early hunter gatherers americas perspective brazil - kipnis

7/27/2019 Early Hunter Gatherers Americas Perspective Brazil - Kipnis

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ISSUES IN BRAZILIAN ARCHAEOLOGY 58 1PROUS,A. & F.L. DE PAULA. 980. Estilistica e Cronologia naArte Rupestre de Minas Gerais, Pesquisas (skrie Antro-pologia) 31: 121-46.PROUS,. & W PIAZZA. 1977. CEtat de Santa Catarina: documentspourla pr4histoire du Br6sil Miridional2. Paris: Mouton.PROUS,. & H. RIBEIRO.985. Histdria da Pesquisa e BibliografiaArqueoldgica no Brasil, Bibliografia Geral 11, Arqirivosdo M u s e u de Historia N a tu ra l 10: 46-169.PROUS, ,, G.R. SILVA M.E.C. SOLA. 984. A la recherche d 'unem et h o d e de prospection specialiske pour l'art rupestreau Bresil, Revista de Pre-historia 6: 235-42.ROOSEVELT,.C. 1991. Moundbuilders of theAmazon:geophysi-ca l archaeo logyon Marajo Island , Brazil. New York (NY):Academic Press.1993. The rise and fall of Amazonian chiefdoms, L'HommeSCATAMACHIA,.C.C. 1993. A pratica arqueoldgica no Brasil,Revista de Arqueologia Americana 7: 117-29.SCHMIDT DIAS,A. 1995.Um projeto para a arqueologia Brasileira:Breve historic0 da implementaq8o do PRONAPA, Revistado CEPA 19(22):25-39. Santa Cruz do Sul.SCHMITZ,.I. 1973. A Pesquisa arqueoldgica no Estado do Rio

Grande do Su l, DBdaIo 17/18: 67-78.1982. Arqueologia; AvaliaCcioe Perspectivas 47. Brasilia: CNPq.1984. CaGadores e Coletores da Pr6-histdria d o Brasil. SB oLeopoldo: Instituto Anchietano de Pesquisas, UNISINOS.1986.Arqueologia no Brad : Avaliagio e Perspectivas/1980.Brasilia: CNPq.2987. Prehistoric hunters and gatherers of Brazil, fourno/ ofWorld Archaeology l(11:53-126.1994. Brazil: tendencies and growth, in A. Ouyela-Caycedo(ed.),History ofLatin American archaeology. 22-35. Al-dershot: Avebury.SCHWARCS,.K.M. 1989.0nascimento dos Museus Brasileiros,

1890-1910, in S . Miceli (ed.),HistMa dus Cienncias Socinisno Rrasil: 20-71. SB o Paulo: Vertice.SIMOES,M.S. [ed.). 1967. Programa Naciona l de Pesqui sas

Arqueologicas 1:Restrltados Preliminares do Priineiro Ano(196.5-1966). Belem: Museu Paraense Emilin Goeldi.Publicaqijes Avulsas 6.1969. Programa Nac ional de Pesquisas Arqueologicas 2:ResultadosPreliminars do Segundo Ano (1966-19fi71.Belkm:Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi. PublicaCBes Avulsas 10.

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1970. Programa Nacional de Pesquisas Arqueologicas 3:Resultados Preliminares do TerceiroAno ( 1967-1968). Bel6m:Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi. PublicaCBes Avulsas 13.1971. Programa Nacional de Pesquisas Arqueolbgicas 4:Resultados Preliminares do QuarZo Ano ( I 968-1969%Belch:Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi. Publicaqijes Avulsas 15.1972. Index d as fases arqueoldgicas Brasileiros, 1950-1 971.Belem: Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi.1974. Programa Nacional de Pesquisas Arqtreol6gicos 5:Resultados Preliminares do Qirinto Ano (1 969-1 9701.Belem:Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi. PublicaqBes Avulsas26 .STAHL,.W. (ed.) . 1995. Archaeologyin the lowland Americantropics: current analytical methods a n d recent applica-tions. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.UCKO, .J. [ed.). 1995. Theory in archaeology: a world perspec -tive. London: Routledge.VELOZMACGIOLO,. 1984. La arqueologia de la vida cotidiana:matices, historia, y diferencias , Boletim de AntropologiaAmericana 10: 5-21.VIALOU,A.V. & D. VIXLOU. 1989. Abrigo Pre-Historic0 SantaElina, Mato Grosso: Habitats e Arte Rupestre, Revisto dePre-Historia 7: 34-53.WILLEY. .R.& P. PHILLIPS.955. Method a nd theory in Ameri-can archaeology 11: historical-developmental interpreta-tions, American Anthropologist 57: 723-819.WILLEY, .R. & J.A. SABLOFF.974. A history of American ar-chaeology. San Francisco: W.H. Freeman.WUST, I. 1975. A Cergmica Caraja de Aruan8, Anuario deDivulga@o Cientifica da Universidade Catrilica d e Goids

