ContentsThe Social and Historical Perspective2Pattern of Development4Political History10Peninsular and All India perspective13North Indian Impact and Influence14Political and Economic Conditions19Literature and Political History30

The Social and Historical PerspectiveIf literary, archaeological and epigraphical analyses and the political and dynastic histories that are based on them are but outline sketches for a full and comprehensive social history, such a social history of Tamilnad is yet to come. A study of a cultural institution like drama is one effort towards that end. But its basic characteristic of social relevance demands a prefatory outline of the social features of the period. An attempt is made in this chapter to provide that socio-political context of Tamil culture up to the period of Cil.Since the publication of Kanakasabhaipillai's The Tamils 1800 Years Ago (1904) this had been the subject of many scholarly treatises, the most important of which are M. Srinivasa Iyengar's Tamil Studies, S. K. Aiyangar's several papers and books (important among which are Beginnings of South Indian History and Some Contribution of South India to Indian Culture), P.T. Srinivas Iyengar's Pre-Aryan Tamil Culture, and History of the Tamils from the Earliest Times to 600 A.D., Ramachandra Dikshithar's Studies in Tamil Literature and History, Nilakanta Sastri's The Pandyan Kingdom, The Colas and A History of South India, Sesha Aiyar's Cera Kings of the Sangam Age (1937), Vithiananthan's Tamilar Calpu, Singaravelu's Social Life of the Tamils and Subrahmanian's Sangam Polity.Except for P.T.S. Iyengar, Sesha Aiyar, Vithiananthan and Sastri (only in HSI) others take the entire period up to Cil. as one `age' that exhibits common features. This age division hinged on the question of the date of Cil. and its admissibility as one among the Cankam corpus. Increasing knowledge has helped to take a clearer view of the development and this process is, interestingly enough, seen in the writings of Sastri who contributed most to make South Indian History scientific. In his chapter on "Government and Social Life in the Sangam Age" in Colas (1955) he said, "Our course must be to treat the entire corpus of Cankam works (including also the Cil. and the Mani. in this description but making more cautious use of them), as depicting the culture of a definite epoch extending over a period of three centuries." But in HSI, when discussing "the social and economic conditions of the (Cankam) age, the cultural ideas and ideas accepted and cherished by the people, of the institutions and activities which embodied and sustained them" he does not bring in Cil. and Mani. as evidence and quite categorically states that they belong to the 'dark' age of the post-Cankam era. He mentions Kural once but adds it is 'clearly a post-Cankam work.'Srinivas Iyengar in his HT gives a phased history of the period. Taking the amount of Sktic ideas and words mentioned in the works as the criterion, he treated Cil. as the last of the works that arose before 600 A.D. and deduced the pre-Aryan culture from the third book of Tol. His Pre-Aryan Tamil Culture is based on a study of words which the Tamil Language possessed before it came into any kind of contact with Skt. Without going into questions like the variations between the South Indian and North Indian rescensions of Mahabharata, he traced the history of Tamilnad in relation to North India from 3000 B.C. Besides the dating of some of the Cankam texts, his phasing of the earlier period was arbitrary. But in his writings we find an effort made to synthesize the data obtained from the various fields like archaeology and ethnology for social history, and this, above all, reveals the basic correctness of his method.Vithiananthan's study, though comprehensive, is confined only to the Cankam period and does not extend up to the period of Cil.Sastri, by his study of the Colas and Paritiyas, has provided the political chronology for this period. The preoccupation with the dynasties has led him to call the post-Cankam era a dark period, mainly because the political chronology of that period is not clear.' His insistence on describing it a 'dark period,' inspite of the evidence he himself cites for political, economic and religious activities, and inspite of his admission that major literary works like Cil. and Mani. belong to that period, only shows that his criterion of a well-lit period is availability of information on the chronology and geneology of kings. This attitude, as Romila Thapar observes, reflects a phase in Indian historiography, when "historical writing was mainly narrative of dynastic political history." Sastri's main concern for dynastic history has also made him to treat Political History, Government, Social and Economic conditions, Religion and literature, as mutually exclusive topics. This manner of compartmentalisation makes one lose sight of the important features of the period, especially that of the earliest phase where such compartmentalisation is not possible. But it should not be forgotten that Sastri's work on South Indian history "created a new awareness of the history of the subcontinent by bringing the history of the South into perspective." The great variations seen in the assessment of the impact of Sanskrit and Aryans is another feature of these writings. Kanakasabhaipillai emphasised the political independence and cultural achievements of the Tamils of the ancient period. Srinivas Iyengar emphasised that the Tamils had a culture based on social democracy before they came into contact with the Aryans. Sastri, though in HSI said that he "had no thesis to maintain and any lessons that the story may suggest he is well content to let the reader draw for himself," has in CHT, inspite of his declared intention "not to present the story in any isolationist or chauvinist spirit," thought it fit to cite Caldwell, who wrote at a time when all the earliest literatures were not brought to light, as evidence for the `rather primitive and poorish culture' the pre-Aryan Tamils had.These reveal the difficulties one has in getting a full and integrated view of ancient Tamil society.But any effort to study the social conditions of the period should not fail to take into count the advances made in the field of Tamil literary studies. Recent studies show that Cankam texts and Cil. do not reflect the same age. It is important to note that the linguistic changes, religious syncreticisms and changes in literary forms we have discussed in relation to the date of Cll., are indices of social change too. Literary change is both the cause and effect of social change and it reflects consciously and unconsciously the undercurrents of political, economic and social dynamism. These variations in form and function we have observed in the texts will not permit us to take the view that the social life depicted in that corpus was the same throughout.Pattern of DevelopmentNo student of Indian geo-politics will fail to observe the pattern whereby growth and stagnation exist side by side. The archaeologist, by virtue of his trade, sees more of this than any other worker in the field of ancient history. Alichins summarise the position thus: "It is worth stressing once more that in the past, as today, in addition to the normal range of sites of different size and importance by which any particular cultural phase is always represented, throughtout the subcontinent distinct cultural groups at very different levels are to be found living in more or less close proximity to one another."Subbarao, another archaeologist, on the basis of the idea of the 'nuclear regions' given by Spatel explained the phenomenon as follows:"Accepting this fundamental concept of 'areas of attraction, relative isolation and isolation,' the whole pattern of development can be defined as one of horizontal expansion, contraction and isolation of lower cultures in different parts of the country at different periods and at different cultural levels. The divergence in the country is due to the difference in the cultural milieu of the first large-scale agricultural communities in the different regions."Remarkable illustration of this phenomenon is seen in the Tinai concept found in the Cankam texts.As has been referred to earlier, according to this tradition, each ecological region is said to be particularly suited for a particular love activity and each of these regions are referred to by the most characteristic flower of that region.REGIONFLOWERLOVE ACTIVITY

HillsKurifici (Strobilanthus)Sexual union and those that lead to it.

Pasturelands and open Terraces Mullai (Jasminium Trichotumum)Wife patiently waiting for the husband who is away, and those that lead to it.

Riverine AgrarianMarutam (Terminalia tomentosa)Wife sulking over husband visiting harlot "and those that lead to it.

LittoralNeytal (Nymphaea lotus alba)Agony of separation and those that lead to it.

(Uncultivable) Dry RegionPalai (Mimusops Kauki)Separation from family because of elopement and anxiety over separation of husband.

Each of these division is also associated with a distinct military activity and that is referred to by another set of flowers.REGIONFLOWERMILITARY ACTIVITY

HillVetci (Iccora Coccinea)Capture and recapture of cattle. The action of the defenders is some times treated separately and referred to by the Karantai (Sphaerunthus indcius)

PasturelandVanci (Calamus Rotang)Guarding and raiding the settlement.

AgrarianUliIIai (Cardiosper mum Halicacabum)Guarding and attacking the fortifications. The action of the defenders is sometimes treated separately and referred to by the flower, Nocci (Vitex Negundo).

LittoralTumpai (Leucas Aspera)Fight to finish

DryVakai (Albizzia Lebek)Victory.

