encyclopedia of applied psychology || eating, psychology of
TRANSCRIPT
a0005 Eating, Psychology of
Jennifer S. Mills and Julie ColemanYork University, Toronto, Ontario, Canada
s0005
E
1. Introduction
2. Cultural and Environmental Influences on Food Selection
3. Social Influences on Eating Behavior
4. The Role of Personality in Eating Behavior
5. Set Point Model of Weight Regulation
6. Obesity and the Problem of Eating Too Much
7. Overcoming Obstacles to Weight Control
Further Reading
GLOSSARY
basal metabolic rate The daily energy requirements for the
body to perform its basic functions, expressed in terms of
number of calories.
body mass index (BMI) An estimate of body fat or degree of
obesity (BMI = kg/m2).
dieting The attempt to limit food intake in terms of amount
or type of food for the purpose of weight control or
restrained eating.
food neophobia A fear of trying new or novel foods.
satiety The feeling of fullness after eating.
set point An internal sensor of body fat to which metabolic
processes will respond to achieve a balance of energy input
and expenditure so as to defend a specific weight range for
an individual.
Eating is a complex human behavior that is influenced
by cultural, social, personality, and biological factors.
Dieting, obesity, and overeating all are important social
and health problems within applied psychology. The
Encyclopedia of Applied Psychology, 655VOLUME 1
absence of demonstrably successful weight loss
programs, as well as controversy over the supposed
health benefits of weight loss in the long term, casts
doubt on the popular notion that dieting makes peoplehealthier.
1. INTRODUCTION
One might think that a behavior so essential to our
survival as eating would be fully explained through
biology. It might seem that, like other essential behav-
iors such as sleeping and breathing, one could neatly
explain the physiological mechanisms at work just
before we put food into our mouths. However, decades
of research into the biological mechanisms involved ineating have produced rather disappointing results. It
seems that humans just do not do a very good job of
eating in accordance with verifiable hunger and satiety
cues. The biological perspective of eating posits that we
should eat when our metabolic energy fuels are
expended. However, one problem with this explana-
tion of eating behavior is that humans often report
feeling ‘‘hunger’’ despite ample energy stores in theform of body fat. Furthermore, most of us eat much
more food than we require to remain alive. Another
problem with the biological explanation of eating is
that overall blood glucose levels (another index of
metabolic energy) do not correspond well with
reported hunger or (again) eating behavior. Finally,
the hormone and neurotransmitter involvement in
#2004 Elsevier Inc.
All rights reserved.
s0010
656 Eat ing , Psycho logy o f
hunger and eating is especially complex and not yetcompletely understood, with several hormones poten-
tially involved (e.g., leptin, insulin, ghrelin, cholecyso-
kinin). Rather than being determined by iatrogenic
biological markers, humans’ eating behavior seems to
be largely determined by factors outside the individual.
This article examines the psychology of eating and
attempts to answer the question of why we generally
tend not to eat according to hunger and fullness.Culture and environment, sensory factors, social fac-
tors, and even personality can influence food choice
and eating behavior, and all of these factors take us
further away from eating according to our internal
hunger and satiety cues. The article also examines the
problems of eating too much and obesity as well as
what applied psychology can tell us about the solutions
to these complex health problems.
2. CULTURAL ANDENVIRONMENTAL INFLUENCES
ON FOOD SELECTION
In general, our diets are made up of what is readily
available for us to eat. To a large extent, our culture
decides for us the type of food we can eat as well as the
portion sizes we consider to be normative. In brief, wetend to eat what is put in front of us. For instance, the
North American diet, replete with an overabundance of
saturated fats and larger portion sizes as compared
with its international counterparts, can at least par-
tially explain North America’s relatively high obesity
rates. Experimental studies have confirmed that the
more we are served, the more we eat.
