education in kashmir [naseem}

7/29/2019 Education in Kashmir [NASEEM}

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Hiba Arshad

kashmircorps2008

Education in KashmirHistorical Overview and Current Analysis


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The residents of Kashmir have often been called prisoners in heaven (Ganai, 2008). They areprisoners of one of the worlds longest interstate conflicts, juxtaposed to an exquisiteenvironmental setting. The ongoing strife has cost over 70,000 Kashmiri lives and played a

major role in the underdevelopment of Kashmir (Schofield, 1997). In light of this conflictbetween Pakistan and India, especially as compounded by the 2008 summer riots, it is nowmore important than ever that the turmoil surrounding Kashmir be addressed. Social servicesfrom the State, including education, have been greatly affected by this conflict (Jammu &Kashmir Development Report, 2003). It can be argued that until these issues are resolved, thepolitically precarious situation of Kashmir will be prolonged even further. History has shownthat conflict arises when the majority in Kashmir is ignored and deprived of equal access,opportunities, or a political voice (Rai, 2004). Therefore, it is in the best interest of policymakers to ensure equal and adequate educational, political, and economic opportunities forKashmiris.

This paper provides an overview of educational development in Kashmir, both historically andcurrently, in the context of the political conflict. The scope of this paper has been narroweddown to the Indian State of Jammu and Kashmir, and not the Dogra Kingdom of Jammu andKashmir, due to access to reliable data. A comprehensive examination of the entire State of

Jammu and Kashmir, or the Dogra Kingdom of Jammu and Kashmir, disregarding the Line ofControl between Indian and Pakistan administered Jammu and Kashmir, would be ideal.However, circumstances did not allow this research to manifest. By highlighting educationaldevelopment in Indian administered Jammu and Kashmir within a historical framework, thepatterns of conflict are contextualized. This paper seeks to address the lack of comprehensiveand unbiased information regarding educational development in Kashmir, in hopes to begin adialogue that centers on the people of Kashmir, rather than the political interests of the two

nuclear nations of Pakistan and India.

In order to address the issue of educational development in Jammu and Kashmir, it isimportant to define the vocabulary used in this analysis. Jammu and Kashmir (JK) is theIndian administered State of Jammu and Kashmir. Kashmir is defined as the Muslim-majorityNorthern valley of the Indian State of Jammu and Kashmir (Habibullah, 2008). Educationaldevelopment is defined as the systematic efforts to improve the education system in Kashmir inorder to support broader socio-economic development. The term Kashmiri Pandit isinterchangeable for Hindu, as most Hindus in Kashmir belong to Hinduisms Pandit caste(Mir, 2003). A clarification of all of these terms is necessary, especially to aid those who arenot familiar with the region.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY


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The beautiful landscape of this disputedState bestows an ironic backdrop on one ofthe longest running, unresolved, interstate-

armed conflicts in the world. Kashmirs richethnic and religious diversity is a microcosmof India. Jammu and Kashmir is a veryethno-linguistically complex and culturallyunique State, the origins of which can betraced back to its dense history (Burki,2007). The diversity of the region has hadmajor effects on the development ofeducation, often determining which groupreceives better educational opportunitiesthan others, a pattern which will be

discussed concurrently with the conflict.History has shownthat the rulers of theState have longignored the needs ofa majority of itsresidents (Rai, 2004).The majority ofKashmiri peoplehave historically

longed for self-determination, aright that has yet tobe granted to themfrom any of its rulersin the past threecenturies, including the Government ofIndia.

