the ST list among Paharis anda corresponding growth of con-sciousness among Gujjars havemade these differences deeper andbitter. Thus there is a huge poten-tial for social unrest in areas inhab-ited by Gujjars and Paharis which isbeing proliferated by the overallpolitical structure.

The Road Ahead: Exploring the Al-ternatives

Key to resolving the historicaldivide between the Gujjars and thePaharis lies in the capability of thegovernment to alleviate thesocio?economic profile of the twocommunities and lessening the so-cial stigma associated with theformer. Inclusion of Paharis in STswould clearly further cause an im-balance and unrest among Gujjarswho are already voicing their con-cerns and questioning the govern-ment on what they have receivedas a community for standing withthe nation against the outsiders.Giving the ST status to the Paharisalso portends the dangers of open-ing a Pandora's box of similar de-mands from all and sundry across

IN FOCUSCOMMUNITY PERCEPTIONS 18


J&K. For example, if a Khan orSharma from Poonch is declared ST,how will the government prevent asimilar demand from other sectionsof Khan and Sharma living in Jammuor Kathua.

However, at the same time itneeds to be taken into cognizancethat the Rajput and Brahmin egoclashes are damaging the cause ofthe lower castes inhabiting theseareas. There are some communitiesand groups like weavers, ironsmithsetc in Rajouri and Poonch who passthrough almost same circum-stances, except the nomadiclifestyle, as Gujjars do. These com-munities also need some specialprovisions for improvement oftheir lifestyles. A survey of thesocio?economic profile of all com-munities in the Gujjar? Pahari heart-land can be another approach toreach an understanding on theneeds and problems of the peopleresiding within J&K.

Gujjars harbour a genuine fearof regression to a pre?ST plight at atime when they are yet to avail thefull benefits of socio?economic de-velopment provisioned for them. Itneeds to be understood here thatbesides the ST quota, there areother reservation categories likeResidents of Backward Areas (RBA),residents of Actual Line of Control(ALC) and the major beneficiariesof these categories should not beallowed to demand inclusion in theST category.

While only 10 per cent reserva-tion is available under the ST statuswhich the Gujjars share with 11other tribes, the RBA quota is 20 percent and ALC quota is three percent.An alienation factor is already pal-pable amongst the Gujjars and anyarbitrary decision on including oth-ers in the ST list will further alien-ate these last of the patriotic Mus-lim identities in J&K. to solve theseproblems the central and state gov-ernments should act in a pragmaticway instead of succumbing to apolicy of appeasement.(IPCS)

Paharis Have Lived the Life of Gujjars,Why Not Treat Them Same As WellKD MAINI

Although, Pahari signifies the mountaineers in J&K, for the purposeof this report it will be restricted to those people whose mother

tongue is the Pahari language. Paharis are the habitants of the PirPanchal region and constitute 51 per cent of the population of this

region. They occupy a large terrain starting from the south ofBanihal and going up to Muzafarabad. Poonch, Rajouri, Uri and

Karnah fall in the J&K state while Muzafarabad, Bagh, Sudhnutti,Rawalakote, Kotli, Mirpur and Bhimber are located in the POK.

The Paharis are comprised of various castes, creeds, sects and religions. They are Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs and are bounded to eachother only through their mother tongue Pahari while canvassing dis-

tinct cultural heritage, social, economic and historical backgrounds. As perFredric Dew, the author of 'The Northern Barrier of India,' Paharis arestrong, hardy, tough, brave and an active race with power and fame.

Muslim Paharis suffix the word Khan or Sardar with their name to indi-cate their status. Majority of them reside in far flung, remote and cut?offareas near the forests in high pasture lands in the Pir Panchal region andalong side the LoC, but their basties and habitations also exist in the Kash-mir valley and other parts of the Jammu province. Their economic growthis negligible due to topographical disadvantages, non?availability of in-frastructure facilities and proximity to the Actual Line of Control.

The state of their living is abysmal: 37 per cent people of this commu-nity are still living below poverty line, 63 per cent population is residing inKucha houses without bathrooms, 34 per cent people are still illiterateand 49 per cent basties are without power supply. There are no commer-cial avenues, industrial environment or big hydel projects in Pir Panchalregion.

Therefore, unemployment is rampant among skilled, unskilled as wellas educated youth and their economic condition is quite vulnerable. Simi-larities between Gujjar and Paharis

The following similarities can be observed between the Paharis and theGujjars:

First, Gujjars and Paharis are neighbours to each other and have livedtogether in a very cordial atmosphere in the same basties (habitations)and villages for centuries together. There is a similarity in their life styles,diet and general outlook.

Second, being neighbours, the Gujjars and Paharis face similar prob-


19


lems and miseries. During theIndo?Pak war of 1947 the LOC wasestablished in the heart of PirPanchal region; both the Gujjars andthe Paharis equally suffered thepain of division. Their economicgrowth has also been hampereddue to repeated conflicts in 1965and 1971 on the border, and thecontinuous firing and shelling andinternal disturbances due to thespread of militancy from 1989 on-wards.

Third, both communities are sur-viving in congruent geographicalconditions and envisage similarlifestyles. Both the communitieseither live in remote, far?flung andinaccessible hilly areas of the PirPanchal region or their basties arelocated exactly on the LOC. Due togeographical disadvantages theyare unable to avail the benefits ofdevelopment happening in the restof the country and in turn remaineconomically backward.

Fourth, both the communitiesspeak and understand the Gojri andPahari languages. Therefore, at thegrass root level there is no commu-nication gap and the people of boththe communities meet, interact andhelp each other in day today life,social functions, festivals and otheroccasions.

Fifth, the livelihood of the ma-jority of these ethnic races is de-pendent on agricultural activities,rearing of cattle, sheep, goats andlabour?oriented works. There is noadministrative setup or modern dayinfrastructure; the Gujjars andPaharis resolve their disputesthrough traditional norms withintheir own local courts.

Sixth, the folk songs of both thecommunities resembles each otherlike the Kanchi, Dolan, Mihia,Shopia, Surma, Doli etc. The Sufiana

Kalam Saif?ul?Maluk (devotionalsongs) and Se Harfies of great Gujjarspiritual saints Hazarat Baba JeeSahib and Hazarat Haji Baba areequally popular among the Paharisand Gujjars. The religious shrines ofHazarat Pir Ghulam Shah BadshahShah (a Pahari origin) Dara ShariefRajouri and Hazarat Baba Jee SahibLarvi (Gojri origin) Wangat Shariefare also equally respected by boththe communities because thesesaints always spread the messageof love for mankind, tolerance andrestraint

Finally, poverty, illiteracy, eco-nomic backwardness, suppressionsand atrocities are common factorsbetween these two communities.

Roots of GujjarPahari Tension

In 1974 Prime Minister IndiraGandhi visited J&K and on the re-quest of the Gujjar leaders sanc-tioned Rs. 12 crore for their devel-opment, keeping in view their eco-nomic vulnerability. In the mean-time the political scenario of J&Kstate changed and SheikhMohammad Abdullah came topower on 24th February 1975. Heconstituted a board for the devel-opment of Gujjars and Bakerwals,established residential hostels forthe children of this community,sanctioned scholarship for the stu-dents and created infrastructuralfacilities in Gujjar basties along withestablishment of Gujjar NagarJammu, construction of shop linesfor the unemployed Gujjar youthand rehabilitation of nomadicBakerwal tribes. Therefore ten-sions began to simmer in the Paharicommunity. They felt neglected bythe state as well as central govern-ment and were denied benefitswhich were being given to othercommunities living in the same beltunder similar economic conditions.

Thereafter, the Paharis started

a struggle under the banner ofPahari Welfare Forum in 1975 for aSchedule Tribe status. Despite re-peated memorandums, rallies anddharnas there was no responsefrom state as well as the centralgovernment in favour of the Paharicommunity and their demands re-mained unattended to even now,except for opening of a Pahari sec-tion in the J&K Cultural Academy forthe development of Pahari lan-guage. It was only in 1991 with theascendance of the Chander Shekhargovernment that for the first time,the Pahari's appeal for reservationwas heard by the government, butthe proposal was kept pending onthe pretext that the formalities hadnot been completed. The state gov-ernment sanctioned the AdvisoryBoard for development of Paharispeaking people in the mean time(1997) and provided funds for resi-dential hostels for the Pahari chil-dren and sanctioned scholarshipsfor Pahari students.

In the initial years the Paharisand Gujjars did not assess the im-pact of the ST status on economicgrowth of these people. Now whenthere is a reservation for ST stu-dents in professional and technicalcolleges, services and promotionsand they are vying for concurrentsocio?economic status, there is agreat resentment in Paharis on be-ing ignored. The main demand ofthe Pahari people is the provisionof ST status which is not fulfilleduntil now. In fact the Paharis are notagainst the ST status for Gujjarswhich they deserved but are de-manding the same status for them-selves. Presently, there is a com-plete ethnic division betweenthese two sections of societies andis likely to continue in the near fu-ture.

Despite the great rift betweenthe Gujjar and Paharis there are stillsome positive signs in both thecommunities which indicate thatthere is still hope for rapproche-

IN FOCUSCOMMUNITY PERCEPTIONS 20


lems and miseries. During theIndo?Pak war of 1947 the LOC wasestablished in the heart of PirPanchal region; both the Gujjars andthe Paharis equally suffered thepain of division. Their economicgrowth has also been hampereddue to repeated conflicts in 1965and 1971 on the border, and thecontinuous firing and shelling andinternal disturbances due to thespread of militancy from 1989 on-wards.

Third, both communities are sur-viving in congruent geographicalconditions and envisage similarlifestyles. Both the communitieseither live in remote, far?flung andinaccessible hilly areas of the PirPanchal region or their basties arelocated exactly on the LOC. Due togeographical disadvantages theyare unable to avail the benefits ofdevelopment happening in the restof the country and in turn remaineconomically backward.

Fourth, both the communitiesspeak and understand the Gojri andPahari languages. Therefore, at thegrass root level there is no commu-nication gap and the people of boththe communities meet, interact andhelp each other in day today life,social functions, festivals and otheroccasions.

Fifth, the livelihood of the ma-jority of these ethnic races is de-pendent on agricultural activities,rearing of cattle, sheep, goats andlabour?oriented works. There is noadministrative setup or modern dayinfrastructure; the Gujjars andPaharis resolve their disputesthrough traditional norms withintheir own local courts.

Sixth, the folk songs of both thecommunities resembles each otherlike the Kanchi, Dolan, Mihia,Shopia, Surma, Doli etc. The Sufiana

Kalam Saif?ul?Maluk (devotionalsongs) and Se Harfies of great Gujjarspiritual saints Hazarat Baba JeeSahib and Hazarat Haji Baba areequally popular among the Paharisand Gujjars. The religious shrines ofHazarat Pir Ghulam Shah BadshahShah (a Pahari origin) Dara ShariefRajouri and Hazarat Baba Jee SahibLarvi (Gojri origin) Wangat Shariefare also equally respected by boththe communities because thesesaints always spread the messageof love for mankind, tolerance andrestraint

Finally, poverty, illiteracy, eco-nomic backwardness, suppressionsand atrocities are common factorsbetween these two communities.

Roots of GujjarPahari Tension

In 1974 Prime Minister IndiraGandhi visited J&K and on the re-quest of the Gujjar leaders sanc-tioned Rs. 12 crore for their devel-opment, keeping in view their eco-nomic vulnerability. In the mean-time the political scenario of J&Kstate changed and SheikhMohammad Abdullah came topower on 24th February 1975. Heconstituted a board for the devel-opment of Gujjars and Bakerwals,established residential hostels forthe children of this community,sanctioned scholarship for the stu-dents and created infrastructuralfacilities in Gujjar basties along withestablishment of Gujjar NagarJammu, construction of shop linesfor the unemployed Gujjar youthand rehabilitation of nomadicBakerwal tribes. Therefore ten-sions began to simmer in the Paharicommunity. They felt neglected bythe state as well as central govern-ment and were denied benefitswhich were being given to othercommunities living in the same beltunder similar economic conditions.

Thereafter, the Paharis started

a struggle under the banner ofPahari Welfare Forum in 1975 for aSchedule Tribe status. Despite re-peated memorandums, rallies anddharnas there was no responsefrom state as well as the centralgovernment in favour of the Paharicommunity and their demands re-mained unattended to even now,except for opening of a Pahari sec-tion in the J&K Cultural Academy forthe development of Pahari lan-guage. It was only in 1991 with theascendance of the Chander Shekhargovernment that for the first time,the Pahari's appeal for reservationwas heard by the government, butthe proposal was kept pending onthe pretext that the formalities hadnot been completed. The state gov-ernment sanctioned the AdvisoryBoard for development of Paharispeaking people in the mean time(1997) and provided funds for resi-dential hostels for the Pahari chil-dren and sanctioned scholarshipsfor Pahari students.

In the initial years the Paharisand Gujjars did not assess the im-pact of the ST status on economicgrowth of these people. Now whenthere is a reservation for ST stu-dents in professional and technicalcolleges, services and promotionsand they are vying for concurrentsocio?economic status, there is agreat resentment in Paharis on be-ing ignored. The main demand ofthe Pahari people is the provisionof ST status which is not fulfilleduntil now. In fact the Paharis are notagainst the ST status for Gujjarswhich they deserved but are de-manding the same status for them-selves. Presently, there is a com-plete ethnic division betweenthese two sections of societies andis likely to continue in the near fu-ture.

Despite the great rift betweenthe Gujjar and Paharis there are stillsome positive signs in both thecommunities which indicate thatthere is still hope for rapproche-


21


ment and the historical ties havenot been completely severed.While, there is no official platformfor the interaction between theGujjar and Paharis in the state asthey have become absolutely po-litically polarized by the politiciansfor their political benefits, thereare still a number of social plat-forms where these communitiesintermix and exchange their views.They are working side?by?side inagricultural fields and participatingin each other's social functions.There is thus no rift at grass rootlevel between the Gujjars andPaharis.

The Road Ahead: Exploring the Al-ternatives

Paharis must convince theGujjars that the demand for theSchedule Tribe status is not at thecost of the Gujjars. They should alsotry to motivate the Gujjar leadersand intellectuals to support thegenuine demand of the Paharis. Forthis purpose, moderate leadersfrom both the communities cancontribute on an agreeable solutionto the Gujjar?Pahari tension with-out compromising the ST status ofGujjars. There is a Pahari and Gojrisection in J&K Cultural Academyworking for the promotion of lin-guistic and cultural aspects of thesetwo ethnic groups. There is a needfor joint Gojri?Pahari intellectualconferences so that they can con-tribute in diffusing tensions be-tween the two communitiesthrough dialogue and consequentreconciliation. It is also critical towork for the restoration of old tra-ditions of brotherhood betweenGujjars and Paharis if one wants tobring these ethnic groups on thesame table for a dialogue.The following measures need to beadopted by the Union governmentand the State government of J&Kfor the purpose of establishing ami-cable relations between the twocommunities:

Few years earlier, a proposal for the ST status in favour of thePahari community was approved by the state government on recommen-dations of the State Legislative Assembly of J&K and endorsed by the cen-tral government thereafter. But there has been no subsequent action bythe central government so far. Therefore, the state government needs totake up the matter yet again in front of the central government.