Humans and animals alike experience food neopho-bia, that is, an intrinsic fear of trying new or novel
foods. This fear is believed to serve a protective func-
tion in that it dissuades us from eating foods with
which we are not familiar and that might not be safe.
Factors that have been shown to increase food neopho-
bia include knowledge that the food is of animal origin
as well as trait and state anxiety. Factors that decrease
our unwillingness to try new foods include modelingby others trying the new food, information about the
nutritional value of the food, information about the
good taste of the food, and mere exposure to the food.
In addition to the role of culture in determining our
diets, personal learning experience dictates which
foods we will and will not tend to include in our
diets. Negative food associations are formed quite
readily. For example, a single episode of upper gastro-intestinal illness (i.e., vomiting) after eating a particu-
lar food can be enough to produce a strong and
resilient conditioned taste aversion. Presumably, this
aversion has a protective function by keeping us away
from a food that may make us sick again and endanger
our health. Interestingly, illness after ingesting foods of
animal origin is more likely to lead to the development
of a conditioned taste aversion than is illness aftereating fruits, grains, or vegetables.
Sensory qualities of foods themselves may override
our bodies’ hunger and satiety cues, resulting in our
eating either more or less of the foods. For instance, we
generally eat more as a function of the variety of foods
we are offered, with total food intake increasing with
greater variety. Even variety in the texture of a single
type of food we are offered (e.g., different pasta shapes,ice cream vs milkshake) can increase our total food
intake as compared with the presentation of a single
texture of that food alone. The taste of a food also
moderates our desire to eat more or less of it. Foods
that are high in sugar and fat are intrinsically more
appealing to the human palate, so it is not surprising
that we are more likely to consume more of these foods
when we are given the opportunity. According to theevolutionary perspective, this preference for sweet and
fatty foods is due to those foods’ scarcity during the
hunting-and-gathering phase of human evolution and
their energy content per gram of food as compared
with foods high in protein. We can also lose our
appetite for eating a specific food, a phenomenon
known as sensory specific satiety, but then begin eating
again when a new food is introduced. Most of us haveexperienced a resurgence of appetite for dessert,
despite feeling full after finishing dinner. It is as though
our bodies ‘‘get bored’’ of a particular food or taste after
a while, prompting us to seek out more variety in our
diets. This effect would presumably have a positive
impact on our health by increasing the number of
nutrients in our system.
Despite the cultural variations in cuisine and foodselection, research has shown that humans are gener-
ally good at self-selecting a nutritionally balanced
diet—at least they are as children. In a classic series
of studies by Davis, human toddlers were offered a
‘‘buffet-style’’ meal plan and were allowed to choose
the type and amount of food they ate. Her results
showed that the toddlers self-selected foods that
together made up a nutritionally balanced diet andresulted in a normal and stable pattern of weight
regulation.
s0015
s0020
Eat ing , Psycho logy o f 657
3. SOCIAL INFLUENCES ON EATINGBEHAVIOR
Although we may start out with an intrinsic appetite forfoods that will maximize our chances of being healthy as
well as a general reliance on internal hunger and fullness
cues, as we grow, our eating is more likely to be influ-
enced by non-nutrient-related variables. One social fac-
tor affecting how much we eat is the number of people
who are present in a given situation. We generally eat
more as a power function of the number of people
present. One proposed explanation for this social facil-itation of eating behavior is related to competition for
food resources; that is, we do not want to lose out on the
opportunity to eat by letting our companions get to the
food first. Another explanation is that the mere presence
of people may provide distraction from our satiety cues.
Of course, in real life, the presence of eating companions
is often confounded by other factors that stimulate eat-
ing such as the variety and quantity of foods available(e.g., the ‘‘dinner party’’ effect). There is some evidence
that the relationship between people who are eating
together also moderates this social facilitation effect;
that is, we are more likely to eat dessert when our eating
companions are friends than when they are strangers.