1983. Aspectos da ocupaCBo pre-colonial em um a area doMato Grosso de Goias - entativa de analise espacial.Master's dissertation, Departamento de Antropologia,Universidade de SB o Paulo.1990. Continuidade e Mudanqa: para uma interpretaqBo dosgrupos pr6-coloniais na Bacia do Ria Vermelho, MatoGrosso. Doctoral dissertation, Departamento de Antropo-logia, Universidade de SB o Paulo.1994. The Eastern Bororo from an archaeological perspec-tive, in A.C. Roosevelt (ed.), Amazonian Indians : fromprehistory to present: 315-42. Tucson (AZ): Universityof Arizona Press.

2: 91-165.

Early hunter-gatherers in the Americas:perspectives from central BrazilRENATOKIPNIS"

Key-words: hunter-gatherer, late Pleistocenelearly Holocene adapta tion, subsistence pattern, Central BrazilThere is a preconcept ion among American ar-chaeologists that the late Pleistocene (c.12,000- tiles (Clovis and/or Folsom points1)or Palaeo-10,000 b,p.) and early H ~ ] ~ ~ ~ ~ ~uman 1 Northern Palaeoindian cultures appear to begin with

10,200years b.p. respectively, and e nd in th e early Holoceneccupation of the ~~~~i~~~ would have had clovis and Folsom, dated C . 11,200-10,900 a nd C . 10,900-highly formalized and diagnostic technologies(Bryan 1986),as seen in bifacial fluted projec- at c. 8500 years b.p. (Taylor et 01. 1996; Koosevelt et a].199fi).* Museum of Anthropology, Ilniversity of Michigan, Ann Arbor MI 48109-1079, USA. [email protected]~JITY2 (1998): 581-92


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58 2 SPECIAL SECTIONarctic microblades. This bias carries with it twopresumptions which have no reason to exist:Clovis and related industries had to be

diffused throughout the Americas; and. here should be a big-game hunting hori-zon in South America.In short , the North American archetype is be-

ing used: if there is a late Pleistocene humanoccupation in South America, then it shouldlook like the one in North America,

Although several archaeological sites in SouthAmerica are of the same age as Clovis andFolsom, they do not show the characteristicstypical of North American Palaeoindian occu-pation (Dillehayet al. 1992).IJntil very recently,a late Pleistocene human occupation in SouthAmerica was not accepted by mainstream NorthAmerican archaeologists (Fiedel 1996; West1991).This can be explained by three factors:there was no undisputed pre-Clovis site in

North America, as there should be if therewere Clovis contemporaneous occupa-tions in South America and the migrationwent from north to south;

the lack of discrete chronological horizonin South America, similar to Clovis pe-riod in North America; and

scarcity of information about South Ameri-can archaeology being done by SouthAmerican archaeologists.

The recent publications of Monte Verde sitereports (Dillehay 1989; 1997) and site visit bya group of archaeologists (Meltzer et a l. 1997;Pedler & Adovasio 1997) put an end to the pre-Clovis occupation debate with the indisput-able evidence of human occupation in southernChile c. 12,500 years b.p. Along wi th that wehope that more attention will be geared to otherSouth American late Pleistocene sites, and moreimportantly, to the variability of early humanadaptations in the Americas.

This article presents evidence of late Pleisto-cene human occupations at several sites in theeastern tropical lowlands of South America, spe-cifically in central Brazil, that are not charac-terized by the presence of specialized big-gamehunting assemblages. The archaeological recordfrom this region shows that unt il c. 3500 yearsb.p. the region was occupied continuously byegalitarian foraging groups subsisting entirelyon wild animals and plants. Reviewing archaeo-logical evidences of thi s early occupat ion, thisarticle suggests that adaptation was based pri-

marily on plants and small mammals, with anexpedient lithic assemblage geared to manu-facturing wood implements.