Currently, the State of Jammu and Kashmirin India includes three regions Jammu,

Kashmir, and Ladakh (see Maps). Ladakhcomprises of mountainous landscapes andforms the Eastern part of the State that sharesa border with Tibet; it is also home to theBuddhist minority in JK. Jammu, which hoststhe winter capital of JK, is located in theSouthern part of the State that contains theHindu minority in JK. A majority ofMuslims live in the Northern valley of the

INTRODUCTION

State, Kashmir, which is also the location ofJKs summer capital city, Srinagar.Currently, JK is the only Muslim majority

State in India with over 80% of thepopulation being Muslim. The residents ofJK mostly reside in rural areas; only 20%live in urban areas (Jammu & KashmirDevelopment Report, 2003). The scenicState is home to the worlds largest militaryoccupation from the worlds largestdemocracy, comprising an estimated500,000 to 700,000 Indian troops(Crossette, 1997).

Exploring the religious demographics of aregion is also helpfulin establishing athorough overview ofa region. Prior toMughal conquest ofthe Kashmiri valley,most inhabitantswere KashmiriPandits, who areclassified in the

highest caste ofHinduism, theBrahmin class ofeducators, scholarsand preachers in

Hinduism (Schofield, 1997). Historiansdispute whether the conversion of Muslimsin the valley was forced or initiated by thefollowers themselves (Mir, 2003). However,it is universally agreed that Muslims quickly

became the majority, and belonged to alower socioeconomic class than theKashmiri Pandits. This division andpolarization due to religion began a patternof domination by the religious minoritywealthy class, a pattern that has historicallyinfiltrated the education systems of Kashmir(Rai, 2004).


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HISTORY OF EDUCATION IN KASHMIR

In order to systematically assemble thecurrent picture of education in a particulararea in conflict, it is important to study the

history of the region. Given the lingeringhistory of the conflict, there are many issuesaffecting educational development in theState. In the case of Kashmir as well as othersocieties, the beginnings of a moderneducation system can almost always betraced back to religion and colonialism(Raza, 1984). However, in Kashmir,religion and colonialism are also a part ofthe deep-rooted conflict, which has hadseverely detrimental effects on educational

opportunities in the State. A closer look athistorical educational development in thestate displays a link between politics andeducation, as many of the policies ofeducation in Kashmir were developed bypolitical leaders with their own agenda (Mir,2003). These political leaders did notdevelop these policies with the majority ofKashmiri people in mind, causing conflictand an entrenched distrust between the

people of Kashmir and the politicalrepresentation in Kashmir (Habibullah,2008). These issues can be seen throughthe following exploration of the historicaldevelopment of education in Kashmir.

The First Anglo-Sikh war transpired for ayear in 1845, between the British and theSikh army. The Sikhs lost due to the BritishArmies access to Gulab Singh, whoprovided the British with intelligence from

the Sikh court (Pal, 2006). In order toreward Singh for treachery against his ownpeople, he was made the Maharaja(Prince) of Jammu and Kashmir under theTreaty of Amritsar on March 16, 1846. Inthis treaty, British unified Jammu, Kashmir,Gilgit, and Ladakh into the Princely State of

Jammu and Kashmir and sold it to Maharaja

Gulab Singh, for a fee of seven millionrupees according to some historians (Rai,2004). Jammu and Kashmir at that time was

stretched over an area of 84,471 squaremiles and had about a million inhabitants(Government of Jammu and Kashmir, 2006).Some historians state that Singh paid sevenrupees for each resident (Habibullah, 2008).Singh, a Hindu, became the first Dogra rulerof Muslim majority Jammu and Kashmir, butthe British Empire still ruled him. Throughsubordinate isolation, the British madeallies out of local rulers who would secureBritish interests, not the interests of the

Kashmiri people (Rai, 2004). Thisinstitutionalized disregard for the Kashmiripeoples needs has caused a disjuncturebetween the Kashmiri people and theirhistorical rulers. The Kashmiri people havebeen systematically left out of their owndialogue, and this can be seen through thehistorical interpretation of educationaldevelopment in the State (Mir, 2003).

