Download - Sidewalks and Shelters - Urban · Web viewSidewalks and Shelters Anil Yesudas North Park University MA in Community Development Submitted to: Professor Cynthia Milsap June 29, 2010

SIDEWALKS AND SHELTERS

Sidewalks and Shelters

Anil Yesudas

North Park University

MA in Community Development

Submitted to: Professor Cynthia Milsap

June 29, 2010

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Abstract

This is a study on homelessness to develop possible pro poor interventions for housing

rights. The thoughts contained in this study, are those learned during my experience at the

homeless shelters, city sidewalks and while working towards housing rights. Observing my late

brother Rajeev John George (also known as Raju) had helped to shape, much of my thinking

towards housing rights. My experiences in shelters and sidewalks have helped to set aside my

past elite attitudes and have molded me towards a pro poor mindset. Much of what is written in

this study is in first person, because it is an account of my personal journey and learning on the

shelters and sidewalks. The purpose of this study is to encourage rethinking issues surrounding

homelessness and possible interventions and advocacy roles that community leaders can take

towards housing rights.

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Acknowledgement

Due credit goes to my wife Christina, my daughter Faith, and my son David who

tolerated my absence from home as I apply the “Incarnational Principle” towards “Housing

Rights Activism” and “Interfaith Activism.” Thanks also to my in-laws who have extended much

support.

I have learnt much through MACD faculty and classmates with whom I was able to

interact and fine-tune my thought process.

Much of my learning has shaped on the sidewalks and shelters, which continue to be my

classroom, where I learn directly from my friends who continue to struggle with homelessness.

Thanks to Sushil George, my elder brother, who laboriously compiled the life history of

my late younger brother, Rajeev.

I am much indebted to my guide, Cynthia Milsap, my faculty thesis advisor, who directed

me through this journey.

I dedicate this portfolio to my younger brother, late Rajeev John George (1970-2005),

whose pro-poor action oriented lifestyle is stamped forever in my memory.

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Preface

The following is the outline of the chapters contained in this study. The first chapter gives

a brief introduction of my background and mindset.

The second chapter explains my plan for voluntary homelessness, for a specific period of

time. It deals with how the idea germinated in my mind, and it also states my initial expectations

out of this lifestyle of voluntary homelessness.

The third chapter describes some of my experience on the sidewalks of Kalamazoo

downtown.

The fourth chapter contains the notes in my diary that I penned during my stay in the

shelter homes.

In the fifth chapter I share some of my memories and thoughts that crossed my mind in

the shelter home environment.

The sixth chapter contains some of the stories, of the people that I encountered in shelter

homes, and on the sidewalks, some of whom have become my personal friends. It also contains

stories of those, who struggle shoulder to shoulder with the homeless. The names of my friends

who struggle with homelessness have been changed to protect their identity.

The seventh chapter contains brief information on KHAN “Kalamazoo Homeless Action

Network”, a grassroots level social action group that fights for the rights of the homeless people.

The eighth chapter contains the history and formation of an advocacy group of which I

had the privilege to be a founding member.

The ninth chapter outlines a sketch of the life of my younger brother, late Rajeev John

George (1970 – 2005), who has been the source of my inspiration and motivation to choose

“housing rights” among all the other social concerns that I could have taken up. The information

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contained in chapter nine has been compiled by Sushil George, by elder brother, in conjunction

with my younger brother late Rajeev John George.

The tenth chapter, is on Reveille Agrarian Justice Union (RAJU), a not for profit

organization that I have formed in memory of my younger brother, late Rajeev John George.

The eleventh chapter is a cursory view of the expert opinion on some of the activists and

organizations that have thought long and hard on issues related to homelessness.

The twelfth chapter is a pointer towards the thought of evaluation of old paradigm and a

possible shift towards a new paradigm. This chapter outlines my openness towards possible shift

in my thinking and some of the major old and new thoughts that has gripped my mind.

The thirteenth chapter briefly mentions the change in my thinking as I walked along on

the sidewalks and slept in shelter homes.

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Contents

1. Into the mold of an activist...………………………………………Page 7

2. The Plan for Voluntary Homelessness…………………………….Page 10

3. Walking on the Sidewalks…………………………………………Page 14

4. Sleeping in the Shelters……………………………………………Page 27

5. Shelters and Sidewalks, some memories………………………….Page 45

6. Some Stories of Struggle……………………………….………….Page 53

7. Kalamazoo Homeless Action Network (KHAN)…..…..………….Page 82

8. People United to Secure Housing (PUSH).………………………..Page 87

9. Rajeev John George, Life sketch of a Housing Rights Activist…...Page 94

10. Reveille Agrarian Justice Union (RAJU).……………..……….….Page 145

11. A Cursory View on Expert Opinion……………………………….Page 147

12. Rethinking Paradigm………………………….………………..….Page 152

13. Finally Friends……………………………………………………..Page 161

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Chapter 1

Into the Mold of an Activist

I was born in India on 24-Dec-1968, to my parents, George and Jane David. I was raised in a

middle class religious family in India. I have many interesting memories of growing up with my

elder brother, Sushil, and my younger brother, Rajeev. It was in 1999 that I first came to Chicago

to join my wife, Christina. My educational background and experience had allowed me to have

comfortable jobs at the pharmaceutical firms.

It was in 2003 that my job took me to a pharmaceutical firm at Kalamazoo, MI. While I did

have a secular job, I already considered myself as an “interfaith activist.” I was negotiating with

my church if they could endorse me as their “commended worker.” With my spiritual bent of

mind I was contemplating to resign from my job in the pharmaceutical field to work as a

“commended worker” on the full time faith basis in the spiritual field.

A “commended worker” through my church meant that while they would endorse my work, I

would not be a paid employee either of the church of any para-church organization. Once I

become a “commended worker”, my sustenance would come as small monetary gifts, without

solicitation, from individuals or organizations that value my work. In our circle this lifestyle is

called living a life on faith basis. All appeals or solicitation for personal sustenance is

discouraged. We make appeals, for all our needs, directly to God. I came from a background

where my maternal grandparents were “commended workers” on a full time faith basis. Also, I

grew up in a family where my parents were “commended workers” on a full time faith basis. I

knew that things could be much unpredictable and tough in that lifestyle. However, I was

seriously in communication with my local church, Woodside Bible Chapel in Maywood, IL, for

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entering into such a lifestyle. I was willing to serve God and community, in richness or in

poverty. It is a life of a possible voluntary poverty.

When I was considering becoming a “commended worker” in 2004, I happened to meditate

on the story of Jesus Christ, when He was asked the question “What is the greatest

commandment?” Interestingly Jesus answers that the first and greatest commandment is to “love

the Lord your God with all your heart, mind and strength”. However, what surprised me was that

Jesus did not stop there. Although the question demanded just “one” commandment, Jesus goes

on to say that, “and the second is this, love your neighbor as yourself.” Jesus gives out “two”

instead of just “one” commandment. Not only that, Jesus goes on to give the parable of the Good

Samaritan to explain the second commandment. The first commandment pointed vertically

towards God, and the second pointed horizontally towards the community. While meditating on

this I was convinced that when I come out as a “commended worker” on a full time faith basis, I

would balance my efforts between both “spiritual” and the “social” action.

Much influenced with my Dad, George David, I had borrowed from him the idea of “focused

approach.” As an “interfaith activist” I was focusing on fostering harmony and reciprocal

dialogue between the Hindus and Christians.

I knew that I could not resolve all the social problems of the whole world, but I did know that

I could possibly focus of a specific social issue to make a small impact in my lifetime. After

much thought, because of the influence of my younger brother, Rajeev John George (1970 –

2005), I decided to become a “housing rights activist.”

I was endorsed as a “commended worker,” from my local church in November 2004. Later I

resigned from the pharmaceutical line of work and I started my life as a full time faith basis

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worker on March 31, 2006, concentrating as an “interfaith activist” and a “housing rights

activist.”

My name was “Anil George.” It was during late 2005, that I officially changed my name to

“Anil Yesudas.” My last name “Yesudas”, means “A bond servant of Jesus.” My dad had used

“Yesudas” as his pen name, for several for his articles and booklets that he wrote.

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Chapter 2

The Plan for Voluntary Homelessness

It was sometime in mid 1992, when my younger brother, Rajeev John George, (also

known as Raju) came to stay in the same hostel, called Johari Hostel, in a large city called

Indore, in India. In that year I was supposed to graduate from my pharmacy studies. My younger

brother, Rajeev, had completed his undergraduate studies, and was planning to enter into MSW,

Master of Social Work, specializing in community development, from Indore University. My

younger brother, Rajeev, had already done some substantial work among the slum dwellers in

Mhow, a small city in India, where we grew up.

I took my younger brother, Rajeev, to the terrace of the hostel. The hostel was called

“Johari hostel.” We stood at the edge of the terrace, and I showed him the slums adjacent to the

hostel. I told him, “Raju, you want to work among the slum people. You want to live in this cozy

hostel, study in a good college, earning a Master of Social Work. While you live here, you will

go into these slums for a few hours, and then come out again to sleep in this cozy hostel. Why

don’t you live in these slums and experience the life in there, and see what you can do from

within?” My younger brother, Rajeev was quietly listening. I talked to him about the

“incarnational principle” of Jesus Christ that he did not do things from far, but left his heavenly

glory, came down on the earth, became one among us, and communicated to us the love of God.

He did not respond much that day. In less than a year’s time Rajeev located himself to a slum in

Indore city, and started living there. He completed his Master of Social Work while he was

staying in the slum called “Chandraprabha Shekhar Nagar.”

While I had a good grip on the idea of using the “incarnational principle”, it was

nevertheless only in thought form. My younger brother had enough drive to put it into practice.

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Rajeev was action oriented. Personally, it took me a while to crystallize the idea of

“incarnational principle” into action. It was in Kalamazoo and Chicago that I started to practice

developing a lifestyle using the principle of incarnational communication in my “interfaith

activism.” I was looking towards applying the same principle of “incarnation” to “housing rights

activism.”

I take the idea of applying the “incarnation principle,” not in the sense that I am a savior,

but in the sense of a student, a participatory learner, learning directly from the struggle of the

homeless people, in order to jointly develop pro-poor interventions and solutions to

homelessness.

The next chapter contains some details as to how; I was able to befriended homeless

people. My homeless friends, stay under the bridge, camp out, hide in abandoned locations,

double up with friends, sleep on benches, stay in the cars, stay up awake all night in coffee-

houses, and walk on the sidewalks all nights. I decided that, I would want to spend some nights

with them, within the moral and legal framework, to experience homelessness, at the shelter

homes.

My younger brother Late Rajeev John George, was born on July 03, 1970. Therefore, I

chose this date to “start and end” my stay in emergency shelter homes, in memory of my younger

brother who was a housing rights activist in India. Rajeev was the Convenor of the “National

Forum for Housing Rights” in India. In November 2004, Rajeev was honored with “Housing

Rights Defender Award” by Switzerland based “Center on Housing Rights and Evictions”

(COHRE). Rajeev passed away on February 21, 2005.

From July 03, 2006 to July 03, 2007, I intended to sleep approximately three nights a

week, in emergency shelter homes. The initial plan was that, during the month of July 2006, I

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would spend two nights a week at the “Kalamazoo Gospel Mission” (KGM), in Kalamazoo MI.

If the experience seemed valuable, I would request the shelter home management to allow me to

stay there two nights a week, for one year. I contacted Rev. Michael Brown, Director of the

KGM and he graciously agreed to allow me to spend two nights every week, in the overnight

shelter program. I also contemplated to make contact with “Pacific Garden Mission” (PGM), an

emergency shelter home in Chicago to spend at least one night every week, till July 2007. Later,

I met Arloa Sutter, of the “Breakthrough Ministries”, in Chicago, to sleep in the men’s shelter,

for one night a week, for a month. Thus, during a given week, between Kalamazoo and Chicago,

I planned to spend approximately three nights in emergency shelter homes.

Some of the methodology that I intended to approach this project was as follows. I

planned to continue to keep a balance between my daily activities related to “housing rights

activism” and “interfaith activism.” Whenever possible I would try to use both privately funded

faith-based and state funded shelter houses. I decided that, I would carry minimum assets on my

person: Bible, diary, pens, hand-towel, cell phone, charger, credit card, minimum cash, driver’s

license and clothes for the next day. With regard to safety I would keep some of the key people

informed about my whereabouts: family, church, temple, activists, and my professors. If it were

within my resources I would also try to extend a helping hand in a low profile manner for their

spiritual and physical needs. I also wanted to keep a low profile and avoid media attention, as

this could be mistaken as showmanship and may hinder my experiential, participatory learning. I

also thought of maintaining a diary, to record some of the experiences that I would undergo

during my stay with the homeless people. I planned to mingle and befriend the homeless and

take mental and written notes on their life. I planned to explore where the homeless hang out and

what their survival skills are. I did not plan to look dirty, and I decided to maintain cleanliness. I

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also decided to be open to take advices from my academic advisor, Ms Cynthia Milsap, during

the course of this study. I have benefited much from the valuable advice that she gave thorough

out this project, which helped me to shape the course of action.