The tradition of associating each region with a love activity though schematized in Tol., is seen in the Cankam texts too (AN:442; CPA:11, 29-31&186; MK: 270, 285, 300-1; MPK: 314, 326). The word that is used to denote this tradition is Tinai. Nac. explains it as code of conduct" and Ilam. tends to interpret it as general theme or content. But there are instances in Cankam texts where this word has been to indicate a family or clan (PN: 24, 27, 159, 373; PrP:14, 31, 72, 85; Kur.: 45). This meaning is indicated in such compound forms as Tinaippeyar and Tinainilaippeyar (Tol.Akat: 21 & 22) which mean 'regional name of the character.' The term Tinai mayakkam (Akat.12)confusion of Tinaiwhich refers to the concept of a love activity, which has been prescribed for one region as taking place in another, too hints at this meaning. The unassailable proof that this word meant 'class' or `group' is seen in the use of this word to indicate the genders of nouns. Tamil has Uyartinai and Akrioai. Caldwell transated them as 'high-caste' and casteless' nouns. The word Tinai is not listed in DED and DEDS, but its association to the root Tin is very noticeable (DED: 2634).The social significance of this concept has been noticed by many scholars. According to Srinivas Iyengar all these five kinds of natural regions are found in the Tamil country, though on small scale, and as the South Indian spread from region to region, he developed the stages of culture which each region was calculated to produce. Dikshithar saw in this concept the stage of evolution of civilization. He commented that "the Tamil social organisation which had its distinctive characteristics born of environment, as anthropology holds, is unique in having realised the five different stages of human life in prehistoric times.Thaninayagam observed that "this fivefold division throws light on human origins and the development of human culture as has been observed by those geographers and anthropologists who have recently written at length on this subject." Zvelabil said it is possible that this division reflects the historical migration of the pre-Dravidian and proto-Tamil population from the hills and the jungle to the fertile plains and to the seaboard, or, in other words, the development from the neolithic hunter, through the intermediate stage of the keeper of the flocks, to the settled tiller of the soil and fisherman."This explanation, on the face of it, is both appealing and convincing. But an important fact that has to be borne in mind is that this division was a contemporary physical reality to the poets of the Cankam period, as it is to us. CPA in lines 143-202 speaks of the various places the bard has to pass through before arriving at the place of the patron. Lines 143-163 describe Eyirpattinam which is a littoral region, lines 164-177 refer to Vellore, a hilly tract where hunters live, lines 178-195 describe Amur, an agrarian region watered by a river and finally from line 196 onwards the hill capital is described. In PPA lines 46-392 describe the road to Kanci and the settlements and towns that lie on the way. The break-up is as follows:Lines 46-145 -- Describe the jungle region inhabited by people living in food gathering stages.147-196 -- Describe the terraced valley where cattle-keepers live.196-262 -- Describe the irrigated agrarian region.263-283 -- Describe the inland fishermen fishing in ponds.283-351 -- Describe the maritime town of Nirppayal.351-362 -- Describe the cultivable land in maritime region.These descriptions reject the rather unilinear evolution implied in the explanation of Iyengar but confirm the findings of the archaeologists.It is important at this stage to make it clear that the original concept was a division into four regions only. This is confirmed by both Cankam texts and Tol. MK (120-4) speaks of Nartilavar (those of four regions) only. Tol. very clearly states thatAvarrul natuvan aintinai natuvanatu oliyapatutirai vaiyam pattiya papa"(Akat.2)"Of the Tinais (which include, beside the five love activities mentioned above, those of one sided love and excessive love) the five that come in the middle, i.e. the region based ones, minus the one that comes in the centre, i.e. Palai, are based on the physiographic division of the sea-girt world."This clearly implies that the dry region is a later accretion. This is confirmed in Cil. XI: 62-66. When Kovalan requests the Brahmin to tell him the road to Maturai, the Brahmin, in the course of the reply, refers to the arid forest region thus.Venal am kilavanotu venkatir ventan tan nalam tirukat tanmaiyir kunrimullaiyum kuririciyum muraimaiyir tirintu nalliyalpu ilantu natufikutuyar uruttap palai enpatar pativan koljurnkalai eytinir..."you have come at the time when Mullai (pasture land) and Kuririci (hill region) are transformed into the distress giving Palai (arid region) by the excessive heat of the God of the Hot RaysSun."It categorically states that Mullai and Kuririci have taken the shape (pativam) of Palai. With rainfall the 'shape' could be transformed to the original Mullai and Kurifici. It would therefore be appropriate treat Palai as a seasonal change, ANR quotes AN 111 as providing reference to Mullai transforming into Palai and Kalit. for Kurinci transforming into Palai. This substantiates Tol.'s statement that the original division was only four. This would of course raise the question why it was essential to treat Palai as a separate region. The answer would be that it was because of the poetic necessity to treat separation which took place during that part of the year. It was during this hot season people went out on royal missions and for earning wealth.Thus we are able to establish an original fourfold classification. We should now consider whether this was the result of an understanding of the geographical principle of Regionalism or the logical expression typical to tribal milieu.Thomson has shown that the social reality of the tribal division of moieties etc., is expressed in the formation of a "cosmological system embracing the whole known world." He had cited the Amerindian cosmogenies where a fourfold division operates. His contention that "nature was only known to the extent that it had been drawn into the orbit of social relations through the labour of production is very well illustrated in the concept of Karupporul which Tol. takes as fundamental to the concept of poetry. It includes deity, food, animals, tree, drum, economic activity and music of the region (Akat.18). It is possible therefore that the original fourfold classfication may have its roots in tribal cosmology. This too proves that we cannot associate the idea of Tinai with the concept of unilinear evolution.But the use made of this concept in Cankam poetry and the terms used to denote those reveal a conscious effort. In the use made of Palai we see how poetic necessity has begun to play an important part.Marr's comment on this problem is vital to the understanding of it. He observes "that no tinai name exhibits relationship with any other Tamil or Dravidian word with the meaning related to ideas of union, separation, waiting, anguish and quarrelling. On the other hand several of the tinai names have cognates in other Dravidian languages. This would make the concept as something evolved at a more abstract level to denote the sex mores of the different regions. In that circumstance the other (original) meaning of the term Tinai (group, family) assumes importance because it explains the whole process as one of denoting the sexual mores of the different groups of people living in different regions. Such typologising is possible only when the traditions are flourishing.The fact that the different regions and the respective social organisations reveal the successive stages of economic and political evolution should not lead us to the conclusion that the evolution itself was unilinear. Field studies in social anthropology have brought to light many societies with arrested growth. Stunted growth occurs when production does not (and cannot) go beyond a particular point. Internal self-sufficiency, geographical and social isolation are some of the many factors that contribute to a situation like that.The different regions and the inhabitants of those places mentioned in the Tinai tradition should be taken as depicting the inevitable uneven development that arises from the geographical background of the social organisation of Tamilnad. As Mahalingam said "in prehistoric times people in South India were divided into a number of tribes, the main difference between them being largely due to their geographical environment." This is all the more striking because some of the modern tribes of South India show remarkable similarities to the