This suggests that the presence of others, particularly
others with whom we are socially close, reduces inhibi-
tions around eating. Interestingly, the idea that we eatmore with more people present does not appear to hold
true for obese and dieting individuals, who actually eat
less when eating with others and are prone to splurge
when eating alone. Presumably, for these individuals, an
impression management motive—the desire to present
themselves to others as being small eaters—overrides
the effect of social facilitation of eating.
In addition to the mere presence of other individuals,the eating behavior of those individuals affects our own
eating behavior. Modeling by others has a strong influ-
ence on eating behavior in that individuals tend to match
the amount eaten by those with whom they are eating.
For instance, even when we are very hungry, we will
tend to match a small amount eaten by our companions.
4. THE ROLE OF PERSONALITYIN EATING BEHAVIOR
Personality also influences diet and eating behavior.
The goal of weight loss or weight maintenance is the
most common reason for efforts to control one’s eating.
Herman and Polivy’s ‘‘restraint theory’’ of eating behav-ior emphasizes the importance of chronic attempts at
dieting as a predictor of food intake and has been very
influential in the study of eating behavior. In research
studies, restrained eaters (or chronic dieters) have
been shown to demonstrate several differences with
respect to their eating as compared with their unrest-
rained eating counterparts. Psychologically, restrained
eaters exhibit higher body dissatisfaction, lower self-esteem, and a higher drive for thinness. Although diet-
ers’ eating can be characterized essentially as an
attempt to reduce energy intake (calories, fat, and/or
portion size), they are especially prone to overeating.
Laboratory studies of eating often employ a taste test
methodology to demonstrate this effect. Participants
are allowed to ad lib eat as part of an ostensible taste
test during which they rate the different taste proper-ties of the food (e.g., sweetness, saltiness). Their total
food intake is measured by subtracting the weight of
the plate(s) (or, in some cases, counting the number of
food items eaten such as candies) after the experiment
from the preexperiment weight. Sometimes, partici-
pants are given a ‘‘preload’’ or snack to eat before the
taste test, and they are typically exposed to an inde-
pendent variable of interest before the eating task.Disinhibited eating or overeating among dieters has
been demonstrated to occur in response to ingestion
of a high-calorie preload (e.g., milkshake, chocolate
bar), stress, perceived weight gain, food cues, lowered
mood, positive mood, exposure to thin media images,
and even anticipated future overeating. With all of
these and more potentially disinhibiting factors, it is
not surprising that studies have shown that dieterstend to eat more overall, and also weigh more, than
do nondieters. As noted previously, humans are
inclined to select foods based on their sensory quali-
ties. Obese and dieting individuals are particularly
dependent on external and sensory cues in deciding
how much of a food to eat, showing a heightened
preference for good-tasting food over that of their
normal-weight or nondieting counterparts.Herman and Polivy’s ‘‘boundary model’’ of overeating
posits that restrained eaters have a cognitively deter-
mined ‘‘diet boundary’’ that exists before the experience
of satiety. This boundary represents what a dieter
believes he or she should eat. Under normal conditions,
food intake is expected to remain within the limits set
by the diet boundary. However, once eating has
surpassed the boundary limit (e.g., by ingesting a high-calorie preload such as a milkshake), eating will
continue until eventual fullness is achieved. Herman
s0025
s0030
658 Eat ing , Psycho logy o f
and Polivy labeled this event the ‘‘what the hell’’ effect;given that the dieter’s self-imposed diet boundary has
already been surpassed, the dieter continues to eat until
satiety and sometimes even beyond. Therefore, intended
eating behavior for restrained eaters is cognitively deter-
mined by perceptions of what should be eaten in terms
of type or quantity of food. In contrast, unrestrained
eating is relatively more determined by an awareness of
hunger or satiety cues.
5. SET POINT MODEL OF WEIGHTREGULATION
There is solid evidence for a genetic factor in body
weight determination. In terms of weight, adopted
children tend to resemble their biological parents
more than they do their adoptive parents. Identical
twins, even when reared apart, are more similar interms of weight than are fraternal twins or siblings.