I planned to sleep in shelter homes only three nights a week, because I am married, and

having two small children. It was not logistically possible to stay away from home, seven nights

a week. With much hesitation my wife agreed to allow me to sleep three nights in shelter homes.

Due credit goes to my immediate and extended family, specially to my wife, Christina, my two

children, Faith and David, who were ready for the time and risk factors of this project. It would

not have been possible for me to do this without their understanding and support.

The Expectations

My plan to spend a year in shelters was an attempt to incarnate among the homeless

population, not as their savior but as a student and a learner, to partake, experience and

understand homelessness more closely. More precisely, through this closer proximity, my

attempt was to experience the environment of homelessness in the emergency shelter context. I

calculated that in the long run, this experience would help me, in partnership with the homeless

community and the concerned citizens, to develop pro-poor interventions to prevent

homelessness.

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Chapter 3

Walking on the Sidewalks

It was sometime in early 2004 that I first went to KGM, at downtown Kalamazoo, with a

colleague of mine. His name was Corey Smith and he was my best friend at workplace. Corey

was planning to donate his old car, so we decided to visit KGM during our lunch break. We

briefly explored KGM and then sat at the fast food restaurant next to the train station, which was

just a block away from the KGM. As we sipped the coffee we looked around to see many people

who seemed to struggle with poverty and with possible homelessness. I looked at my friend

Corey and said, “This is the place, this is where I would want to hang out.” He smiled, thinking

that I was joking. I was serious.

As an “interfaith activist”, it was my daily routine to visit the “Kalamazoo Hindu Temple.” I

would end up at the temple each evening after work. While I would think about visiting

Kalamazoo downtown, I did not make many visits there. About once in a month, after the visit to

the temple, I would go to Kalamazoo downtown and spend sometime at a fast food restaurant,

sipping coffee and observing people.

In November 2004, I was given the status of “commended worker” on a full time faith basis,

from my local church in Chicago. I was already much involved in the work as an “interfaith

activist.” I had to struggle much to learn how to balance my life to include the “housing rights

activism” into my life.

It came to me as a major shock in February 2005 that my younger brother Rajeev died in

mysterious circumstances. Immediately after his death I visited India and came back to

Kalamazoo in early March 2005. It was then it gripped me that I had to seriously balance my life

between “interfaith activism” and “housing rights activism.” I was already in communication

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with North Park University to join Master of Arts in Community Development. This incident

confirmed that I needed formal education in community development, as I intended to make it a

life long focus. I joined Master of Arts in Community Development.

I already had developed a daily routine to spend time in the Hindu temples. I started going to

Kalamazoo downtown on a daily basis, to sit at the fast food place next to the train station and

KGM. It took me a few weeks to get over the anxiety of the new environment.

Initially I sat inside the restaurant, sipping coffee, every evening, watching specially the

people who struggle with poverty. After a few weeks, I started sitting outside the restaurant and

watch the people on the sidewalk. Many who seemed to struggle with poverty stayed at KGM. I

spend another few weeks sitting outside the restaurant every evening. I had begun to recognize

some of the faces that seemed to stay at KGM. I tried to smile at a few of them, but they did not

respond much.

While sipping coffee, sitting outside the restaurant, from a distance, about a block away, near

KGM, I could see small, scattered groups of people standing around. After a few days, I started

to walk towards that group, just for a few minutes. I would stand there among the scattered

groups of people going in and out of KGM, keeping my eye on my car parked a block away in

the restaurant parking lot. I would hang out for a few minutes, in front of KGM and then come

back to sit outside the restaurant.

Later, I decided to park in KGM, “South Parking Lot”, and I would walk over to the

restaurant for a coffee, and then walk back to stand in front sidewalk of KGM. I would do this

every day from Monday through Thursday. Slowly the faces became much familiar. Some of

them would occasionally smile at me. Some of my anxiety vanished.

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Every evening it became a routine to stand across the street from KGM, on the sidewalk.

Some of the homeless people would ask me for a cigarette and I would politely say that I had

quit smoking. Some would ask for a dollar, and I was would politely refuse and they would just

walk away from me without talking any further.

After some time, whenever someone would approach me to get a cigarette or a dollar, I

would invite him to have coffee with me. Almost every day, one or the other would agree to sit

with me over a cup of coffee. Within a couple months I knew several of them by name. They had

told me about themselves over the cup of coffee. I made many friends.

I had to muster up enough courage within myself to walk up to someone I did not know, to

enter into a conversation. It took me a while to overcome the hesitation of proactively walking

up to someone to enter into a conversation, and offer him a coffee.

Some were friendly, and others were not so friendly. Some of them would agree to come for

a cup of coffee, while a few would politely refuse. A few of them would try to see if I would

spend much more on them, apart from the coffee. I would politely let them know that I could

only afford coffee, and they would agree.

Once I was on the sidewalk talking to a homeless man. While he was talking to me, all his

attention was across the street on another homeless woman. He was showing a lot of interest in

her. I was getting very irritated at his behavior. I thought to myself, “Why can’t he first take care

of himself, and stop being distracted by women? He himself is in a mess, how could he possibly

take care of her?” It took a few weeks for him to become friendly to that woman. In less than a

month both of them moved out from the shelter home to an apartment. I began to realize that, as

single individuals their resources would not allow them to get out of homelessness, but because

they partnered, they came together and pooled their money to live together. I guessed that they

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were not married. My Christian upbringing made me much uncomfortable at that thought. I have

known several homeless men who are single. However, I found out that those who had a partner,

a significant other, or a spouse, got out of homelessness faster. It seemed that they wanted to be

protective of their partner, they wanted some privacy, and the best option was to get out of

emergency shelter situation as fast as possible. While I do not endorse living together before

marriage, however, as a “housing rights activist”, I am happy to note that faithful financial

partnering may help a couple to move out of homelessness faster.

There was this African-American man who had a peculiar slight limp on one leg. He had

braided hair. I approached him on the sidewalk. I smiled and said “hello.” He looked at me, and

just ignored. A few days later I saw him again and said “hello.” It seemed that, he did not want

me to talk to him. A week or so later, I tried to ask him his name, and he said, “my name could

be anything, why would you want to know, there are people who are police informants, I don’t

want to talk to you.” There were other homeless persons listening to our conversation. I just

laughed out loud. Later I would run into him again, and he would look the other way. After a few

months, I was standing on the sidewalk. It was a blizzard, almost a foot of snow. No one was on

the sidewalk. All my friends had gone into the shelter home. I just stood there alone. It was about

9:30 P.M. After a while I saw a man on the sidewalk, about half a block away. He had that

peculiar slight limp and I knew it was he. I just waved. I was all bundled up and he did not

recognize me from that distance. He walked towards me. When he came close, he recognized me

and said, “Oh, it’s you. What are you doing up here?” I said, “I just came to see my friends.” He

looked away and mumbled, “In this blizzard?” I said, “If they are my friends, I should not worry

about the blizzard.” His face softened a little, and he asked me if I had a cigarette on me. I said

that I had left smoking a long time ago, “but we can sit and have some coffee.” He hesitated for a

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moment and said, “alright.” On the way I introduced myself. He shared that he grew up in

Benton Harbor. As we sipped coffee, he uncovered his knee to show the swelling on his knee

that made him limp as he walked. He said that it had been snowing all day and he could not meet

any of his friends. He also said that he had no money on him and he was sad. He pulled out to

show me his driver’s license, as he said that it was his birthday, that very same day, and he had

been very lonely and without money. I pulled out a five-dollar bill and gave it to him, and said

that it was his birthday gift. He seemed very happy. I asked if he would drink alcohol with that

money, and he said, “no…no…no.” That day we became good friends.

Once I was on the sidewalk, trying to merge into a group. A middle-aged African-American

man came by and he saw me. Many times people would mistake that I was a Middle Eastern

Arab. He looked at me in a very animated way, and pretended to take out an imaginary hand

grenade, and he pretended pulling out the trigger with his teeth, and pretended to throw at me

with a hissing sound. In a slow motion he indicated that the imaginary hand grenade was coming

at me, while he made the hissing sound. At the end of the hissing sound he did a loud “boom.”

Everyone laughed. I laughed too. I thought to myself that if he does that to me again, I would

pretend to fall down dead. However, he never did it to me again. Later we became friends. His

name was Habib. He had previously been homeless and I asked him about his experience. He

said, “very tiring…very tiring.” He said that when he was homeless he would try not go to the

shelter home because the Christian people ran it. Habib was an influenced by Islam. He would

just walk around all night. He said, “It was tiring…very tiring.”

Sometimes, on the sidewalk I would run into young people. They were hardly in their early

twenties. Their parents thought that their responsibility was over, and they kicked their children

out of their homes. I thought back at my own life, growing up in India, “When I was in my early

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twenties I had made some pretty bad decisions.” I thought, “in fact, much of my ideas at that

time, would have had lead to much destruction of my future.” Growing up, I was blessed with a

family, and a culture that allowed me to be at home, while my parents and community gently

guided me, steering me away from my destructive ideas. I think that some of the craziest ideas

can enter a person’s mind when he or she is between 18 and 25 years of age. I think that a culture

that thinks that children should move out of home after they are 18, could be putting them into

much jeopardy.

Then there was this man, who was often shabbily dressed. He would always be walking, very

slowly. He must be in his early forties. He would never talk to anyone. He had a good but

intimidating physique. I asked one my friends about him. He said, “Oh, that’s Jim. No one talks

to him”, then he said in a low tone, “I wouldn’t.” One day I saw Jim walking slowly. I walked

towards him, and came up by his side. He was coolly walking, engrossed in his thoughts. I came

close and said, “Hi, Jim.” He got startled. He moved back and closed both his fists, almost to a

position of physical defense. I did not want to show any panic, so I just smiled and then couldn’t

hold my laughter. Then he relaxed. I said to him, “I just said, Hi.” I offered him a coffee. He

politely refused. But we did get acquainted. Whenever I would ask him a question he would start

with a long stretched out, “Well…” and then it seemed that he was thinking long and hard, and

would never answer any of my questions. He would normally respond to all my questions with

such non-verbal answers. He would never agree to sit over a cup of coffee. Once in a while I

would give him a dollar for coffee. I could never get to know much about him directly from him.

Sometimes, I would meet people on the sidewalk, who thought that I owned a business, and

they wanted to get a small job. They would insist that they want to work just for three weeks.

Later they divulged that if they work for more than three weeks, then their “child support”

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locates them and then they do not get much out of their pay. So they do not want to work at a

place for more than three weeks.

Then I had a friend who did get a job. He would dress up in funny fancy clothes, waving at

the passers-by, encouraging them to come into a particular shop. That was the only job he could

get. Whenever passing by that store, I would wave back at him. Once I stopped by and asked

him, what did he do for lunch? He said, “nothing.” He would just sit around, skipping lunch and

just relaxing. I offered him a bite at a nearby “Subway” and to talk casually. He said that he had

worked for a few months now, and would soon be losing his job. I felt sad, and asked how he is

trying to get into the next job. He said that he would not try for a job for about four months, and

just try to get unemployment benefits instead. He said that he tries to work just before winter, so

that he can get unemployment benefits during the winter season.

Another night, on the sidewalk, I saw Jeni. She had a black eye and her face was swollen

with violent punches. She said that her boyfriend did it. He would get violent after drinking.

“Did you ever take the help of police?” I asked. She said that she had tried that twice, but she did

not want to call the police again, as it may lead to felony charges against her boyfriend.

Some of my friends on the sidewalk have talked to me about their “felonies.” “Felonies” that

occurred to them long ago. There were times in their life they were in so much of desperation,

and other times of much motivation, when they sincerely sought employment. But, their felonies

would come as a stumbling block to procure employment. Sometimes they had lied to the

employers that they did not have any felonies, hoping to get a job, for a few weeks. After a while

they are so tired of getting rejected that they stop looking for a regular job. I just wondered in my

heart that the local drug dealer is always willing to hire irrespective of their “felonies.”

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At one time, I was sipping coffee, sitting outside the fast food restaurant. A heavy set middle-

aged lady came to me and sat down across me on the table. She was crying, saying that someone

just shot her mother, and her mother was lying dead on the streets a few miles away and she

needed some money for the taxi. I had seen that lady around, panhandling and struggling with

homelessness, and I knew full well that she was just making up a story. Poverty, hunger and

desperation had driven her to make-up these false stories, to get some sympathy and money. I

looked at her closely, her story was indeed false, but her tears were true.

Then there was Timothy, who would always politely refuse to sit over a cup of coffee. He

would come up and talk to on the sidewalk, every time he saw me. He could be in his early 50’s.

He said that he felt weak and was finding it hard to do the chores at the shelter home. He said

that the supervisors at that KGM wouldn’t take him seriously when he said that he was weak.