groups mentioned in the early literatures. We have noticed the continuity of the Kurumpa tradition. Other groups are Kuricciyas, Kuravar and Maravar. It is indeed astonishing to note that words which had been used In Cankam literature to denote an activity or feature of a particular region are continued to be used in the same context even today. A striking instance is the use of the term Punam (field). In Cankam literature this is used to denote the fields in the hilly region where tinai (Italian millet) was grown by the slash and burn method (PN:159; AN:118, 242; Kur:33, 82; NT: 57; MPK: 203, 328 etc). Aiyappan uses this term when he discusses the agricultural activities of the modern tribes. He says, "Podu cultivation known as the punam cultivation in Wynaad is practised by Kuricciyas and other tribes." The description Aiyappan gives of the podu cultivation shows no change whatsoever from the descriptions we have of the slash and burn cultivation of Kurinci." These reveal the remarkable continuity of traditions.The Tinai concept should therefore be taken as the fossilisation in poetic convention of the sexual mores and the social and economic organisation of the unevenly developed Tamil communities.It is important at this juncture to refer to Subrahmanian's criticism of Iyenger's explanation of this concept. Subrahmanian quite correctly objects to the unilinear evolution proposed by Iyengar but ends up saying, "this so called 'evolution' is true in the larger field of world history in its anthropological setting and proto-historical stage, but to import it into the limited space of Tamilakam and to suppose that all these changes occurred here also in the same historical order may not be correct." Iyengar's mistake in taking uneven development for unilinear evolution is one thing but Subrahmanian's conclusion from that is something completely different. His assertion that features observed at macro-level are not applicable at micro-levels would indeed come as a big surprise even to the most devout of the functionalists. Even they do not rule out general laws of development.''Uneven development of the communities has led to very far reaching results. Of these, the most important, a study of social institutions has to take note of, is that "certain regions have advanced far more rapidly than other, and the more backward often preserve many features which elsewhere belong only to a distant past." It also shows that major economic development and therefore social and political growth arose in the areas suited for advanced agricultural economy, as in the river basins of Kaveri Vaikai and Periyaru; and these correspond to the Cola, Pantiya and Cera kingdoms. The rest of the country was less developed ; Pennaru and Palaru region is the exception and the Tirayars and later the Pallavas arose in that region.With this Preliminary understanding of the pattern of development, we must now turn to the process of development. Since it could be seen only in a chronological context, we should turn first to the political chronology of the period.Political HistoryWe have already seen that the date of the Cankam period has been fixed, on the testimony of internal and external evidences as circa 100-250 A.D. The decline of this period is indicated in CPA. As Sastri describes "a thorough change in the political map of South India and the definite close of an epoch seem to be implied in the CPA...," and "clearly Vanci, Uraiyur and Maturai must have passed the meridian of their prosperity and entered on a period of a decline." Sastri feels that CPA could be assigned to a "date about 275 A.D."We do not know why the decline had set in. It was a decline that affected all the three capitals. The available evidences do not indicate that this decline that came in by about 250-300 A.D. was due to any alien power. It should, therefore, have been the result of internal causes.The next major landmark in the political history of Tamilnad is the Kalabhra Interregnum. Kalabhras, originally a non-Tamil tribe of the Karnataka, came into Tamilnad and gained ascendancy. Their initial impact and ultimate defeat is described in the epigraphic record of the grant made of the village Velvikuti by Parrintakacataiyan (765-875). It refers to the Kalabhras as Kaliarasar who took possession of the great territories by 'completely wiping super kings.' Sastri took the term Kaliarasar to mean evil kings ; K.R. Venkataraman objects to this translation and holds that it could refer to the dynasty of the kings of the Kali dynasty. His A Note on the Kalabhras has thrown much light on the problem. After a detailed and illuminating discussion he sums up thus:"Dislodged by the Kadambas from their earlier home around Sravanabelagola, they (Kalabhras) moved east and carved out a kingdom, which included Bengalore, Kolar and parts of the Chitoor district which came to be called, after them, Kalinad or Kalavarnad, and from there they spread out into Tondainad Colanad and Pandinad overthrowing the long established Tamil monarchies. They occupied Maturai sometime after the reign of Mutukutumi, how long after we do not know. The Sangam epoch had already closed and was followed by a period of darkness. The fianeant successors of Mutukutumi were perhaps too insignificant and too inept to be celebrated in songs. One such king was slain by the Kalabhras. The Colas were in a state of hibernation and easily went under. There is a gap in the history of Kanci. The Pallava king of the Sanskrit charter prior to Kumaravishnu had lost possession of Karici and confined their rule to the Telugu districts wherefrom they issued their charters. The interregnum in Karici commencing roughly from AD 436, perhaps marks the Kalabhra occupation of Tondaimandalam, which was finally terminated by Simhavishnu.It would, therefore appear that Tamilnad was under the Kalabhras for the best part of the period 5th to 6th centuries A.D., and the final debacle was brought about by Pandya . Katunkon and Pallava Simhavishnu; each stands at the beginning of a powerful line of rulers."The foregoing account reveals that the northernmost part of the Tamil countries, Kanci, fell to Kalabhras only about 436 A.D. Their southward expansion must be taken as later to that. Pantiya counry, being the southernmost, must have been the last to fall. Cola defeat must have been in between. Pantiya revival starts with Katunkon (590-620). Simhavisnu (560-580) ushered in the new strong line of Pallavas. Thus the period of active Kalabhra power must have been between circa 436 to 560 A.D. in the north of the region and in the south up to about 590 A.D. The two definitely datable periods we now have areI. 100-250/300 A.D. Cankam Period.II. 436-560/590 A.D. Kalabhra rule.This leaves the intervening 150 years blank. The political events of this period are not known.With this chronological frame work let us look into the details of the Kalabhra rule. The record mentions that they wiped away the established monarchies.Alavariya atiracarai akala nikki.This must have been more of a coup de grace than a coup de etat because we have already noticed that by 275 A.D. all the kingdoms had declined.The chief feature of the Kalabhra rule is that the Kalabhras did not rule as one family or dynasty over the entire Tamilnad. Because of the availability of evidence relating to Kalabhra rulers of faiths in different regions, Venkataraman says, "the assumption is forced upon us that more than one family of Kalabhras ruled over the Tamil land." From the records available the Kalabhras of the Cola region seem to have prospered better. Buddhadatta of the fifth century A. D. refers in his Vinayavinicca to Accuta Vikanta of of the Kalabhra kula, as the ruler of the earth. In his Abhidhammavatara, the same author refers to "the prosperous Kaveripattana with its concourse of rich merchants, its palaces and pleasure gardens. Besides the verses quoted in Tamil Navalar Caritai which speak of the three Tamil kings paying obeisance to Accuta - Vikanta" the continued presence of inscriptions which refer to Kalabhra "petty officials mostly in the nadus and kurrams of his Cola Kingdom," also validates the point that the most powerful concentration was in the Cola country. In view of the position that the Pantiyas were the first to revive and of the fact that the deposing of the Pantiya monarch should have taken place some - times after their entry into Tamilnad, it could be considered that the effects of Kalabhras would have been less dislocating in the Pantiya country than in the Cola country.The Kalabhras are associated with the rising influence of Jainism and Buddhism in Tamilnad. Sastri describes it as follows:"But sometime after the close of the Cankam age and before the rise of the