The fact that late Pleistocene lithic assem-blages from South America are distinct fromNorth America should not be a surprise. Clovis,Folsom, Lindenmeier and other North Americanlate Pleistocene and early Holocene periods arespecific adaptations to particular ecologicalcontext and subsistence strategy. When humansmigrated to South America they encountereda very ecologically diverse land, and had to adaptand adjust to this new environment. From anecological point of view, important once we dealwith subsistence strategies, we are talking aboutlocal adaptation during a period of importantpalaeoclimatic changes. The variability foundamong human occupation in the Americasduring late Pleistocene and early Holoceneperiods can be partially explained by regionaladaptations of people facing environmental risk.Theoretical frameworkThe human ecological approach to hunter-gatherer studies has shown those societies usea broad range of ways to mitigate risk, includ-ing mobility, storage, logistical collecting, ex-change, communal sharing, intensification anddiversification (e.g. Colson 1979; Goland 1991;Halstead & OShea 1989; Spielmann 1986;Wiessner 1982; Winterhalder 1990).Combina-tions of these mechanisms have been used todefine contrasting strategies: foragers/collectors(Binford 1980), mmediate return syst emdde-layed return systems (Woodburn 1980),nomadichunter-gatheredsedentary hunter-gatherers(Testar 1982), generalized hunter-gatherers/complex hunter-gatherers (Hayden 1990).Thesestrategies are culturally defined adaptiveresponses to specific sets of environmental con-ditions, which vary both spatially and tempo-rally i n a given environment.Anthropologists interested in environmen-tal adaptation have argued that diversification(exploitation of a broader spectrum of resources)is a particularly effective mechanism of riskmanagement. Diversification, together withintensification (increase in productivity, inten-sification proper and specialization; Morrison1994) are likely adaptive responses to climaticinstability in the late Pleistocene and earlyHolocene in the Old and in the New Worlds:both may have been key to the development of


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ISSUES IN BRAZILIAN ARCHAEOLOGY 583complex hunter-gatherer societies (Price 1991;Price & Brown 1985),and to the origin of agri-culture (Binford 1968; Cohen 1977; Flannery1986; Redding 1988). On the basis of the ar-chaeological record from central Brazil it hasbeen suggested that diversification and inten-sification were also mechanisms employed byhunter-gatherer groups in this region duringthe late Pleistocene and early Holocene, a pe-riod marked by palaeoclimatic instability andmajor environmental changes (Schmitz 1981;1987a).Palaeo-climateClimatic changes did not affect the whole ofthe central Brazil region equally; recent palaeo-climatic studies from different areas are pro-ducing different results. Pollen sequences fromtwo regions in Minas Gerais indicatean increasein seasonality wi th a concomitant extension ofthe dry season and a reduction in winter cool-ing at the end of the Pleistocene and earlyHolocene. Over the past 17,000 years, a rapidsuccession of different forest types in the pol-len record from Salitre is interpreted as reflectingrapid climate changes (Ledru et al . 1996). Be-tween c . 9000 and c. 5500 b.p., climatic shiftsfrom coldlhumid to warmldry were observedin one pollen sequence (Ledru 1993); at 5000years there was an arid interval. Another pol-len record from Lago do Pires, a transitionalzone from cerrado to forest, recorded a moistphase between 8810 and 7500 b.p.; at 5530 b.p.a major change in vegetation, from cerrado toextensive forests, took place (Behling 1995).Afourth pollen record from Minas Gerais sug-gested a brief cooling period at 5000 b.p.(Oliveira1992). Another recent palaeoclimaticstudy in Goias indicated an increase of precipi-tation c. 10,400-7700 b.p. Humidity continuedto increase in the next period (6500-3500 b.p.),with highest levels at the Climatic Optimum(Vicenti 1993). Climatic and vegetation changesin central Brazil seem to have had local varia-tions.

Late Pleistocene and early Holocene hunter-gatherers living in t his region had to cope withboth climatic instability and local ecologicalvariation with inter-annual rainfall fluctuation,unpredictabili ty, and long-term environmen-tal change amongst the critical variables. Rainfallis an important environmental variable, ulti-mately determining the food base for hunters

(grazing animal biomass and distribution), aswell as primary productivity for gatherers (Low1990). The variability among late Pleistoceneand early Holocene human occupation through-out the Americas can be partially explained byregional adaptation to local palaeoenviron-mental conditions.Archaeological recordEvidence of human occupation in central Bra-zil dates back to the PleistocenefHolocene tran-sition, with the earliest radiocarbon date at c.12,000 b.p. (TABLE ).The main archaeologi-cal sites are i n the state of Minas Gerais (sev-eral sites at Peruaqu Valley and Grande Abrigode Santana do Riacho), Mato Grosso (SantaElina), Pernambuco (several sites at SZoRaimundo Nonato), and Goias (GO-JA-01) FIG-UR E 1).From the very limited archaeologicalrecord Schmitz (1981; 1987a) proposed threetemporal divisions for the late PleistocenelearlyHolocene human occupation of Central Brazil:Beginning ofHolocene (11,000-8500 b.p.): Tran-sitional Period (8500-6500 b.p.1: and ClimaticOp i mu m 2 6500-4000 b.p . .According to Schmitz, the Beginning of theHolocene was a homogeneous cultural horizon.Central Brazil was occupied by hunter-gath-erers in dispersed and highly mobile bands,with a subsistence pattern based on huntinglarge mammals (tapir, peccaries, deer) ,supple-mented by anteaters, armadillos, turtles, lizards,rhea, birds and fishes (Jacobus 1983; Moreira1983-4). Molluscs are absent, fruit seeds, es-pecially from palm trees, are present (Schmitz1981; Schmitz et al . 1989).