These examples suggest that genetics plays a role in
determining one’s ‘‘set point,’’ that is, a type of internal
sensor around which weight is regulated. When fat
levels fall below this set point, the body responds by
slowing metabolic processes so as to require fewer
calories, thereby making the body more efficient in its
energy expenditures and fighting against the depletionof fat stores. Keys and colleagues demonstrated this
scenario in an experimental study of human semistar-
vation during World War II. Participants in the study
were young men who agreed to lose 25% of their body
weights for the study for the purpose of determining
the best way in which to refeed starving people in war-
torn Europe. On rations of 50% of their original daily
caloric intake, the men initially lost weight quickly.However, over the 6-month starvation phase of the
experiment, the men’s rate of weight loss reached a
plateau, with many participants’ rations needing to be
cut even further to achieve the desired weight loss.
Keys’s starving participants exhibited a number of
symptoms characteristic of the body’s corrective action
of falling below its normal weight (and, presumably,
below its set point in this initially nondieting sample).The men became irritable, miserable, hungry, and
obsessed with thoughts of food. Their basal metabolic
rates decreased significantly, indicating their bodies’
desire to conserve as many calories as possible. They
became apathetic and lethargic, avoiding as much
physical activity and energy expenditure as possible.
They had very strong urges to overeat, and when they
were allowed to eat during the refeeding phase of theexperiment, they overate and demonstrated a prefer-
ence for high-calorie foods that would increase their fat
stores most quickly, a situation that is consistent with
the predictions of set point theory.
In another study of the effects of overeating that also
found evidence supporting the set point theory, Sims
and colleagues recruited prison inmate volunteers to
gain 25% of their body weights as part of an experi-ment. The men’s food intake was increased, and their
physical activity was decreased and controlled. At first,
the volunteers gained weight easily, but the rate of
weight gain soon slowed and their daily caloric intake
had to be increased for them to continue gaining. One
man did not reach his goal weight even though he
consumed more than 10,000 calories per day. Once
the men reached their goal weights, the men continuedto require extra calories to maintain their higher than
normal weights. During the experiment, these volun-
teers began to be repulsed by food and had to force
themselves to eat. Many considered dropping out of
the study due to the discomfort of overeating. Physical
responses included an increased basal metabolic rate
and profuse sweating, indications that their bodies
were eliminating the excess calories they were ingest-ing. After the experiment, there were differences in
how quickly the men returned to their preexperiment
weights, with two participants (both with family his-
tories of obesity) never reaching their original weights.
In sum, there is evidence that our body weights and
shapes have a genetic component, but changes in eating
behavior, hormones, or other variables can also produce
weight gain or loss. Because of this apparent contra-diction, some researchers have abandoned the set
point theory of weight regulation in favor of a ‘‘settling
zone’’ alternative. In 2002, Levitsky argued that within
the biologically determined range or zone of body
weight, actual body composition may ‘‘settle’’ at a value
determined by behavior. Furthermore, the width of
one’s settling zone may also depend on individual fac-
tors such that some individuals will naturally experiencegreater weight fluctuations over time than will others.
6. OBESITY AND THE PROBLEMOF EATING TOO MUCH
Although genetics can predispose individuals to higher
than average weights, there is no doubt that overeating
can contribute to obesity. Because of societal pressure
s0035
Eat ing , Psycho logy o f 659
to be thin and the stigma against overweight persons inmany parts of the world, the obese and dieting popula-
tions overlap considerably. Therefore, many of the
disinhibiting factors discussed in the preceding section
operate regularly on the eating behavior of obese per-
sons, leading to frequent episodes of overeating. In the
preceding section, it was pointed out that overeating
can occur beyond the point of satiety and until stom-
ach capacity is eventually reached. Binge eating con-sists of eating episodes that involve consuming large
quantities of food (e.g., twice a normal serving) com-
bined with a feeling of being out of control. For binge
eaters, food intake may continue until they reach
capacity, and there is never really a sense of feeling as
if they have eaten enough to satisfy their hunger. Binge
eating combined with compensatory behaviors, such as
self-induced vomiting, excessive exercise, extremefood restriction, and laxative abuse, is the hallmark of
bulimia nervosa, an eating disorder. ‘‘Binge eating dis-
order,’’ although not currently a formal diagnostic
category, is characterized by regular binge eating epi-
sodes without attempts at compensation and is esti-
mated to be highly prevalent in the obese population.