Every week he was losing weight. I asked him if he tried to take some medical help. He would

smile, and say that he did not want to. He said that he had lost interest in appetite. I saw him last

sitting on a bench near the museum. He seemed to have lost a lot of weight. I went to him and

asked if I should talk to KGM staff to take him off his chores. He said, “don’t talk to them, they

won’t understand.” Next week, I heard that he was dead. I went to the hospital where he died.

The hospital would not tell which funeral home he was at. They said that it was privileged

information that they could tell only to his relatives. It seemed that Timothy had lost the desire to

thrive and live.

I have another friend, Karen. She has never been homeless. She comes to the garbage dump

in front of the Kalamazoo Community Mental Health Building, on every Christmas day. She

places flowers over the garbage dump where her friend, Dawson, died on Christmas Eve. “It was

21


a cold night”, she said, “and he was probably drunk” and did not realize that he couldn’t survive

that cold. Dawson avoided emergency shelters.

Rex was a young guy. He would come off and on to Kalamazoo. Once he came with his

girlfriend. She was on a wheelchair. Rex would push around the wheelchair all day. Sometime

ago he lost all his belongings. I offered to take him around so that he can procure his identity

card. I could make good friends with him, talking while going around with him. People are more

open to be friendly when I came along their side to serve them. Later, many of them would just

leave town, and I would not see them again for a long time.

My friend Wayne, in his mid-20s, once said that he had procured HARP (Homeless

Assistance Recovery Program) voucher that could place him in an apartment. With the limited

number of vouchers that are available, I thought that this was a good opportunity for him, to

come out of homelessness. The only condition was that he should come up with any amount of a

regular income source. I offered to give him ride or any other help, to procure employment, as he

had limited time, before he could lose his voucher. He did not show much interest. He lost his

voucher. He continues to struggle with homelessness.

The “Ministry to Community”, has a day drop-in shelter. Many, who struggle with

homelessness, would hang out at this drop-in shelter. They have access to several services there.

It is always crowded and busy. I would just walk in there and sit around for a few minutes to

catch up with my friends.

Sometimes, someone would approach and talk to me, while at the drop-in center or on the

sidewalk. I visited the local Kalamazoo county jail, every Monday for a few months. Some had

seen me during the visits to the jail. I realized that I could meet some of my friends from the

downtown sidewalk, at the jail. Others, whom I met in the jail, saw me later on the sidewalk and

22


would come up to me to chat. Those on the sidewalk, struggling with homelessness, it seems, are

at more risk to get entangled with legal problems, and end up in the jail. On the other hand, those

who have been in the jail for a relatively long time are at the risk of ending up on the sidewalk,

struggling with homelessness. Shelters and Jails, it seems have a two way street between them.

Another friend Jack said that he had spent several years in prison. I saw him late night

walking on the sidewalk. I asked him if he managed to get an apartment. He said that he was still

homeless. I asked him if he was going to be at the shelter home. He said, “naaaa…I have been

long enough locked up behind the walls. I do not like walls. I would rather stay outside.”

While I was sipping coffee outside the restaurant, I saw a big African-American guy, in his

sixties. He had a large suitcase with him. He was sitting quietly. It was late evening. I struck up a

conversation with him. I told him that I used to work in a pharmaceutical firm, but now I left that

job to do “interfaith activism” and “housing rights activism.” He said that my earlier job could be

a better paying job. I said, “that it true, but I chose to followed a calling.” He said that you were

better off with the old job, because you paid more taxes, so that the poor could get help from that

tax money. He seemed very angry at me. He talked in a very rough, angry voice and said, “You

think you are Jesus or what…walking around?” and he abruptly got up and left. The next day,

late in the evening I saw him again about 3 miles away from the shelter home. He was walking

slowly, dragging his suitcase behind. I was driving in the other direction and I turned around and

drove up to him. He seemed startled. I said, “Clarence, you need a ride?” He was quiet for a

moment and with a friendly tone said, “No, I’ll walk.” I met him again a couple of times at the

coffee shop. He was much polite then.

Earlier, on the sidewalks I would avoid talking to women, and just approach homeless men. I

was just trying to be conservative. Mostly I ended up on the sidewalk from 8:00 P.M. to

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sometimes as late as 11:00 P.M. One day I overheard someone say about me, “I think he could

be a gay.” I changed my policy and became open to talk to women as well. And I would

proactively let people know of my wife and two children.

Near the KGM is Martin Luther King (MLK) Park. Many homeless people hang out there. I

told my friend Jacob that I am planning to hang out at MLK Park. He looked at me and said,

“Try to avoid that.” I asked him why. He said that, that is where much of the direct drug dealing

and prostitution takes place. “It can also turn violent, just be careful”, he said. He was also

willing to accompany me there, if needed. After a few days, I walked up to MLK Park. I saw an

acquaintance, Justus, sitting on the ground alone. I went up to him and sat down on the grass

facing him, trying to start a conversation. I saw two guys come up to us. I was squatting on the

grass; one of them stood, right behind me, the other came and stood by my side, both of them

stood up-close. I was squatting on the grass. Justus looked up at them with questioning eyes and

asked them, “What…what…what…” They did not say anything. I looked up at them; they were

not looking at me. I saw them continuously looking at the road, almost scanning the road if

people or police were watching. I had already decided, not to come to a defensive position, nor to

look scared. I just sat there, smiling. Justus again said to them, “what…what…I’m just talking to

him.” They hovered around me for a couple minutes and then left. I continue to feel a lot of

resistance at the MLK Park. I have not yet been able to penetrate it yet.

Then there is the Bronson Park, where a lot of local Caucasian people gather. About four

blocks away is the MLK Park, where mostly African-American people hang out. The police is

always hovering around the Bronson Park, day and night, and can be often seen intervening if

they see any small suspicious activity. At the MLK Park, the police seem to be driving around,

but with much disinterest. It seems that the police deliberately delay intervention at MLK, with

24


an attitude of “planned abandonment” because they want those who hang out at MLK to

continue to engage more and more illegal activities, so that when the police do come, they can

come in and arrest for possible felony charges.

My friend David at the shelter home struggled with alcoholism. He would come up and talk

to me on the sidewalk. He would always politely refuse to talk over a cup of coffee, but was

always proactively coming to talk to me. He once asked me, “Why do you come here?” I smiled

and said, “I have friends here.” He said, “You do have a Nazarene look.” I just laughed.

A Hispanic guy, Jorge, whenever I would approach him, would pretend that he did not know

English,. I have never been able to talk to him. For a while I thought that maybe, he really does

not speak English, until I saw him the other day at the coffee shop, speaking perfect English. I

continue to wait on him to open up for conversation.

Another young guy, Sebastian, had a very aggressive temperament. Sometimes I would see

several small cuts on his body. He said that when he would get angry he would cut himself up.

He had a fascination about knives. I would see on him small, highly craved pocketknives. He

said he was waiting on his psychiatrist to diagnose him well enough to get a “crazy check.” His

moods fluctuated. Sometimes, he would talk as a friend, at other times he would pretend that he

did not know me.

The Downtown area of Kalamazoo has several organizations serving the homeless

population. The main among them are, Kalamazoo Gospel Mission, Ministry to Community,

Alpha and Omega, Safe House and The Open Door/Next Door. Several homeless people utilize

the services rendered by these organizations.

One thing that I noticed on the sidewalk was that, initially a sidewalk may seem intimidating

and may even have the possibility of safety concerns, but as I stood more often on a sidewalk,

25


the safer it became for me. This was because I developed relationship with several others who

end up on the same sidewalk, and we unconsciously form a hedge of protection for each other.

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Chapter 4

Sleeping in the Shelter

It was not so easy for me to stand on the sidewalk across the shelter home. The cars would

stop by at the train station, and the people in the cars would glance outside at the people

struggling with homelessness. Many times I would get the disinterested looks of the people in the

cars that stopped by. I was placing myself at a position where people would mistake me for a

homeless person. Sometimes I had to suppress my ego as I stood on the sidewalks.

I had already planned to sleep on the night of July 03, 2006. It was a Monday. I had much

anxiety. I worried about my health. I worried about violence. I worried about my status. And I

wondered if there was any other way that I could incarnate among these people who struggle

with homelessness.

I packed my bag. I had toothbrush, paste, comb, some lotion, Bible, and a notebook. I

tried hard to wear a smile. It was about 9:00 P.M. that I stood at the line entering the KGM

shelter home. I had stood at that line several times, with my friends that would go in and sleep in

the shelter home. When they had gone in, I would walk back to the sidewalk and later to my car

and go home. This time it was different. I stood in the line to get in and sleep in the shelter. I saw

some familiar faces that were setting up their mattresses on the floor to sleep. A couple of them

walked up to me when I got inside. “Are you sure, you are going to sleep here?” one of them

asked. I said, “Yes.”

From July 03, 2006 to July 03, 2007, I was able to sleep approximately three nights a

week, in emergency shelter homes. During this time I stayed in Kalamazoo Gospel Mission in

Kalamazoo, MI, Pacific Garden Mission in Chicago, IL, and Breakthrough Ministries in

Chicago, IL.

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The following are the handwritten notes that I wrote in my diary for the first few months,

when I slept at the shelter homes and then I stopped to write because of redundancy. To protect

the identity of my friends in the shelter home, I have used just an “alphabet in uppercase” to

indicate their names. At the end of each entry in the dairy, I signed my name. As these are diary

entries, the notes are written in “first person / present tense” grammar.

July 03, 2006

Today is Raju’s (Rajeev John George) birthday. It is about 9:45 P.M. I am in the “10 to 6”

section of KGM (where people are allowed to come and sleep between 10: P.M. to 6:00 A.M.).

Today is my first day I am staying here. The staff was very courteous. I registered today at about

5:00 P.M. I checked in at about 9:30 P.M. I have been given a mattress and a blanket. There are

about 50 mattresses on the floor here. Almost all of them are occupied. It seems that there could

have been more people here. During this time of the month many people get their checks. Maybe

because of that there are less people tonight. A couple of them are already snoring loudly. I read

psalms 84 tonight. Raju had preached from this chapter, while he was at the assembly (church) at

Porte Allegre, in Brazil, on 30-Jan-2005. It was in 1992, that I advised Raju to live in the slums.

He took that seriously and lived in the slums for more than three and a half years. It is in his

memory that I have chosen to spend approximately three nights a week in emergency shelter

homes. I plan to do this from July 03, 2006 to July 03, 2007. I am praying that God may give me

the wisdom guidance and protection. They have turned off the lights here. However, I can still

manage to write in the dim light. People are still coming in. Some are going back and forth to the

washroom. It is very quiet here now. No one is talking. I can hear several versions of loud

snoring sounds. My anxiety has much subsided. I pray that God may give Christina (Chrissy),

my wife, the peace of mind while I sleep here. Signed Anil Yesudas.

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July 04, 2006

At about 10:00 P.M. the supervisor came in to pray. “T” prayed. Few people mumbled

“amen.” As “T” was walking away one person called him to say “thank you.” Earlier I was

reading Psalm 84 from the Bible. I politely asked the person next to me if he had any prayer

request. He just laughed loudly. After a few minutes he said, “You just don’t fool people

sometimes, you do it all the times.” I laughed. Another person next to me, who has done several

years in jail time, asked me, “Did you come here to see how bums live?” I said to him, “I came

here to see this place.” He smiled and said, “There is a lot of hypocrisy here.” When the lights

went off, there was silence for about 15 minutes. Then someone started talking loudly. Another

person next to me was half-sitting half-lying, just reclining. He was listening to music all night.

Every time I woke up, he was never sleeping. Another person watched a movie in his handheld

DVD player. One person that I knew came in to talk to some of his friends. Later he came to me

to ask for some money. I politely refused. There were about fifty persons in the hall. Half of

them snored loudly. I tried to sleep between my anxiety, snoring, talking, subtle music, and

comments of the people. At about 3:00 A.M., I felt backache. One guy moaned loudly, “Oh, my

F****** God.” I woke up at 5:00 A.M., brushed and walked to McDonald’s (McD) for coffee

and a light breakfast. Later, I sat through the Mission breakfast talking to a new friend. I left the

mission at about 8:00 A.M. On my way home, I called Brij Bhargava, President of the

Kalamazoo Hindu Temple, to let him know that I was alright. I felt good that everything went

well. Signed Anil Yesudas.

July 09, 2006

I checked in KGM at 10:00 P.M. today. By the time I got my mattress and blanket the lights

were off. I had to look around for a place in the hall to put my mattress. Few of my friends

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greeted me. They seemed surprised but they understood my position. I counted 63 people in the

hall. Still some more are coming in. When I went into the walk-in closet where the mattresses are

kept, I found one person sleeping in there. He turned the lights on for me to pick up a mattress.