Education development in Kashmir began in

1857 by the son of Maharaja Gulab Singhand the second Dogra ruler of Jammu andKashmir, Maharaja Ranbir Singh (Chohan,1998). He led an eminent court thatconsisted of mostly elite Hindus, with someMuslims, all who received land, titles, andprivileges to keep them loyal. The elitistcourt took away the rights of the peasants tobuy land, thereby effectively reducingKashmiri Muslims to landless tenants (Rai,

2004). Singh established Vidya Vilas Press,the first press in JK, to translate books intoSanksrit for Hindu male scholars to study inthe first two schools built in Jammu. A thirdschool was opened in Kashmir in 1874,displaying the Hindu leaders priorities ineducating the elite Brahmin Hindus(Chohan, 1998). Yet with the majority of the


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population being Muslim, Maharaja RanbirSingh and his Hindu majority, Muslimminority court slowly began to include

Islamic education. Soon, all three schoolsexpanded their curriculum to include thestudy of Persian, English, Sanskrit, Tibetan,and Law (Mir, 2003). During this period oftime, a majority of learning institutes werededicated and affiliated with religiousstudies for males only (Biscoe, 1925).

Education in JK was modeled after theBritish education system due to the effects ofcolonization (Raza, 1984). A movement

towards the Western definition ofeducation marginalized the traditionalreligious study schools, and had amodernizing effect on the populationeducated by the Western standards, theHindu Brahmins (Mir, 2003). The firstWestern and modern boys school inKashmir was founded in 1880, by Reverend

J. Hinton Knowles in the premises ofMissionary Hospital in Srinagar (Tyndale-Biscoe, 1930). Founded as the Church

Mission Society Boys School, it is nowcalled the Tyndale Biscoe School, namedafter Cecil Earle Tyndale Biscoe, a Britishmissionary who became the schoolsprincipal in 1891. Biscoe is often attributedwith founding the modern education systemin Kashmir, through western modernizationand rejection of local traditions (Mir, 2003).

He set out to raise up this hapless people,and founded the schools egalitarian andanti-caste system motto, In All Things BeMen (Tyndale-Biscoe, 1930). The 250students in the ten-year-old school were allBrahmin Hindus who initially refused topartake in many of the schools activities,including soccer, for touching leather wouldrender them unholy. The Muslim majority

was again ignored by the leaders (Rai,2004). However, Biscoe introduced socialparity and individualism to those select

students, who believed in the caste systemand collectivism. He introduced soccer,modernization, and western individualisticbeliefs to the Brahmins despite a stiffresistance from the locals (Mir, 2003). Infew years, the original primary school roseto become a high school that local familiesfought to send their children to, anddiscernable opposition melted away due tothe desirability of learning the Englishlanguage and the idea of modernity (Weil,

1985). Biscoe served the Church MissionSociety Boys School for many decades; healso undertook many social service programacademics and extra curricular activities.By 1890, there were ten schools functioningin the State on these modern lines (Tyndale-Biscoe, 1930). There was also a regularschool inspector, JK schools were affiliatedwith Punjab Universitys syllabus andcurriculum, and examinations were given

every six months. The Mission School inKashmir was educating and modernizing aselect group of the already elite BrahminHindu class, the highest caste in the castesystem (Chohan, 1998).

There were two groups of students that werenot served by the new visionary school,Muslims and girls. However, leaders wouldemerge that desired a promotion in theeducation of both groups in Kashmir. In

1899, the Mirwaiz (Muslim head priest ofKashmir), Moulvi Rasool Shah, founded anorganization called Anjuman-i-Nusrat-ul-Islam (ANI) to promote religious educationamong the almost illiterate majority ofKashmiri Muslims (Rai, 2004). ANI had itshumble beginnings in a cottage in centralSrinagar (Peer, 2004). Eventually with the



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help of small grants from the DograMaharaja, the Mirwaiz transformed theseminary into a school offering both secular

and religious education (Zutshi, 1986). ANIspread its networks of schools throughoutKashmir, and enabled thousands to receiveeducation through their Islamia Schools.Eventually, Muslims began to partake inmodern education.