Pallavas and Pantiyas in the late sixth century, a great change came and people began to entertain fears of the whole land going over to the heretical creeds of Jainism and Buddhism. This was doubtless related to the obscure political revolution with which the Kalabhras had close connection."The Tamil forms of the word Kalabhras -- Kalappar, Kalappalar and Kalapirar -- must have come through "the Pali and Prakrit form of KalabhoraKalabha." The importance of Pali and Prakrit in the history of Buddhism and Jainism is too well known to be emphasised here.Peninsular and All India perspectiveDatable Tamilian history, seen in the background of all-India chronology, starts at a comparatively later age. The Cankam period, in terms of Indian history is contemporaneous with the later Satavahanas, who arose after the fall of the Mauryan empire which flourished from 4th C.B.C. to late 3rd C.B.C. Absence of Tamil sources do not indicate a complete darkness because, besides the numerous literary references, we have the Rock Edicts of Asoka which mention the Colas, Pantiyas, Ceras and Atikamans as political entities. Arthasastra refers to the economic potentialities of the Far South.Knowledge of the political and cultural character of the Satavdhana kingdom which arose by about 230 B.C. and covered, at its greatest extent the whole of Deccan and spread far into Northern India perhaps even Magadha is essential to comprehend the cultural ethos of the developed Tamil regions.Gurty Venket Rao cites evidence to show that the Satavahanas deliberately and consciously followed the policy laid down in such of the Artha-Sastras and smritis available to them. Of the cultural conditions that existed under that dynasty, he says this:"Administration, social and economic life, religion and philosophy, art and literaturein fact every branch of human activity, was recast in the Aryan mould. The Vedic rishis, Mauryan officers and Buddhist missionaries alike, by precept and example, hastened the revolutionary change and served to implant Aryan institutions firmly in the Deccani soil. The Satavahanas and the Western Kshatrapas accepted this as a matter of course.Referring to the religious situation, he says that the original inhabitants, who had animistic beliefs retired into hilly regions with the advance of the North Indian cults, and that"Vedic religion, the philosophy of the Upanishads, Jainism and Buddhism became so naturalized in the cis-Vindhyan lands that by the time of the rise of the Satavahanas to power they `became more native than native born' practices. A Satavahana prince proclaimed his opposition to the 'contamination of four varnas' and insisted upon the pursuit of the triple objects."After Yajna Sri Satakarni (170-199 C.A.D.) the Satavahana kingdom began to disintegrate." The last of the kings with some authority was Pulamayi III. One of the powers that rose in the south after the fall of Satavahanas, was the Chutus. They ruled Maharastra and Kuntala and were later supplanted by the Kadambas whose expansion led to the dislodging of the Kalabhras. Ishvakus ruled the KrishnaGuntur region and the Pallavas established their power in the south east. These early Pallavas are identified by their Prakrit charters and the first reference we have is to Simhavarman (fl.275-300 A.D.). There is a continuity of Pallava rule upto the time of Skandavarman (400-436) from whose period there is a break in the continuity. We should recall here that Venkataraman connects this up with the Kalabhra expansion.In North India, with the rise of Chandragupta in 320 A.D. we see the beginnings of the Gupta empire. His successor Samudra Gupta (335-376 A.D.) "led a very successful expedition as far as Kailci, the defeated kings were reinstated on giving homage tribute and probably heard no more of their titular overloard." The political history of Deccan of this period brings to light many dynasties like Gangas, Salankayanas, who did not influence the course of South Indian history. The next major South Indian power was the Pallavas, whom we have noticed, lie beyond the scope of our period.North Indian Impact and InfluenceThis bird's eye-view of the political history of the peninsula and the earlier discussion on the contents of the texts reveal in unmistakable terms the overall and decisive influence the culture and history of North India had on Tamilnad. It is important to gauge its extent and character to fully grasp the manner and direction of social and cultural development.The process of impact and influence is referred to by the name of the builders of the Vedic CivilizationAryans. But it should be observed that because of racial and ethnic associations and because of later day political and social developments the term `Aryanisation' and the assessment of its impact and influence reveals the deep seated emotional overtones which are very difficult to by-pass or overcome. Gonda, in a different context, but on the same problem, very rightly said, "It is clear that as far as Indian scholars are concerned certain emotional motives may be apt to influence a scientific argumentation."The earliest literary evidence we have for Tamilian history reveals that `Aryanisation has already made some progress.' As time passed, it went on increasingly dominating South Indian life as a whole, so much so that in and after the subjugation of the North by the Muslims it was in the South that the earlier cultural traditions were preserved intact.It is also generally held that it was this process of Aryanisation that gave India a (higher) cultural identity. Modern sociologists and social anthropologists take it as the norm of Indian culture in general, and seek to find in the process of its spread and diffusion the formation of the 'standard Indian culture.' Srinivas calls this process of acculturation `Sanskritisation. Redfield and Milton Singer in their effort to study the acculturation process in India took this as the Great Tradition and the local ones as the Little Tradition.The main feature of this process, by whatever name it is called, is that there was a substantial difference in the manner it operated in North India and in South India, especially in Tamilnad. Aryan expansion in North India was a political expansion. Archaeological evidences indicate that it was associated with the use of iron and the beginnings of agriculture. But the process of Aryanisation of the peninsula differed. As Kosambi said "the next major thrust into the peninsula proper, was backed by the highly developed northern society with its advanced technique, in particular a recently required knowledge of metals. The new territory was far more varied and therefore not to be settled in the same way as the northern. Hence the further development and the new function of caste, where the brahmin would write Puranas to make aboriginal rites respectable, while the savage chiefs of the tribes would turn into kings and nobles ruling over the tribe. It is important to observe that the introduction of iron into South India did not bring in the same radical change it brought in the North and the East.Another important feature of the process was that its very character had changed by the time it turned southwards or in the course of its southward expansion so much that the very term 'Aryanisation' itself is not fully reflective of it. This is seen in the religious changes that have taken place. Vedic gods have been given up and regional cults were absorbed into the fold. Dandekar describes it:"The so-called Aryanisation of South India was in several respects quite unlike the Aryanisation of North India. Firstly, this movement was of the nature of Hinduisation rather than of Aryanisation. For, the most tangible results of it was the acceptance by South Indians not of Aryan theology but of Hindu sociology as reflected in the caste system. Secondly, this movement does not seem to have evoked much opposition. On the contrary, there is evidence to show that the changes brought by it were welcomed by Dravidians with alarcity, and thirdly, the incursions from the North were not so violent as to root out the languages and the peculiar religious culture of the south.The last point mentioned is very important because, whereas Aryanisation in other areas meant the emergence of the various Prakrits, in the Far South the languages were not uprooted. Language domination is always associated with political and economic dominance. The fact that Brahmin poets themselves used Tamil (Kapilar) shows that dominance was not political and economic.The obvious areas of this impact had been the political centers and agriculturally developed regions.Sastri citing as evidence Aitreya Brahmana and Sankhayana Srautasutra, says that the process would have started