These are Rexene covered green mattresses, of about 3 inches thickness. There are also some

black colored mattresses, of about 6 inches thickness. I think the people with disabilities use

them. I met a father and a son; both of them are my good friends. One guy advised me to place

the mattress in such a place so that people can walk around it, “unless you want to pick up a

fight”, he said. I can see another friend of mine writing something in his notebook, using a tiny

torch. I cannot read the Bible because it is too dark in here. One person is sitting on a chair,

listening to music over his headphone. I can hear two people talking softly. “T” moved away his

mattress when he saw that I settled down next to him. The supervisors have been very gracious

and courteous. One person started snoring now. Another person just walked in and is taking

something out of his locker. The bathroom door makes distinct noise when it is opened or closed.

I feel more comfortable today. Things seem familiar. My wife Christina called, I just whispered

to her that I am in the shelter home. She said “ok” and hung up. I love you, Christina. I could

never have done this without Christina’s support. I am squatting on my mattress and writing this.

“L” just started to snore, he is real loud. I am going to sit here for a few minutes to pray for some

of my friends here. Signed, Anil Yesudas.

July 10, 2006

I woke up at least seven times during the night. Later, I saw some of my friends, who did not

say “hello”, instead they just remained silent. It seems that they are still processing as to why I

am sleeping here. One of the supervisors seemed surprised that I was sleeping in “10 to 6” area,

rather than the dorm, which has bunk beds. Woke up at 5:00 A.M., brushed and went to McD for

30


coffee. “J” came along with me. At around 2:00 A.M. there was a little commotion. One person

in the hall dirtied a place. The supervisor made him to clean the area. I saw another person leave

the hall at 2:30 A.M. He looked like an elderly man. Talked to “M” and “T” during the KGM

breakfast. Talked to “B”. “W” stopped by to say “hi.” He had come over to pick up his bicycle.

Got a call from Sushil (my elder brother) from India that Daddy is not well and had hernia like

symptoms. In the morning I noticed that the maintenance manager had placed a warning on my

car, stating that I should get a permit for the “North Parking Lot.” Currently, I have a permit for

the “South Parking Lot”, which expires on July 12, 2006. He has been insisting to get a permit

for the “North Parking Lot” (where their homeless clients park). He is worried that if he allows

me to park in the “South Parking Lot”, then others might object to it. I understood his point, but I

am now worried about parking in the “North Parking Lot”, which does not look very safe. I

would have to rely on God’s protection. Met “S” in the morning. He said that he came out of Jail

about 2 weeks ago. Introduced myself to “Z”, “J” and “G”, in the morning. Met “J” at McD. Saw

“S’s” girlfriend, at 5:30 A.M. in McD. Did chores cleaning the mattresses. Signed, Anil Yesudas.

July 11, 2006

(10: 15 P.M.) Came to KGM at 10:00 P.M. Could not spend much time on the streets in the

afternoon. Spent about two hours on the streets in the morning hours. When I asked for a blanket,

one of the supervisors did not pay any attention. Instead he asked me, “where is the blanket that

we gave you yesterday?” He seemed sarcastic. Anyway, I had brought my personal blanket, so I

am fine tonight. Talked to “S” as I came in. He seems very appreciative of what I am doing. (He

told me some days later, “If Jesus would come to Kalamazoo, this is where he would sleep.”).

“K” lent me his pocket torch, in case I needed it to write my diary. Chrissy called. Sushil called.

I hope daddy is doing well in India. My friends “W” and “B” are here. The supervisor said

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something to “B”, and then “B” walked out. I hope “B” wife is doing alright. “S” and “K” are

talking. The lights just turned off. I can now use “K” torch to write. One guy was trying to grab

my spot. Had to talk to him a little rough. I don’t know which spot he is sleeping. Few of them

are already snoring. “L” was sleeping between the two doors. “T” was reading a book. “J” was

relaxing on the chair. Said “hello” to “A”. Some of the people it seems have a regular spot in this

hall. Sixty nine people are now sleeping in this hall. I can hear some music from peoples’

earphone. Signed, Anil Yesudas

July 12, 2006

(9:00 A.M.). Last night I slept well. I may have woken up only two times during the night. I

remember the day was tiring. Also, I think I am getting used to the “10-6” environment. Later in

the night I saw three people sleeping between the two front doors. The guy who trying to take

my spot, I did not see him later. He was going out to smoke, I wonder if he ever came back in.

The supervisor was watching a movie. Woke up at 4: 45 A.M. Got fresh. There is no door on the

stalls. It is difficult to brush after I see a couple of residents sitting on the stalls. Went to McD in

the morning. Called Daddy. Called Sushil. Mommy was a little worried about my stay at shelter

homes, however, Sushil and Daddy are very encouraging. The status consciousness within me is

slowly breaking apart. I can now identify with the “10-6” people more easily. During the night I

parked the car in the “North Parking Lot.” “A” said that he slept in his car, although it is against

the rules of KGM. “A” mentioned about another guy that also sleeps in the car. “A” also

indicated that a woman visits the other guy who sleeps in the car. “A” was worried that someone

would find that out and then he would not be able to sleep in his car. There could be around 20

cars in the “North Parking Lot.” I am a little worried about parking my car in the “North Parking

Lot.” In the morning I did chores, cleaning the mattresses with bleach. It seemed that “W”

32


wanted to talk to me but by the time I finished my chores, I could not find him. Talked to “C”,

“J”, K”, “W”, “J”, and “T”. Introduced myself to “L” and “A”. “L” kneels down on a chair next

to his mattress for several hours during the night. I asked “L” if he had any back problems, but

he said that he kneels and prays. He said that he is a born-again Christian. He is a very quiet

person. Signed, Anil Yesudas.

July 19, 2006

9:30 A.M. I am at my home in Portage, MI. I spent the night on July 17, 2006 and July 18,

2006 at KGM.

On the night of July 17, 2006, I reached the KGM at about at about 10:05 P.M. I took my

comforter with me as I realized that there were no blankets at KGM. The lights were already

turned off, so I searched for an empty mattress in semi-darkness. A middle- aged guy “A” was

loudly arguing and cussing out at his neighbors. That went on for about 15 minutes before the

supervisor came in and calmed him down. The supervisor was firm but polite. I could not read

the Bible or write my diary as the lights were turned off. There were at least 5-6 people who

seem to have a reserved spot. I have been seeing them every time at the same spot. Usually, the

buddies that hang out together sleep next to each other. I saw a couple people searching for

blankets. Did chores in the morning. Met “R” and “G” at the breakfast table. Many people

seemed disinterested during the morning devotions.

On the night of July 18, 2006, I went in at KGM at about 9:30 P.M. Talked to “W” about his

experiences at “R’s” place. Earlier that day, I had been to “R’s” place to ask about her

experiences. “M” and “W” discussed the tightening of the statute related to panhandling. Their

worry was that it would cause the homeless to get into misdemeanors, which would affect their

33


chances for jobs. One guy was snoring real loud. “W” had reserved a spot for “T.” When “S”

came to sleep “T” had gone out for a smoke. This was the conversation between “S” and “W”:

“S” = Who is here? (Pointing at the empty spot)

“W” = That’s for my friend “T”

“S” = Does he snore?

“W” = No

“S” = Does he stink?

“W”= No, he is one of the cleanest person that I know of.

“S” = Good (“S” mumbled)

Woke up “J” at 5:00 A.M. so that he could go to “Labor-Ready”, a daily contract work

place. Did chores in the morning, sanitizing the mattress. “C” seems to be happy when I partner

with him for the chores. Two guys were arguing on the side loudly, as we cleaned the mattresses.

I could not make out what the argument was about. Again, met “R” and “G” at the breakfast

table. Encouraged “S” to remain in school. “S” seemed to appreciate my stay at the KGM.

Signed, Anil Yesudas.

July 26, 2009

I spent the night of July 24, 2006 and July 25, 2006 at KGM.

On the night of July 24, 2006 AD, I reached at about 9:45 P.M. after my visit to the

Kalamazoo County Jail. I parked in the “North Parking Lot.” It seemed that there were less

people in “10-6”, maybe around 50 people. I found a mat next to “W” and “S.” Talked to “W”

and “S.” The supervisor asked one of the guys to pray. “Z” prayed. I have seen “Z” late at night

on Portage Road. Talked to “W”, “S” did not join in the conversation but seemed that he was

listening. “W” talked about “R.” We talked about some spiritual things. I had a pop in my bag

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but forgot to drink it. Called Chrissy. Did not talk to her much, maybe a sentence or two. Met

“K” in the morning of July 25, 2006. Gave “K” a birthday gift. “S” was in jail for a day for

misdemeanor. Talked to “J” in the jail, he did mention about “S.” “J” told that he would serve

time until January of next year. Did chores in the morning. Bought breakfast for “W.” I hope he

does not expect it every time. “W” tried to offer money but I turned it down. Talked to “C” in the

morning at about 4:45 A.M. It seemed that she was looking for some business. I was sitting on

the pavement in front of the KGM men’s section door. She talked about 5 minutes and then

walked away when I mentioned that I was a church worker.

(On the night of July 25, 2006 AD), at about 9:15 P.M. bought a pop for “W.” I went to

the car to get my bag and requested “W” to save a spot for me in “10-6.” He laughed. “M”

requested me to get the mat next to him. He is a big black man, of medium height. He would

cuss in each of his sentences. He also thought that he had the gift of prophecy. He told “W” that

“W” would soon work with children. “W” seemed very impressed, as he was planning to teach

Sunday school and work as a road-crossing guide for school children. “M” also tried to give

some prophecy for me. I just laughed it off. It was funny to hear his prophecy while he cussed in

every sentence. “M” would talk non-stop. “K” stopped by and talked in a very animated manner

about a rock group. Talked at length to “W.” “W” still carries a carry-on apart from his large

backpack. Last week I had tried to get a locker for him but nothing was available. One of the

toilets was awfully dirty at night. It seemed that it was choked. Went for coffee in the morning

with “J.” “J” said that he would go to the “recycle-place” to work. Later in the afternoon stopped

by the drop-in center. Talked to “S”, “F”, and B.” One woman was trying to hustle. Could not

sleep well for the last two nights. Signed, Anil Yesudas.

Aug 30, 2006 AD

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Stayed in KGM on Mondays and Tuesdays of August 2006. Could not jot down the notes

on the first four weeks of August. These are the notes for August 28, 2006 and August 29, 2010.

On the August 28, 2006, reached KGM at about 10: 15 P.M. Got late due to the visit at

the Kalamazoo County Jail. Met one of my homeless friends “T” in jail. When I reached KGM,

the “Good Samaritan Room”, also known as “10-6” was packed full. There was hardly enough

room to walk. Thanks to “J” that he had reserved a mat for me. He knows that I come on

Mondays and Tuesdays. I have known “J” for about a year and half now. He showed up at KGM

again about the first week of August. Could not sleep well at night. Took permission to call

India. Called India at 2:30 AM at night, to talk to Bank Manager at Kerala, India. “D” the

supervisor was watching a movie, so I stepped between the double doors to talk on the phone.

Went to McD at 5:00 A.M. Went with “J” and “J.” Did chores cleaning the mats. Many of the

residents, it seemed, did the chores half-heartedly. I noticed this during the morning chores,

many a times they are irritably slow. It was raining when I came back from McD to KGM. “W”

walked away from the middle of the devotion. Later he told me that he was feeling sleepy, and it

was hard for him to hear anything too serious early in the morning. Stayed back for breakfast at

KGM only for a few minutes. While driving back home I saw police activity in the MLK Park. I

parked my car near the “Ministry to Community” drop-in center. The police were clearing all the

belongings of the squatters. The police put everything on the police car trunk and took it away.

Probably it would be all thrown in the garbage (I am not sure). There were about three police

cars there. I saw two homeless persons walk over to get their bags. I talked to both of them. They

said the police warned them that they would be ticket them for littering. Rest of the homeless

people seemed afraid to go and get their belongings. “H” said that the police had warned about

this about a week ago. Others that I talked to said that the police did not give any prior warning. I

36


felt sad about this event because these were the only possessions of many of the homeless

persons. I felt really bad because it had been raining all day and night. It would be hard on the

homeless people to lose all their possessions on a rainy day. There were about four persons

angrily eyeballing the police. One elderly person aimed at the police with the umbrella, and then

pretended he missed the shot. One of the KHAN members “T” was also standing next to me. I

felt that the police was watching me. Later I drove to the KGM thrift store to see if the police

was dumping these things there. (“T” said that the stuff would be given to the thrift store to be

resold.) I did not find any indication that the police dumped the things at the KGM thrift store.

Later during the day I visited KGM and Bronson Park. Sat with “J” at the McD, trying to

persuade “J” to give up alcohol. I think “J” has a lot of potential. While I did this I felt that the

police was watching me. One police guy was giving me a look (he was lean, balled, with thick

red moustache, middle aged). I felt that the police is trying to scare me. I am not afraid, but still I

am concerned. Talked to Christina about this over the phone.