The Transitional Period is associated withmodifications in subsistence, technology andsettlement. There is archaeological evidence thatterrestrial molluscs assume an important sub-sistence role and that fruits were consumed i nlarge quanti ties. The increased abundance ofterrestrial molluscs in interior sites, such as therock-shelters of Goias and Minas Gerais, is ac-companied on the coast by the first specializedgatherers of marine and lagoon shellfish( sambaqu i s ) (Schmitz 1987a; 1987b).Sites arestill dispersed,and there is no significant changein their number (Schmitz 1981; Schmitz et al .1989).2 Mid-Holocene in terval of war m c l ima te b e tween 7000a n d 4000b.p. (AbSaber 1981; mitz 1981).


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584 SPECIAL SECTIONstate & siteBahioAbrigo PilZoAbrigo Pi120Morro FuradoMorro FuradoGoids

BA-RC-28

GO-JA-01GO-JA-01GO-JA-01GO-JA-01GO-JA-01GO-JA-01GO-JA-01GO-JA-01GO-JA-01GO-JA-01GO-JA-02GO-JA-02GO-JA-03GO-JA-14GO-JA-26GO-JA-26GO-NI-49Mato GrossoAbrigo do SolAbrigo do SolSanta ElinaSanta ElinaMato Grosso d o S u lMS-PA-02MS-PA-02Minus GeraisCerca Grande, Abrigo 6Cerca Grande, Abrigo 6Gruta do Gentio I1Gruta do Gentio I1Gruta do Gentio I1Lapa do BoqueteLapa do BoqueteLapa do BoqueteLapa do BoqueteLapa do BoqueteLapa do BoqueteLapa do BoqueteLapa do BoqueteLapa do BoqueteLapa do BoqueteLapa do BoqueteLapa do DraggoLapa do Drag50Lapa dos BichosLapa dos BichosLapa dos BichosLapa dos BichosLapa dos BichosLapaPequena

context

rock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelter

rock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelteropen airopen airrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterroc k-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelter

14Cdetermination

9390f9096101-9091101-1008860+1159110+100

8740f 908805+10089151-1159020f709060f659510+6010,400f13010,580f11510,580f11510,740+909195+7510,120i809765f7510,740+858370f758880f9010.750+3009370f7010,405+1009460+9010,120+60

10,090+7010,340+110902Of1209720+1288215f1208620+11010, l90f 1209350+809870f2609870f48510,000+23210,250f34510,910f14011,440+24011,440+47512,000f30012,000+500

12,070+17010,000f25511,000+3008640+908890f909140f90939Of 16010,4 5O f 708240+160

lab. no.

BETA-10017BETA-10015SI-6748SI-5565SI-7160

SI-2347SI-3696SI-3695SI-3697SI-369851-3700N-2348SI-3699SI-3699N-2348SI-3107SI-310851-3110SI-3111SI-5562SI-5563SI-2769SI-3479SI-3476GIF-9367GIF-8954BETA-22634BETA-22645P-519P-52151-2 3 7351-3210SI-6837BETA-98573CDTN-1077CDTN-3011CDTN-1004CDTN-3015CDTN-3114CDTN-1080CDTN-3009CDTN-1084CDTN-2264CDTN-2403CDTN-1008CDTN-1007BETA-100392BETA-89592BETA-100391BETA-100396BETA-100397Birm-868

TABLE1.Late Ple is tocene/ear ly Holocene radiocarbon determina t ions for central Braz i l .


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ISSUES IN BRAZILIAN ARCHAEOLOGYstate& site context 14Cdetermination

58 5lab. no.