There is a need for defining the Paharis by conducting a propereconomic survey so that a sustainable development of this section cantake place. The Paharis have not yet been given a proper definition by thePlanning department of the J&K State, and since no proper survey hasbeen made on their economic vulnerability there is no proper indicator tojudge their development.

Till the Paharis are granted a Schedule Tribe status, the state gov-ernment should make a provision to reserve seats for the Pahari studentsin professional and technical colleges. Also, the state government candeclare this community under the OBC category (other backward classes)so that they get reservations in some services and opportunities for pro-motions.

Further on, there is a need for construction of a Pahari CulturalCentre at Poonch, Rajouri, Uri and Karnah. Residential hostels for girl stu-dents may be established at Poonch, Rajouri, Uri and Karnah to attract thegirls from the poor Pahari families residing in remote areas and around theLOC.

The funds provided under sub plan for the development of thePahari people are generally very meagre. There is an urgent need for link-ages to scattered Pahari basties, and provision of drinking water, powersupply, accommodation facilities for schools, health institutions andAnganwari centers in the Pahari basties. These schemes may be includedin the sub plan so that the Pahari people residing in hilly and border areascan get some benefits from implementations of these plans. A Pahari Nagarat Jammu and Srinagar on the pattern of Gujjar Nagar will provide avenuesto those Paharis living in remote areas to own houses in big cities, therebygiving some access to a better life.

The central government should accept the demand for the ST sta-tus by the Paharis, which has been pending with it for over 35 years, asearly as possible to de?escalate the tension among Paharis and Gujjars inthe border belt of J&K.

Funds for preservation of the Pahari folklore, folk music and van-ishing traditions should be made available under Pahari sub?plan so thatthey can be documented and preserved for generations. The Pahari lan-guage has its own distinct historical and cultural significance and hencecan be developed as a medium of modern literature. There is a pressingdemand from the Paharis for its inclusion in the 8th schedule of the Indianconstitution.

Pahari people are in majority in the POK and Pir Panchal region(Poonch, Rajouri, Uri, Karnah) in J&K state and there is a strong culturalaffinity between the Paharis of both parts of Kashmir. There is a need tostart the Pahari Doordarshan channel from Poonch, this will help a lot inencouraging the Pahari writers, folk artists and dramatists on the one handand bring people from both the communities closer to each other.

A seat for the development of the Pahari language can be estab-lished at the central university of Jammu for a more systematic develop-ment of the language. (IPCS)


22


Kashmirs, Punjabs, Rajasthan-Sindh

The case for a border province'trilateral'

Over the decades various voices sanely have called for creative approaches towards alarger Indo-Pak friendship and stability. Attitudes suggest that border provinces are thebest places to force alliances of emotions and economies. Across the divides, Jammu &

Kashmir, two Punjabs and Rajasthan and Sindh are the places which can put together cross-border ties from below the State

The last few years have beenwitness to increased, thoughnot substantial, interactions

between border provinces like thePunjab's, Rajasthan-Sind and thetwo parts of Jammu and Kashmir.The current United Progressive Al-liance dispensation under the ae-gis of \Dr Manmohan Singh has en-couraged such interactions and the

Prime Minister, who has reiteratedagain and again that borders shouldbe made irrelevant, obviouslytakes these initiatives seriously, ason every launch of a bus or rail con-nection he has made an overtureto Pakistan.

Dr. Manmohan Singh during thelaunch of the Amritsar-Nankanasahib bus service in March 2006 had

stated that, "When President(Pervez) Musharraf had come tovisit us in New Delhi last year I hadsaid that 'the journey of peacemust be based on a step-by-stepapproach but the road must be trav-elled'. As an ancient saying goes, aroad is made by walking".

The former Foreign Secretary,Shyam Saran too has been quite

COLUMNFRONTIER CONCORDS

TRIDIVESH SINGH MAINI

23


vocal in arguing that border regionshave become extremely crucial aspoints of mutual interaction withneighbours. While easier transportand commerce connections, as wellas confidence building measures,have been initiated, it is still impor-tant to ensure that they serve theirpurpose of facilitating people-to-people contact.

Other individuals like CRajamohan and organizations suchas the South Asian Free Media As-sociation (SAFMA) and magazineslike Himal have also played a piv-otal role in bringing to the forefrontthe crucial role of border provincesin the Indo-Pak relationship, in dif-ferent ways.

However, because of the logis-tical challenges of cross-bordertravel, none of the initiatives hasquite lived up to expectations. InPunjab, travelling from Amritsar toLahore takes barely an hour-butfirst, Indian travellers have to go allthe way to Delhi to secure a visa, an

COLUMNFRONTIER CONCORDS

exercise that many do not have thetime or money to afford. In additionto a visa, security clearance is re-quired to travel to Pakistani Punjab.This is a tedious process.

The situation is no different inKashmir, where measures in thename of national security act as amajor impediment to smoothpeople-to-people contact betweenthe two sides. Two bus routes, theUri-Muzaffarabad and the Poonch-Rawalkote, run between the Kashmirand Jammu divisions. But the presentprocedures for crossing the heavilymilitarized Line of Control (LOC) areextremely complicated, and they dis-courage most people from cross-bor-der travel; detailed scrutiny of appli-cants makes obtaining a travel per-mit a months-long effort.

In Rajasthan, the Khokhrapar-Munabao train has not been success-ful because passengers have to go allthe way to Delhi to secure a visa fortravelling. This, when Khokhrapar ismuch closer to the metropolis of

Karachi, than it is to the Rajasthanstate capital of Jaipur.

Unfortunately, both India andPakistan seem to have taken theadage of 'slow and steady wins therace', too seriously. Shyam Saran,in an article, 'Re-imagining India'sborders', for The Business Stan-dard of June 24, rightly says that'..We have neglected the devel-opment of our land border areasand our outlying islands preciselybecause of an outdated mindset.This is beginning to change but fartoo slowly. In the Indian subcon-tinent, cross-border connectivitytoday is far less than in pre-parti-tion India. The vision of an eco-nomically integrated south Asialeveraging its obviouscomplementarities cannot be-come reality without efficienttransport, communication and,now, digital connectivity'.

This in spite of the fact, thatborder provinces have proventime and again, in the last few

24


In Rajasthan, the Khokhrapar-Munabao train has not been

successful because passengershave to go all the way to Delhito secure a visa for travelling.

This, when Khokhrapar ismuch closer to the metropolis

of Karachi, than it is to theRajasthan state capital of

Jaipur. Unfortunately, bothIndia and Pakistan seem to

have taken the adage of 'slowand steady wins the race', tooseriously. Shyam Saran, in anarticle, 'Re-imagining India's

borders', for The BusinessStandard of June 24, rightly

says that '..We have neglectedthe development of our land

border areas and our outlyingislands precisely because of an

outdated mindset. This isbeginning to change but far tooslowly. In the Indian subconti-nent, cross-border connectivity

today is far less than in pre-partition India. The vision of

an economically integratedsouth Asia leveraging its obvi-ous complementarities cannotbecome reality without effi-

cient transport, communicationand, now, digital connectivity'.

years, that they are the most solidbridge between both countries. Agood illustration being the after-math of the Mumbai attacks, wherein other regions even saner ele-ments were swayed by the hyste-ria and frenzy generated by themedia. However, in the borderprovinces, even in the attack's af-termath trade continued as normaland buses ploughed as usual, withminimal disruption, between thetwo Punjabs and Kashmirs.

While the Indian and Pakistanigovernments bristled with hostilityand acrimony, trade at the Wagahborder (the main land crossing be-tween both countries, which di-vides the Punjab province) nearlytripled. The total value of exportsto Pakistan from April to October2008 period was approximately$23.59 million; during the same pe-riod in 2009, that figure nearlytripled, to $66.71 million. Trade be-tween the two Kashmirs continuedafter the attack as well.

Interactions between borderprovinces will not strengthen byprovinces criticising the policies ofthe Government of India, or by once

province saying that they arelooked at with suspicion, while in-teractions between other provincesare less tedious. At the moment,border provinces do both.

One of the possible methods ofgiving a fillip to interaction betweenborder provinces could be that thenorthern states such as Rajasthanwhich borders Sind, the Indian Punjaband Kashmir (Indian side) form agrouping amongst themselves. Theycan identify common problemswhich they face with regard to trade,visa issues and exchanges in therealm of culture, education and sportsand urge the central government topay serious heed to their grievances.

This trilateral should identify cer-tain areas like agriculture, trade,medical tourism and exchanges inthe sphere of culture, education andsports. And make sure, that interac-tions in none of these areas shouldbe disrupted, even if the bilateral re-lationship between both countries isnot cordial. A good beginning can bemade by bringing academics, promi-nent political leaders and journalistsfrom these states onto one platform.

COLUMNFRONTIER CONCORDS25


COLUMNTHE OTHER KASHMIR

New Govt Gets Down to BusinessPRIYANKA SINGH

The dust has not completelysettled after the Azad JammuKashmir (as PoK is know there)

Legislative elections were held inthe month of June. PakistanPeoples Party made huge gains andemerged as the single largest partyattaining the majority required toform government in the so calledAJK. The PPP fetched 29 seats afterresults to the reserved constituen-cies were announced. Almost amonth after the election resultswere announced, President of Pa-kistan, Asif Ali Zardari, amidst agreat deal of speculation on theshape and form of government putthe final stamp on Chaudhry AbdulMajid's name as the new PrimeMinister of AJK. This was declaredafter high level consultations tookplace between the Pakistani Presi-dent, Prime Minister Yusuf RazaGilani and other senior members ofthe PPP- the victorious party. Theannouncement put to hold conjec-tures that Barrister SultanMehmood or Choudhary LatiefAkbar would be the first choice forthe coveted post. Sultan had re-joined the PPP before the polls andis noted have some influence in theUK Kashmiri Diaspora. He contestedand won from the Mirpur constitu-ency. Interestingly, both thefrontrunners- Barrister Sultan andthe new AJK PM Chaudhry AbdulMajid belong to Mirpur division.

Choudhry Majid was sworn in asPrime Minister on July 26 inMuzaffarabad. Before new PrimeMinister's swearing-in, the PPPnominated its two legislatorsSardar Ghulam Sadiq and ShaheenKausar Dar to the posts of Speakerand Deputy Speaker, respectively,

the Legislative Assembly. Theywere elected to the posts with vot-ing on the floor.

The final announcement of thenext Prime Minister was precededby hectic parleys in the beginningof the month of July. Importantamongst the hopefuls were theaforementioned two leaders,former PM Sardar Yaqoob Khanwho served a short stint of ninemonths, ex leader of oppositionSardar Qamaruz Zaman, ChoudharyLateef Akbar and Sardar AttiqueAhmed Khan. Finally, the top slotwas closed on Chaudhry AbdulMajid's nomination as the new AJKPM. Soon after the announcement,there were reports that SardarAttique Ahmed Khan may be el-evated to the position of Presidentof AJK. The term of the currentPresident, Raja Zulaqarnain is set toexpire on August 25 and under theInterim Constitution of AJKAct1974, the selection of the nextPresident be made a month beforethe actual term ends. Hence, it is amatter of time before the name ofthe next president is announced bythe PPP central leadership.

AJK Elections under scanner:The elections were subjected to

widespread criticism across media.Apart from gross irregularities, re-ported rigging and violent incidentssuch as killing of a PML N candidatein Bhimber district, questions wereraised on the very basis of theseelections. Notably, all electoralcandidates are required to sign adocument pledging their adher-ence to Pakistan. The documentknown as 'Shik'(clause) is a prereq-uisite before anyone is allowed to

participate in the AJK electoral pro-cess. The kind of forced allegianceis opposed to the basic spirit of de-mocracy and questions the creden-tials of the element of Azadi in theso called Azad Kashmir. What isAzadi if all important political deci-sions are taken in Islamabad andnot in Muzaffarabad. The manifes-tations of the AJK as an indepen-dent entity are confounding. Thefallacious design is no more than adeliberate attempt to play pettypolitics on Kashmiri sentiments. Atleast India has made no attempt tobluff others regarding the politicalstatus of J&K. The state legislaturein Jammu & Kashmir has more pow-ers and authority than what the socalled AJK has even after beinggiven a decorative state structure.

Budget in PoK:Amidst the electoral fray, the an-

nual budget for the so called AJKand the Gilgit Baltistan were pre-sented in the month of June. TheAJK budget stood at 44.55 billionhence showing a decline by almost6 % from the net budget of last yearworth 47.3 billion. The salary com-ponent of the government servantshas been hiked by a whopping 34%and the deficit thereby has jumpedto Rs 11.1 billion from the earlier8.2 billion. On the other side, theGilgit Baltistan budget estimated atRs 15.4 billion is much lower thanthe so called AJK. As compared tothe total expenditure of the pre-ceding year, the budget reflectedan increase of nearly 40 %. Thequota of the budget which will bechanneled to the development ac-tivities has been reduced due toinability of the government of Gilgit

26


COLUMNTHE OTHER KASHMIR

Baltistan to utilize the allocatedfunds last year. Employee salarieswill be hiked by 15 % and the totalcost incurred by the governmentalbodies is slated be around Rs 200billion. In the deprived sections ofthe society in Gilgit Baltistan, thereis disappointment and rising concernover the rising prices of fuel etc.

Chinese activities in PoK:Chinese interest in PoK has been

under scanner in the past fewmonths and they are veritable rea-sons for it. The keen interest theChinese are showing in the hydropower resources of Gilgit Baltistanis a likely extension of their futurestrategy of building water reservesin the vicinity. This would serve theChinese purpose in meeting any un-foreseen water crisis which may hitit. Not only the hydro resources,China is reportedly eying the miner-als resources in Gilgit Baltistan suchas uranium, copper gold etc. Indiahas objected to Chinese interven-tion in PoK stating clearly that theterritory belongs to India and thusChinese foray in PoK without India'sapproval stand illegal. India's ob-jection has, however, failed to de-ter China on further venturing intodevelopment activities and infra-structure building in PoK.

A case in hand is that of the issu-ance of mining rights to outsidersother than the local people. Thereis stiff opposition across the stateand society in Gilgit Baltistan againstany such arrangement which allows'foreigners' to conduct mining ofprecious gemstones in the mineralrich region. Sensing the discontent,the Gilgit Baltistan Legislative As-sembly (GBLA) passed a resolutionon June 8 banning outsiders from en-gaging in any such mining activity inthe region.