On the July 29, 2006 evening, reached KGM at about 9:00 P.M. Offered the remaining

pizza to “W.” We sat in the car chatting. Went in at about 9:30 P.M. “J” was not able to save a

spot for me. But I did find a good spot. Today also I noticed that “10-6” was full. Maybe because

it is the end of the month and it was raining for two days at a row now. Talked to “W” before

going to sleep. I felt very tired. “J” and “J” requested me to wake them up in the morning. One

guy prayed, he did not pray in the name of Jesus. He may not be a Christian. In the middle of the

night “R” yelled at his neighbor warning him not to touch him. Probably it was an accident. I felt

congested at night because all the mats next to me were too close. Talked to “S”, he seemed to be

doing all right. He said that he had come just for the night. Went to McD in the morning. At 5:50

A.M. a lady came to the men’s reception area asking for someone. “D” the supervisor talked to

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her. He stopped her right at the door while talking to her, sitting from his desk. As she started to

come in he (“D”) said sternly with a show of hands “Stop right there.” The show of hand

continued as he talked to her. Later he asked her to wait between the double door (at the

entrance), while he looked for the guy in “10-6.” He went to the door to inform her that he could

not find the guy. I felt that a little more grace could have been displayed. Met with Rev. Michael

Brown at 6:00 A.M. He greeted very cordially. Overheard about the photographer that would be

taking pictures all day at KGM. Did chores. Talked a little to “S.” Did not stay for breakfast.

Signed, Anil Yesudas.

Extra notes on things observed during the month of August 2006

Helped “D” to get a locker for three weeks. Talked to “S”, one night he was staggering

to get up to the washroom, saw him trying to go to the washroom, on all fours, before someone

helped him to stand. On one morning while waiting for breakfast at KGM, the supervisor “D”

could have shown much grace to the white woman having problem with dress code. (“D” talked

to her in front of the guys in a very bad tone, humiliating her.) She stomped out in anger, but

came back later in a different outfit. “D” seemed overtly victorious. But I thought that it was the

hunger pangs that brought her back for breakfast. But “D” was much gracious to the other black

woman who came in later, who had an issue regarding the dress code. “D” handled the second

case better because he might have felt that he went overboard with the first case. Talked to “C”

at McD in the morning. She came back from maternity leave. I felt a flavor of Phariseism during

KGM devotions. Signed, Anil Yesudas

September 01, 2006

Aug 31, 2006, Thursday night, I spent overnight at the Pacific Garden Mission (PGM), in

Chicago. This was my first night at PGM. I reached there about 8:10 P.M. (I already had filled

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out all the required form on the morning of Aug 28, 2006 and received a 14 day bed-pass from

PGM. Monday afternoon I traveled to Kalamazoo). There were close to 300 people for the

gospel meeting that was about to take place. There was hardly any room to sit. The preacher was

a white person. His message seemed very negative and sarcastic towards the homeless people. It

saddened my heart. After the gospel meeting, the supervisor called for people having the cards

(14 day bed pass). I went ahead. They directed me to the fourth floor. I had a small bag that they

checked before I took the stairs. There were two rows of people receiving services from two

different tables. When my turn came to register my name, the supervisor told me to go to the

other table. I was mistakenly standing on the senior citizen’s queue. They wrote my first and last

name, and last four digits of my social security number, and my age. I was given the bed number

A17T. I felt humiliated to go through the public shower. This was my first experience at a public

shower. A supervisor was making sure that all the guests were taking a shower. My clothes were

placed in a “Hot-Box” and I was given a sleeveless overall. I clutched my small bag and shoes

and looked for my bed. I climbed up my bunk bed. It had a thick mat, bed sheet, pillow, pillow

cover and a blanket. I hung up my shoes on the corners of my bunk bed. I saw that my neighbor

on the next bed was reading a New Testament. I started a conversation. His name was “P”. He

was very friendly. He told me that he lost his wife to cancer. He seemed to be in his 40s. He

seemed to know the Bible well and was spiritual. He divulged that he was under recovery and

almost 7 days clean. We talked for almost 20 minutes. He did not ask me much about myself, so

I did not divulged much. One supervisor read a portion of the Bible and then prayed. He had a

very indifferent, dry, and lazy tone. There were almost 60 Bunk Beds on that floor. All were full.

The lights went off at about 10:00 P.M. I had a sleepless night. The place however, seemed

comfortable. I could see a sign outside the window “Christ died for your sins.” I got out of bed at

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around 3: 45 A.M. I spotted my clothes on a hanger. They must have just come out of the “Hot-

Box”, as they were still warm. I talked to the supervisor taking care of the clothes; he seemed to

be warm and friendly. After putting on my regular clothes, I went down and waited in the gospel

meeting hall. The meeting started at about 6: 45 A.M. The preacher was one of the guys from the

PGM program. He seemed to be overacting, walking around the pulpit, thumping on the pulpit.

He was using a lot of Bible reference. His basic message was about the persecution of people

who carry the gospel message. The content of the message seemed out of place. I did not stay

back for the breakfast. Witnessed a fistfight just before the gospel meeting. Signed, Anil

Yesudas.

September 06, 2006

I stayed at the KGM at the night of September 04, 2006 and September 05, 2006. I

reached KGM at about 9:30 P.M. Somehow I found a mat at my regular place. I did not find my

regular friends there that night. “J” went to his friend’s place to stay overnight. Talked to “Q.”

He talked about his dogs, and clinical trials. I had seen “Q” at KGM after almost 6 months.

Woke up at about 4:45 A.M. Reached McD at about 5:00 A.M. Talked to “D” at McD. He talked

at length about his struggle and dissatisfaction with his quality of life. He is under the treatment

of a psychiatrist and lives at the Rickman House. Did chores, cleaning the mats, at 6:00 A.M.

The “supervision style” over the chores was very poor. Took a long time to complete the mats.

Met “J” in the morning at breakfast. He promised to try to save a spot for me.

On the night of September 05, 2006 I reached KGM at about 9:00 P.M. “J” had saved a

mat for me. I shared from John 10:10 to “J.” He seemed very happy. He said that he wanted to

wake up at 5:00 A.M. I had a sleepless night. I got ready at 4:00 A.M. Went to the drive thru at

McD. Met “R” at the ordering station. He requested for a Burger and then waited near the exit

40


for me. He did not show any interest to sit with me and eat. He took his Burger and walked off

towards the drop-in center. I went to the parking lot, ate my sandwich and went back to KGM. It

was almost 5:05 A.M. by that time. I saw “J” fast asleep. I did not wake him up as he was

already late for work. Went back outside and saw “G.” I offered him a coffee. We talked over the

coffee. Did chores in the morning. Sat with “J” during the KGM breakfast. A black guy was

showing attitude to “J.” “J” responded aggressively. Thankfully it subsided.

On the night of September 04, 2006, there was almost going to be a fist-fight, at “10-6” at

about 10:00 PM. It was prevented by one of the overnight guest. A white guy and a black guy

were arguing. A small group was beginning to form on both the sides. But one guy intervened

and subsided the verbal fight. Signed, Anil Yesudas.

September 08, 2006

On the night of September 07, 2006 went to the PGM. Talked to supervisor “M” at his

office. He talked very cordially. Reached PGM at about 7:45 P.M. One supervisor told me about

their “good neighbor” policy. He suggested that I should not walk past the School, but walk

around, across the street, to come to PGM. I complied. The gospel meeting was conducted by a

church group. I was much impressed by the way they presented the gospel message. It was

strategic, tactful and wonderful. It was a low dose, calculated gospel message. My heart rejoiced.

Saw many familiar faces. “P” stopped by to say hello. I was sitting next to “K”. He was an

immigrant. He was not a Christian, he was a Buddhist. He was trying to tell me that all the

religions are the same. His English was very poor. I could not communicate to him well. Went to

the third floor. Took a public shower. Was assigned (bed) A8T. There was no fan nearby. I was

sleepless. Went down to the meeting hall at about 4:15 A.M. Sat next to “O.” He grew up in

Robert Tylor Homes. He seemed like a spiritual person. He was not much schooled. He wanted

41


to become a Christian minister. Stayed back for breakfast. Talked to “Y” at the breakfast table.

He was one of the 3-4% white people in PGM. “Y” was very inquisitive about who I was.

Walked out of PGM with “Y.” He said the he was heading for the park. Signed, Anil Yesudas

October 10, 2006

The following are some of the things that I recollected from KGM and PGM, between September

11, 2006 and October 9, 2006.

In PGM, supervisor “M” commented that I could not take my small bag upstairs to sleep.

I had to tag my bag and leave it downstairs. I took some of my things in a Ziplock bag. Many of

the people that I see in PGM are the same people. I befriended one guy called “E”, who has

lupus. I talked at length with him at the Dunkin Donuts in the early morning hours. Some

speakers during the evening gospel meetings are excellent, but others not so good. Up till now I

have always gone to the bunk beds at PGM. Most of the supervisors at PGM are loud.

In the KGM, once I went there kind of late, at about 10:00 P.M. They had turned off the

lights. I could always find mats to sleep on. Sometimes a friend would recognize me and would

point towards an empty mat. Many of the people at KGM come on a continuous basis. It seems

that they have been there for a long time. Once when I could not find a mat, I slept in the mat

room.

On October 03, 2006 at KGM, “W” started the issue about healing ministry. He was on

the mat adjacent to me. The topic got heated and he got very irritated at me. We discussed maybe

till one in the morning. Later he seemed apologetic. We continue to be good friends.

On October 05, 2006, at PGM, I slept at the third floor at “B13B.” Met “R” in the

morning. Talked to a few newcomers.

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On October 09, 2006, reached KGM at about 9:30 P.M. “W” came and talked to me. He

looked very positive about the part-time job that he was trying for. I hope to talk to him again the

next day to discuss his new plans. He has been very friendly to me. Signed, Anil Yesudas.

October 11, 2006

I reached KGM at about 11:00 P.M. “S” was doing some chores. He was reluctant to

open the door. He then asked the supervisor and it seems that the supervisor told him that I could

come in, and then he opened the door for me. It was cold outside. “S” told that “10-6” is full,

“there’s hardly any space to walk.” He then walked me to the mat-room and suggested that I

sleep there. Tentatively I agreed, but said that I would like to walk around and see. I found that

“W” had reserved a spot for me. “W” was fast asleep. I settled down in the next mat. In the

morning I went to McD for a sandwich. As I sat there in my car in the McD parking lot. It was

raining, “J” came to say “hello”, he asked for a dollar. Later I parked again in the “North Parking

Lot” and went in KGM to do my mat-cleaning chore. Later at 6:40 A.M. went for a coffee at

McD with “R” and “W”. While on my way back I met “E.” He looked depressed, because he had

relapsed. Talked to him over a cup of coffee. Later during the day, I spent about 3 hours with

‘W”, discussing the newsletter that he wanted to launch. Signed, Anil Yesudas.

October 13, 2006

On October 12, 2006, I spent the night at PGM. I reached there about 9:00 P.M. For the

first time they directed me to the basement for the gospel meeting. There was a gospel meeting

on the main hall, which was full, so they directed me downstairs. There were about 180 people

there. Upstairs there could be another 400 people. It was cold outside. We were the last to go

upstairs to sleep. I went to the third floor. I got the floor spot, instead of the bunk-bed. This was

the first time I slept on the floor, in PGM. I tried to sleep on the floor spot number 16. I could

43


hardly get any sleep. They gave me a thin comforter but no pillow. I used my shoes as a pillow.

In the morning I went to Dunkin Donuts for a coffee. Signed, Anil Yesudas.

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Chapter 5

Shelters and Sidewalks: Some Memories

These are some of the selected memories during my stay at the shelters and walking on the

sidewalks. This small section throws light on some of the experiences that were not captured in

my diary. However, I remember these events vividly.

When I first started hanging out on the sidewalks around the KGM. I thought to explore

some volunteer opportunities at KGM. I walked up to the reception desk at the men’s shelter.

The first comment from the desk was a “What do you need?” in a harsh, impatient tone. I agree

with the many human rights activists that the poor deserve politeness. We cannot afford to have a

tone that gives out the wrong signal that “if you’re homeless, it’s your fault.” Homelessness is

primarily a public issue. The personal issues are but a symptom of the larger public problem.

Some of my friends instead of sleeping in the shelter would spend the night outside,

camping. Once “W”, “D”, J” and “S” showed me their camping site. I parked my car at a parking

lot. I was much concerned because I did not have the permit to park there. It was evening and the

sun was setting. “D” insisted that my car should be safe there. We all walked for about five

minutes to the camping site. “D” showed me where they stash their stuff. Their stuff was placed

in about 5-6 black garbage bags, and hidden in small pit, surrounded by the bushes. There were a

lot of bugs flying around. It was a forest area with Kalamazoo River flowing past. They told me

that they come there to sleep at sunset when the weather is tolerable. There was a small Gazebo

nearby, and they would sleep on the tables, and under the tables. They would make sure not to

litter, otherwise the police can find out the camping site. Sometimes there were other groups who

would occupy the place before they reached. “W”, “D”, J” and “S” had another campsite, at the

edge of a church. The pastor was known to them, and had allowed them to pitch few small tents,

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which were not visible from the roadside. I already visited them a few times at their “church

campsite.”