by 1000 B.C. But Pillai points out that there is no reference to the Tamils in the Brahmanas nor in Panini who is believed to be of sixth century B.C, He points out that "Katyayana, the grammarian of the 4th C.B.C. specifies the Cola kingdom. This is, 'to the best of our knowledge the earliest reference to the extreme South. It is not too much to assume that it was only round about the 4th C.B.C. that Aryan contact with the Tamil country could have begun. Whatever the beginnings is, in and after the Satavahana period there must have been greater contact because "the Satavahanas seem to have encouraged the settlement of Brahmins in their domain."Being non-political, the process was essentially cultural and is manifest in the spread of Brahmanism, Jainism and Buddhism.It is generally held that Hindus were the earliest colonists. S.K. Aiyangar, after an analysis of the Brahmanical traditions of the South came to the conclusion "that this Brahmanism such was prevalent in the Tamil country must be Brahmanism of pre-Buddhistic character." Pillai, who discussed the question in more recent times, cites the Vijaya tradition of Sri Lankan history and the prevalence of Brahmi inscriptions and suggests that "from about the 4th C. B. C, the Jains and Buddhists had begun to come and settle down in Southern India and that in all probability they preceded the Hindu Aryans. On the manner of migration; he says that the Brahmins would have come in groups or waves as indicated in group names like Narpattennayiravar and Elunarruvar. If this was the probable manner of migration then it would not be far wrong to give a pre-Buddhist date, because such migratory wave would not have been able to create the same impact as the monastically organised missionary Buddhists and Jains.The social and economic background to the rise and spread of Buddhism and Jainism must be noticed here. Basham says, "We can parallel the rise of Buddhism and Jainism and of the many smaller heterodox systems of salvation which came into being about the 6th C. B.C., with the rise of an important mercantile class needing less expensive and less complicated rituals and demanding a more significant role in the religious life of India and than Brahmins would concede." In Tamilnad too their association with the commercial class is very noticeable. The Tamil - Brahmi inscriptions reveal that "the trading communities vied with the royalty in the endowment of monasteries in the Tamil country as elsewhere in India. Significant is the name of the site of excavated Roman trading centre, ArikameduArukan Metu meaning the mound of the Arahat.The monastic and individualistic character of these religions and their independant economic organisation are a striking contrast to the collective and pragmatic tribal rituals and this perhaps is one of the causes for the emphatic insistence of the Jaina and Buddhist didactic works on the avoidance of all that constituted the heroic society, from meat eating to fighting.The mode of expansion of Brahmanism was quite different from that of Jainism and Buddhism. Brahmanism absorbed the local cults into the general framework of the Brahmanic cults and the resultant form was very much different from the original Vedic cult and doctrine. The terms Vedism and Hinduism are now used to indicate the original and the latter forms. The gods of the Vedas fell into insignificance and there emerged new gods and goddesses who are definitely non-Aryan. It is generally held that Siva is a Dravidian contribution. Important also is the cult of Krsna which was syncretised with the Narayana cult of the Vedas and later the Visnu. The importance he gains in Mahabharata is reflective of the increasing changes. It is important to note here that in South India Krsna and Balarama were worshipped together; significantly enough the symbol of Balarama was the plough (PN:56; NT:32; Kalit. :35,103,123; Pari.: 1,2; Cil. : V: 171, XIV: 9). This indicates the economic transformation that was going on in the southern regions with the spread of Hinduism.Socially the spread of Brahminism helped the transformation of non-agricultural tribes into agricultural societies. This meant the application of the Caturvarna principle in areas and climes where it would not apply. The final result was the grouping of the different tribes into jatis (caste; clans) and assigning them a position in relation to the four fold division. Politically dominant groups could become kshatriyas.The ritual sanction which the Brahmin was able to give to the local rulers by performing sacrifices gave him an important place in the political sphere. We have already noticed the significance this played in the Satavahana empire. Among the kings of the Cankam period we hear of some who have performed these sacrificesPalyalacalai Mutukutumip per uvaluti (PN: 6,9), Iracacayamvatta perunarkilli (PN:16). Many kings are described as showing respect to Brahmins and performing the Brahmanic rites and sacrifices (PN: 61, 5, 99, 361, 367; PrP: 24, 64, 70, 74). The influence of Brahmins in the court was so great that Kapilar, a Brahmin poet, eulogises king Celvakkatunko validtan thus: "You know no humility but to the Brahmin" (PrP:63). Brahmin is sometimes described as the royal messenger or ambassador (PN:305; AN:54). The political immunity Brahmins enjoyed is seen in the Pari legend in which Kapilar leaves the daughters of Pari with Brahmins so that they could be safe (PN:11-3). The increasing power and status of the Brahmin is well illustrated in MK. The poet Mankuti Maltitanar urges the king Netunceliyan, the - victor of Talaialakahtiain, to give up all purposeless entertainment and emulate Palyalacalai Mutukutumipperuval uti, a king who had performed Yakas and Netiyon, a mythical ancestor (MK:759-80). Some of the poets of the Cankam period were BrahminsKapilar, Tamotaranar, etc.The ritualistic sanction given to the emerging heroic ruler by the Brahmin enabled the king to be placed as a separate entity removed from the tribe.This political association of the Brahmin also leads to emergence of economic feudalism. Brahmins were given grants of lands.Brahmanism and Brahmins played an important role in the non-royal life too. PPA speaks of a separate colony of Brahmins (297-310). Airik:1, 202, 384, 387, indicate the respect paid to the Brahmin. Descriptions in PPA and CPA (187-8) show that Brahmin settlements were found in the developed agrarian regions only.The spread of Brahmanism in Tamilnad resulted in the syncretism of some of the local cults with Brahmanism. The classic instance is the fusion of Murukan and Skanda (TMA). Korravai was absorbed into the Hindu pantheon as Parvati (Cil. XII: 54-73).The impact and influence of Brahmanism increased with time and in Tol. we see him as a mediator between estranged couple (Cey: 502). Learning soon became the monopoly of the Brahmins and the word Tol. used to denote learning otal, is used even today to denote Vedic recitation.The Brahmin, in spite of the fact he did not control the areas of power, was able to be at the apex of society because he gave religious sanction to the new class hierarchy that placed the king and the agriculturists above the others. But this is not to say he was always loved. Kalit:64 which describes the sexual sadism of an old Brahmin is as revealing of the Brahmin feeling as is some modern literature on the same subject.Traders and priests were not the only 'Aryans' to come to Tamilnad. AN:279 mention an Aryan training an elephant. Kur:7 refers to Ariyakattuthe dance of the Aryans. But obviously it was the first two classes that made an impact.Political and Economic ConditionsThe political history of Cankam period has been reconstructed on the basis of literary evidence. Turai Arankacamy groups the different political entities mentioned in Cankam literature as follows.I. The Three MonarchiesCera, Cola, Pantiya.II. Tribes that lived in the Cera region Kutavar (Kuttuvar), Atiyar, Malaiyar, Malavar, Puliyar, Villor, Kolikar and Kuravar.III. Tribes that lived in the Pantiya and Cola regions Paratavar, Kosar.IV. Tribes that did not come under the Three MonarchiesAviyar, Oviyar, Vblir, Aruvar, Antar, Itaiyar.V. Tribes that lived in the region neighbouring the Tamil areaTontaiyar, Kalavar, Vatukar.It is clear that these chieftaincies and kingdoms were existing mostly side by side. Analysis of Paranar's poems would reveal how contemporaneous these units were. Those eulogised by Pararnar were2 Caras-- Kuttuvati, Perumputporaiyan, the victor of Kaluvul,2 Colas-- Karikalan and his father Ilia ficetcenni.1 Pantiya -- Pacumputpantiyaq,27 Chiefs -- Some of them fendatories, e.g. Aruvai; Some of them independent Chieftains, e.g. Miriili; Some of them Tribal chiefsMatti and Kaluvul. "