Diamer Bhasha Dam:The proposed Diamer Bhasha

Dam in PoK is once again embroiledin controversy on several counts.There is ensuing conflict between

the government of Gilgit Baltistanand Khyber Pakhtunkhwa on theboundary issue- the power stationsare located in the latter while thereservoir will be built in GilgitBaltistan. The WAPDA (Water andPower Development Authority) inPakistan has recently confirmedthere are serious differences be-tween the two sides on the issue.The groundbreaking ceremony forthe dam has been postponed onumpteen occasions and the futurecourse is undecided. The WAPDAhoped to sort out such issues beforethey could start construction but tillnow have failed to achieve a break-through in this regard. Secondly,there is demand from the large sec-

tions of affected population thatthey be paid compensation at re-vised rates. These people havestaged demonstrations before theauthorities stating their demands.Large scale displacement of people(approximately 35, 000 people) re-sulting from the dam constructionhas caused unrest in the region andthe affected population feels theyshould be compensated more gen-erously by the government. Theseproblems add to the funding prob-lems which too have held back theproject from taking off during thelast few years. Hence, the stalematecontinues and the future of DiamerBhasha dam looks uncertain at themoment.

*Views expressed are personal.

27


SPECIAL ARTICLECHILDREN IN CONFLICT

Born in Conflict, Brought Up on Margins-the Sorry State of Kashmir's Children

TANVEER AHMAD DAR & SHUMILA KHAKI

Over the last decades, therehas been a rise in armed conflict across the world involv-

ing more and more nations. The pro-portion of war victims who are ci-vilians has increased manifold.UNDP reported that civilian adultsand children make up ninety per-cent of war victims (FAO 1996). Anumber of reports and studies haveshown that children are more vul-nerable than adults are with theconflict affecting their lives bothphysically and mentally. In Kashmir,the situation is not different. Thetwo decadal conflict has lasted thelength of "childhood", of thepresent generation, from birth toearly adulthood, which exposed thechildren to experience multipleand accumulative assaults. Thefacts reveal that war has violatedevery right of a child. However, theirony is that in countless cases, theimpact of armed conflict onchildren's lives remains invisible.

The reports have shown that theviolence has taken a heavy toll onKashmir. The estimates on the num-ber of orphans in Kashmir go up to1 lakh (UNICEF, cited in many ar-ticles). The Council for Rehabilita-tion for Militancy Affected Victims(JK Govt.'s organization), however,puts the number at around 26000,which is certainly an underestimatebut clues to the very less outreachof the Council, which though hasbeen established primarily for therehabilitation of militancy hit vic-

tims of the state. The irony is alsothat the number of orphans is con-tinuously increasing due to ongo-ing killings. The APDP has esti-mated 8000 to 10000 persons whohave become victims of enforceddisappearances, which have re-sulted in a new group of half wid-ows and half orphans who find nosocio-legal status. The presentstatutory laws require 7 years for aperson who is missing or is disap-peared, to be declared dead, whichbars their dependents - widows andorphans- from all assistance pro-vided to widows and orphans by thegovernment, for this long period.In the context of Kashmir, the issueis more complex as the disappear-ances are enforced and huge innumber and, therefore, political innature, and the nodal agencies aretough to issue legal documents,which are needed to access any so-cial security from the government.On the other side, it is seen thatthere is a high prevalence of de-pression, anxiety and traumaamong people, in general, and chil-dren, in particular, living in conflict-affected areas. A study of childrenconducted by the psychiatric hos-pital in Kashmir showed that al-most 36 percent (37 out of 103) chil-dren displayed symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (Dasupta2008).

While this is the direct impactof conflict, it is seen that conflicthas affected children's lives also

through many indirect means suchas increased economic uncertainty,loss of adult protection and so on.The conflict in Kashmir has had ahigh impact on the employment ofthe people. Many who were en-gaged in the tourist and handicraftsector lost jobs because of declinein the tourism and related activitiesduring conflict. The macro figuresalso show a high unemploymentrate of 4.21 per cent in the stateagainst the Indian national rate of3.09 per cent (Dar, 2009). The loss ofemployment of families has seriousimplications on the upbringing oftheir children and in providing careand protection to them. Along withloss of livelihood, education is an-other casualty, especially for chil-dren during times of armed conflict.In fact, during conflicts educationand schooling have an even moreimportant role than during normaltimes, as schooling can represent astate of normalcy with the poten-tial of providing 'safe zones' for chil-dren. However, like the other partsof world, in Kashmir too, manyschools were specially targeted dur-ing the conflict and many have beenoccupied by the security forces. Al-though in the last few years manyschools have been evacuated by theIndian security forces, a number ofschools are still being occupied orsurrounded by them. In a statewhere the infrastructure is alreadyless, the further occupation forother purposes makes a heavy dent

28



on the accessibility and availabilityof schools to children. Even wherethe educational opportunities ex-ist, parents were reluctant to sendtheir children to school due to fear,especially if security forces sur-rounded the school. In addition tothis, the loss of bread earners andlivelihood (especially in the touristand handloom sectors) also forcedmany parents to withdraw their chil-dren from school and send them forwork for supplementing the mea-ger family income. These reasonslead to the children either not en-rolling in the schools or droppingout of schools. A single visit to fewvillages and interactions withpeople reveal that a significant pro-portion of children either does notenrol in the schools or drop out atearly stages of education. This isalso distinct with the fact that J&Khad only 55.52 percent literacy ratein 2001, a 9.3-point difference fromthe India level, which stood at 64.84per cent (Govt of J&K, 2001). Therecent provisional figures of census2011 show a 5.3-point differencebetween J&K and India in literacyrates (RGI, 2011). The macro-figuresalso show a high dropout ratio in thestate, 53.75 percent in the year2004-05 (Govt of J&K, 2001). Ironi-cally, the child labour has dramati-cally increased side by side, whichreflects a low socio-economic sta-tus of their families. In many vil-lages, it is found that those childrenwho were out of school were en-gaged in child labour in a range ofactivities from carpet weaving toconstruction work to tea stalls tomechanic shops to transport indus-try, etc. The domestic child labouris also a serious issue and worstform of exploitation, though veryless talked even in the secretariatbecause the absolute banning of itwould affect the elite class of oursociety. The macro-figures at thestate level also show a dismal pic-ture of high child labour in the state.

Fayaz Ahmad Nika in his book "ChildLabour in Jammu and Kashmir" esti-mated that there were around twolakh forty thousand such workers inJammu and Kashmir (Greater Kashmir2011). More worrying is the fact thatsuch children face high levels of ex-ploitation in Kashmir, forced to workfor long hours but paid low wages.The study, "Adphail Gulab", con-ducted in the year 2003 revealed thatthe prevalence of child labor has in-creased in the past decade due to theconflict in the valley, which is indica-tive of the fact that the political fac-tors in the state has affected the al-ready low socio-economic conditionsof many families.

All these empirical facts give anidea about the magnitude of the prob-lem of children in Kashmir. Therefore,given this condition, one would thinkof what the state has been doing tomitigate the impact of two decadalconflict on children in Kashmir. Thestate has not only a moral responsi-bility but is bound under the Interna-tional humanitarian law and UNCRC(United Nations Convention on ChildRights) to provide adequate meansto the children in need to live a dig-nified life. However, the state of J&K

has responded to this crisis of chil-dren in general by establishingcertain schemes and programs forthem. The government of J&K hasprovisions of few scholarshipschemes, including the schemessponsored by the government ofIndia. The scholarship schemesincluded scholarships to OBC stu-dents, scholarship to studentswith physical disability, scholar-ship scheme to SC/ST students,merit scholarships, scholarshipsto students belong to religious mi-nority, scholarships to orphansunder a scheme of National Foun-dation for Communal Harmony,etc. All these scholarship use dif-ferent eligibility criteria and pro-vide different benefits for differ-ent education classes (standards).The scholarships pay differentamounts of entitlements to chil-dren who are enrolled in schools.The Headmaster of a school at-tests the application form of iden-tified children in the school andforwards to other nodal depart-ments for further scrutiny andsanction. The question ariseswhether such scholarships areprovided to all the children. Allthese scholarships use different

29



eligibility criteria including capson the family income, which ex-cludes a major proportion of chil-dren even who are enrolled inschools. Secondly, because thescholarships are primarily meant toprovide support to the childrenwho are enrolled in schools, a largesection of children who either don'tenrol or drop out of schools are ex-cluded at the first sight only. It is tobe noted that the drop out ratio inJ&K state was as high as 53.75 per-cent for the year 2004-05, even go-ing by the government's own fig-ures. The recently implementedscholarship scheme by the govern-ment of India for minority popula-tion had brought some hopes forpoor sections of society for theirchildren. However, the two yearsexperience has shown that thescheme has not paid much to thechildren actually. People in manyvillages in Bandipore district hadreported that each child was askedto pay Rs. 70 to school as affidavitcharges to apply for minority schol-arship scheme and later only a fewchildren from a village were givenminority scholarship. The sametrend was reported from some vil-lages of Kulgam district. One wouldbe afraid that the total amount ofmoney given by parents in a villageor a school for affidavits, etc, wasmuch more than the money givento few students as minority schol-arship in a village or a school. Im-portantly, the scholarships schemesfor OBC, SC and ST are intended tobenefit the children who are disad-vantaged due to their caste or oc-cupation of their families. In thesame line, the scholarship schemerecently implemented for childrenof minority community intended tobenefit the children who are disad-vantaged due to their belonging toa particular religious community.The only scheme which providesbenefit to the children who belongto families affected by political fac-tors is the scholarship for orphan

children under NFCH (NationalFoundation for Communal Har-mony). The Government of Indiaextends a scholarship of Rs. 750 and800 (in rural and urban areas) to chil-dren who have been orphaned dueto conflict in all the states includingJ&K through NFCH Though there isno cap on the number of beneficia-ries to be covered, if eligibilities aremet, the state has been able to onlycover a total of 5725 orphans underthe scheme until this time, prima-rily because of weak identifyingmechanisms in place, no awarenesscampaigns and no coordinationwith other line departments (likeEducation) and civil society. Jammuand Kashmir Yateem Trust had con-ducted a study and identified thou-sands of orphan children who be-longed to deceased militants andhave been found to be ignored,neglected and discriminated be-cause the state policies didn't pro-vide for any assistance to orphansand widows of militants and thosewho have alleged to be involved inany subversive activity (Hanjura2009). However, more recentlythere has been a shift in the statepolicy in recognizing the needs ofall the children including of mili-tants equally and provisioning ofthe entitlements to all of them.However, the policies do not alwaysturn into reality and the implemen-tation of non-discrimination policyhas to be actually explored at thegross root level.

What is to be reckoned also thatthe support extended under suchscholarship schemes has beenmostly inconsistent and meager butthe hidden and less talked expen-diture on education is very high inthe state? A simple calculation ofcosts for school uniform, shoes,note books, school fee, printingcharges, school bag, pens, excur-sion fee, etc amount to almost anexpenditure of Rs. 500 per monthto be borne by parents for each chil-dren going to a government school,

even when the government claimsof providing free education to chil-dren in the state. A child getting ascholarship under any of suchscheme for a particular year doesnot necessarily avail the benefit forthe next year and therefore, poorchildren cannot rely on suchschemes for their education, andultimately leave the school. Withmost families, it is their financialinability to meet the educationcosts of their children in govern-ment schools that their childrendrop out from schools. That is thereason in many poor families onefinds out that some of their childrenattend schools and some don not,who actually work to add to theirfamily incomes, and it is only in poorfamilies that one can see child of-ten drop out but not in upper classfamilies. The high drop our ratio inthe state if examined closelywould reveal that these are chil-dren of scheduled tribes, scheduledcastes, other social and back wardcastes, landless labourers, widows,disabled and other disadvantagedgroups and off course not of themiddle and upper classes of thestate. This may be the reason whythe J&K School Education Act, 2002is favoured towards regulating andgoverning of the private schools,where the children of elite pursuetheir education, and not focused onthe dropouts from governmentschools and child labour.

What about those thousands oforphan children who are not evenin the schools and are excludedeven from these meager scholar-ships as well as from the regularmid day meal provided in theschools. The NCPCL (National ChildLabour Project) schools meant toeducate the children engaged in la-bor have miniscule presence withcouple of schools in the few districtsof the state (Udhampur andSrinagar only) and can't be thoughtof any magic happening even in thedecades of time.

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The State and the NGOs havealso established an increasing num-ber of orphanages in the valley tobring up the orphans who are iden-tified without very inadequate sup-port within their families. Althoughresearch has revealed orphanagesare breeding grounds for many psy-chiatric problems (Margoob 2006),in Kashmir it has emerged one ofthe main and sustainable initiativesavailable for orphans. The majori-ties of the children brought up inthese orphanages have lost onlyfather and have their mother andsiblings at their homes. The experi-ences have shown that communityrehabilitation is a much better al-ternative for such children. How-ever, one cannot negate the factthere have been moves towards thecommunity based initiatives fromlast few years by the NGOs includ-ing those associated with the or-phanages. This is to be appreciatedbut the actual impact of these pro-grams in terms of coverage,sustainability and adequacy to miti-gate the impact of conflict on chil-dren needs to be explored. Thereis no regulatory mechanism to en-sure that minimum standards ofcare and protection are in place for

children brought up in orphanages,which subject many of them toabuse and exploitation. The guide-lines titled as "Quality Standards ofCare" adopted by the State recentlyin 2010 are vague and bound to failand incidentally they haven't beenimplemented even almost after ayear of their official release by theChief Minister of state himself.

More worrying is the fact that,in spite of all these and other smallprograms, a majority of orphans inthe valley are living miserable lifebecause of the fear, depression,destitution, negligence and dis-crimination. Children themselvesconstitute a huge section of popu-lation in J&K (up to 40 %) and there-fore, qualify for major investments.It has to be understood that if weare to develop our society we haveto invest in the children rather thanweighing them whether they arethe vote banks and state priorities.The small steps that state has beentaking do not prove to be impres-sive. The figures of coverage of thechildren under different schemesof Government may look big num-bers at the state level but turn tobe miniscule if compared to thenumbers of children who would ac-

tually require the support to miti-gate the impact of conflict to live adignified life and attend regularschooling-the only way to break thecycle of poverty. The state has failedto make an effective rehabilitationplan to provide care and protectionto the children in need. This prob-lem is specific to our state and thestate should move to adopt a com-prehensive "Child Policy" in consul-tation with the broader civil soci-ety rather than believing in "slowand study wins the race" or anyother magic, which unfortunatelydoes not happen in social develop-ment, rather the social develop-ment has to lead and investmentshas to be made. A wait to the In-dian Government's initiative wouldalso be misleading as the problemis very specific to Kashmir and thereare no thousands and thousands oforphans in Delhi to be taken care of andto be provided support that Indian Gov-ernment will be moved to, the J&K statehas to carve out and lead its own way fora better future which is in its all childrenand not only among the elites who arecared and protected and attend schoolsregularly and are being sent outside thestate or attend private tuition if longstrikes occur in the valley.