Girls education in Kashmir faced a moreproblematic situation. In the 1890s, a girlsschool was started in Kashmir by one of thewomen from the British Church Mission,

only to close due to an incident where girlsflung themselves out of a window whenpeople on the streetshouted that Europeansonly want to kidnap girls(Tyndale-Biscoe, 1930).The effort to educateKashmiri girls regainedmomentum in 1912, whena Church Mission SocietyGirls School opened with

17 students. The principalof this school noticed in1914 that not a trainedKashmiri woman teacher is to be found inSrinagar (Biscoe, 1925). These historicalproblems with girls education and theeducation of the Hindu minority versus theMuslim majority show up again and againin the years to come, indicating that thepolicies and programs the State is

implementing are not and have not beenhistorically egalitarian (Rai, 2004).

By 1925 the education system had made anincredible amount of progress for the HinduKashmiri Pandit population that it served.There was one technical institute, twocolleges, two teacher training institutes, 11high schools, 42 middle schools, and 583primary schools (Chohan, 1998). Two thirds

of the government schools were free, andfollowed a set curriculum and standards forenrollment into Punjab University, so that

the best students could eventually beemployed in prestigious governmentpositions (Tyndale-Biscoe, 1930). Entranceexaminations were competitive, and if astudent did not receive high marks theywould resort to unemployment. The studentwould remain unemployed due to theKashmiri Pandit societys discernment withmanual labor, the only other form ofemployment besides State service (Rai,2004). The educated yet unemployed group

is a recurring phenomenon in Kashmir,where educationaldevelopment has precededeconomic development(Burki, 2007).

Sheikh MohammadAbdullah, also known asthe Lion of Kashmir, waspart of the very smalleducated yet marginalized

Muslim Kashmiricommunity. In the late1920s, the Dogra rulers

practiced discrimination against KashmiriMuslim students (Rai, 2004). Thisdiscriminatory policy caused the State toreject Abdullah, and only Hindus gainedadmission. At the same time people spokeof the right to education for the Muslimcommunity, students were turned away

from educational institutions due to theirreligion (Mir, 2003). Abdullah finallymanaged to obtain admission in IslamiyaCollege, a Muslim college in Lahore. Aftercompleting this part of his education, heapplied to the JK State Government again foradmission into medical school, but wasagain rejected (Taseer, 2005).


The effort to educate Kashmirigirls regained momentum in1912, when a Church MissionSociety girls school opened with17 students. The principal of thisschool noted in 1914 that, nota single trained Kashmiri womanteacher is to be found in

SrinagarBiscoe, C. E. T. (1925). Kashmir in Sunlight

and Shade. London: Seeley, Service.


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After he attended a plethora of MuslimUniversities, Abdullah eventually becamethe first Kashmiri Muslim to have obtained

Masters Degree in Chemistry. Full of hope,Abdullah then applied to the JK StateGovernment to pursue a Doctoral course inChemistry in England, only to be rejectedagain for the third time (Taseer, 2005).However, by this time Abdullah wasinfluenced by liberal and progressive ideasand became convinced that the feudalsystem was responsible for the disparity ofthe Kashmiri people. These earlyexperiences convinced him that Kashmiri

Muslims had as much hope of obtainingjustice from the feudal Dogra Hindu ruler asobtaining milk by squeezing a stone,(Taseer, 2005).

In 1931, there was a Kashmiri uprising ledby Sheikh Abdullah and his colleaguesagainst the Dogra Maharaja (Zutshi, 1986).Although this uprising was swiftlycontrolled, it eventually led to theintroduction of a limited form of democracy

through the creation of a legislativeassembly in 1934 (Habibullah, 2008). Whatbegan as a curious student seekingeducation opportunities quickly spun intothe first indigenous uprising in Kashmir(Taseer, 2005). If the Kashmiri Muslimswere historically given equal educationalopportunities as the Hindu elite, perhapsthere would be a more peaceful Kashmirtoday.