There is little consensus on the technical definition
of obesity. Traditionally, charts that provide normalweight ranges for various heights and body frame
sizes were the standard tool for determining normal
weight and overweight. These charts were originally
published by the Metropolitan Life Insurance
Company in 1959, were based on associated mortality
rates, and have undergone revisions during more
recent years. Another method that gained popularity
during the 1990s is the body mass index (BMI), whichis defined as BMI = kg/m2. A BMI of 20 to 25 is
considered to be medically ideal, and obesity is defined
as a BMI of 30 or more. However, unlike the
Metropolitan Life Insurance charts, BMI does not take
into account gender, age, or body frame. Body fat
distribution can be estimated through one’s hip-to-
waist ratio. A low hip-to-waist ratio indicates that the
person is carrying fat around their midsection, whereasa high hip-to-waist ratio indicates a relatively small
waist and larger hips. The skinfold technique measures
the thickness of a pinch of skin, usually under the
upper arm. Despite the convenience and low cost of
all these techniques, none of them is very accurate at
measuring body fat. The most accurate method for
assessing body fat is the water displacement method,
whereby the individual is immersed in a tank of waterand the displaced amount of water is measured.
Obviously, this method has its practical drawbacks.
Obesity is unquestionably socially undesirable in manycultures today. But is it actually unhealthy?
Unfortunately, the research is unclear as to how much
weight gain is associated with increased health risks such
as hypertension and cardiovascular disease. Being obese
(BMI > 30) has reliably been shown to put people at a
significantly elevated risk for all-cause morbidity, prema-
ture death, type 2 diabetes, gallbladder disease, high blood
pressure, sleep apnea, respiratory problems, liver disease,osteoarthritis, reproductive problems (in women), and
colon cancer. However, those in the overweight category
(25 < BMI < 30) might not experience much more risk
than do those in the normal weight range. Furthermore,
weight loss itself can be a health risk for some. Most
experts agree that there is a U-shaped relationship
between weight and mortality and that a person’s optimal
weight range is uniquely determined by his or her ownbiology, varying with age and even ethnic background.
7. OVERCOMING OBSTACLESTO WEIGHT CONTROL
Of course, the most common method for weight loss is
caloric restriction through dieting. However, most nor-
mal-weight dieters would be healthier if they did not
diet at all. Dieting has psychological costs (e.g., irri-tability, hunger, food obsession), may be ineffective in
improving health, and can worsen body dissatisfaction.
Anorexia nervosa, another eating disorder, is charac-
terized by extreme food restriction despite very low
weight. The dieting of anorexics typically has a com-
pulsive quality to it, and anorexia nervosa is routinely a
difficult disorder to treat.
There are several obstacles to weight loss throughdieting. A person’s genetically influenced set point may
be higher than his or her desired weight, and efforts at
reducing caloric intake may be counterproductive and
result in decreased metabolism and increased fat stores.
Dieting individuals show an increased preference for
restricted or forbidden foods and are more sensitive to
sensory food cues, eating more good-tasting foods—
foods that are also likely to be higher in sugar and/or fatcontent. Emotional states may lead to overeating or binge
eating. Finally, calorically dense foods are all too avail-
able and convenient, leading to unbalanced food choices.