Minus Gerais (continued)Lapa VermelhaMG-VG-11MG-VG-11MG-VG-19Santana do RiachoSantana do RiachoSantana do RiachoSantana do RiachoSantana do RiachoSantana do RiachoSantana do RiachoSantana do RiachoSantana do RiachoPernambucoBrejo de Madre de Deus 3Brejo de Madre de Deus 3ChZ d o CabocloChZo do CabocloChlo do CabocloPedra do CabocloPiauiBaixZo do Perna IBoqueirZo da Pedra FuradaBoqueirZo da Pedra FuradaBoqueirLo da Pedra FuradaBoqueirZo da Pedra FuradaBoqueirlo da Pedra FuradaBoqueirZo da Pedra FuradaBoqueirLo da Pedra FuradaBoqueirZo da Pedra FuradaBoqueirZo da Pedra FuradaBoqueirZo da Pedra FuradaBoqueirZo da Pedra FuradaBoqueirZo da Pedra FuradaCaldeirlo do Rodrigues ISitio do MeioSitio do MeioSitio do MeioSitio do MeioSitio do MeioToca da Baixa do Cip6Toca da Barra AntoniZoToca da Boa Vista IToca da Boa Vista IToca da Boa Vista IToca da Boa Vista IToca da Boa Vista I1Toca da Boa Vista I1Toca de Cima do PilZoToca do Bojo IToca do Bojo IToca do Bojo IToca do Bojo IToca do Bojo IToca do ParaguaioToca do ParaguaioToca do Paraguaio

rock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelter

rock-shelterrock-shelteropen airopen airopen airrock-shelter

rock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-s helterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelterrock-shelter

9580f2008865+1109135f1058845k908150f1508185f1108230f150838152808400+3008500f5008840f1309460fllO11,9601250

8495k7511,060+908100k1359250f16011,000f2508400f200

9540k1708050f1708080f1208170f808450rt808600f609506+1359800f6010,040f8010,050+8010,400fl8010,454+11410,540f3509480f1708800f608960f709200+6012,200f60012,330+230870059096 70f 1409160+1709650f1009730514010,530f1109700f1209850f1208050f170808051709080f170970051209700k2008600f1008670f 1208780k120

10,390F80

gif-3208SI-5509SI-5508SI-5511GIF-5087CDTN 1039GIF-5088CDTN-1044CDTN-1002CDTN-1001CDTN-1069GIF-4508GIF-5089

3-6296SI-6298MC-1042MC-1056MC-1046MC-1003

GIF-5414GIF-4625GIF-6157GIF-6436g1f-6162GIF-8350FZ-436GIF-8351g1f-8389GIF-8352GIF-5862FZ-430BETA-22859GIF-5650BETA-47494BETA-47493BETA-65856GIF-4628GIF-5403GIF-6957GIF-8712GIF-5864BETA-32972GIF-4629BETA-32971MC-2481MC-2513BETA-27345GIF-4626GIF-170GIF-4925GIF-4624GIF-4627MC-2510MC-2480MC-2 511

TABLE (continued). Late Pleistocene/early Holocene radiocarbon deter minat ions for c entral Brazil.


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586 SPECIAL SECTION

At the Climatic Optimum, according toSchmitz, there is increased use of smaller ver-tebrates. Food remains continue to emphasizemolluscs, but in smaller quantities and con-sisting almost exclusively of large gastropods.Remains of large and medium-sized vertebratesare not numerous; small mammals predomi-nate. Exploitation of birds appears to have in-tensified. Avariety of seeds and palm nuts oftenfill pits or form lenses in hearths. After 5000b.p. the number of sites increases, suggestingsignificant demographic growth (Prous 1992).Rock-shelters and caves intensively used in theprevious periods are abandoned during this

FIGURE.Mainarch aeo logicalresearch regions andarchaeological sites.1 Cerra da C apivara(Toca do Boqueircioand Toca d o Sit io doMeio).2 PeruaCu valley(Lapa d o Boquete an dLapa dos Bichos).3 Serro d o Cipo(Santana do Riacho).4 Rondonopolisregion (Sa nta Elinaa nd GO-JA-01).

period in the south of Piaui, Pernambuco, partsof Minas Gerais and Goias (Schmitz 1981;Prous1992).These changes in subsistence pattern as re-flected in the archaeological record may be re-sponses to climatic changes and their effectson the ecosystem. It has been argued that thepalaeoclimate of central Brazil became morehumid during the period between the earlyHolocene and the Climatic Optimum (AbSaber1981; Schmitz 1987a);with an increase in hu-midity, molluscs proliferated, vegetation becamedenser, and mammals became more dispersed(so terrestrial game declined in abundance).