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The modern Jammu region wasdivided into several principalities during the ancient and me-

dieval period. J. Hutchison and J. Ph.Vogel's studies mention the exist-ence of twenty two states in modernJammu hills during the medieval pe-riod. They associate these states withthe Punjab hill states.1 Though thereare no indigenous contemporaryrecords narrating the history of thesestates, the Mughal chronicles men-tion some of these states workingeffectively from 16th century on-wards. The contemporary Mughal his-torical works show that some of theJammu hill states occupied verystrong strategic importance. Sincethese states bordered the Punjab hillstates and Kashmir, they hadcontinous contact with these states.Abul Fazl put many of these states inthe Suba of Lahore.2 Most parts ofthese states were covered by the hillsand forests. The hilly areas werecalled Daman-i-Koh.3 These stateswere ruled by Rajput dynasties be-longing to both the Hindu and Mus-lim communities. Frederic Drewfound forest, river, hill and fort as thedominant physical features of Jammucity in the nineteenth century. Ac-cording to him, "Coming to it (Jammucity) from the Punjab, one passes,while still on the plain, through twoor three miles of the close forest ofacacia trees with bushy underwood;then one comes to the river-bed, anexpanse of rounded pebbles, withthe stream flowing in the middle-astream usually shallow and gentle,but which sometimes so swollenwith floods as to rush with violence

Tracing the History of JammuHill States Through Their FortsPROF: JIGAR MOHAMMED

over the whole wide bed. As onefords this Tavi River, one sees how, incoming from the upper country, itbreaks through, so to say, the outer-most range; on its right bank the hillon which Jummoo is built, and on itsleft a corresponding one, crowned byBao Fort, form, as it were, a gatewayto the inner country."4 Similarly,other areas of the Jammu hills weresurrounded by the forest, hills andrivers. More importantly, the rulingclasses of these states were verymuch conscious of their sovereigntyand security of their state. Since mostof these states had scope of the ter-ritorial expansion mostly in the hills,they took several security measuresfor the protection of their state. Themilitary history of these states showsthat the construction of the fort wasone of the most effective defensemeasures of them.It is well established fact that theforts were understood one of thedominant features of the militarystrength of the states of India duringthe ancient and medieval period.Since armed power was a key to theacquisition and expansion of politi-cal power during ancient and medi-eval period, the ruling dynasties gavehuge emphasis on organisation of thearmy and its allied devices. The ar-chaeological remains and literarysources of the ancient and medievalperiods depict forts as the most ef-fective and longest lasting means ofmilitary power. The construction andmaintenance of forts were the inte-gral part of the socio-political life ofthe royal families of India. The his-tory of the fortification can be traced

from pre-historic period.5 With theformation of states the processes ofthe fortification were very much in-tensified. J.N. Sarkar has made exten-sive study of the fort and fortification.His study shows that the literature ofancient period mention various kindsof forts built in the different areas.According to him, end to the top ofthe hill, and the other on the otherside of the water. Then they attachtwo other ropes a gaz higher thanthese, that foot passengers may placetheir feet on the planks, and, takinghold of the upper ropes, may descendfrom the top of the hills to the bot-tom, and so cross the river. This bridgethey call Kautilya's Arthashastrarecords four types of forts such aswater or river fort (audaka or nadidurga), mountain fort (ParvataDurga), desert fort (dhanvana durga)and forest fort (vana durga). Someother literature of the ancient Indiamention six to eight kinds of forts.6The maintenance of the forts by therulers of the early medieval India ismentioned by the Turkish historiansof the Sultanate of Delhi. The Turkishhistorians' works show that they werevery much impressed by the Rajputforts of the 12th and 13th centuriesnorthern India. Hasan Nizami, a courthistorian of Qutubuddin Aibak (1206-10) and Shamsuddin Iltutmish (1210-36) has all praise for the some of theRajput forts of the north India. De-scribing the strength and attractionof Delhi fort on the eve of the Turkishinvasion, Hasan writes, " As the im-perial flags (May God keep themaloft) reached Delhi, the first thingto be visible was the rampart of thefort, which, like the dignity of the

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32


king, rose higher than the top of theSaturn, while to foundations wereas strong as the basis of the greatempire. The Engineer of the reasonwas unable to attempt its mensura-tion, and observers of eyes had notseen the like of it in the length andbreadth of the whole world. Fromits top the condition of the clusterof Pleiades in the casket of the skiycould be seen, and the true form ofthe chess-piecesof the stars on thewhite chess-board on the firmamentcould be observed at close quar-ters."7 It is important to mentionthat when Shibuddin MuhammadGhori attacked Delhi its ruler wasPrithiviraj Chauhan. The fort ofMeerut attracted the attention ofHasan and it strength inspired himto pen down its military significance.Describing its strategical importanceand the Turkish imvasion on it HasanNizami writes: "…the fort ofMeerut…is the famous fort of thiscelebrated city, well known for thefirmness of its foundation and thestrength of its pillars, a company ofsoldiers (Turkish), reputed for theirmatchless valour and remarkabledevotion to duty started the hostili-ties. Awe-struck by the valour of theking in the battle-field, the inmatesof the fort found themselves in amiserable condition, and when itcame to actual fighting they realisedthat they were utterly helpless be-fore the royal troops. Thus was cap-tured the impregnable fort, an in-accessible stronghold, the ramprtsof which firm and solid like a loftymountain, and surrounded by awide moat boundless like an ocean,its ramparts were high that even fastflying falcon could not soar overthem, and its battlements were in-visible to the naked eye of some-one watching them from theground."8 The forts of Kol, Gwaliorand Kalinjer are also find huge spacein Hasan Nizami's work.9

The contemporary sources ofboth the Sultanate of Delhi andMughal empire given considerablespace in terms of their location,

their use for security purpose andhistorical background and mainte-nance. Moreover the ruling dynas-ties of medieval India treated theconstruction of the fort as one oftheir prerogatives and parts of theircultural life. For security measuresthe Sultans of Delhi generally re-paired and constructed forts on ma-jor routes. Sultan GhiyasuddinBalban built a fort at Gopalgir tostrengthen security of Delhi againstMeos menace.10 Similarly, he builtforts at Kampil, Patiali and Bhojpurto supress the robbers and rebels.11More importantly, Balban got the fortof Lahore reconstructed to defendnorth-west frontier the Mangol men-ace.12 Abul Fazl's Ain-i-Akbarirecords the forts of the Mughal em-pire at the Pargana level. It is impor-tant to mention that the sources ofthe Mughal empire not only mentionthe forts builts by the Mughal rulingclass, but also built by the local rul-ers. It is well establilshed fact thatPunjab was the region through whichgenerally the foreign invaders, par-ticularly Cental Asian, Iranian andAfghans, endagered the security ofIndia during the Sultanate andMughal period. Since different traderoutes of Punjab were instrumentalin maintaining trade commerce be-tween India and foreign countries,the rulers like Sher Shah and Mughalemperors took various measures tokeep these route secure. One of themost effective security measureswas the construction new fort andmaintenance of the old forts.

However, in the Jammu hills theconstruction and maintenance offorts were understood as the mostvisible means of both the mainte-nance the sovereignty of the rulingking and maintenance of law andorder in the region. Since the statesof Jammu hills were closely linkedwith both the Punjab and Kashmir,their rulers were conscious of thesecurity measures of their states. Itis evident from the fact that the mod-ern Jammu region was studded withthe forts during the medieval pe-

riod. Though some of modern worksprovide information about forts ofthe Punjab and other areas, suffi-cient attention is not paid to the fortsof Jammu hills by the modernhistoians. S.D.S. Charak studies someimportant aspects of the some of theforts of Jammu hills.14 Recently, ShivNirmohi, a historian of Jammu, madea survey of the forts of Jammu andproduced detailed study on the fortsof Jammu.15 The present paper at-tempt to study the forts of Jammu interms of their role in the making ofhistory of Jammu region throughoutthe ages.

The remains of the forts ofJammu hills show that the ruling dy-nasties of the region had associatedthe construction and maintenanceof the forts with their socio-politicallife. They treated forts as symbol oftheir political grandeur. Though dur-ing the medieval period all the rul-ing dynasties of India treated fortsas the prime mover of their militaryactivities, the existence of largenumber of forts in Jammu hill statesestablishes that besides militarystrength of a state, forts were themajor architectural activities of theregion. Shiv Nirmohi's Duggar keDurg consists of the description of128 forts. It is understood that con-struction of the forts became a ma-jor security measure in Jammu hillsfrom early eleventh century.16Frederic drew witnessed a series ofthe forts in the Jammu hills in thenineteenth century. His findingsshow that most of the forts of Jammuhills were constructed by the indig-enous ruling dynasties. According tohim, "All over the low hills, on bothsides of the Chinab, they (forts) arein extraordinary number. They werebuilt at the time when each littletract had its own ruler, and each rulerhad to defend himself against hisneighbour. These forts are com-monly on the summit of some rockyhill, with naturally scarped face; bytheir position, and by the way theywere planned, they are well pro-tected against escalcade. Though

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now (second half of the 19th cen-tury) they have all come into thehands of one ruler, they are still keptup, that is so far that a small garri-son-may be only of a dozen men- iskept in each. Some of the most kownare Mangla, on the Jhelam; MangalDev, near Naushahra; and Troch, nearKotli; these are each on the summiton a rocky preciptous hill most diffi-cult of access."17 Frederic Drew'smention is concerned with the ar-eas of east and west of the Chinabriver, which consisted of Basoli orBilawar, Mankot or Ramkot,Ramnagar, Akhnur, BhimbarRajouriant Punch etc.18 Though history ofthese forts in chronological order isnot known because of the absenceof indigenous historical source in thehills, non-indigenous sources, par-ticularly Mughal sources, attest thehistoriocity of these sources.

It is an established fact that theMangol invader Timur invadedJammu in 1398-99. When he wrotehis autobiography or Memoirs heincorported some places, structuresand topographical features. It is im-portant to mention that his autobi-ography is the first literary sourcewhich mention the nomenclatureJammu.19 When Timur invaded heJammu he found a fort in Jammu inwhich the ruling king of Jammu re-sided.20 This shows that Jammu hada strong tradition of the maintenanceof the fort during the medieval pe-riod. For, Hutchison and Vogel theoldest fort of Jammu was the Bahufort, which was built before elev-enth century.21 Oral traditions of theregion present the fort of Jammu asan ancient fort and ascribes its con-struction to Raja Bahu Lochan, whois known as one of the earliest kingsof the Jammu hills. But a modernstudy of the Pahari art associates itsconstruction with a political changein the state during the 16th century.According to this study, "The presentfort, however, cannot evidently bethe work of that regal king (BahuLochan), if ever he built a fort at thissite. It appears that the present fort

must have come into existencewhen due to some family dispute,this Dogra state was divided into twostates. This partition happened inthe time of Raja Samail Dev.Nevetheless, it was Maharaja GulabSingh who carried on extensive re-pairs to it an almost impregnablestronghold and built in the templeKali, the family deity of the JamwalRajputs."21a The Mughal sourcesfrom Akbar's period onwards giveinformation about Jammu hill fortsin better way than other sources.

Abul Fazl records some of theforts existing in Jammu hills. Jammufort has been shown as the biggestfort of the region. He mentionsJammu fort constructed on the topof the hill with huge army. This fortis shown with 1000 cavalry and 20000infantry. Manhas are shown as therulers of Jammu.22 Abul Fazl's de-scription of the establishment of theMughal sovereignty in Jammu un-der Akbar shows that Jammu fortwas treated as the main source ofthe defence of the state. Conse-quently, the Mughal army besiegedthe Jammu fort to compel the rulerof Jammu for the acceptance of theMughal sovereignty.23 Faizi Sirhindi,a contemporary historian of Akbarperiod, grades Jammu fort as asource of huge military strength andinspiration for the local ruling kingin terms of his independent power.Highlighting the significance ofAkbar's conquest of Jammu and oc-cupation of its fort, Faizi writes, "Theforce (of Akbar) marched to theSiwalik hills, and the Bakhshi re-solved to begin by attacking Jammu,one of the strongest forts in thatcountry, which had once been re-duced after considerable resistanceby Salim Khan Sur. The Raja madesigns of resistance, and it was re-solved to attack him before thearmy proceeded to occupy the ter-ritories of the rebels in other direc-tions. Husain Beg and some otherofficers were accordingly sentagainst him. When the Raja andZamindars heard of the approach of

the Imperial forces, they were gen-erally alarmed, and surrendered thefort of Jammu."24

. The fort of Jammu also at-tracted the attention of the Maha-raja Gulab Singh, the founder of theJammu and Kashmir state. He carriedon the repair and extension of thefort on large scale25 and ensuredthat the fort is to be maintained andpreserved so that it could speak it-self of the past glory of Jammu interms of constructive activities.

Mankot state of Jammu hills hasbeen shown with four forts by theAin-i-Akbari. It also shows that therewas 30 cavalry and 1200 infantry sol-diers in Mankot state, and the rulingclass belonged to the Manhas clanof the Rajput.26 Mankot is known asRamkot in modern period. It ia un-derstood that the ruling dynasty ofMankot was an offshoot from Jammuand it started to be known asMankotia. It is said that Manak-Dev,a descendant of the ruling family ofJammu founded the Mankot stateand build a fort there.26

Jasrota was another importantstate of Jammu hills which findsmention in the Ain-i-Akbari. It isshown with 400 cavalry and 5000 in-fantry soldiers and Malanhas(Manhas) as the ruling family.27 FaiziSirhindi gives a detail account of thefort of Jasrota and its strategic sig-nificance. According to him, "Whenthe army (of the Mughal emperorAkbar) reached Jasruna (Jasrota), thenative place of Bhabu (the Raja ofJasrota), his sons and brethren andfriends gathered together, and tookup a strong position at a small castleon a hill. This hill was covered withjungle from top to bottom, with onlyone narrow way, along which one ortwo horsemen might pass. On eachside of this road there was a wall,with loopholes through which mus-ket might be fired, and arrowssought, upon strangers and foes, toprevent their approach. At the bot-tom of the hill, on the level ground,there was a cultivated tract, in whichthere was a fort, with moats. Shaikh

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34


Farid (a Mughal commander), whenperceived these hostile prepara-tions, determined to capture theplace and punish the rebels. He firstsent forward Husain to attack thelower fort. By great exertion themoat was filled, the gates burstopen, and the fort was taken. Sev-eral of the assailants were killed bywounds from gun-shots and arrows.Then the troops entered the jungleto attack the upper fort."28 ThoughFaizi Sirhindi mentions Jasrota asmall fort, the remains of a this fortshow that it was a big fort con-structed by its own ruler. SinceJammu hill states were buffer statesbetween Kashmir and Punjab, theMughal emperors were very muchconcerned with the security of thesestates. It is evident from their policyof making alliance with the Rajputrulers of Jammu hill states fromAkbar's period onwards. One of themost effective security measures ofthe Mughals was to construct fortsat strategic places of the Jammu hills.