Twice in different nights, at the KGM, I was sleeping next to a guy who had a bad cough.

They coughed continuously, all through the night. I was afraid that it could be contagious. I was

relieved to know later that I was all right and did not catch any illness.

Once in the PGM, it was a cold a snowy night. I had reached late that night, and I ended up in

the basement for the gospel meeting. Later, I realized that there were so many people that they

were asking people to sleep on the floor, in the main gospel hall. They had mats. Some

supervisors were making sure that there was not much space between the mats. It was jam-

packed. I ended up, almost under the piano. There was an African-American guy sleeping next to

me. He was cussing continuously. I had never seen him before. He was not yelling, but talked in

normal volume, in a rather aggressive tone. His language was filthy, full of abuses. He was

talking to himself. It was about 10:00 P.M. I was thankful that I did not have to go through the

public shower. I thought that the guy would stop talking in a few minutes. But the guy won’t stop

talking to himself. I could not sleep all night because the guy was talking to himself all through

the night. There was not a single minute when he was quiet. Initially, I was very irritated at his

behavior. In a few hours I realized that probably he was mentally ill. By the morning, I felt much

sad towards him. “He probably never sleeps”, I thought.

At PGM, sometime after mid-October, I could hardly ever get a bunk bed. Somehow I ended

up on the floor every time. It was very hard to sleep. The floor space was between two bunk-

beds. There was hardly three feet of space between two bunk-beds. There was no mat, just a thin

comforter with no pillow. I would use my shoes as pillow. Those were sleepless nights.

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After, I few weeks of sleeping at the PGM, I was told to go around the block to come to the

entrance of the PGM building. PGM has two entrances. One of them is for the homeless people

to get in, I called it the “Client’s Door”, the other is for their donors to get in, I called it the

“Donor’s Door”. PGMs rule was to make their homeless clients to walk around the block, on the

other side of the street and then enter through their door, the Client’s Door. They did this so that

their homeless clients do not have to pass in front of the other door, the Donor’s Door, which

was used by their donors. They had come up with a convenient excuse, that they had a “good

neighbor policy”, and did not want their clients to walk past the school next door. I very strongly

think that PGM was more concerned about their “Donor’s Door” than the school next door.

PGM, it seems, just wants to insulate their donors from their homeless clients, except for the

tightly compartmentalized gospel meeting hour, where the donor’s get a short narrow view of the

homeless people through the pulpit.

I had the privilege to enter through PGM’s “Donor Door” several times. That was before I

decided to sleep there. When I entered through the “Donor Door”, which is used by their church

friends, there is a receptionist with a big smile. They have all their good literature neatly placed.

Adjacent, there was another big room, a dining hall, where there was always coffee and snacks

available. I could see the friendly faces of the counselors, and other workers moving about. A

tour guide would show their facility, but I never saw any homeless person during the tour. I

would see only a few of them who were in their “program.” This was the 9:00 A.M. to 5:00 P.M.

PGM.

When I decided to sleep in PGM, I thought that it would be courteous to just introduce

myself to PGM administration before I started sleeping in there. A few times I went through the

“Donor Door” during the day-time. The smile subsided when I told them that I wanted to sleep

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there. They told me to come back and enter through the “other door”, the door for their clients. I

wanted to talk to the director of PGM. A few times I approached the reception for an

appointment with the director. I was never given any appointment. I even told them that I am a

“church worker”, and still I was not able to get any appointment. Once, the receptionist did went

in to talk to the director about me, she came out and said that I could not talk to the director, but I

could meet one of their “men’s section” supervisors. While I was waiting for the men’s section

supervisor, the director did come out and was curiously looking at me. I smiled and said “Hello.”

He looked away, and slowly walked away. I could recognize him from all the fund raising,

financial appeal mail that I regularly receive at home.

The 7:00 P.M. to 7:00 A.M. PGM, was much different, from the 9:00 A.M. to 5:00 P.M.

PGM. When I started going through the “Client’s Door”, It was a different experience. There

was no friendly smile. There was a big, African-American guy at the door, who was yelling at

the top of his voice, in a very hoarse scolding manner, “inside or outside.” As soon as a person

would come in and tend to linger on before entering the main gospel hall, this man would yell

“inside or outside.” There was not even a hint or a flavor of Christian courtesy. As an evangelical

Christian, I felt sad about this disgusting, horrible, unchristian attitude shown to my homeless

brethren, just before the PGM “gospel meeting.”

Once at PGM, when I went to sleep there, I was waiting for the gospel meeting to start. A

homeless man was looking for his bag that he could not find. He went to a supervisor for help.

The supervisor was trying to seat the homeless clients in the main gospel hall. The supervisor

yelled at the man who was looking for his bag, “Do you think that these are all saints sitting

here? These are thieves sitting here! Why are you asking me for your bag?” A few minutes later

the choir sang, expecting their homeless clients to sing along:

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“…I heard about a mansion, He has built for me in glory,

And I heard about the streets of gold, beyond the crystal sea…”

Another time at PGM, I was waiting for the gospel meeting to start. I saw man sitting

next to me was arranging his bag. He was trying to rearrange some of the medicine boxes that he

had. I had not seen that person before; he seemed to me a new guest. A Hispanic looking

supervisor was walking past and he saw him arrange his bag. The supervisor told the homeless

person, “You cannot take these medications upstairs, give those to me.” The homeless person

looked distressed, “these are my medications”, he said. Then the supervisor went away, and

came back in a few minutes and asked the man, “Do you have prescription for your

medications?” The man again said “these are my medications, the doctor gave it to me.” It was

snowing outside, the supervisor told him, “If you don’t give (me) the bottles (medications), you

will have to leave.” The homeless man just ignored him. The supervisor lingered for a few

seconds and then left, and did not bother this man. Many homeless persons are on psychiatric

drugs. I had a strong suspicion that this supervisor had an ulterior motive to take away this man’s

medications, never to return it back to him.

While waiting at PGM main gospel meeting hall, a few rows ahead of me, a fist-fight

broke out. A man started hitting his neighbor sitting next to him. He hit him on the face again

and again. I turned around to see if any supervisors were there. I saw three supervisors watching

the fight, but they were not coming forward to break up the fight. The guy that was being beaten

up, was not fighting back, but this guy kept on hitting him on the face. There was much blood on

the face of the guy that got hit. Later the police came and took the attacker away.

After about three months of sleeping in the shelter homes, I was in KGM, it was about

mid-night, I squatted on my mat. I held my head in both my hands and sat there for a few

49


minutes. I regretted why I decided to sleep in the shelter homes. It was hard and stressful. I

thought, “Why did I get into this? Why did I ever come up with this project? When will all this

end?” With a heavy heart I stretched back on the mat and tried to put myself to sleep.

During my early nights of sleeping at KGM, I had placed an alarm for 5:00 A.M. I was so

fast asleep that I did not even hear the alarm. In my sleep, I heard a voice yelling, “the phone…”,

then the volume of yelling increased, “the phone…”, then the angry voice increased further, “the

phone….” I startled and woke up. I stopped putting the alarm; anyway I woke up multiple times

during the night, so I did not see a point to use the alarm.

I had the opportunity to stay for a month, every Thursday night at a shelter home in

Chicago called, “Breakthrough Ministries.” I appreciated the courteous manner that the director,

Arloa Sutter, handles a conversation. The shelter home looked like a residential house. There

were 22 spaces for sleeping. There was a very small sign on the door that indicated that it was a

shelter home. They would have dinner for their clients every evening, from 8:00 P.M. to 9:00

P.M., in the church basement, which was in the same block around the corner. During the time of

dinner, I observed that the tables were polarized. The whites and the blacks sat separately. Some

tables had more conversations going on than the others. It did not look like the management was

creating the polarization; somehow it would happen naturally in a subtle way. I felt more

welcomed at the table where African-Americans were sitting. I could enter into some good

conversations with some of the people there. They talked about utilizing opportunities, broken

families and jobs, and I listened to them. In spite of the limited spaces, “Breakthrough

Ministries” accommodated me at their place, creating an extra space for me. One night I took up

an empty spot. Late at night, just before I could go to sleep, another person came in and seemed

much distressed to see me occupying his space. I politely shifted to the extra space near the door.

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My stay at KGM and PGM, unconsciously taught me that “dry wall, carpet and glass” are

not useful material in a shelter home. “Dry wall, carpet and glass” in a shelter home, I thought,

could get easily damaged, so it would be wise to avoid it as construction material in a shelter

home. I changed my mind after my stay at the “Breakthrough Ministries.” I realized that

homeless people are careful about “dry wall, carpet and glass”, and we should not be afraid to

accommodate homeless people where there is “dry wall, carpet and glass.” I realized how easy it

was for me to get prejudiced. Another good lesson that I learned at the “Breakthrough

Ministries” was that smaller shelter homes have better likelihood that the supervisors can show

their polite, courteous attitude, and the interaction can be much cordial. The bigger the shelter

home becomes, the more the tendency towards harsh, indifferent attitude.

During my conversations, I realized that sometimes when a homeless person says that he

was in war, outside US, for three years, it could also possibly mean that he has spent three years

in jail. Or if a homeless person talks about a woman, that she is a survivor, could mean possibly

that she has off and on succumbed to prostitution because of poverty. It took me a while to see

want a person is saying “between the lines.”

It has been reinforced in my mind that coming under the lordship of Christ may impart a

“special grace” to an individual, which can help a person to come out of a complicated moral

situation rather miraculously. However the biblical view of the “common grace” aspect, should

not be ignored, that allows people from all faiths to progress. The “common grace” principle

views that God gives common resources to all human beings in-spite of their varied opinions on

God and spirituality. Jesus says that air and sunlight the God gives is common to all people.

Therefore a person on this earth may make physical progress apart from the “special grace.”

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Sometimes the Christian shelter homes have failed to see that there is possibility that a person

may come out of problems through the effective use of “common grace”.

It was also reinforced in my mind that followers of Christ proactively profess and

practiced charity. Also, many Christian charitable organizations may have “categorical clients”

towards whom they direct their privileged charity. They would give special attention to those

who agree with their faith and tend to ignore those who have rejected the Christian faith. While

charity is commendable, Christian organizations should also engage in advocacy related work,

where they can make efforts to bring about systemic changes.

To those of evangelical persuasion, I have come to believe that listening to a religious

message should be voluntary and that religious messages should be placed forward with great

humility; as polite information and not as indoctrination. The Christian philosopher, C. S. Lewis

once said, “Anything that is not eternal, is eternally out of date.” I do believe and value the

evangelical Christian message and believe that it should be urgently communicated, but with

caution and extreme humility.

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Chapter 6

Some Stories of Struggle

What’s your address? For the homeless, the question penetrates the heart like a two-edged

sword. The facial expression drops as they clear their throat, their body tenses up; the silent cry

within their hearts starts shadowing their outward smile. With a voice as steady as possible they

utter the shelter’s address….hmmm…aaaa…yes…Fffour forty North Church Road…yyyes

Kalamazoo. That is one of the safest addresses in Kalamazoo where the homeless can receive

their state identity card.

The goal of this section is to take a closer look, how people sink into homelessness. There are

multiple causes for homelessness and perhaps there could be a possibility that the civil society

would be able to bring them out of homelessness by reversing the ways they got in.

It is assumed, in this section, that homeless people do not live in shelter homes out of choice

but out of frustration, and that they are actively seeking to come out of homelessness. These are

the stories of those, who have seen homelessness closely. They are those who have experienced

it themselves, others who are advocates to eradicate homelessness, and then there are those who

live a life at the edge of homelessness. Unless otherwise noted, the names of all major characters

in this section have been changed to protect their privacy, at some places the names are indicated

only with their first initial in uppercase.

Wayne

Wayne was born in 1983 at Holland, MI, and raised in Saugatuck, MI. His biological dad

was atheist and mom was raised a Catholic. He was in Texas for sometime when he was about a

year old. Wayne has Caucasian looks, with a short stocky frame.

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One of his earliest memories is about the time he was almost drowned in a community pool,

when he was three. His dad saved him then. In a low voice he mentioned about the memories of

domestic violence at home.

His dad was a carnival worker who traveled much. His eyes brightened when he shared that

he was named after the Carnival “Wayne Shows”, now called “Allegan and Ottawa County

Fair.”

With a blush turning into a laugh, he talked about his first attempt to run away from home

when he was four. He just managed to cross the street, when he was spotted and was picked up

by a police officer.

His parents got separated and Wayne and his brother were sent to a foster home in Houston,

Texas. Wayne was about 5 years of age then. At the foster home, Wayne and his brother were

the only white people in the mostly black neighborhood. His foster parents were Jamaicans, who

had their own daughter. There were a total of six foster children that they took care of.

Wayne remembers that his foster dad would use a needle to put his younger brother to sleep,

he could not understand much at that age. For a short time he was again sent to another foster

home where there were a lot of cockroaches.