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ISSUES IN BRAZILIAN ARCHAEOLOGY 587Hunting would have been more difficult. TheClimatic Optimum saw an extraordinary expan-sion of vegetation: forests appeared, parklandsexpanded and thorn-scrub forests were reduced.Terrestrial game further decreased in abundance.By Schmitzs (1981;1987a) argument, humansresponded by altering their resource base, withgreater emphasis on plants, and much less re-liance on animals, particularly large ones. Thegreat majority of the archaeological evidencedated to late Pleistocene and early Holoceneperiods is found in rock-shelters and caves (incontrast to the open-air sites of North America).This does not mean that people were living onlyin caves; a bias of survival and discovery has tobe taken into consideration, and we have to spendsome energy in searching for open-air sites. Butwe do have sites with very good preservation,well-defined stratified deposits (FIGURE), andrich sequences of remains from the Pleistocene/Holocene transition to the 19th century.

Systematic research in centra l Brazil is be-ing done in three main areas: the regions ofRondon6polos, Mato Grosso; Cerra da Capivara,Paiui; and Vale do Peruaqu, Minas Gerais (FIG-UR E 1).This large area of Brazil shows a clearand recurrent pattern of sites sharing similarmaterial culture, subsistence pattern, and a con-sistent range of radiocarbon dates which is strongevidence of human occupation in South Americac. 12,000years b.p. It also shows that, contraryto Schmitzs generalized hunting-basedeconomy, the the early inhabitants of this re-gion were primarily gatherers.

Three important archaeological sites in east-endcentral Brazil- rande Abrigo de Santanado Riacho, Lapa dos Bichos and Lapa doBoquete, in the state of Minas Gerais- re rock-shelters presenting excellent organic preserva-tion, and rich stratified sequences of remainsdating from the Pleistocene/Holocene transi-tion to the Holocene (FIGURE) .

Grande Abrigo de Santana do Riacho, a rock-shelter formed by the falling of quartzite blocksfrom the base of a cliff, is an exception in anarea dominated by karstic caves and rock-shel-ters. Excavations conducted in the southern partof the rock-shelter cover 100 sq. m. The occu-pation dates back to 11,960+ 250 b.p. (GIF-5089)and is continuous up to 3990k70 b.p. (Prous1992; 1993).

Lapa do Boquete and Lapa dos Bichos arelocated in the Peruaqu valley, in the northern

region of Minas Gerais. The Peruaqu riversorigin is located in the gneiss, 80 km north-west on the left margin of the S5o Franciscoriver. Its middle course cuts through Pre-cambrian calcareous formations, and in the pastit was almost enti rely subterranean. A roof col-lapse exposed the river bed, forming a canyonwit h cliffs of 50-100 m, wit h karstic forms(lapies, dolines and residual forms), and sub-terranean sections 1-3 km long (Prous 1991b).The canyon, intensively occupied by prehis-toric groups, offers material culture, subsist-ence remains, burials and numerous cavepaintings and engravings. Lapa do Boquete andLapa dos Bichos are two of more than 60 knownsites in the canyon where systematic excava-tions have been carried out in just a small part.These three sites are important to understand-ing the Postglacial period in eastern central Bra-zil: all three have excellent organic preservationincluding rich botanical and animal remains,perishable wooden an d reed artefacts, and hu-man burials. Several occupation levels spanmost of the Postglacial period. In the first ar-chaeological level at Lapa do Boquete(12,000+170years b.p., CTDN-2403)and at Lapados Bichos (10,450+_70ears b.p., BETA-100397)a lithic industry has flint and silicified sand-stone artefacts and the by-products of theirmanufacture, characterized by end-scrapers andrare bifacial projectile points. Microscopic use-wear analysis shows that many implements havebeen used; most of the wear is associated withwoodworking (Prous et a l. 1992).

At Santana do Riacho the lithic industry,mainly on quartz and quartzite, has side-scrapers, end-scrapers, borers and rare bifacialprojectile points (Prous 1991).Use-wear stud-ied in a sample of the Santana do Riacho lithiccollection also showed general evidence ofwoodworking (Alonso 1991).

Although there may be local variation in thelithic industries of centraI Brazil, the indus-tries from Minas Gerais resemble those fromother parts of this region: an expedient lithicassemblage, with not many multifunctionaltools , many scrapers, very rare bifacial points,and few highly curated tools (FIGURE ) . Itpresents not only clearly morphologicalpatterning (limaces) but other indicators ofhuman modification: cores, flakes and conjoin-ing flakes. Other important characteristics whichattest to a human presence are the artefacts and