With an increasingly thin and lean physical ideal for
both men and women, it is not surprising that there has
been a rise in more drastic weight loss methods over
recent years. All of the drastic weight loss methods are
t0005TABLE I
Suggestions for Successful Weight Control
� Spread daily caloric intake evenly throughout the day. Do
not skip meals.
� Try to eat only in a regular place and at regular times.
� Observe suggested serving sizes.
� Avoid buffets and second helpings.
� Eat slowly.
� Eat in the company of others.
� Do not read or watch television while eating.
� Limit intake of high-calorie foods.
� Allow for variety. Do not label any foods as ‘‘forbidden.’’
� Do not try to lose weight too quickly.
� Find non-food-related ways in which to cope with negative
emotional states.
� Combine diet with exercise.
660 Eat ing , Psycho logy o f
personal, social, and/or professional realms. In reality,weight loss rarely brings about the type of happiness
that dieters anticipate. In addition, many chronic diet-
ers demonstrate ‘‘false hope beliefs’’ around dieting.
That is, despite numerous failed attempts in the past,
these dieters believe that the next diet will surely work.
Previous diet failures are frequently attributed to lack
of will power or perseverance on the part of the dieters
rather than to the intrinsically difficult nature of suc-cessful long-term weight loss. Not only is this belief
incorrect, but it can also be demoralizing, often exacer-
bating the poor self-image that precedes dieting efforts.
See Also the Following Articles
Health and Culture n Health Psychology, Cross-Cultural
Further Reading
De Castro, J. M., & Plunkett, S. (2002). A general model of
intake regulation. Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Reviews,
26, 581–595.
Drewnowski, A. (1995). Energy intake and sensory proper-
ties of food. American Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 62,
S1081–S1085.
Fairburn, C. G., & Brownell, K. D. (2003). Eating disorders
and obesity: A comprehensive handbook (2nd ed.). New York:
Guilford.
Hetherington, M. M. (1996). Sensory-specific satiety and
its importance in meal termination. Neuroscience and
Biobehavioral Reviews, 20, 113–117.
Levitsky, D. A. (2002). Putting behavior back into feeding
behavior. Appetite, 38, 143–148.
Martins, Y., Pelchat, M. L., & Pliner, P. (1997). ‘‘Try it; it’s good
and it’s good for you’’: Effects of taste and nutrition informa-
tion on willingness to try novel foods. Appetite, 28, 89–102.
Ogden, J. (2003). The psychology of eating. Oxford, UK:
Blackwell.
Polivy, J., & Herman, C. P. (2002). Causes of eating disor-
ders. Annual Review of Psychology, 53, 187–214.
Stunkard, A. J., Sorensen, T. I. A., Hanis, C., Teasdale, T. W.,
Chakraborty, R., Schull, W. J., & Schulsinger, F. (1986).
An adoption study of human obesity. New England Journal
of Medicine, 314, 193–198.
unhealthy. Extreme restriction and elimination of a
food category from an individual’s diet are nutrition-
ally ill advised. Fasting, surgery, and diet drugs have
significant and sometimes fatal health risks associated
with them. Even when weight loss is achieved (and
regardless of the method used), weight loss is very
difficult to maintain in the absence of permanent life-style changes and good nutritional habits.
However, despite the low success rates of weight loss
methods in general, most experts agree that the way in
which individuals select foods and eat can have a
positive impact on their weight and health. Table I
displays suggestions for achieving a healthy and stable
weight. The goal of these behaviors is to bring one’s
eating more in line with bodily cues of hunger andsatiety and to try to override many of the psychological
factors that can lead to overeating.
In addition to these practical ways in which to make
eating more in tune with the body’s needs, cognitive
factors can be modified to reduce a reliance on dieting.
Specifically, there is evidence that many dieters
demonstrate unrealistic expectations for weight loss.
They believe that profound and positive changes willresult from losing weight in terms of their success in