It is an established fact that gen-erally the Mughal emperors visitedKashmir from the period of its an-nexation to the Mughal empire in1586-87 onwards. They followed theroute of Rajouri and Punch. Tostrengthen the security of this routeAkbar constructed a fort atNaushahra.29 Alberuni's accountshows that a fort of Loharakotta wasbuilt in Punch by its rulers in earlymedieval period.30 The fort ofLoharkotta is known to be gate wayto Kashmir31 during the medievalperiod.

The traditions of constructingforts for defence purpose and as asymbol of political grandeur werecontinued by the rulers of theJammu hill stated till nineteenthcentury. It is understood that the fortof Mahoregarh was also built duringfifteenth or sixteenth century.32 Thefort of Kapurgarh was built in the six-teenth century by Raja Kapur Dev

(1530-71), the ruler of Jammu.33 Thefort of Dansal was built by one of thesons of Raja Kapur Dev during thesixteenth century.34 The fort ofSamba or Nandini Durg was built inearly medieval period.35 The fortof Lakhanpur also belongs to the me-dieval period. It is understood tohave been built by its ruler SangramDev36 during the 14th century. Ac-cording to Hutchinson and Vogel,"The alternative name (ofLakhanpur) was Thain as found insome of the records, from the nameof a strong fort on a lofty cliff over-hanging the right bank of the Ravi,where the Rajas seem often to haveresided."37 The Ain-i-Akbari men-tions Lakhanpur as Lakhnor.38 Theforts of Bilawar and Bhadu were con-structed during medieval period.Though exact dates of their construc-tion are not availvable, these statesfind mention in the Ain-i-Akbari.According to it, Bhadu's militarystrength was very small. It consistedof 30 cavalry and 1200 infantry. Itszamindars belonged to Jat andBandwal castes.39 The militarystrength of Bilawar state was alsosmall. During the sixteenth century50 cavalry and 3000 infantry weremaintained by its ruler.40The fort ofSunderikot in Bilawar Tahsil, Kathuadistrict seems to have been built inthe 17th century. According to thefolk tradition, it was built by the rul-ers of Bhadwal for the shelter of thepeople during the natural calam-ity.41 The fort of Kohag or Mandaliwas built in the late sixteenth orearly 17th century. It was built by theruler of the Bandralta state for theprotection of the frontier of hisstate.42 The fort of Thial in TahsilRamnagar, district Udhampur, wasconstructed in the last decade thesixteenth century. According to aninscription of a well, situated out-side the fort, it was built in Samvat1541. A oral tradition tells that it wasbuilt by one Thial Singh, a jagirdar of

Bandralta state.42 The fort of Landarwas built in the village Landar, inmodern district of Udhampur. It isunderstood that it was built in theseventeenth century by the Butiyalkings. Therefore, it is also called thefort of Bhutiyal.43 The mention ofthe Bhutiyal state is found in the Ain-i-Akbari. According to it, Bhutiyalstate was situated in sarkar of theBari Doab, Suba Lahore. Its rulingclass has been mentioned as theBhutiyalah. Its military strength was30 cavalry and 1000 infantry.44 Thefort of Bhimgarh, situated in Riasistate, about sixty four k.m. fromJammu, was built by Bhim, a localchief of the area during medievalperiod. It was used very effectivelyfor military purpose by the rulers ofJammu up to nineteenth century.Mian Gulab Singh contributed to theexpansion of this fort and con-structed an entrance gate and a wallfor making it stronger and more se-cured in the early nineteenth cen-tury.45 The fort of Sanalkot at villagePauni, district Udhampur wasconstucted during early medievalperiod. It is known as one of the old-est forts of the Jammu hills. Accord-ing to the folk tradition it was builtby a king Shalbahan.46 GaneshdasBadehra quotes an oral traditionabout the coming of Raja Shalbahanto Pauni from Sialkot. According toit, "…during the last days of his lifeRaja Shalbahan left Sialkot and cameto the hills near Pauni and foundeda city on the spur of a mountain onthe bank of Chinab river and namedit Sanalkot. He took his residence onthe peak of that mountain."47 Thefort of Battal seems to have beenconstructed during the 17th cen-tury.48

The fort of Kishtwar was one ofthe most famous and oldest forts ofthe Jammu hills. It is understoodthat it was built during the seventhor eighth century A.D.49 by the suc-cessors of the Raja Kahn Sen50, the

COLUMNHISTORY35


founder of the Kishtwar state.Kalhan, the author of theRajatarangini, mentions Kishtwar asKashtvata. Abul Fazl mentionsKishtwar as one of the important re-gions of the 16th century India.51 TheMughal empreror Jahangir was veryimpressed with the expertise of theKishtwaris in military affairs and thepopularity of its ruler. He found thatthe Kishtwar army used its topo-graphical features, specially hillsand rivers for defending its territoryagainst the outside invasion. EvenJahangir's army received tough re-sistance from the Kishtwaris whenit attacked Kishtwar for the estab-lishment of the Mughal sovereigntythere. For Jahangir, the Kishtwarisused both rivers (Maru and Chinab)and hills of Kishtwar to check the ad-vancement of the Mughal army.Jahangir also appreciates thespecilization of the Kishtwaris inrope bridge building, which was veryuseful for defence purpose. Regard-ing the expertise of the Kishtwarisin rope building Jahangir writes,"From the… river (the Maru) to theChinab, which strong support tothese unfortunate people(Kishtwaris), is a distance of twobow-shots, and on the bank ofChenab there is a lofty hill. The cross-ing of the water is a difficult matter,and, with a view to the coming andgoing of people on foot, they attachstrong ropes, and place planks of thewidth of a cubit between two ropes,and fasten one rope's Zampa in thelanguage of the people of the hillcountry."52 Gulab Singh defeatedRaja Muhammad Tegh Singh, theruler of Kishtwar, in 1821 and occu-pied its fort.53

The forts of Jammu hills drew theattention of both the ruling class andpeople towards the historical heri-tage of their areas. It is important tomention that the forts of Jammu hillswere not only the means of defenseand internal security, but they also

became the means of economic de-velopments and social mingling. Forthe construction and maintenanceof the forts a large number of theartisans such as stone cutter, carpen-ters, ditch diggers, masons and wa-ter carriers were employed. The ar-chitectural features of the forts ofJammu hills show that the most ofthe forts consisted of big gates madeof wood, water ditches, reservoirs,stairs, arches, pillars and Burj.54 Forthe completion of these compo-nents of the forts both skilled andunskilled workers were employed.The existence of the forts also be-came instrumental in the accelera-tion of the urbanization processes.Most of the historical settlements,markets and trades routes of Jammuwere situated near these forts. Theforts of Gummat, Bahu, Jasrota,Basoli, Mankot, Kiashtwar, Chineni,Rajouri and Punch etc. helped inproviding better security to themerchants and other tradinggroups. They ensured the securityof the highways. It is known thatwhen the Mughal emperor Akbarconstructed the fort of Naushera,his main objective of it was tostrengthen the security of the routeto Kashmir via Rajouri. The Mughalsdeployed constantly an army andmaintained a thana for the securityof the route.55

The rulers of the Jammu hills andwith formation of the Jammu andKashmir state its Maharajas madeit one of their duties to make his-torical events through the existingand newly constructed forts. WhenGulab Singh was declared the Rajaof Jammu by the Maharaja RanjitSingh of Lahore Darbar in 1820,Gulab Singh celebrated his corona-tion ceremony at the fort ofAkhnoor, situated on the bank ofthe Chinab river.56 When ZorawarSingh, the commander of Raja GulabSingh of Jammu conquered Ladakhin 1834, he built a fort at Leh57 to

assert his victory. When in 1836 HiraSingh, son of Raja Dhian Singh wasassigned Jasrota in Jagir by Maha-raja Ranjit Singh Hira Singh not onlyrenovated the fort of Jasrota, buthe also founded a village in hisname known as Hiranagar, which istwo kilometer far from the fort.58

Most of the forts of Jammu hillswere made of stone. Since stoneswere available in abundance in theJammu hills, the rulers of the hillsfound it convenient and viable touse the locally available materials.Moreover, the local artisans of thehills were experts in the use ofstone in terms of finishing for build-ing purpose. Though some of thewood and brick forts were also con-structed in Jammu from medievalperiod to the 19th century59, useof stones for the construction of theforts was the most popular trend ofthe hills. Moreover, most of theforts of Jammu hills were con-structed amidst the forests on thetop of hills. It not only proved to bevery effective from defense pur-pose, but more importantly, it alsofacilitated the inhabitation processin the hills. The sense of isolationin the hills was minimized.

The construction and mainte-nance of forts in the Jammu hillsduring both the medieval and earlymodern period gave huge publicityto the ruling dynasty. It alsostrengthened the concept of theregional identity. The standing ofthe forts at various points of thehills spoke of the historicity of theplaces concerned. The existence ofthese forts in hills also confirm thatthe ruling dynasties of the hillsbelieved in the constructive activi-ties and engaged their people inthis act in a continuous process. Inmodern times, these forts are themirrors of the past. They are one ofthe most effective features of thehistory of the hills.

COLUMNHISTORY 36


NOTES AND REFERENCES

1. J.Hutchinson and J. Ph. Vogel divide the Jammu hill statesinto two groups: 1. States of Central group consisting of Jammu,Reasi, Bhoti, Samba, Dalpatpur and Akhnur, and 2. Offshootsfrom Jammu states consisting of Mankot, Jasrota, Lakhanpur,Chenehni, Bandralta, Basoli, Bhadrahwah, Bhadu, Kishtwar,Rajouri and Punch etc. History of Punjab Hill States, Vol. II, Delhi,1999, pp. 514-729.2. Abul Fazl, Ain-i-Akbari, Vol. II, Eng. Trans. by Colonel H.S. Jarret, Corrected and further annotated by Sir J. N. Sarkar, 1994,pp. 324-25 (hereafter Ain)3. Frederic Drew, The Jammu and Kashmir Territories, AGeographical Account, Jammu, 1999, p. 27. Frederic Drew workedin Jammu and Kashmir state as the Associate of the Royal Schoolof Mines under the Maharaja. He wrote geographical account ofJammu and Kashmir state in 1875.4. Ibid., p. 625. Jagdish Narayan Sarkar, Art of War in Medieval India,Delhi, 1994, p. 145.6. Ibid. pp. 145-47.7. Tajuddin Hasan Nizami, Tajul Ma'thir, Eng. Tr. by BhagwatSaroop, Delhi, 1998, p. 69. (Hereafter Tajul Ma'thir).8. Ibid., pp. 101-029. Ibid., pp. 145-47, 204, 242.10. Mohammad Habib and Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, Compre-hensive History of India, Vol. V, Part One, The Delhi Sultanat, AD.1206-1526, Delhi, 1970, p. 278.11. Ibid. pp. 78-7912. Ibid. p. 29713. Ain, Vol. II, pp. 166-33614. S.D.S. Charak, History and Culture of Himalayan States,Vol. VIII, Jammu, 1997, pp. 84-8915. Shiv Nirmohi, Duggar ke Durg, Panthal (Udhampur),2002, pp. 13-255. It is the study of the remains of the forts ofJammu region. It is written in Hindi.16. S.D.S. Charak, History and Culture, Vol. VIII, pp. 84-8517. Frederic Drew, Jammoo and Kashmir, p. 9518. Ibid., pp. 84-9519. Hutchison and Vogel, History of the Punjab Hill states,Vol. II, p. 52120. Timur, Malfuzat-i-Timuri or Tuzak-i-Timuri, in SirS.M.Elliot and John Dowson (Translated and edited), History ofIndia as told by its own Historians, Vol. III, Allahabad, n.d. p.467. Malfuzat-i-Timuri is writen in Turkish (Chaghtai) language.Timur mentions some places of Jammu such as Mansar, Bailaand Manu. Ibid., pp. 469-71.21. History of Punjab Hill States, Vol. II, 52221a. Lakshmi Narain and Sansar Chand, An Introduction to DogriFolk Literature and Pahari Art, edited by Nilamber Dev Sharma,Jammu, 1965, pp. 158-5922. Ain II, p. 324.23. Abul Fazl, Akbarnama, Vol. III, Eng. Tr. by H. Beveridge,Delhi, 1973, p. 1213. (hereafter Akbarnama III)24. Faizi Sirhindi, Akabrnama in Sir H.M. Elliot and Profes-sor John Dowson, The History of India, As Told by its Own Histo-rians, Vol. VI, Allahabad, 1964, pp.125-2625. Lakshmi Narain and Sansar Chand, An Introduction toDogri Folk Literature and Pahari Art, Jammu, 1965, p. 159. Maha-raja Gulab Singh also made a temple of the goddess Kali in pre-mises of the fort. Ibid., p. 159

26. Ain II, p. 32427. History of the Punjab Hill states, Vol II, p. 56528. Ain II, p. 32429. Akbarnama in Elliot and Dowson, History of In-dia, Vol.VI, p. 12730. Jahangir, Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, Vol. II, Eng. Tr. byAlexander Rogers, edited by Henry Beveridge, Delhi, 1994,p. 181. Once the Mughal emperor Nuruddin MuhammadJahangir (1605-27) stayed at Naushahra when he wasgoing to Kashmir. Ibid., p. 12431. History of the Punjab Hill States, Vol. II, pp. 700-01.32. Shiv Nirmohi, Duggar ke Durg, p. 20233. Ibid., p. 3434. Ibid., p. 3535. Ibid., p. 3936. Ibid., p. 4337. Ibid., p. 6538. The History of Punjab Hill States, Vol. II, p. 57339. Ain II, p. 32440. Ibid., p. 32441. Ibid., p. 32342. Duggar ke Durg, pp. 80-81. The fort of Sunderikotis situated on the border of Bhaddu state. Therefore, it isalso undrstood to be built for the security of the frontierof the state. Ibid., p. 8143. Ibid., p. 82.44. Ibid., p. 12545. Ain II, p. 32346. Duggar ke Durg, pp. 127-2847. Ibid., pp. 138-4148. Ganesdas Badehra, Rajdarshani, Eng. Tr. by S.D.S.Charak, Annotated by Anita K. Bilawaria, Jammu, 1991, p.64. The Rajdarshani was written during 19th century inPersian.49. Duggar ke Durg, p. 150

50. Ibid., p.154. Raja Kahn Sen came to Kishtwar fromGaur, the capital of Bengal, and defeated the Panjsasis,the ruling tribe of Kishtwar. Afterwards Kahn Sen also de-feated other tribes and laid the foundation of Kishtwarstate. History of Punjab Hill States, Vol. II, pp. 643-44.51. Ain-i-Akbari, Vol.III, Eng.tr. by Colonel H.S. Jarret,Corrected and further anotated by Sir J.N. Sarkar, Delhi,1994, p. 152. Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, Vol. II, p. 137. Jahangir givesdescription of the rope bridge with reference to the attackof Dilawar Khan, the Mughal army commander, in 1620.In the beginning of Dilawar Khan's attack the Mughalarmy received huge set back at the hands of the Kishtwar'sarmy. Ibid., p. 13753. Duggar ke Durg, p. 15554. Ibid., pp. 16-2255. Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, Vol. II, p.18156. SDS Charak, A Short History of Jammu Raj, Jammu,1985, p. 16857. Ibid., p. 18558. This fort was also used as a judicial court and atreasury was also located here during pre-1947. Ibid, p.6459. Ibid., p. 14

37 COLUMNHISTORY


Towards Making Ladakh Power SurplusGeo-thermal energy on agenda as J&K draws up 6000MW ambitious plan

If Centre responds positively to aproposal of Jammu and Kashmirgovernment, the power-crisis hit

Ladakh region could become the mostelectricity surplus area of the state.