After the British Empires hold over theIndian subcontinent unraveled in 1947, the560 princely states of India had to joineither Pakistan or India (Blank, 1999). Thispartition split up the State of Jammu andKashmir into three parts, and wreakedhavoc onto the States education system (Pal,2006). Schools were destroyed, families

were torn apart, and random acts ofviolence ensued (Ganai, 2008). One-third ofthe State was made into Pakistan-

administered Azad (Free) Jammu andKashmir, and two thirds went to Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir (Burki,2007). This 1947 partition of India andPakistan, with its enforced control over thepicturesque State of Jammu and Kashmir,was merely a continuation of three centuriesof struggles for the control of Jammu andKashmir by the Mughal, Dogra, and BritishEmpires (Mir, 2003). As dissimilar as all ofthese dynasties were, they held one truth in

common a disregard for the regionsindigenous people.

By the time the 1947 partition of Pakistanand India materialized, there were 2,158educational institutes, and the educationbudget was 7% of JKs revenue (Chohan,1998). After the partition the educationalinstitutes in JK dwindled down to 1,835, anumerical display of the conflictsdetrimental effect on the education system

(Raza, 1984). However, the Kashmiripeople persevered and continued theexpansion and development of educationdespite the political uncertainty that plaguedthe region at the time (Ganai, 2008). Just ayear after partition, in 1948, a TextbookAdvisory Board was established as well asthe University of Kashmir (Ganai, 2008). By1960, State education from pre-primary tohigher education was completely free, and

there were 5,133 primary schools, 1,354middle schools, 559 secondary schools, 19technical institutes, and 9 colleges (Mujoo,1990). However, conflict continued toplague the area due to the uncertainpolitical boundaries drawn around Kashmirby Pakistan and India (Habibullah, 2009).



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The 1965 Indo-Pak war led to the creationof the current Line of Control betweenPakistan administered Azad Jammu and

Kashmir and Indian administered Jammuand Kashmir (Burki, 2007). The war alsouprooted many students from their homes,and negatively affected their school routine(Ganai, 2008).

Quickly after the end of the 1965 Indo-Pakwar, the State moved to revamp theireducation system. The State government of

JK established its own education board, theBoard of School Education in the 1970s

(J&K Board of School Education, 2008). Asubsequent restructure of the educationsystem in JK occurred, which included arevision of curriculum, a new calendarschool year, and a survey of the region todetermine locations of education institutes(Ganai, 2008). A more youthful, highlyeducated and politically cognizantgeneration emerged in Kashmir in the 1980sas a result of an improved education system(Zutshi, 1986). However, economic

development and employment opportunitiesdid not expand correspondingly, which leadto a rise in unemployment among theeducated (Wirsing, 1998). Frustrated and

jobless, many unemployed yet educatedyouth fell into the gun culture of the late1980s, which eventually lead to theinsurgency and consequential militaryuprising during the 1990s (Habibullah,2008). JK officials stated that the several

hundred damaged or burnt down schoolbuildings in the 1990s had negativeimplications to the overall educationsystem, all of which were related to theongoing conflict in Kashmir (The Tribune,2008).

When Indian Army Chief General DeepakKapoor inaugurated the first army school in

Kashmir in early 2008, he stated that theeducation system in Kashmir was totallydemolished by two decades of militancy

(India News, 2008). During the insurgencyperiod, the dropout rate increasedtremendously due to the lack of safe andproper school buildings (The Tribune,2008). The education system has slowlyrebuilt itself after the two decades ofcontinuous violence and uprisings (Gupta,2007). In the past decade, BOSE openedover 3,500 primary schools and renovatedover 3,300 middle and high schools withsubstantial funding from India. As a result,

the dropout rate from schools in Jammu andKashmir decreased from 19% in 2003 to 5%in 2008 (Government of Jammu & Kashmir,2007). Although schools are readily beingbuilt, education ministers have stated thatduring the last few years many teacher postsin rural areas are vacant, which has led to acollapse of teaching activities in the ruralareas (Ganai, 2008). Rural areas, especiallyon the Pakistan and India Line of Control for

Kashmir, are generally not regarded as safehavens, a fact that has lead to fewerteachers to seek a teaching post in ruralareas. However, rural areas are not the onlyareas suffering in Kashmir (Burki, 2007).The overall lack of development caused bythe conflict is one of the most crucialbarriers to the peace process in Kashmir.