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588 SPECIAL SECTION

FIGURE. Stratigraphic profile of test pi t G17, Lapa d o s Bichos- ll archaeological lev els . Level 10dated to 9140&90 (BETA-100391 1 . Irregular black circles represent charcoa l, a n d irregular white closedgeometric form s are l i thics.flakes made of exotic raw material, the pres-ence of burned lithic material in areas wherenatural fire could not have occurred [caves) andthe use-wear already mentioned.We know very little about botanical remainsin central Brazil despite very good preserva-tion at Santana do Riacho and sites in thePeruaCu Valley. The general picture shows theexploitation of wild fruits (coqu inhos , guariroba,l icuri , chicha, pequi , ja toba, and other cerrado

fruits). This exploitation does not stop with theadvent of corn and manioc agriculture [Veloso& Resende 1992).Although subsistence showsspatial and temporal variation throughout thepost-Pleistocene period in central Brazil, it ischaracterized by a broad-spectrum diet basedon gathered fruits and roots.There are a few faunal case-studies. Faunalremains from PeruaCu Valley sites and Santanado Riacho are current ly being analysed (by the


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ISSUES IN BRAZILIAN ARCHAEOLOGY 589

I 1I r i - C l l l c '---- _ - ~

FIGURE . A range of stone tools fro m late Pleistocene hu m a n occupation si tes.A Scrapers f rom Santana d o Riacho.B Flake tools f ro m Santana d o Riacho.C Flake tools fro m Lapa do Boquete.D Scrapers f r om Lapa do Boquete .(Redraw n r om Prous 1991a; 1991b; Prous et a l . 1992.)

D


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590 SPECIAL SECTIONauthor). The pattern becoming clear is of smalland medium-sized animals predominating inthe archaeological record from central Brazil.The majority are mammals (rodents, armadil-los, primates, sloths, Brazilian rabbits, anteat-ers), with some reptiles, birds and fishes. Biggeranimals (deer, peccaries, tapir), rare to start with,are more represented in later occupations. Theworking hypothesis is that, with the advent ofagriculture, people who had minimized the riskof subsistence stress were taking more chancesin hunting bigger animals. There is no clearevidence of late Pleistocene people huntingextinct mega-fauna,

The appearance of domesticated plants inthe archaeological record of central Brazil isnot well dated. The appearance of ceramic inthe archaeological sequence of rock-shelter sitesin central Brazil is usually interpreted as evi-dence of the first horticultural groups , and isknown as the U na tradition. Sometimes thepottery is associated with domesticated plants(i.e. corn and manioc). The earliest evidencefor the U n a tradition in central Brazil dates to3490 b.p. (Prous 1992). This tradition is definedby the presence of a few ceramic vessels (smalland undecorated) and almost exclusive to rock-shelters. Although a survey and/or preserva-tion bias might explain the lack of open-air sites,another plausible explanation is that this isevidence of mutualistic interaction betweenhunter-gatherers and horticulturalists. The factthat the l ithic industry from the lina traditiionis not different from the previous occupations(Prous 1992; Schmitz et al. 1989) might be a nindicator the latter explanation is correct. If thisis the case, the increase of large mammal huntingcould be associated with the hunter-gatherer/horticulturalist interaction, where meat wasexchanged for domesticated plants, as seen forexample between the Maki and Tukgno socie-ties from northwest Ainazonia (Silverwood-Cope1990).Some characteristics of the fauna from thosesites are also strong evidence of a human pres-ence during the late Pleistocene period. Thereare fish remains in all levels in sites that areand were more than 50 m above the river. Al-though rare, other non-karstic: animals- ec-caries -are present. Burned (calcined)bones,broken bones that refit, and cut-marks are alsoevidence of human occupation of these habi-tats as early as 12,000 years ago.

Other important features in sites from cen-tral Brazil are well-structured hearths, andburials. At Santana do Riacho, 24 burials werefound containing approximately 40 individu-als; one burial (Sep.XII) dates to 9460k110 b.p.(GIF-4508) (Prous 1992; 19931. This collectionis currently being reanalysed; preliminary re-sults show a high incidence of caries amongthe population from Santana do Riacho in allarchaeological levels3 (Neves et al. 1996), anindication of a diet rich in carbohydrates(Saunders & Katzeberg 1992).

The slight available data shows pattern. Thereis strong evidence for a late Pleistocene humanoccupation in eastern South America. The di-verse lithic assemblages dating from c. 12,000years b.p. are unequivocally human made; theyare distinct from the North American indus-tries of Clovis and Folsom. Wood-working toolsmight have been important. The subsistenceof early groups in central Brazil was based ona foraging strategy, focusing on the exploita-tion of wild plants and small animals; prelimi-nary work based on faunal and osteologicalanalysis supports the hypothesis that plants werethe staple diet.