Ladakh region, which suffers longspells of power outages, has hugepotential of geo-thermal energywhich is yet to be tapped. Once geo-thermal energy is tapped, Ladakhcould become electricity surplus.

The Minister of State for Power,Shabir Ahmed Khan said that J&KState Power Development Corpora-tion has been asked to prepareproject report and plan projects forharnessing geo-thermal energy inLadakh. He said, one the report andplan is ready, the State Governmentwould approach the Centre for finan-cial assistance.

Khan said Centre has also beenapproached for assistance for con-struction of 220 Km long 132 KV trans-mission line for evacuation of powerfrom Puga to the main load Centresin Ladakh. Detailed Project Report(DPR) involving a cost of Rs. 1707 crorehas already been submitted by thePGCIL to Union Ministry of Power forconstruction of 220 KV Transmissionline from Srinagar to Leh via Kargilwhich needs to be implemented onfast track basis so as to give relief tothe people of Ladakh and also facili-tate harnessing of the available hy-dro-potential in the region.

It may be mentioned here thatJammu and Kashmir Government hasapproved Hydroelectric Project De-velopment Policy 2011 to harnessstate's huge hydro potential of 20,000MW of power. Under the policy, Gov-ernment has also approved amultipronged strategy for setting upthe power projects purely as stateprojects, through the joint venturemechanism, PPP mode and Built,

Own Operate and transfer (BOOT)basis. The policy was unveiled byChief Minister Omar Abdullah earlierthis month.

The Minister of State for PowerShabir Khan said that a road map hasbeen drawn up for generating around6000 MW of power during next 10years in the State, adding that threeprojects with a total capacity of 329MW are expected to be commis-sioned in the State during currentyear.

Giving details of the powerprojects being executed in the State,Khan said the 2120 MW Pakadul, Kiruand Kawar projects are being ex-ecuted in joint venture with NHPCand PTC. The JVC has been incorpo-rated and it has started functioning,he said and added that 820 MW Rattleproject allotted to one IPP throughinternational tariff based bidding onfast track, is likely to be commis-sioned in 2017.

With a view to overcome the op-erational inefficiencies leading tohigh AT&C losses, the State Govern-ment has engaged a National reputedconsultancy M/S Energy and Re-sources institute New Delhi for pre-paring a blue print for bringing abouta turnaround in the power sector. TheState Government has initiatedmultipronged action for implemen-tation of the recommendations ofthe consultancy, he added.

Among other measures for devel-opment and improvement of powerscenario, the Government has en-acted its own Electricity Act 2010 andConservation Energy Act 2011 on thelines of Central Electricity Act forbringing about reforms in the powersector besides to address the demandside management issues of thepower sector.

The Electricity Regularity Commis-

sion (SERC) has been made fully func-tional to ensure metering of all con-nections and recovery of revenue forpower supplied at tariff.

The Minister said that the Govern-ment contemplates to meter all con-nections with a period of one year inthe State, adding that 52% of the con-sumer installations have been me-tered so far. 64000 meters have beeninstalled and nearly 24000 damagedand defective meters replaced dur-ing 2010-11 in the State. He said centpercent computerization of billedenergy would be registered in theState during this financial year. Hesaid 75 % billed energy has beenachieved so far which helped to im-prove the collection efficiency to75.68% in 2009-10 and is targeted at90 % during 2011-12.

The Minister said the State cabi-net has approved in principal, unbun-dling of transmission and distributionof electricity and a consultant for thepurpose has been engaged. He said68% of 25 KVA and above connectionshave been provided shunt capacitorsto improve power factor, adding in-stallation of shunt capacitors at 33KVA level is under progress againstRs. 22 crore in the State.

He said to check pilferage ofpower in the State 26000 inspectionswere conducted during 2010-11which led to regularization of 30,000illegal connections and 135 MW ofload, besides recovery of a fine of Rs.1. 15crore. He said Bijli Adalats arebeing constituted for addressing theconsumer grievances.

As a result of these measuresadopted by the State Government,reduction albeit marginally (nearly3%) was registered in T&D losses dur-ing 2010-11, adding that the powerrevenue collection also registeredsignificant improvement of about Rs.120 crore over the revenues col-lected in 2009-10 in the State.

LADAKH AFFAIRSNEWS & NOTES 38

TSEWANG, RIGZIN


Food GrainsStocked WellWith summers waning on the margins, au

tumn round the corner, efforts are on tomake sufficient stocking of food grains inLadakh before the harsh winter sets in and theregions gets almost disconnected from rest ofthe world.

According to the department of ConsumerAffairs and Public Distribution, 8275 metrictonnes (MT) of rice, 10664 mt of wheat and 608mt of sugar are available in FCI godowns of Lehdistrict. This information was given to the Min-ister for CA&PD and Power, Shabir Ahmed Khanduring his recent visit to Leh. He was informedthat out of the total annual allocation of1,38,600 quintals of different kinds of foodgrains for Leh rationees, 53,580 quintals of ra-tion which includes 25,740 quintals of rice,25,000 quintals of atta and 2,840 quintals ofsugar have been provided so far to CA&PD Lehfor onward distribution to its rationees.

The Minister was also apprised that annualconsumption of K. Oil in the district is 24.50lakh liters, of which 6.59 lakh liters of K. Oilhave been received till date. He was informedthat in all 1,06,246 souls of the district are get-ting monthly ration through 140 sale outlets ofthe department, which also includes 7,150 BPLfamilies. He was also informed that sufficientnumbers of LPG cylinders are available with IOCand HP companies in the area.

Khan also inspected functioning of 4 MWPower House Stakna, 4 MW DG set Choglamsarand Receiving Stations Leh town and Basgo. Hedirected concerned authorities to ensure sched-uled power supply to the consumers and in-structed that early stocking of diesel and otheraccessories should be ensured so that consum-ers do not face any electricity problem espe-cially during winter season, when whole Ladakhregion remains cut-off from the state due toheavy snowfall. The Minister was apprised thatat present 91 diesel generator sets are opera-tional in Leh and Kargil districts for providingelectricity to the people for which Rs 35 croreannually is being expended on cost of diesel.He was informed that PDD has registered 30,000consumers in the region and till ending June thisyear Rs 1.17 crore have been collected as powertariff from the consumes of the region.

Nubra Councillors Desperate forTunnelling Khardongla

Reflecting urges and aspirations of people they represent,the Councillors from Nubra are desperately pushing for

construction of tunnel through Khurdungla pass. In this con-nection, recently, a delegation of Councillors of Ladakh Au-tonomous Hill Development Council, belonging to differentconstituencies of Nubra valley, called on the ParliamentaryStanding Committee on Finance, led by its chairman YashwantSinha and proposed the construction of a tunnel forKhardongla pass.

The delegation also called on Director General of the Bor-der Roads Organization (BRO), Lt. Gen. Ravi Shankar, whowas recently at Project Himank Headquarter. They apprisedhim of the inconveniencies being faced by the people ofNubra as well as the army personnel on account of frequentclosure of Khardongla road during winter months and alsorequested the improvement of facilities of casual paidlabourers working on the Khardongla road - famously knownas the highest motorable-road, Khardongla pass that standsbetween Leh and Nubra is located at an altitude of 18,380feet.

Impressing upon the Parliamentary Standing Committeeand the Director General BRO about the significance of hav-ing a tunnel for Khardongla road, Councilor Diskit TsewangRigzin, Councilor Panamik Tsering Angchuk, Councilor TegarRigzin Wangdus and Abdul Ali argued that tunnelling ofKhardongla road is important from the strategic point of viewalso as the movement of Defence Duty convoy is very regu-lar and large. The road remains closed very often in wintermonths due to heavy snowfall and avalanche. When the passis open for vehicles, the councilors said, there's the dangerof avalanche and because of frequent avalanche lots of acci-dents also occur every winter. Khardongla being single-lanefor traffic with narrow stretches causes lots of accidents, traf-fic jams and road blockages. Loss of human lives and a bur-den to the government exchequer in the last many decadesis countless, the councilors added.

After giving the Councillors a patient hearing to the del-egation, Yashwant Sinha assured that the Standing Commit-tee will surely recommend the construction tunnel forKhardongla-road in its report.

Subsequently on July 4 Yashwant Sinha has requested thePrime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh to consider construc-tion of tunnel at Khardongla. In a letter written to the PrimeMinister recommending a tunnel for Khardongla, Sinha, re-ferring to the representation made before him by Council-lors of Nubra in June during his visit to Leh, has requestedthe Prime Minister to immediately attend the matter keep-ing in view its strategic importance

39 LADAKH AFFAIRSNEWS & NOTES


In a significant move to carve outan integrated and holistic town

planning for beautification of Lehtown, the Chief Executive Coun-cilor, Ladakh Autonomous Hill Coun-cil Leh Mr. Rigzin Spalbar has invitedthe town planners of Sikkim in Lehto share their experiences with thepublic representatives, religiousleaders, government officials andthe representatives of various non-governmental organizations work-ing in different fields in Leh District.

In this connection on July 9, inthe jam-packed Conference hallLeh, Mr. Rajesh Pradhan, the TownPlanner of Sikkim gave a powerpoint presentation on the beautifi-cation project of Gangtok city whosecondition five years back was assimilar as of today's Leh town.Pradhan said that Leh has compara-tively vast potential for beautifica-tion as Leh is situated on a flat sur-face having much possibility of ex-pansion of road and streets besideshaving traditional touch to many ofits building.

Welcoming the guests fromSikkim and the participants, theChief Executive Councilor said thatLAHDC in the larger interest ofLadakh is intent to bring out a fu-turistic town planning for beautifi-cation of Leh city having every fa-cility of modernity in terms of sew-erage, drainage, road, parking andother pedestrian need, and there-fore, evolving of consensus from allstakeholders and their cooperationis very much needed to carry for-ward the project in letter and spirit.Mr. Spalbar said that Leh now be-come as a destination of world at-traction on tourism point of viewand in such a circumstances, needof giving a face-lift maintaining the

Spalbar Gets Experts from Sikkim to Plan Leh Town

traditional looks to Leh city is as-sumes very crucial to make an im-pact on the visiting tourists aboutthe living traditions and character-istic values of Ladakh. CEC said thatpositive transformation in the de-velopment of the area must go onalong with the fast changing sce-nario so that our posterity may notblame upon the mind-set of the

Earlier the CEC along with theSikkim Town Planner, RajeshPradhan, Executive Councilor Agri-culture, Sonam Dorjey, ExecutiveCouncilor Tourism Gyurmet Dorjeyrepresentatives from various reli-gious and social organizations,NGOs, Govt. officers, engineers andresidents of Leh old town con-ducted a heritage walk in Leh townand assessed the possible initia-tives and measures for beautifica-tion of Leh town. Passing througheach streets of Leh old town, CECemphasized upon the residents totake responsibility to keep theirarea neat and clean.

In a desperate attempt to keepthe heritage zone of old Leh townneat and clean, a massive cleanli-ness drive led by the Chief Execu-tive Councilor, LAHDC, Leh Mr.Rigzin Spalbar was carried out onJuly 13. Initiated by the MunicipalCommittee, Leh, the drive was par-ticipated by the people of differenthamlets of old Leh town likeSkyanos, Gogsoom, Stalam, Stago-Filok and Kharyok.

Addressing the huge gatheringof residents of Leh old town at thefoot of historical Leh palace, Mr.Spalbar said that Leh is the face ofLadakh, thereby dirty and filthylooks of heritage zone of Leh wherelarge number of foreign tourists arevisiting, could label a bad impres-sion on the image of Ladakh. Heurged the locals to keep their local-ity clean by taking individual re-sponsibility and adding that itwould not only provide them a hy-gienic environment for betterhealth but also help to safeguardthe civilized outlook of Ladakhis. Hestrongly urged the people to makeit compulsory to have toilets and

present generation for the lapses.Spalbar cautioned not to toleratethe interference of those societiesor individuals who resort to criticizeupon the implementation of beau-tification work of Leh town and in-stead they should contribute in thedevelopment of Leh town.

Complimenting the initiatives ofChief Executive Councilor, all thestakeholders assured to extendtheir fullest supports with theLAHDC in implementing the beau-tification project of Leh town. Theywelcomed for inviting town plan-ners from Sikkim saying that bothSikkim and Ladakh shares a greataffinity in art, culture and traditions.

Complimenting theinitiatives of Chief

Executive Councilor, allthe stakeholders assured to

extend their fullest sup-ports with the LAHDC in

implementing thebeautification project of

Leh town. They welcomedfor inviting town plannersfrom Sikkim saying thatboth Sikkim and Ladakhshares a great affinity in

art, culture and traditions.

LADAKH AFFAIRSNEWS & NOTES 40


The Minister for Animal, SheepHusbandry & Science Technology

and Information Technology, Mr.Aga Sayed Rohullah in a meetingwith the LAHDC, Leh reviewed theactivities of Animal, Sheep & Sci-ence Technology and InformationTechnology in Leh district.