After the militancy era of the 1980s and1990s, the State underwent a period of

peace (Habibullah, 2008). This period ofpeace began after all out war over Kashmirbetween Pakistan and India, two nuclearpowers at the time, was avoided due to thetimely intervention from the US President atthe time, Bill Clinton (Burki, 2007).Although things have remained tense sincethis war, called Kargil War, the Indianmilitart presence has increased significantly



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in Kashmir to secure peace in the region (Pal, 2006). The past decade has brought with ittimes of relative peace, although Kashmiris are becoming increasingly frustrated with the statusquo (Habibullah, 2008). Tension has slowly increased in the region, and in light of recent

events, it is clear that Kashmirs political and socioeconomic issues have to be addressedbefore any peace is established between the two nations of Pakistan and India. Educationaldevelopment and employment opportunities for the people of Kashmir are both innocuous andpressing issues to begin the peace process with, the success of which can have ripple effectsthrough out society.


The current status of educationaldevelopment in Kashmir is important to

explore because it demonstrates how theState manages an education system after asignificant amount of violence. The Boardof School Education (BOSE) is the centralauthority regarding education in Jammu andKashmir (J&K Board of School Education,2008; Ganai, 2008). Currently, BOSE runsmore than 10,609 schools across the Stateand employs 22,300 teachers (Governmentof Jammu & Kashmir, 2007). There are

approximately 14,938 public and privateschools in JK, including primary schools,elementary schools, secondary schools andsenior secondary schools (J&K Board ofSchool Education, 2008). BOSE is in chargeof training and placing teachers in allschools in JK through two specific programs.In 1986, BOSE established District Instituteof Education Training (DIET) and Institutesof Advanced study in Education (IASE) tostandardize and improve the quality of

teacher education in JK (Ganai, 2008).BOSE largely bases their policies andprograms on exams conducted for studentsin 8th, 10th, and 12th grade. Reforms andchanges are also beginning to occur for abetter, well rounded, and inclusiveeducation system (Ganai, 2008). Forexample, the introduction of the Kashmiri

language into the secondary schoolcurriculum is an effort to preserve the

language and heritage of Kashmiris; it isnow given as an optional language courseup until 8th grade (J&K Board of SchoolEducation, 2008).

In addition to the government schools runby BOSE, there are an abundance of privateand NGO schools in Kashmir (Ganai, 2008).Regarding religious or madrassa education,which recently has been receiving negativeattention due to its supposed link withterrorism, JK only has 1,729 boys and 962girls studying in madrassas (SacharCommittee Report, 2006). In contrast toother states where numbers run to severalthousands, JK has one of the lowestmadrassa enrollment rates. Religiousexperts attribute it to the majority ofresidents in JK being Muslim, which causesthem to be secure about their religion andidentity and dismantles their need to attend

madrassa for a religious identity (Ganai,2008). Many of the students in Kashmirimadrassas are from rural areas and poorfamilies, and new admissions are mostlyorphans of violence.

In order to get a clear picture of theeducation system, it is helpful to look at thestatistics normally associated with education

CURRENT ANALYSIS


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There is currently no contingency plan forthe continuation of education and schoolingfor children during these periods of strikes,

an issue that BOSE does not address in itscurrent policies.