That subsistence pattern is similar to the onereported by Gnecco (1997) and Roosevelt et al.(1996) for late Pleistocenelearly Holocenehunter-gatherer occupation in the Amazonregion, where subsistence strategy relied moreon gathering than hunting - pattern againvery different from the North American, wherebig-gamehunting was important. It differs fromSchmitzs (1987a)model for central Brazil, wherethe first people had a strategy geared to largemammals (deer, peccaries, tapir etc.) ,and latershifted to a plant-based subsistence.DiscussionIn sum, early human occupation of eastern SouthAmerica is characterized by generalized forag-ers, very different from the big-game huntersin North America. Plant resources, both as foodand as raw material for tool manufacture, werevery important . A clearly diverse lithic assem-blage is not geared towards hunting activity. Isuggest we put an end to the spear/projectilepoint tyranny, and begin to look at culturaldynamics instead. The documented variabil-3only adults, this n umber goes to 11.0%.9.0% of permanent teeth have caries: and if we take


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ISSUES IN BRAZILIAN ARCHAEOLOGY 591ity in the archaeological record can be partiallyexplained by adaptation to the tropical region,with great dependence on plant foods.

Major changes in technology and subsistencepattern in central Brazil occurred around themid Holocene, similar to Australia (Edwards& OConnell 1995) than to other regions of theworld. The general approach to stone technol-ogy in Australia and eastern South Americashare similar general features- mall tools,many scrapers, and rare projectile points; andextinct megafauna seem to have been huntedneither in Australia nor in South America.

Schmitzs (1987a)model for late Pleistoceneand early Holocene adaptations is an attemptto correlate environmental and behaviouralchanges in central Brazil that mimicprocessesthat occurred in the Old World and NorthAmerica. The archaeological record from cen-tral Brazil discussed above does not supportthe behavioural changes suggested, despite simi-lar environmental changes. Although not com-

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mon, and often not explicit, traditional ly theOld World (Upper Palaeolithic and Mesolithic)and North America (Palaeoindian and Archaic)are used as models for comparison and frame-works to interpret early human occupation inBrazil. It is time we began to broaden our viewand knowledge, and look at other places as well,specifically Australia.

To understand the specific developments andorganization of late Pleistocene and earlyHolocene hunter-gatherers in central Brazil, weclearly need more detailed archaeological andpalaeoenvironmental data. So far, descriptionand explanation of the archaeological recordhas been based on qualita tive and incompletearchaeological data, biased survey methods andvery general palaeoclimatic reconstruction. Withmore germane studies on cultural dynamics ofhuman migration and adaptation, a differentpattern of Pleistocene and early post-glacialadaptation will emerge, which should changethe tradit ional view of the First Americans.

FLANNERY,.V. (ed.). 1986. Guild Naqui tz : archoic foragingan d earlyagr iculture in Oaxaca, Mexico. New York (NY):Academic Press.CNECCO, . & S. MORA. 997. Late Pleistoceneiearly Holocenetropical forest occup ations at San Insidro an d Peiia Roja,Colombia, Antiquity 71 : 683-90.GOLAND,. 1991. Cultivating diversity: field scattering as ag -riculturalriskmanagement in Cuyo, Cuyo, Dept. of Puno,Peru. Ann Arbor (MI): University of Michigan.

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Considerations of the sambaqzzs of theBrazilian coastMARIADULCEGASPAR"

Key-words: shel lmo und , Brazilian coast, social identityS a mb a q u i is the name given to a certain typeof archaeological evidence left by fisher/hunter/gatherer groups who inhabited large expansesof the Brazilian coast. The word is of Tupi ety-mology, tamba meaning shellfish and ki a pil-ing-up (Prous 1991: 204). The Tupi were ahorticultural/potter group who lived on theBrazilian coast at the time of the first Europeanarrivals; they coined the term which describesthe main characteristic of the sites -the accu-

mulation of great quantities of mollusc shells(FIGURE).The sa mb a q u i s are made up of faunal re-mains such as shell s and fish bones related tothe diet of their builders. Whole artefacts (honearrowheads, perforated teeth, polished stoneaxe-blades, hammers andmanos,grinders, stoneflakes, shell scrapers), remains from the manu-facture of artefacts (cut bones, quartz flakes)and fragments of used objects are also found

* Project '0 Aproveitametno Ambiental das PopulaqBes Pre-Hist6ricas n o estado d o Rio d e Janeiro' FINEPIFUJBIMN.Muse u Na cioiial, UFRJ. CNPq.ANTIQUITY2 (1998): 592-615

early hunter gatherers americas perspective brazil - kipnis

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