His neighbors were Christians, who took him to church. Wayne told in his soft-spoken voice

that at age 7, on December 08, 1990, he moved in with his mother in Saugatuck where he lived

for the next seven years. He remembered the date because they used to celebrate his

homecoming. His mother was a single parent who did odd jobs. She had never married Wayne’s

father. His mother also introduced him to several of her relatives; many of them were financially

well to do. One of his uncles, “R” moved to Alabama, he used to work for the Air force. His

mother had three brothers and a sister. Wayne lived with his mother in a trailer-house.

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His grandparents from his mother’s side were divorced. Later his grandmother married her

ex-husband’s brother.

Wayne was rebellious as a teenager. Wayne would sometimes beat up his younger brother.

His mother seemed religious and would always make him to go to Sunday school at the nearby

church.

His best friend was “E”. Up till sixth grade, Wayne did well at school. He was especially

good at spelling, and stood second in a Spelling-Bee competition in 6th grade. This did not last

much long. He did not do well in high school.

Earlier Wayne used to read his Bible and pray, but then he stopped. He started studying Tarot

Cards instead. He tried to learn good magic.

While with his mother’s place at Saugatuck, he used to run away from home to his friends.

Sometimes he would sleep outsides and made Bonn-fires.

When he was 13, he did summer job at a boat-ramp. His employer took him out to eat, instead

of a regular pay.

In Saugatuck, he had a girlfriend when he was 10. They were friends for almost four years.

He then started getting failing grades at school.

His father used to bring gifts for him whenever he visited him. Wayne told the courts that he

wanted to live with his father. At 14 years of age he started living with his father in Detroit. His

brother moved with them a year later. In Detroit, he did little better at school however he was

never able to graduate from high school.

At his dad’s place he experienced physical, verbal and emotional abuse. At one time his dad

pointed a gun at him. He was 16 then. He felt most devastated at his dad’s place. He was much

sacred and tried to run away from home. At that time he had no idea about the existence of

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shelter homes. At present Wayne does not want to proactively meet his dad. He is afraid of him.

But he still has a soft corner for his dad. If he did run into his dad, he may try to ask for help, but

he is not sure. Now he has regained his faith in Christianity.

When he was 16, he tried to kill himself. He took alcohol and drug overdose. He was

hospitalized and sent to a mental institution for 6 weeks. He thought that he was diagnosed with

ADD, Bi-polar and Maniac Depression. As of now, he does not take any medication, and does

not talk much about it to anyone.

Shortly afterwards, when he was still 16, he got locked up in the Juvenile Youth Home. His

charge was running away from home, for “home truancy.” He also had a booked for retail fraud,

when he stole two t-shirts. He spent about 5 months in Macomb County Youth Home, a

transitional housing. His brother also joined him there. Wayne then spent about 2 years in

Boysville, in Clinton, MI, and later at a halfway house in Flint, MI.

His brother also had a charge of assault and battery for attacking his stepmother. For two and

a half years the brothers were locked up.

At Boysville, it was a big campus. It was minimum-security facility. The dorm had 14 beds.

They had to do group chores. He also learned about “Positive Peer Culture” (PPC). There was a

gymnasium. Catholic monks ran this facility. It was a 12-month program, but Wayne chose to

stay there for 2 years.

Wayne and his brother were released sometime in 2001. There was a flavor of frustration

when he mentioned about the retail fraud. “If you have nothing to lose, then crime is not a

problem”, he said, as he tried to rationalize.

After his release, in Flint, MI, he stayed there for almost a year. He worked at Meijers for

about 3 months while living at the YMCA. After losing his job he lived in a mission shelter

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called “Carriage Town Ministries.” He enrolled into their program. Sometimes, during good

weather he would sleep outside.

In February 2003, Wayne left Flint and came to Kalamazoo, MI. His brother followed him to

Kalamazoo, looking for him. While at Kalamazoo, Wayne worked for “Red Lobster” for about 6

months. He rented a place for $750 a month with his brother and a friend. They could manage to

live in the rented place for 3 months. His friend never paid his share of the rent.

For about three months he was an assistant manager in a motel in Kalamazoo (now it has

been demolished). He was able to stay in that motel for about 3 months.

In 2005 one of his friends “T” located an abandoned “lumber yard building.” Wayne and his

friends stayed in the “lumber yard building” for about 3 months. Once when Wayne was sleeping

in the “lumber yard building” with his friends, the police came and booked him for trespassing,

resulting in a misdemeanor. However, he claims that does not have any felonies against him.

A kind friend also let him stay at her home. She even helped him to get a small job. The job

did not bring him money, because he was paid in “trade-dollars”, which he could use at some of

the local Kalamazoo stores. This arrangement of stay did not work out for too long, nor did his

job. The friend thought that Wayne had a bad attitude, while Wayne could never completely

agree with her religious-philosophical stance.

Sometimes Wayne would stay with his friends who have been fortunate enough to get a

home.

Wayne off and on lives in KGM.

Wayne thinks that he never had a home, ever. He never felt at home anywhere. Homelessness

is what, he thinks, he has always experienced. Wayne thinks that he needed a good parental

figure while growing up.

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Wayne currently looks for part-time jobs with the hope that it would lead to a full-time job

someday. He hopes to get a vehicle for transportation. He wants to find people to live with. He

also dreams to own land someday. School is still an option for which he is quite open.

(Wayne was interviewed on October 31, 2006)

Lincoln

Lincoln was born in 1964 in Chicago, IL. Later his parents moved to Covert, MI. Lincoln

has been in Kalamazoo since 1974.

I first spotted Lincoln while waiting on the queue to get into the Kalamazoo Gospel

Mission. He is a quiet, reserved person. He has an athletic build. He is handsome looking, of

African American origin. He would always be listening to something with his earphones. He

would hardly talk with anyone. When I started staying overnight at the KGM, I observed that he

would kneel, supported by a chair, for hours at a stretch. At first I thought he has some back

problem but later I found out that he spends time in prayer. He also spends about 2 hours, three

times a week, at the running tract in Western Michigan campus.

Lincoln went to Loy Norrix School in Kalamazoo. Later he went to Kalamazoo Valley

Community School for three years, studying education. He never graduated from college, but has

substantial credits and hopes to go back to school someday.

Lincoln has two brothers and two sisters. He seemed happy to tell that his mom sent him

a pair of shoes about a month ago. Sometimes he runs into his relatives in downtown,

Kalamazoo. At other times his younger brother would invite him home. His brothers are well

educated. Apart from occasional visits or gifts he does not have much relationship with his

family. Lincoln is interested and hopes to go for Seminary studies someday.

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He was into alcohol for about 2 months, but he claims that he came out of it easily. He

does not consider that he ever had any drinking problem. He never had any other form of

addiction.

Lincoln does not have any felonies against him, except a few misdemeanors, mostly

related to trespassing related cases. He still has a driver’s license. He also carries a picture ID.

Lincoln said that he had three children. After a few minutes he changed the count to just

one child. “I don’t know what I was thinking when I said that”, he said. He then said that he has

a 10-year-old son, for whom he gives child support. He does have arrears (back dues) of about

$15000 to $20000 towards child support. He thinks that the interest is accruing for the back

payments. He dreams that his son become a Christian minister. Earlier he used to visit his son,

every other week, in Grand Rapids. That was about two years ago. He believes in paying child

support. He is supposed to pay about $ 170 per paycheck, that is, $120 for regular child support

and $50 for arrears. He got incarcerated once for not paying child support.

Lincoln first encountered homelessness in 1998. He then managed to have an apartment

in April 1999 but again became homeless in 2001. Off and on he was homeless. Since 2003 he

has not been able to have his own place to stay. In 1998, when he had become homeless, he had

a College debt of about $9000. Now he has paid off most of it, except for about $500.

He has worked as a janitor at the YMCA. He worked at Fizzolis, an Italian Restaurant,

serving and cleaning for about two years. He noticed that the child support does not kick in for at

least a month at any new job.

Lincoln does not try to stay outdoors overnight. He would always try to get into the

shelter home. He has been staying at the KGM. He has also stayed at Mel Trotter in Grand

Rapids.

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The most irritating thing about homelessness to him, is not being able to get enough sleep

and not getting enough nutritious food. Sometimes he does microwave cooking, here and there,

when no one is watching.

He thinks that among the things that are keeping him homeless are: lack of consistent

employment, and child support. Lincoln thinks that if his family was supportive he could come

out of homelessness much easily. If he gets a regular job, Lincoln thinks that he can come out of

homelessness in about a year. He is also willing to work overtime for extra money.

The interview was cut short because Lincoln felt extremely sleepy, he was dosing off

while our conversation. It was about one in the afternoon. He was open to meet again and talk.

(Lincoln was interviewed on November 07, 2006.)

Sue

Sue was born in Texas. Lived in Kalamazoo since she was about a year old.

“I’m now 38 years old”, she said with a ready smile that shows all of her lost teeth. She looks

much older than her age. She is Caucasian and looks older than her age.

Sue studied in Portage Central High School near Kalamazoo MI. She could never

graduate from High School.

Her parents had a very stressful relationship, they got divorced in 1985. She has one

sister and a brother, and 3 half-sisters. When she was 5 years old, she stayed with her dad’s

parents for a while.

Sue never mentioned about marriage during the conversations. She did refer to having

boyfriends. She has a 7-year-old son, who is in a wheelchair, and needs 24 hour help. Her sister

“L” has three daughters and 7 grandchildren. “L” now takes care of Sue’s child.

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Sue became homeless when she was 21. She did not make much money to get a place to

stay. Her dad refused to accommodate her. She tried to run away from home due to abuse from

her mom. When she was small she saw her mom stab her dad in the chest. He survived, but it left

Sue in much fear. After she left home, she lived in abandoned buildings, park benches and

walking on the streets. “It was very scary. I would never try to do it again”, she said. Sue thinks

that homelessness is a scary situation. She was homeless for about two years.

Now she draws social supplemental income (SSI), food stamps and has a place to stay.

She says, “I would not any more risk my life for nobody.” Sue gets SSI due to the seizures. She

is epileptic. She thinks that this is due to the abuse during childhood. “Interact” a service

organization is her payee. She pays $415 for rent, $ 50 for cable and utilities. She gets $15 per

week to spend on food. “I cannot live without cable”, she said with her toothless smile.

Sue was homeless for about 5 months even after getting her disability checks. In the last

5 years she has been homeless for about 4 times. She had to leave home because of her ex-

boyfriend. For a while she did stay with him. When she was living alone in the East side of

Kalamazoo, the “dope kids” smashed her window. It scared her and she left the place.

Recently her sister “R”, lost her house and now stays with a friend. Sue seemed very

grateful towards Mike Evans of KHAN (Kalamazoo Homeless Action Network).

For a while she ignored my question regarding her work experience. When I asked her a

third time, she looked around the restaurant, lowered her voice, and told that in the past she has

worked for DeJavu, for 4 years. For sometime she also worked for McDonald’s and Arby’s.

She is scared at the thought of losing SSI. Her worst struggle is to come up with money

for food. She is scared that she would again become homeless. She is also scared of her ex-

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boyfriend who sometimes bothers her, and takes away her money. She lives alone in an

apartment for about two years now.

(Sue was interviewed on November 07, 2006.)

Michael Evans

Michael Evans (it is his real name) is a Housing Rights Activist. Michael was born in

1953. He grew up in South Bend, IN. For several years his family lived within a small radius in

South Bend, IN. Michael completed his bachelor’s degree from Indiana University. Later he

went to Law School in University of Michigan. During his undergraduate studies he read Saul

Alinsky’s “Rules for Radicals”, and got interested in organizing.

Michael is married to Brenda (it is her real name) who has been the pastor of Cooper

Congregational Church for some time in Kalamazoo. Along with Michael, she is also an

advocate and activist for the human rights.

Michael remembers meeting Gail Cincotta and Shell Trapp in Chicago in 1972 during a

conference. His interest in organizing was renewed after meeting them.

During 1975-76 he did organizing in Rogers Park area in Chicago, in an attempt to build

a community organization. It was a summer job, in which he primarily did door knocking. Later

he worked in Chicago from 1978-81 for Midwest Organizing, whose head office was in

Washington DC. He also did some neighborhood organizing in Washington DC.

Michael worked in Indianapolis for about 11 years and in Louisville, Kentucky for about

2 years.

He came to Kalamazoo in 2003 to build a chapter for MOP (Michigan Organizing

Project). Kalamazoo Homeless Action Network (KHAN) is an offshoot of the MOP. Michael is

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one of the founding members of KHAN. He was the head organizer for KHAN when he was

interviewed.

MOP did an “Issues Convention” in 2004 in which housing was identified as a major

issue. After that he started visiting “Ministry to Community”, a drop-in shelter for the homeless,

to talk to the people affected by homelessness. The “Ministry to Community” used to hold a

weekly meeting as a talk therapy. This group slowly got converted into KHAN in conjunction

with MOP.