Kapilar, a contemporary of Paranar, praises one Cera king and eight chieftains, three of whom were praised by Paranar.Sivarajapillai was of the opinion that in the space of five generations (150 A.D.)... most of the tribal chieftaincies scattered throughout the southern half of the Peninsula were either annexed or made tributary states. As we move down the times we find the independant chieftains being replaced by others who owed fidelity and military service to the paramount power and also by the commanders of the armies and other officers in the regular employ of those rulers... In lieu of regular salary these officers held feudal estates in their possession and became petty rulers under their respective sovereigns." This reveals that besides the tribal chieftaincies, political annexation had led to the creation of new chieftaincies. But it cannot be said that political annexation meant centralised rule. PN 319, 322 and 324 refer to hunter chiefs who help the king, but the area of rule is described as theirs. The relationship between the feudatory chiefs and the king is brought out well in PN 179 in which Nallaikilan Nalcan is eulogised."This fighter of the Pantiya king provides the king with whatever he needs, as swords when he needs arms and counsel when advice is needed."This type of relationship leads to the development of feudalism in the more classical sense. From the state of a subordinate ruler, the transition is to one who rules on behalf of the king, This feature, noted by Kosambi as, Feudalism from Above, is one of the important forms of the development of feudalism in India. But it should be pointed out that this type of feudal development would not have been as elaborate or developed or longstanding as was in the kingdoms with larger territorial extent and continued political stability.The grants of lands made to Brahmins gave rise to another type of feudal holdings. We do not, of course, hear of these grants in as much the way we do in the Pallava Period but the information we have in the epilogues of PrP that Kumitturkkanandr (Prologue to 2nd decade) and Kapilar (prologue. to 7th decade) were given lands and in the Velvikuti grant, indicate that the tradition had started in the earliest period itself.PrP indicates that in the Cera country there were two dynasties ruling from two different capitals. "The exact relationship of the collateral branch with those of the main line is not ascertainable in every case; nor is the capital of every ruler specifically mentioned." There are some who consider that Colas too had a collateral line." But Sastri would prefer to take it as belonging "to the period subsequent to the rule of Karikalati."Inspite of the highly Sanskritized concept of kingship that is spoken of in relation to the three kingdoms (PN: 35, 69; PrP: 11,69) the common institution of Nal makil irukkai -- rulers sitting in state with fellow members of the tribe drinking toddy -- which is spoken of in the case of "both the kings (PN: 29, 59; PrP: 65, 85) and the chieftains (PN: 123, 330; MPK: 76-80), indicates that in the initial stages the pattern of political authority did not differ much between kingdom and Chieftaincies. As it is referred to as Nalavaiday counciland those who sit alongside are called Surramthose around (PPA: 447; PN: 2, 179), this institution may be connected with tribal councils.An important aspect of the political history of the Pantiyas and Colas of the Cankam period is that immediately after the great test monarchs of each line there is a period of political `darkness.' In the case of the Pantiyas, nothing is known after Neturiceliyan, the victor of Talaiyalankanam. In the Cola kingdom after Karikalan there is lack of information and sometime later we hear of an internal strife between Nalafilcilli and Netufikilli. The more easily constructed geneology of Cera kingdom, which no doubt sees some powerful kings in succession, should not blind us to the fact that there was a collateral line which too had politically important monarchs. Ceiikuttuvan, the king eulogised by Paranar, must have been a contemporary of Irimiporai.Even in the Cera case the last known kings Cenkuttuvan and Yanaikkatay Mantaraiscdral Irumporai are considered important.Catikam literature makes a clear distinction between the three monarchies and the other political units by using the term Ventan only for the three monarchs." This political prominence was due to the geographical base of their kingdoms. These kingdoms arose on the important river basins of Tamilnad. Karur, the Cera capital, and Uraiyur of the Colas were on the banks of Kaveri. The collateral Cora line is associated with Periyaru. Pantiya capital was on the Vaikai basin. These river basins afforded irrigation facilities in a region where the rainfall lasts only a few months in a year. It is significant, therefore, to see that the only references we have for irrigation are all relating to these irrigable areas. PP: 283-9 credits Karikalan with the clearance of forest and construction of tanks for irrigation. PrP:27 speaks of sluice doors used in irrigation. PrP:28 describes Periyaru as one which irrigates the infertile lands even during the worst of droughts. In PN:18 Kutapulaviyanar makes a special plea to Netunceliyan, the victor of Talailankanam in the following manner. "What is food but combination of earth and water. Those who bring these together are whose names will live forever." MK (85-95) refers to irrigating fields from the reservoir by the sweep basket method.The role of irrigation in the development of centralised monarchy is an observed historical phenomenon. The emergence of monarchy in Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia are instances. It is not surprising, therefore, that the dynasties that controlled the important river basins rose to prominence in Tamilnad.A comparison of the type of agriculture described in these areas (including Kanci, which controlled Palar river. PPA: 207-243) and that described as found in the area of Pari, the great benefactor-chief (PN: 120) reveals the differences very well.But it cannot be said that the kings of ancient Tamilnad controlled the flow of the rivers by constructing dams and canals. Their construction was only of tanks and reservoirs (PP: 284; MK:89). There was irrigation from wells too.Rice being the cereal much in demand (in barter -- AN:60) the cultivation of it must have given economic supremacy to these regions.Development of agriculture gives rise to extensive development of private landholdings which in turn leads to feudalism. It is in the developed agrarian regions we meet the first non-owning worker. In the course of the description of the agrarian region poets often refer to vinaivalar (those skilled in work) sowing and harvesting (Kur: 309; NT: 60, 450; PP 71: 196-262; KK: 230-270; PP: 7-19). The employment of workers imply large holdings. The existence of surplus production, the basis of economic power, could be deduced from those references to the storing of paddy in large quantities (NT: 26, 60). The heroine is sometimes described as the daughter of the rich man of the ancient family (Kur: 336). Such class of landlords who had control over families in referred to in PrP: 13:23-4.It is significant that the references we have for irrigation in the Carikam period are connected with the last important kings of each line. PP refers to Karikalan, the last great king (in fact the greatest) of the Cola kings. The Pantiya king thus (PN: 18; MK) referred to is Netunceliyan. In the case of Ceras the references are to Imayavarampan Netunceralatan (PrP:13) and Palya naiccelkelukuttuvan (PrP:27) both brothers from one line and Perunceral Irumporai from the other (PrP: 71). In the case of the former two, they had one successor of eminence -- Cenkuttuvan whose exploits as a military leader was very great. In the Irumporai line even though Yanaiklcatay was noteworthy, it is known, that he had to face internal strife.Irrigation no doubt leads to extensive development which leads to landlordism. In a heroic society this trend could have, as we shall soon see, important political results.The affluence of the major kingdoms is also explained by their associations with -foreign trade. All the important ports mentioned in the classical sources fall within the major political units. Naura and Muziri were in Cera kingdom. Nelcynda, Bacare and Komari came within the Pantiya reigion and Camara and Poduca were in Colanad. Sopatama was near Kaisci, the home of the Tirayars and, later, Pallavas. PP's mention of customs officers, warehouses, and royal seal on cargo (120-35) and of the different items of export and import (184-93) reveals the the immense wealth trade would have provided to the Cola coffers. MK by it descriptions of the cargo-laden ships (321-4 and 536-44) belonging to the merchants from various places (550-6) indicates the prosperity that commerce provided to the Pantiyas. Korkai, the pearl fishery centre, was in that region. One Papitya king is credited with an embassy to Rome." PrP 59,76 indicate the 'commercial' prosperity in the Cara kingdom. The Ceras too are said to have sent an embassy.In spite of this close connection of the capitals with commerce the royal monopoly in trade was in pearl fishery only. Periplus tells that the labour of condemned criminals were used in pearl fishery.97 Besides this, there seems to be no royal connections in the export trade. We have concrete literary evidence to prove that most of the trade was in the hands of the merchants. PrP 13, mentions as one of the important functions of the king, the duty of looking after the merchants. In 'PIT 76 the care with which the merchants checked their ships (for 'repairs, etc) on return from sailing is the simile used to express the care the king takes to cure the injuries the fighter elephant had received in the battle. This is clear indication that the ships were 'owned by the merchants themselves. The desciiption of the merchants and their houses (MK: 500-6; PP: 206212, etc.) indicate their social importance. Epigraphy provides a better picture. Biahmi inscriptions refer to "the existence of mercantile guilds (Nhikama) in the Tamil country. The head of the guild enjoyed the title The members of the guild .Nikamattor, acted in their corpoafe capacity in making