The Chief Executive Councilor,LAHDC, Leh Rigzin Spalbar, Execu-tive Councilor CAPD, Ghulam AbbasAbidi, Executive Councilor, Agricul-ture Sonam Dorjey, Deputy Com-missioner, T Angchok, Secretary,Science & Technology and IT, MKDwividi, Director Sheep Husbandry,Director Animal Husbandry, ChiefExecutive Officer, JAKEDA, Direc-tor, LREDA, Jigmet Takpa and offic-ers of allied department attendedthe meeting.

The Deputy Commissionerthrough a power point presentationhighlighted the activities of Sheepand Animal Husbandry Department.It was told that Leh has been pro-ducing 200 MT of milk in 1970's nowit has increased to 9500 MT in 2010.Under the scheme of conservationof double humped camels, thepopulation of camel increased from47 numbers in 1990 to 212 in 2010.Through the presentation, it wasdisclosed that 577 units of single

From 200 MT Milk Production in 1970s to9500 MT Now, Leh Headed for White Revolution

sewerage in each house so that rub-bish and wastes would not spreadin the streets. The CEC said that thepoor families who do not afford tocreate safety tanks at their own, theLAHDC would think for a possiblefinancial help in favour of such fami-lies. For larger interest of Leh townin terms of better sanitation, Mr.Spalbar indicated stern actionagainst the defaulters and urging

Municipality Committee to issuenotice at first instance to the de-faulter who resort to make furtherswelling of garbages in the streets.Those who do not cooperate withthe MC, the CEC directed the Ad-ministrator, MC, Leh to initiate ac-tion against them under law. Heemphasized the locals to extendfullest cooperation to the Munici-pality Committee and NOGs like

LAMO and LOTI who are working inthis locality on conservation andcleanliness. The Executive Coun-cilor Health Dr. Sonam Wangchok,Executive Councilor AgricultureSonam Dorjey, Administrator, MC,Leh. Deepika Sharma, representa-tives of Hotelier Association, TaxiOperators Union and other stakeholders also took part in the clean-liness drive.

cow unit also provided to thebreeders during last 4 years underemployment generation scheme inrural areas. Besides 4600 poultryunits of 10 birds also given to thefarmers on 50% subsidy.

The DC told that Leh has a totalpopulation of 3,58,616 sheep andgoats excluding 1557 animals inGovt farms and produced 418 quin-tals of pashmina, 980 qtls of wool,8090 qtls of mutton and 4647 qtls offodder during 2010-11.

The demands and problems ofthese sectors were also highlightedduring the presentation which in-clude filling up of 9 posts of Vets,regularization of 15 internally ad-justed Centers in the district. It wasalso demanded for creation of 3new Animal Husbandry Centers inDurbuk block and 5 Animal centersin Nyoma block.

During the meeting, the currentstatus of Community InformationCenters functioning at Leh, Nyoma,Durbuk, Khaltsi and Kharu and fi-nancial requirement for furtherstrengthening of these CIC was alsohighlighted. The current status ofRs: 473 Crore cost Ladakh Renew-able Energy Initiative programwhere under 30 Hydro powerprojects, Solar Plant power projects

are coming up in Ladakh also re-vealed in the meeting.

Addressing the meeting Mr. AgaSayed Rohullah appreciated theLAHDC and the district administra-tion for the success stories and ex-cellent achievement under Infor-mation Technology and Ladakh Re-newable Energy Initiative addingthat it could be an example for otherdistricts of the State. He said thatSheep Husbandry and Animal Hus-bandry departments have alsodone a great job as compare to otherdistrict. The Minister assured toprovide Rs: 1.00 crore for infrastruc-ture development of Animal farmsin the district and also committedfor Rs: 5.00 lacs for repair and reno-vation of CIC at Durbuk which wasgutted in a fire accident last year.Mr. Rohullah further promised toprovide a mobile dispensary vanfor health care of animals in Leh dis-trict.

Welcoming the Minister in Leh,Mr. Spalbar extended gratitude tothe minister for taking a meaning-ful review meeting at Leh and fortaking keen interests in the devel-opment under his portfolio. TheCEC hoped for Mr. Rohullah's ut-most supports in sorting out majoras well as minor issues of Ladakh atState level.



Fearing Chinese Objection, Delhi ShelvesAeactivating Chushul Airstrip

The Chief Executive Councillor ofLAHDC, Leh, Rigzin Spalbar has

urged a Parliamentary Panel to in-fluence the concerned authoritiesfor addressing power related issuesof Ladakh, particularly timelycompletion of 45-MW Alchi HydelProject, exploration of Geo-ther-mal power project and follow up oflinking Ladakh with Northern PowerGrid.

The CEC had a meeting with thevisiting eight-member Parliamen-tary Standing Committee headed byMP and former Union Finance Min-ister Yashwant Sinha at Leh.

Highlighting the geographicalproblems of Ladakh in terms of clos-ing both the National Highways toLadakh during winter months bring-ing everything nearly stand still in

The Government of India hasshelved plans to reactivate the

Chushul airfield in Ladakh close tothe Line of Actual Control (LAC),apprehending Chinese objections.

"The Indian Air Force, however,is going to revive several other Ad-vanced Landing Grounds (ALGs) in aphased manner as part of its effortsto beef up capabilities along theboundary with China," IAF sourcessaid. They said, "In China's versionof the border and our version of theborder, there is a clash on Chushul.The government did not want us

make any move there. So, we arenot working on such controversialprojects". Located close to the LACwith China at a height of over 13,000feet, the Chushul Valley in Ladakhhas an airstrip, which was a key plat-form during the Sino-Indian War in1962 but has not been in use sincethen.

Sources said it was part of IAF'soriginal plans to develop ALGs alongthe India-China border as part of itsefforts to strengthen the defencein these areas and support Armyoperations in the rugged terrain.

They said IAF has already devel-oped a number of ALGs in the north-east and the Ladakh sector, includ-ing Daulat Beg Oldie (DBO), Fuk Cheand Nyoma for aircraft operations.

"A number of new ALGs would beopened by the IAF in the coming yearsin these areas and many of themwould be upgraded for heavier air-craft operations. Such ALGs will helpsupport our forward area policy. Withhelipads, say we can support only 200troops there but with a runway, wecan land supplies for over a thousandtroops there," a source said. (PTI)

Cover 80 KMs to link Ladakh with countrySpalbar Lists Power Issues with Parliamentary Panel

the region for almost six months,Spalbar convincingly made the Par-liamentary Committee compre-hend about the multifarious prob-lems of this region and sought theirrecommendations and support tomaterialize the proposed allweather road to Ladakh via Parang-la either through Border Road Or-ganization or other constructionagencies. The CEC with the help ofland map made the Parliamentaryteam understand that only a smalllength of road that is of about 80kilometres needed to be con-structed to link Ladakh with rest ofthe Country during the winter asmajor part of the road from both thesides already exist, the CEC hasbriefed.

Considering the importance of

an all weather road for overall de-velopment of Ladakh, the Parlia-mentary Standing Committeeshowed keen interests to material-ize Parang-la road. The Committeeassured for pressurizing the Gov-ernment for sanctioning of theroad.

The CEC also sought supportsfrom the Parliamentary Committeefor early construction of multipur-pose Khardongla tunnel as surveyof the tunnel has already beendone. Rigzin Spalbar further urgedthe Standing Committee to havetheir help in early releasing of Cen-tral fund for permanent restorationof Leh district, adding that Leh HillCouncil has already sent a projectproposal of Rs: 133 crore to the Cen-tral Govt.

42LADAKH AFFAIRSNEWS & NOTES


The Twelfth anniversary of 'Operation Vijay Diwas' (KargilDiwas) was celebrated in Drass

Kargil by 'Forever in Operations'Division to commemorate the vic-tory of Indian Armed Forces in 1999Kargil War. The proceedings beganwith a solemn Wreath Laying Cer-emony organized at Dras War Me-morial which was presided over bythe Chief Guest, Lt Gen RaviDastanae, General Officer Com-manding, 14 CROPS and joined byother senior serving and retired of-ficers, gallantry award winners aswell as family members of gallantmartyrs. Colour was added to thisformal and dignified event by theArmy Aviation helicopters, whichshowered flower petals from thesky during their impressive fly past.

This was followed by the SainikSammelan, wherein addressing theassembled troops, the Chief Guestrecalled how our Armed Forceshave always risen to the occasionand especially during 'OperationVijay', un-mindful of the adverseterrain and extreme weather con-ditions, our troops braved untoldhardship and demonstrated in-domitable spirit and excellentfighting skills to safeguard thehonour and territorial integrity ofthe nation. He called upon all ranksto draw inspiration from the unityof purpose, steely resolve and spiritof sacrifice, displayed then by ourArmed Forces and continue tostrive hard to maintain these stan-dards.

The Chief Guest also said thatthe victory was not possible without the contribution and sacrifice ofthe people of Kargil and the coun-try has to remember their contribu-tion also.

Later on The Sainik Sammelanterminated with honouring of VeerNaris and Next of Kin of martyrs and

HOMAGE TO KARGIL HEROES

an interaction with them. Thisevent led to the exhibition of WarMemorabilia which showcased avariety of equipment used by bothsides during the conflict as also thepresent ones in use.

After the Exhibition the ChiefGuest Interacted with the Mediaand said that Army is preparing forall kind of eventualities and theseevents remembers one about thehistory and makes them vigil for thefuture. He said that in the progressof India as a Powerful country thereis the contribution of Jawan, Kissanand the Scientists.

The evening celebrationsopened up with a Mass Band Dis-play followed by Beating the Re-treat. In the Memorial Service thatfollowed, of candles and lampswere lit up at the War Memorial. Ina be-fitting finale to the Celebra-tions, all the battle locations of Ti-ger Hill and Tololing too were lit up.

The celebrations were con-ducted with full military statelinessand decorum to pay homage tomartyrs as well as acknowledge thecontribution of units and forma-tions which had participated in theconflict



'We want UT with legislature'

In a memorandum submitted to Government of India's interlocutors on Jammu and Kashmirduring their two-day roundtable conference in Jammu, the President Ladakh Buddhist Associa-

tion Dr. Tsewang Tundup strongly asserted for Union Territory status to Ladakh with legislature ofits own. Here is full text of the document:

I begin by saying that the strugglefor survival - survival of our community, art and culture - has re-

mained our core issue particularlysince India's Independence whenLadakh was merged with Kashmiragainst our wishes.

Under different banners andleadership since 1947 whether itwas NEFA type administration,Central Rule or UT, the struggle orthe movement has been carriedout by different individuals andgroups concerned about Ladakh'sfate and destiny.

We share no homogeneity withKashmir in terms of culture, lan-guage, and ethnicity; moreover,sheer geography isolates us fromthe rest. Many laws legislated bygovt. often go against the peopleas it does not match with our landand people. Our motive is to jointhe national mainstream shoulderto shoulder in the strides of devel-opment that would be feasible onlyif we are allowed to decide for our-selves instead of resting the con-trol in the hands of Kashmiri lead-ers.

Empowering the people ofLadakh means empowering the na-tion as we are inhabitants of India'smost strategic location, and to se-cure the country's border, ensuringpolitical security of the people liv-ing there becomes essential. Patri-otic feeling of the people Ladakhhas been exemplified by our activecontributions in wars fought by In-dia against neighbouring countrieson this soil. Ladakhi community

may be a miniscule population buthas proved truly resourceful for In-dian nation as it has displayed tre-mendous unity to put up a formi-dable resistance against the enemyforces whether it was 47 Pak raid-ers' invasion, 62 war with China, 71war with Pakistan or the most re-cent the Kargil episode in 1999.

Today this small populationspread across the Ladakh regionface all kinds of threats in terms oflosing its cultural identity as a di-rect or indirect consequence ofKashmir politics. On these bases wehave sustained our struggle, andour struggle has always aimed atseparation from Kashmir and join-ing the national mainstream. It is inthe interest of the country also toconsider this strongly as our smallpopulation form an importantbuffer from defense point of viewensuring the security of the wholeNation.

We would like to point out thatwe have no objection against otherdemands from the valley regardingsolution to the Kashmir problem;however, any attempt to drag usinto a solution on the bases suchdemand would be completely un-acceptable. Our stand is clear, inone voice, UT with Legislature forwhich we are ready to face any chal-lenge.

Time and again we have raisedour demand for UT at different fo-rums and organized mass rallies inwhich our fellow Ladakhis belong-ing to other religions like Muslims,Christians, Hindus or even Sikhs

have actively supported the cause.There may be some reservations

in Kargil, however, large majorityhave always benefited from Sched-uled Tribe, LAHDC which were op-posed by a section of Kargili lead-ership when their counterparts inLeh raised the demands initially.People in Kargil too have achieveda lot after getting ST status to itspopulation and along with Leh theytoo are prospering under the Au-tonomous Council today, and I be-lieve that large majority of peoplethere have understood that the ini-tial opposition to such demandswere under the influence Kashmirpolitics.

In 1999 people of both Leh andKargil came out strongly to defendthe country's borders. It is very un-fortunate that our demand raisedpeacefully is paid no attention, asif only trigger-happy gun -tottingare worthy of being listened to.

It is pertinent to mention herethat during the Dogra regime ofnearly a century and a quarter,Ladakhi people had countless bit-ter experiences at the hands ofKashmiri administrators. In additionto this, continued discriminationsmeted out to Ladakhi people by suc-cessive rulers of J&K for decadesafter the independence, further in-tensified Ladakh's demand forseparation from Jammu & Kashmir.There are historical documents thatreveal that right after the indepen-dence, even before Jammu & Kash-mir finally acceded to the IndianUnion, people of Ladakh sought

LADAKH AFFAIRSDOCUMENTS

44


separation of Ladakh from Jammu& Kashmir, and appealed to theGovernment of India to administerLadakh directly from the Center onthe pattern of the North EasternFrontier Area (NEFA) administra-tion or to make it a part of erstwhileEast Punjab.

In the present political scenarioof the State, Ladakh, that had beenan independent kingdom for aboutnine centuries until 1830s, has beenreduced to mere two districts. Thisunique region has its unique prob-lems for which most of the laws leg-islated by the State Government goagainst the interests of the peopleof Ladakh.

Anyone with an average com-mon sense would easily under-stand that it doesn't make any senseto keep Ladakh forcefully withJammu & Kashmir despite that factthat Ladakh has nothing in commonlinguistically, culturally, historicallyand geographically with other partsof Jammu & Kashmir. Moreoversnow falls in winter months causethe closure of Ladakh-Srinagar high-way for about six months a yearthereby isolating Ladakh physicallyfrom rest of the State. Geographi-cally Ladakh constitutes two-thirdof the entire State of Jammu & Kash-mir, but at present in the 87 mem-ber state assembly, representationto Ladakh is very minimal as thereare only four seats, two each for Lehand Kargil districts.