The military presence and consequentialinsurgency is a major factor in the lack ofeconomic development in Kashmir(Habibullah, 2008). The lack of economicdevelopment in Kashmir has a direct effecton employment opportunities for Kashmiristudents when they finish school. Without asolid economy, the job market cannot

adequately support the influx of educatedand qualified individuals with relevant jobs.Kashmirs average per capita income ismore than 100 times less than the UnitedStates, at about $324 a year (US Departmentof Commerce, 2007; India EconomicSurvey, 2007). The loss of profits fromtrade and tourism due to the insurgencyseverely effected economic development inKashmir. As late as the early 1980s, thesetwo activities accounted for over 17% of the

GDP, and by 2001 their share declined toless than 10% of GDP (Burki, 2007). Theconflict in Kashmir has crippled theeconomy of Kashmir. Whether measuredby per capita income, aggregate growthrates, or GDP, JK ranks among the bottomone-third economically of the Indian states,and has been one of the slowest growingregional economies in South Asia (Burki,2007). The two issues of economic and

educational underdevelopment in Kashmirare interrelated, and must be addressedconcurrently in order for real progress totranspire.

The violence causes the people of JK todisregard progress or development, andfocus on the politics of the region. In2005,human rights groups and local NGOs

put the total figure of lives lost due to theinsurgency at more than 84,000, althoughmost agree to 70,000 (Pal, 2006). Many of

the lost lives have been male heads ofhousehold, who leave their family for theKashmiri cause only to die on thebattlefield. These men leave behindfamilies, who, after the fathers death are ledby illiterate mothers who cannot provide fortheir families (Schofield, 1997). Thisphenomenon is creating towns of widowsand their families like Dardpora (town ofpain). The number of orphans caused bythe conflict is estimated to be around

100,000 (McGivering, 2000). For thecountless widows of the conflict, educationof their child is their top priority;irrespective of their economic status theywant to provide quality education to theirchildren (Zahoor, 2008). Yet, in order tosupport their household, children mustleave school early to work, causing 85% of

JK students to drop out after secondaryschool (Parvaiz, 2007).

The ongoing conflict in Kashmir has causeda significant amount of human lives lost,causing a collapse of the family structure(Mir, 2003). The effects of the conflict onfamily structure, economy and educationsystem has been devastating and the Statemust address these issues in order to beginrebuilding a stable society for generations toflourish within. Also, equitable politicalconditions are still nonexistent in the State.

As the 2006 Sachar Committee report forthe Government of India states, in Jammuand Kashmir, with a 67% Muslimpopulation, the Muslim communitys shareof the State judiciary is only 48%. Without agovernment that fully represents itsresidents, it is difficult to implement policiesthat are inclusive and representative of themajority in the State.

CURRENT ANALYSIS


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The growing frustration of the unemployed educated youth, the absence of visible economicdevelopment, and the continuing conflict are all factors to be considered when studyingeducational development in JK. Viewing these issues from a historic standpoint is important tounderstand where and why these issues began. In gathering this information, policy makers are

able to design and implement a more holistic strategy in developing Kashmir. By knowing thehistoric information, it is easier to discover what has and has not worked, and what issuescontinually transpire with education in Jammu and Kashmir. The ongoing conflict is the overallhindrance to true educational development that promotes equality and opportunities for all ofthe residents of Jammu and Kashmir in India. In the words of Indias current President, PratibhaPatil, Education is key to Kashmirs peace and prosperity, (AOL India News, 2008).

CONCLUSION


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Unlike similar yet larger organizations that charge upwards of $5,000 to volunteer abroad forseven weeks during the Summer, KashmirCorps Volunteers are assessed a fraction less than

five percent of that amount. Funds for remaining expenses must be raised separately. Tosupport volunteer work and cross-culture exchange in Kashmir, please consider sending acontribution to:

KashmirCorps14104 Tattershall Place

Germantown, MD 20874 USA

Any amount is greatly appreciated and goes a long way toward advancing our work.

Founded by Kashmiri-American students in 2006, KashmirCorps is an independent,nonpartisan, and nonprofit organization whose mission is to improve the welfare of Kashmiri

society through service and research

For more information, please visit our website at http://www.kashmircorps.org

education in kashmir [naseem}

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