endowments."09 The independahce of the commercial organisation and its essentially cordial reltionship with the state are now clear. The Keiviti holders described in MK (495-99) may possibly be the elders of the mercantile community.An, important feature of the export trade was that it depended entirely on exploiting the resources but not cultivating them.Produces were classed according to their places of orginthose from hills, sea and land (PPA: 66-76; PP: 184-90; PrP: 15). An exception to this no doubt, was weaving. But the caste ranking gave the weavers a low place.It is important to note that though "direct trade between the Egyptian Greeks of the Roman Empire and India declined (after second century A.D.) the traffic passing into the hands of the Arabians and still more Auxumites of East Africa,'" it did not lead to a complete stoppage in the Tamil coasts. There was a revival of Indian trade in the early Byzantine period. As Warmington says, "Roman coins appear in South India as well as in the North from Constantine onwards increasing in the course of fourth and fifth centuries .....'5100 But this new revival would not have been to the extent it was in 1st and 2nd C.A.D. Sri Lanka had by this time risen to prominence.It is important to observe that the Byzantine trade comes in at a time when there was dynastic darkness. This period of revival in external trade is also close to Cll. The description of Kavdripattana given in Abhidhamrnavatara of Buddhadatta of 5th century A.D., could, therefore, be as realistic of 5th century A.D. as the descriptions of PP are of 2nd C. A.D.Internally, trade seems to have been generally one of barter. Salt trade was in the hands of Umapar. Catikam texts refer quite often. to these traders and their ox-drawn carts (PN: 60,307, 313; AN: 159,167,173,191,298,310; Kur.:38). Except for this this group, internal trade seems to have been carried on by the producers themselves. We hear of persons from the cattle-keeping and fishing communities going about hawking their produce for rice (PN: 293; AN: 60; NT: 97, 118, 142). The agrarian region, being the producer of rice, had economic superiority.Except pottery, most of the industries we hear of, seem to be typically urbartchank cutting, gem cutting, gold and bronze smithy (MK: 511-22) carpentry (PPA: 248-9) and armaments production (PN: 95). Weaving is often mentioned (PN: 236; TMA:. 138; PA:81-3; Kalit.: 56, etc); the descriptions of the life in hilly region do not indicate any use of cotton garments. It would, therefore, be associated only with other societies. A machine for pressing sugar-cane is also mentioned (Airik: 55; PP A : 259-60).The way in which the artisans are referred to does not indicate that they enjoyed a good social position. The only exception to this is the master builder who is referred to as Pulavanone who knows (NNV:76). The Brahmi inscriptions mention cloth merchant, salt merchant, iron monger, a trader in sugarcane juice, a trader in gold bullion, stone-mason or carpenter, goldsmith and charioteer. The last mentioned had an important role in akam poems.Another important economic activity connected with the emergence of the propertied class is seen in those love poems which deal with the theme of separation. Two activities could take a husband away from his home for a considerable period of time, one is when he goes on Royal duty and the other when he goes to earn wealth. This is an important aspect of the economic life of Ancient Tamilnad which has been overlooked by historians.In these poems on separation the wife's concern for the husband is depicted in the description of the forests and hills he had to pass through and the fierce marauders he had to encounter on the way. The purpose of the journey comes with a certain terminological exactitude. The terms are Ceyporul (made or earned wealth) and Vinai (effort). Vinai would include Royal duty too but Ceyporul is essentially economic and concerns only the individual.The place to which the men went has not been mentioned, but, from the references, it is clear that it was beyond Venkata Hill, the northernmost boundary of Tamilnad (AN: 83, 211, 213, 265, 393). It is also specifically stated that they went into an area where another language was spoken, (AN: 205, 211, 215, 349; Kur:11) and that they passed through Vatukatecam, the country on the northern boundary of Tamilnad. AN:69 throws much light on the whole thing by mentioning that the hero had taken the route taken by the Maurya army.They left their homes by December-January or April-May and returned by August-September (Kur:76). This is surprisingly the period when no rice cultivation is done.It is clear from NT:266 that all the males did not go on this journey because, on his way back the hero sees the cattlekeepers.In some cases the person who goes to earn money is associated, with IlaiyarJuniors (NT:361,367). Tol. mentions these Ilaiyar as one of the mediators between the husband and wife, when there is misunderstanding between them (TolKarp:170-171). It is said that they should tell the wife about the features of the path and the labour involved in the 'task.' Besides working for the master, they have also to be his bodyguards. Thus it is clear that Ilaiyar are really employees.The reasons given for the undertaking of the trip vary. It is generally mentioned that he goes to earn wealth so that he may give donations and perform righteous obligations (Kur:63; AN:93, 151). Very often it is said that the hero goes to earn the wealth necessary to lead a good married life. And in one instance the girl's companion urges the prospective groom to go out to earn wealth (NT:298).The reason why there is no mention of the form of wealth is perhaps because it was too obvious to be mentioned and also because the very act of earning and the thing earned did not come within the province of this poetry. But the descriptions seem to indicate that the persons would have gone to collect gold or do something connected with it. They would have gone to Mysore region. This region fits all the descriptions that is given i n the texts."' AN:3 says that the aim of the journey was to bring ornaments for the wife. This looks very suggestive. The gold mines of Kolar and Upper Karnataka are very famous.Allchin, who discussed the antiquity of gold mining in Deccan, says that the high period of mining in South India should correspond with the last centuries of the pre-Christian era and the first two centuries of the christian era. This period remarkably fits in with the Cankam period.Along with rice production, this provides for the accumulation of surplus and the social effects of this wealth is becoming increasingly discernible.This brief account of the economic conditions of the period against the background of the known political history brings to light the fact that the economic history of the period is not as blank as the dynastic chronologies.The continuity in agricultural development is seen in Kalit. and Pari. We have already noticed the feudal character of the heroes of these works.Another noticeable trend is the increasing urban bias of literature. The problem of Mullaikkali should be noted here. In it we find portrayed loves and life of the cattle keepers. Throughout the entire section the consciousness that they are a distinct group is seen. This is well illustrated in the way the characters refer to themselves as Ayarcattle keepers (106: 20; 107: 9-10; 112: 7, 9; 114: 4). In song 116 the girl says,Cerikkilavag makalen yan"I am the daughter of the 'owner' of the settlement (colony)."The concept of Ceri (DED: 1669) as a colony or hamlet of a homogenous group could arise only after the social acceptance of the differences between groups. Thus Mullaikkali by its exclusiveness also proves that the tendency to isolate the other regions of the akam division and concentrate only on Marutam was gaining strength. The artificial character of the Kurinci and the Neytal sections and the difficulty the glossator had in fitting many of those poems into the Tol.- mould have already been mentioned.The possible decrease in the amount of trade was not due to local conditions but due to developments in Rome. The revival of trade in Byzantine times shows that it could have been done without the help of any major Tamil monarch.Thus it is clear that even though the monarchies had declined feudal development and trade did not suffer.To understand the cause for this dynastic disintegration we should know the power structure in heroic and feudal societies.In a heroic society the ruler by virtue of his military powers and ability establishes his authority over his own people and the conquered ones. The initial base of his power is the bond of kinship and group allegiance characteristic of collective tribal society. He uses this to further his own end, that is to keep himself in power. This could be done only as long as he is able to provide more spoils. This achievement soon creates a `lord' retainer relationship. We see this well reflected in the concept of Surram and in the description of warriory and chieftains as the 'fighters of the king.' We have already noticed this in the case of Nalaikilavan Mikan (PN:179). The ruler's power over the chiefs or retainers is maintained as long as he leads them to victory. For the retainers wealth comes only through ruler's efforts. The economic basis of the state was that there was no conscious development of the sources of production."'But this cannot go on forever. The moment the ruler tries to stabilise his power the concept of territorial sovereignty emerges. The already established concept of succession and personal property now leads to the strengthening of political power which could be maintained and fostered only through the development of the resources. Thus we would find a heroic monarch or his successors making efforts to develop the land or further trade. From cattle raiding he now turns to guarding cattle. From the stage of raiding the food stores of others he passes on to the stage of producing food in his own region and guarding it from the attacks of outsiders. The economic and military activities prescribed for Mullai and Marutam regions reveal that the more complex military organisations were the result of the economic wealth of the regions.ECONOMIC ACTIVITYMILITARY ACTIVITY