Total neglect of Ladakh region (itis considered a region only in geo-graphical sense. Administratively itis part of the Kashmir Division ---one of the two divisions in theState, the other being Jammu). It ispertinent to mention that the Jus-tice Wazir Commission had recom-mended the creation of more dis-tricts in Jammu Division so that bothKashmir and Jammu Divisions couldhave equal number of districts. It

had taken into account the fact thatLeh and Kargil districts togetherconstituting Ladakh were part ofthe Kashmir Division. However, thepresent Government while raisingthe number of districts has main-tained the numerical primacy of theKashmir Division. It has thus be-haved like the majority of its pre-decessors. All of them (the solitaryexception being the People'sDemocratic Party-led coalition gov-ernment) have revelled in rulingLeh and Kargil through remote con-trol never bothering to integratethem emotionally into the KashmirDivision. Injecting communal vi-rus into Ladakh politics. A hideousbid is being made to split Buddhistsand Shias of Ladakh by making lightof their age-old ethnic and linguis-tic affinity.

With this background in view itshould be evident that our leadersare unable to look beyond theirnose. They have confined theirprime concerns to the Kashmir re-gion which happens to be their elec-toral constituency. It has been doneto the exclusion of genuine hopesand aspirations of the people ofLadakh. It is also doubtful whetherthey have been able to live up tothe expectations of ordinarymasses of the Valley. Theirmarginalisation on the home turfsince 1988 is self-explanatory. Weare too close to the history. Butsooner or later it will have to beadmitted that their double talk andconflicting statements have con-fused an entire generation ofKashmiri young persons.

This backdrop is necessary tounderstand why we have been agi-tating for a separate Union Territorystatus for the last 50 years. We inLadakh feel that our interests willbe best served if we are free fromthe clutches of a puzzled and self-absorbed leadership. We want a

direct contact with New Delhi. Forus the Centre-State relations meanpreserving our beliefs, culture andcustoms within the framework ofthe Indian Constitution. We do be-lieve that there should be specificschemes for the welfare of peopleliving in difficult areas as they do inthis State. But we don't think thatthe way to achieve this is to have aseparate Constitution.

We are for autonomy providedit percolates down to the peopleand is not vested in the hands ofthose who want to perpetuate theirhold over political and administra-tive dispensation in its disguise.Moreover, it should be accompa-nied by the will to generate rev-enue to reduce dependence on theCentre.

We have always given prefer-ence to the country's overall inter-ests in our State. That is why when-ever asked by Central leaders be-ginning with Jawaharlal Nehru wehave stopped short of taking our stirfor UT to the logical conclusion. Wemay not agree with their plea thatthe separation of Ladakh would af-fect to some extent the country'scase before the United Nations sofar as the State is concerned. But wehave seen no reason to suspecttheir motives. We will not dare doso. Nehru and Indira Gandhi bothhave taken special care to showertremendous affection on thepeople of Ladakh.

To our ill luck, however, the situ-ation is only worsening in the re-cent years. Now and then there areefforts by the State Government toundermine our authority. We hadafter a sustained struggle won theright to form the Ladakh Autono-mous Hill Development Council(LAHDC) to manage our affairs inLeh (we can claim with humility thatour success has enabled the peopleof Kargil to see reason and have a

45 LADAKH AFFAIRSDOCUMENTS


similar dispensation thoughthey were initially reluctant. Else-where also there are demands forsetting up such councils). More tour-ists --- domestic as well as foreign --- visit Ladakh now than ever be-fore.

The Council in Leh has been ableto extensively protect and developindigenous products. It has literallytaken the administration to door-step. One can notice the amazingenthusiasm that it has generated atgrassroots level. The Council is notbeing given financial and legislativepowers even in matters under itscharge. I may draw a parallel withLakshadweep. In size the beautifulgroup of islands is the same asLadakh but its population is lessthan one-third that of Ladakh. Yet,as UT it has a budget of more than400 crore rupees a year as againstless than a hundred crore a year ofLadakh. We don't get our quota ofCentral funds sanctioned under vari-ous schemes especially in socialsector. On one occasion the StateGovernment had even transferredthe funds sanctioned by the Plan-ning Commission for Leh under theBorder Area DevelopmentProgramme (BADP) for some otherplace. Our leaders resisted it andwere eventually able to persuadethe Planning Commission to tellthe State Government to retrace itsmove.

why ut...We have to preserve our unique

identity in every sense --- ethnic,linguistic and even religious. We arethe only region to have grand Bud-dhist monasteries and eminentschools of Shia philosophy co-exist-ing with each other.

We are a trans-Himalayan terri-tory that deserves particular atten-tion which is possible only if it isgoverned directly.

We are concerned about ourvery survival because the most of

our "leaders" sitting in Srinagar dis-trust us completely and have madeit known through their actions.

Our huge natural resources inthe form of pashmina and herbalplants, among many others, remainunexploited. The LAHDC has takensome beneficial steps in this regardbut a lot more can be done whichwill be possible only if we have afull-fledged administrative set-uptaking care of them.

We want due recognition for theBhoti language.

In the house of 89 we have onlyfour MLAs in the J&K assembly torepresent the 70 percent of the en-tire state size. We want to have aseparate university.

There should be complete juris-diction of Central institutions likeParlimaent. We don't favour anydilution in this regard. There are anynumber of our "leaders" who havesought and got relief from the Su-preme Court and the National Hu-man Rights Commission after beingdenied the same in the State.

We are unequivocal in our com-mitment to India and don't wantany talk with those who are eitherunclear or mischievous about theirpolitical aims. We don't want to beled by those who are bereft of con-viction and change their tune ac-cording to the occasion. It is as-tounding that even some Commu-nists in the State should exhibit re-ligious biases.

We are for a genuinely secularsociety in which every religion isequally respected. We don't wantdiscrimination on any ground ---religion, gender or region. We seekdignified existence for every indi-vidual.

I wish to point out that almostall remote areas have UTs. I havealready referred to Lakshadweep inthis regard. We can cite the ex-amples of Daman and Diu andNicobar Islands too. One reason

that they have been made UTs istheir isolation from the mainlandheightening the country's securityconcerns. In the case of Ladakh aswell it is cut off from the mainlandfor seven months every year. In-stead of sea we are separated bythe mighty Himalayas. Unlike theIslands, however, we are face toface with hostile neighbours notonly directly eyeing but also target-ing us. Both Pakistan and Chinahave managed to bag a big chunk ofour territory. Our strong point,however, is that we have a power-ful democratic dispensation. Ourcooperation with the Armed Forcesis legendary. This is recognised byone and all. We feel that we cancontribute more in this direction interms of infrastructure if we have aUT. A UT based on the will of thepeople will be the country's bul-wark in Ladakh. Let it not be delayedany further.

In the presentpolitical scenario ofthe State, Ladakh,that had been an

independent king-dom for about nine

centuries until 1830s,has been reduced tomere two districts.This unique region

has its unique prob-lems for which most

of the laws legislatedby the State Govern-ment go against the

interests of thepeople of Ladakh.

LADAKH AFFAIRSDOCUMENTS 46


Ladakh Unanimous for Union Territory

The Ladakh Young Buddhist Association in a memorandum submitted to the interlocutorsthrough Oglus Tandup claimed that people of Ladakh have unanimously agreed, with one clear

voice on demand for Union Territory Stuns with legislature. Full text of document is given below:

Historically, the present conglomeration of three heterogeneous regions of Jammu,

Kashmir and Ladakh were never anorganic political entity and didn'tform any natural cohesion. There isinherent inter-regional and distinctregional-identity in terms of his-tory, physiography, ethnicity, lan-guage and culture. & such Ladakhwith a distinct social-customs andethnicity has no integration withthe Kashmiri speaking Muslimpopulation of Kashmir valley andJammu region with Dogri as theirlanguage and Vedic culture.

Our national integration and pa-triotism towards our Mother- Indiasince the days of Independence isclearly depicted through variousepisodes in Indian History. Whetherit was 1948 war with Pakistan, 1962war with China, 1971 war with Paki-stan, or 1999 Kagil War; the dedica-tion, loyalty and laying down pre-cious lives for Mother-India by thepeople of Ladakh needs no evi-dence. And India should not forgetthat in times of difficulty, crisis andat the instance of swallow-up byneighboring enemies the people ofLadakh have always stood first todefend the motherland and are theonly one who will weep for India inKashmir.

That the political domination ofKashmiri Muslims and their dis-crimination against Ladakh andJammu has kept these two regionsneglected, un-developed and ex-

ploited the aspiration and senti-ments .The democratic process inthe state of Jammu and Kashmirwas manoeuvred by the dominantpolitical representation of the val-ley in the state Legislative Assem-bly by placing the political com-mand of the state in the hands ofKashmiri Muslims. With Kashmirvalley-centric mind-set and delib-erations embarked the LegislativeAssembly in the state, even thoughmore than half of the populationand 90 per cent of the land areabelong to Jammu and Ladakh.

Presently, in the house of 87 -member legislative assembly in thestate, Kashmir valley sends 46 mem-bers and the rest is shared betweenthe two regions with 37 fromJammu and only 4 from Ladakh. Ofthe total six Lok Sabha seats fromthe state, Kashmir valley, Jammuand Ladakh have been sharingthree, two and one seats, respec-tively. The regional share of politi-cal representation in the state is notin conformity with the strength ofpopulation and voters structure ofthe respective region. The votersstrength of Jammu (24,55,174), Kash-mir valley (24,22,765) and Ladakh(1,43719) vividly vindicates that thepeople of Jammu and Ladakh haveuneven representation in the stateLegislative Assembly and due tothis the voice of Jammu and Ladakhregion were absolutely- ignoredand discriminated in the decisionmaking process in the state.

Since no sincere effort wasmade by the dominant Muslim lead-ership in the state to provide equal-opportunity and representation ofrights to the people of Ladakh. Assuch economic-neglect of the re-gion, discrimination in Governmentjobs, setting up of professional in-stitutions, Universities, and ab-sence of Public Service Commissionand JKSSRB centre at Leh etc. In re-ality, the Kashmiri identity becamea synonym of the Muslim identityin the state.

The complete absence of agenuine, democratic and equal rep-resentatives representing in theState legislature, Lok-Sabha andRajya-Sabha and state level leader-ship representing the three geo-ethnic heterogeneous region, theKashmiri identity as being projectedby the political leaders of Kashmirvalley had no takers among ladakhand Jammu region as unacceptableat all. According to GajendragakarCommission set by Govt in 1967 itgives a clear picture by submitting"That the main cause of irritation andtension is the feeling of politicalneglect and discrimination fromwhich the certain regions (Jammuand Ladakh) suffer.

Even if all the matters areequally settled, we feel that therewould still be a measure of discon-tent unless the political aspirationsof the different regions are satis-fied. People of Ladakh feel that1947 was not as the Independence

LADAKH AFFAIRSDOCUMENTS47


of Ladakh but its enslavement tothe leaders of the Kashmir valley.This went to such an extent that, in1952 when Sheikh Abdullah pre-sented the state's budget to theconstituent assembly, he forgotLadakh. When Kushok Bakula pro-tested in a strongly worded speech,Abdullah asked his speech to beexpunged from the records underthe pretext that it was in Englishand not in Urdu.

Consequently now the peopleof Ladakh want immediate freedomfrom the autocratic-dictators andoppressive regime of pre-domi-nantly Kashmiri leadership. Leadersand voices of Kashmir valley cannever be the voices of Ladakh re-gion. The ethno-religious dividecontinued to haunt the dominantinhabitants of Ladakh and Jammuregions. Creation of a separate dis-trict of Doda for the Muslim major-ity area of Udhampur district ofJammu and similar Muslim major-ity district of Kargil after bifurcat-ing the Buddhist majority district ofLadakh is viewed as an ill-designedfundamentalist approach ofKashmiri leaders for ethnic cleans-ing of the state. We are feeling asense of acute insecurity, uncer-tainties, corruption and extremediscrimination at the hands of everhardening Islamic fundamentalists.They have elaborate plans to elimi-nate Buddhists altogether from thestate and they have succeeded to agreat extent. The most glaring situ-ation today is that of the situationof Rangdurn region, Buddhists ofwhich are likely to be evacuatedany time and there is no hope orsupport from any side. These arethe reasons for demanding UnionTerritory status to Ladakh, whichwould guarantee us an administra-tive set-up to run our own affairsand to safeguard our culture andidentity.

The plight of about two lakhHindu migrants from Kashmir val-

ley has confirmed this fear. Theirdeep apprehension is that the fun-damentalist forces with the supportof elements in the state govern-

Conclusion:

Government of India must bestow Union Territory Status with legislaturefor Ladakh in view of divergent political-aspirations, distinct heteroge-neous identity of culture, history, language, geo-political scenario of thepeople in the region. Our assimilation with the mainstream India and grantof our demand within the constitution of India is our fundamental right asbeen provided to other parts of India in the past. Similarly, India shouldnot forget Ladakh's special strategic location, it is the only region in Indiafacing two prominent enemies-The Chinese "PIA" on the high plateau ofAksai Chin and Linzinthang in the north and Pakistan in the east. The re-gion is also the scene of battle for the strategic Siachen Glacier. Therefore,India has two options either to choose patriotic Ladakhi people or anti-nationalist?

ment are systematically trying tobring a demographic change in theregions with the view to make themalso a Muslim majority area.

Our national integration and patriotism towards ourMother- India since the days of Independence is clearly

depicted through various episodes in Indian History.Whether it was 1948 war with Pakistan, 1962 war withChina, 1971 war with Pakistan, or 1999 Kagil War; thededication, loyalty and laying down precious lives for

Mother-India by the people of Ladakh needs no evidence.And India should not forget that in times of difficulty,

crisis and at the instance of swallow-up by neighboringenemies the people of Ladakh have always stood first to

defend the motherland and are the only one who willweep for India in Kashmir. That the political domina-

tion of Kashmiri Muslims and their discriminationagainst Ladakh and Jammu has kept these two regions

neglected, un-developed and exploited the aspiration andsentiments .The democratic process in the state of

Jammu and Kashmir was manoeuvred by the dominantpolitical representation of the valley in the state Legis-lative Assembly by placing the political command of thestate in the hands of Kashmiri Muslims. With Kashmirvalley-centric mind-set and deliberations embarked the

Legislative Assembly in the state, even though morethan half of the population and 90 per cent of the land

area belong to Jammu and Ladakh.

LADAKH AFFAIRSDOCUMENTS 48

epilogue august 2011

Documents

o r e t o

c o n t e n tb e c

u s e t h e r e i s

n e w s

s c i e n c e sin focus

c u r r e n t

n o wvol

o g u eprologuereconciling