MullaiCattle rearing, cultivation of cereals.Guarding the settlement raiding it.

MarutamSowing, planting and harvesting, cattle-rearing.Guarding the fortifications and attacking them.

We have already seen in Cankam texts a concern for the development, of agriculture. Poets often refer to the need for the development of resources (PN: 35, 184, 186; NT: 226; Aitik.: 29). There is also the emphasis on the royal duty to look after the subjects (PN: 76; PrP: 13).When the ruler, who is powerful enough to do this, set's out on this task of stabilisation, he changes the very economic basis of his power. No more need the chiefs and retainers rely on him and his leadership in wars and raids for subsistence and prosperity. They have now firm bases of wealth. In a society which has not changed its military habits this could lead to sturdily independent chieftains. Such a situation of course would not arise during the time of a powerful ruler; but after him it is bound to rise. In Tamilnad we have seen that the great rulers of each line were associated with agricultural development. Each of these kings was able to initiate or complete with 'success a restructuring of the economic order of the country; but their careers, as seen in the case of Karikalan and of Netuncelian reveal how 'heroic' they have been.'" But a continuity of that political supremacy would have depended on strong successors: The absence of it would only mean that the great kings by their progressive activities had brought about a change which ultimately leads to the dimming of the glories of the heroic monarchy. The civil strifes and internal dissensions that are seen in the kingdoms after the great rulers amply prove this point. The change in the economic order begins to shake the political structure and the result is a series of rois faineants. Only when a strong and powerful personality ascends the throne 'we get a glimpse into monarchical activities, otherwise it is blank. Kingdoms thus stricken, cannot stand up against any powerful invader. The rallying of the group during the times of crisis, a feature of the old order, cannot be done now, and the kingdom falls.It could sometimes be argued that the changes the great kings brought about would have underwritten the need for a monarchy or, in the least, the need of a central authority. We have already noticed that the economic changes credited to them were those of tank irrigation and lift irrigation. They had not controlled the waters of the Vaikai or the Kdveri in such a, manner as the Early kings of Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia controlled the floods of the Nile and the Euphrates. In those cases, the character of the flooding and the methods devised to control and irrigate were such that there was a demand for a central authority which would have a number of officials under it. But in the case of Ancient Tamilnad we did not have such a control. Even in later times such a system of flood control and irrigation did not exist. Even in the days of the Imperial Colas "but for the passing mention in an inscription at Tiruvavatuturai of a Parakasari Karikal Cola who raised the banks of Kaveri, we hear little in inscriptions of the methods adopted to turn natural streams to count. Even in the late period it was the tanks that mattered. As for Vaikai, the Manikkavacakar legend reveals how helpless the state was during floods. Thus the economic changes were not that far reaching as to make some central authority indispensable; they only helped to diversify the form of wealth and create new land holdings.Besides this, we have also seen from the analysis of the tradition of 'going away to earn wealth' that there were already wealthy men in the state. This too could have helped to undermine the authority. In trade too, the king had no monopoly control. The politically weak monarch would have been helpless against such well entrenched aristocratic groups.It is, therefore, possible that during the intervening 150-200 years between the great kings and the Kalabhras, a development as the one postulated above would have taken place.,We have already observed the connections the Kalabhras had with Buddism and Jainism. Though these two religions were in existence in Tamil country from Cankam times, it was during this period they rose to powerful prominence. The last great kings Karikalan (PN:224; PP), Netuficeliyaq (MK) and Irumporai (PrP: 74) were associated with Vedic cults and Brahmanism. The traditional association of Sravanabelgola, the original habitat of Kalabhras, with Jainism is testified to by the famous Gomateswara statue seen there. It is, therefore, possible that the new leaders identified themselves with these new sects. It was during this period of dynastic darkness' that we find the establishment of the Dramila Sangam (470 A.D.) in Tamilnad. The Kalabhra invasion did not, as we have seen, result in a unified political entity. Instead it added to the general confusion by splintering into different families ruling in different areas.On the basis of the foregoing discussion we could describe the different periods as follows.I. C.A.D. 100-250/300 -- Heroic Age.II. CAD 300-450-- Decline of Monarchies.III. CAD 436-560/590 Kalabhra Interregnum. Literature and Political HistoryThe above periodisation should now be viewed against the literary periods. Those areI. Cankam Age.II. Age of Tol., Kural, TMA.III. Cil.Any attempt to seek the social character of these literary phases should be prefaced with Chadwicks' analyses of the social character of heroic and post-heroic literatures."Stated briefly, heroic literature may be said to represent the warrior or the princely class in general, while non-heroic literature represent the seer and the religious interest. No other class or interest seems to be represented, at least in ancient literatures before post-heroic timesindeed not before the phase of transition from barbarism and civilisation. In this latter phase the warrior and the seer are still prominent; the former is now frequently a soldier of fortune, who serves under a temporary contract like Archilochus or Egill Skallagrimson. Beside him there appear new classesthe merchant, especially the merchant ship owner, the independant landowner and the city official. Now, too, we meet with lawyers or legislators and philosophers, who, at least in Greece, do not claim to be seers.There is, of course, no dispute in taking the Cankam Age as the Heroic Age.The similarity the class characteristics depicted in Kalit. and Pari. have with the general characteristics outlined for post-heroic literatureland owner, city officialis very striking and need not be argued here all over again. The Maturai bias of these two works could be explained by the fact that the Pantiya country being the southernmost kingdom was able to retain its political identity for a slightly longer time than the Cola kingdom. The traditional association of the Pantiya country with Standard Tamil a concept, which was introduced at this time, also becomes meaningful now.Tol.'s hero is a land owner.The question may now be raised how Kural, a work on political and social philosophy could be assigned to this period. Scholarly opinion does not doubt the fact that Valluvar was a Jaina. We have already analysed the social base of Kural and showed that it does not fit into the Cankam era but reflects the later period. At this stage it should be pointed out that political and social philosophies rise only when there is a need for them. Thus Plato's Republic came out at a time when Athenian democracy had ceased to be democratic. Machiavelli's Prince, Hobbes' Leviathan, Rousseau's Social Contract were all philosophical answers to the existing political problems of the day. Nearer home Arthasastra arose at a time when Magadha dominance had to be turned into Mauryan Imperialism and Gandhi's concept of the Harijan as men of god arose at a time when those low caste people were considered subhuman by their compatriots. The emergence of any work on social or political philosophy has to be understood in terms of the historical need for it; and there is nothing in Kural to indicate that it is an exception to the rule. This makes all philosophical writings on polities both historical documents and idealistic speculations. We have already seen how Valluvar had performed this task by resorting to the principle of synthesis.Thus it is clear that all these works belong to that era of monarchical decline.The problem of Cil. may seem more difficult than that of Kural. The merchant class, according to Chadwicks, is as post-heroic as the land owner.If so, how are we to distinguish Tol., Kural, Kalit., and Pari. on one hand and Cil. on the, other?The important one is the accepted chronological difference. Cil. is clearly 'later to Kural, and Tol. More important is the difference in the social emphasis. We have seen how Tol., Kura!, Kalit. and Pari. portray the different aspects of the same social order whereas the chronologically late Cil. seeks to envisage a new social order. Whereas Kural was taking the contemporary social base for the erection of its political structure. Cil., in its own manner, is bringing in a larger territorial unity unheard of in other literature. Viewed in the light of the available political history this feature becomes explicable. CiL, was written at a time when there was political fragmentation of the areas, Kalabhra conquest had not helped to bring about larger political units; instead it worsened the situation by leading to further fragmentation. This could have been a great blow to the prosperity of trade, which, as far as the foreign sector was concerned was already in the decline. In the Indian context the commercial classthe Vaisyasnever sought independent political authority; they preferred to work under the wings of the politically dominant monarchies. Cil.'s glorification of the three monarchies and the emphasis on the essential unity of Tamilnad as a whole becomes More Meaningful when viewed in this light. The recent date given to Cil. 465 A.D. fits very well into the picture.It may therefore, be suggested that Cil. arose in late 5th or early 6th century as a reaction to the increasing feudal type of princely holdings, and by its choice and treatment of the theme indicates an undeclared but not unhidden aim of the poet to achieve political solidarity and commercial prosperity. Thus not only the date but also its aim marks Cil. from other works of the post-heroic Tamilnad. It is important, at this stage to refer to kagliunathan's article on "History of Nakarattai and the Story of Cil. In it he shows that the migration of the Nakarattar, the ancestors of the present Nattukkottai Chettis of Ramanathapuram District of Tamilnad, from Pukar to their present habitat was due to a struggle between the merchant community and the Crown. He has given ample evidence to show that in reality this was a struggle between the landowning, feudal power and commercial power. He says that the flourishing trade placed enormous wealth in the hands of the trading community and cites evidence from Cil. to show how the merchant community excelled the king in wealth.Our analysis of the political and economic history of this period shows that this was a period of weak monarchy and flourishing trade. Cil. itself reveals the great wealth of the merchant class and their almost royal status in that society (1:31-4, 47; II: 2; IX: 70). It could, therefore, be said that it was the most affluent and thereby socially the most articulate community, especially after the Kalabhra invasion.But it should be pointed out that this was a very short lived eminence. Pallavas who rise to power brought trade under their control. This is seen in such levels as the one on Taraku--brokerage. Salt was made a royal monopoly. The extensive administrative system of the Pallavas clearly indicate that they had full control over the political and economic life of the community. Traders did not play an important part in the social life of the Pallava period. Literature too reflects the changed circumstances.This period also saw the emergence of many cities and towns in South India.Though short-lived, this phase should not be by-passed. It has an important place in the history of Tamil drama.We could now equate the three phases of the political history with those of literature and identify them by the governing social interest found in the works as the Heroic, the Feudal and the Mercantilist.

32