Lately KHAN has fought against the “Pan Handling Ordinance.” After the fight the city

relaxed its rule and stated a ban on pan handling within 10 feet, instead of 20 feet, of any

business organization. Michael thinks that it was KHAN that pressured the police to nab and

disrupt the gangs that were attacking the homeless people in Kalamazoo. Michael also thinks that

some homeless people have died due to neglect in the past few years.

KHAN has been fighting for “Housing Trust Fund” for which the Kalamazoo County has

now agreed. There is some funding, close to a million dollars, which has been allotted towards

the housing trust fund. It is expected to first start as a voucher system, which would be later

placed into affordable housing.

KHAN organized a sleep-out in Bronson Park, during the homeless awareness week, in

downtown Kalamazoo called “One night without a home.” About 45 people slept in the park on

that cold, damp winter night. I saw him struggling through that sleepless cold night.

Since 2004, KHAN also organizes a weekly meeting where 20 to 60 people gather to talk

about issues related to homelessness.

“Homelessness is very demeaning. A person feels that his dignity has been taken away”

says Michael, in his deep commanding voice. Michael thinks that homelessness starts as a

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complex form of alienation from family and community. Sometimes it could be due to substance

abuse. Then there are some systemic problems like the broken wage and income system that

cause homelessness. Many homeless people are in a state of shock, it causes too much pressure

on a person.

Michael tries to hear the stories of the homeless people, and take time to build

relationships with people. His network is mainly built through person-to-person contacts. With

regard to local networking, he is somewhat skeptical about technology. He uses the electronic

media, but mainly relies on personal relationships for the style of organizing.

Michael looks for “Anger.” “There is hot-anger and cold-anger”, he says. He tries to turn

the hot-anger to cold-anger and then steps back to see what can be worked out constructively. He

thinks that “hot-anger” is related to the immediate self-interest. But he tries to build and organize

around the “cold-anger.” He encourages breaking the “be-nice” rule, which binds the people into

the low social position that they have been forced into. He believes in continuous fight, because

the political system has the capacity to adapt itself. Michael currently focuses on the issues

related to labor.

(Michael was interviewed on November 15, 2006)

Pearl

Pearl was born in Kalamazoo. She is an attractive white lady, in her early thirties. She was

raised in the east side of Kalamazoo MI. She studied in Kalamazoo Schools, but dropped out

from School. She still hopes to pursue GED.

She has two daughters, six-year-old, “H”, and three-year-old, “B”. Her children are in

Mattawan, near Kalamazoo, with her parents. Pearl’s dad takes care of her children. Pearl has a

court ordered counseling with her children twice a month that she thinks could last for about 6

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months. That is when she gets to see the children. She used to be a housewife. Her husband had

a decent job. She was never short of money while married. Now she is in the process of a

divorce. Pearl’s husband is a good friend to her parents. He gets to see the children every day.

While she was married she worked off and on, at party stores, gas stations, and restaurants.

She still has a driver’s license. She used to get a lot of traffic violations.

Pearl experienced homelessness first in February 2004.

After some trouble in marriage, she left her husband and stayed with her parents. She took

the children with her. While at her parents place, her brother hit her; she was later forced out of

the house. She left her parents home and went to live with her cousin and stayed there for 2-3

months. Later they brought her to KGM and left her there.

Pearl lived in the dorm at KGM for three months. The dorm had more privileges for the

residents, but a stronger commitment was expected out of them. Later she moved to another

section of KGM called “10 to 6” with fewer privileges and lesser commitments. In the “10 to 6”

section she could come in by 10:00 PM and has to leave in the morning at 6:00 AM. She was

later barred from KGM, in July 2006, after being accused of throwing the songbook on the

piano; an accusation that she denies. She slept out for three days.

From the church Pearl knew a lady “R”, who took her into her home. Initially when she went

to “R’s” place, she was supposed to stay there for only a week. Pearl ended up staying there for 4

months. Later Pearl decided to leave “R’s” place. She complained that she needed to ask for

permission for everything while at “R’s” place.

From February 2006 to May 2006, she worked at Taco-Bell. She had some problems with a

colleague and eventually got fired from the job.

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Pearl thinks that people become homeless due to various factors – drug addiction, alcohol,

debt, some don’t have a choice, abuse (physical or emotional or both), and being kicked out of

home. Pearl thinks that her way out of homelessness is to get a job, save money for down

payments, save money for rent.

While she was living with “R” she dropped off about 70 job applications, searching for jobs.

She continues her search for a job. Now after getting bus tokens from the “Ministry to

Community” she gets on the bus and goes for job hunting. She spends her daytime between the

“drop-in center” and “looking for a job.” When asked which job that she thinks she can get; she

said, “I don’t know.” “The companies don’t trust people like us, just give us a break”, she said.

Then she was silent for a while and said in an angry voice, “I have a lot to say but I cannot.” She

thinks that she cannot get the job because of the shelter address. She thinks it is because of those

people with shelter address that have done harm to the company.

During homelessness, Pearl gets most stressful, when “people are on her face.” She also gets

stressed when someone “threatens her.” She thinks that the services available to the homeless are

ridiculous. “It’s harder than you think” she said, “I don’t choose to be a homeless. There is

nothing that is comforting during homelessness.” “Nothing”, she repeated.

To the question, “What would she do if there were no shelter home? She laughed nervously

and said, “I would cry and beg the parents to take me back.” She then stopped laughing kept

quiet for a moment and said in a low tone, “I would go crazy.”

“Which area in Kalamazoo would you want to live?” I asked. “Preferably Portage,

anywhere, it doesn’t matter anymore”, she said.

Pearl was into “Meth” for three years. She claims to have been clean since 2003. “I was

curious about the drug, occasional became consistent” she said “but my husband did other stuff

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than drugs, I do not want to get into that, it hurts too much.” Pearl thinks that drugs make

homelessness worse it does not resolve anything.

Pearl is now back again at the shelter home. “I am made to mess up. That’s the way I am.

Nobody can change that”, she says with a shy smile.

(Pearl was interviewed on November 22, 2006.)

Joseph

Joseph was born in 1954, in Hickman, Kentucky.

I first spotted Joseph, sometime in March 2005 at downtown McDonalds in Kalamazoo MI.

He would mostly sit alone, sipping on his coffee or smoking his cigarette. I asked a friend of

mine, a resident of the shelter home, if he knew him, that is, Joseph. He said, “He is Joseph, no

one talks to him.” Joseph is of African-American origin.

Joseph always wears a cap over his sticky looking matted hair, a loose tie over his t-shirt and

a jacket. A peculiar strong odor of cigarette smoke surrounds him. His clothes look shabby and it

seems that they have never been washed. I started talking to him. He would very politely ask for

a coffee. He talks in an excited manner. The hearer has to balance between stooping forward to

listen to his slurred speech and dodging saliva from his mouth. Much of his talk is totally

irrelevant and repetitive. I prefer not to eat, while I am at the table talking to him.

Joseph has four brothers. He also has three sisters. Joseph’s mom came with her kids to

Kalamazoo when he was about 2-3 years old. His dad “E” had left them. Joseph never met his

dad. He remembers being bit by a dog when he was 3-4 years old.

Joseph went to several schools in Kalamazoo – Lincoln, Addison, Oakwood, Loy Norrix, and

Northeastern junior. He attended school all the time while growing up. He says that he wasn’t

very good at school. A special teacher helped him to learn to talk when he was in Kindergarten.

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While in school he remembers, running tracks, little league baseball, basketball, pool, jump rope,

horseback riding, canoeing, swimming, and table tennis. He was also in boys club.

When he was about 15-16 years of age, he worked for two years at “Youth Opportunities

Unlimited.” It was a youth center where he made boxes, and stamped on cardboard boxes. For

some time he also distributed paper. When he was in high school, he also worked James Bernard

and Co., a paper company, for about a month. His mom got all the money would earn. While

growing up he stayed at his mother’s place. His brothers and sisters were all together.

When he was a teenager, Joseph worked for a grocery store for a month. There he ate a piece

of cake, he did not get fired for it, but he was too embarrassed to go back for work there.

Joseph had friends who drove through 23 different towns in MI. Joseph never had a license.

He said that he was not scared and he enjoyed it much.

Joseph tells of an incident when he went for a party at a house on north side of Kalamazoo.

There were four people there. There was beer and marijuana. Joseph said that he did not do

marijuana he was scared of it. During the party, one called “B”, who was 29 years old, over 6

feet tall threw a bottle at “T”. Then “B” jumped on all of them. Joseph had a pocketknife. “I cut

him because he jumped on me” Joseph said. Joseph is 5.5 feet tall. Joseph was 19 then.

Joseph was immediately taken to the Kalamazoo county jail for about a year. He was sent to

psychiatric clinic for about 3 months. He was then sent to a reformatory in Grand Rapids. After

that he was sent to a psychiatric clinic at Riverside. He was then sent to prison at Jackson for 2-3

years. In Jackson, it was a Prison Hospital. Joseph worked in the Kitchen, while in jail. He spent

5 years in jail. When Joseph got out he was 25 years old.

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Joseph says that he does not get angry much. Sometimes he would get angry, “if it doesn’t

make sense”, he said. Joseph says that after he got out of prison, he was never scared about “B’s”

relatives.

After he got out of prison, for a season he worked for lawn care. Once in a while he would

haul garbage for the garbage-disposal-truck. A neighbor operated the garbage truck. Once in a

while he also painted houses. Joseph lived for 12 years with his mom, paying her $350 as rent

from his social security. He used to get the $150 left over as pocket money. Joseph says that he

was the happiest at his mothers place.

For another 12 years he lived in an adult group foster home run by one Betty Hudson. There

were six people living there, 3-4 men and 2-3 women. He says that it was “all right” at foster

care. They went for movies, picnics (once in a year), circus, and visited the family.

A lady, “M” suggested him to move to Rickman house. He now receives $9 on Mondays,

$21 on Thursdays and $45 once a month. For the last 6-7 years at Rickman house, he gets a room

to stay and a breakfast and a meal. Joseph says that Rickman is all right.

Joseph mentioned going to Kalamazoo psychiatric hospital to get about 4-5 teeth pulled out.

Joseph was never homeless. He never stayed in any shelter home. Joseph wishes that he had

more money. Then he could buy more food, radio, watch, coat, shoes, bus tokens, and ride

taxicabs. Joseph has been taking psychiatric medications for 25 years.

(Joseph was interviewed on November 28, 2006)

Jeni

Jeni was born in Baltimore, MD in 1956. She lived for 49 years in Maryland in Baltimore

county and Carol county. She graduated from high school in 1965, in Lansdowne, MD. She has

one sister. Her mom and dad live in Carol County, MD. Her dad worked for Black and Decker,

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and is retired now. While growing up she went to church with her aunt. She was raised Lutheran,

but she has gone to many churches. She is Caucasian, who now lives with an African-American

boyfriend.

Jeni’s first marriage lasted for only 6 months. Later in 1983 she got married again. The

marriage ceremony took place in her mom’s yard. She has now again been divorced, but

considers her second ex-husband as her best friend.

Jeni has two boys who are autistic. She raised them for 20 years. Now the children live in a

group home. Her children need 24-hour supervision. The State cares for them. In the past, on and

off, Jeni has worked, but she always enjoyed being around her kids, taking care of them. She did

office work for trucking companies.

In Maryland she had a row home, for which she and her husband paid a mortgage of $450 a

month. Later she got separated from her husband.

Jeni was separated already for 5 years before coming to Kalamazoo. At that time she stayed

in a rented row home in Maryland. She was surviving on her sons’ SSI and Food Stamps.

She ran into a truck driver in Maryland, who brought her to Kalamazoo. It took a day and a

half journey to reach Kalamazoo. He left her off in Kalamazoo where she got stranded. She

stayed at the mission for a few days.

Jeni thinks that things happen for a reason. In Kalamazoo, she started running into people.

Some people allowed her to stay at their place, “with no strings attached”, she said.

While she was at Kalamazoo she missed about 5 court dates. She was then apprehended and

taken back to Maryland, where she had to do some jail time. She spent about 2 months in

Baltimore county jail and then for 3 months in Jessup, MD.

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A guy that she dated called her back to Kalamazoo. She came back to Kalamazoo with

another truck driver. When she arrived, she found out that the guy that called her ended up in

prison. Later she met “S”. They now live together in spite of the stressed relationship between

them.

She has a temporary drivers license, which is now suspended, because to two unpaid traffic

violation.

Jeni says, “sleeping outside in the cold is not a good thing.” She says that there are plenty of

places to eat. Regarding KGM, she thinks that they have a lot of unnecessary rules. The most that

bothers her is the rule that the residents have to be in the mission by 9:00 P.M. She thinks that

they should be allowed to come anytime at night. It is all right for them to ask us to go away at

6:00 A.M. If someone comes late they will have less sleep, they should not impose us to come

early. She resents the devotion that they have to attend before breakfast, lunch and dinner.

Jeni says that she is an easygoing person. Jeni never felt scared as a homeless person. Only

once she was scared when two teenage boys, gang members of Woodberry boys, attacked her.

One punched her on the face and cut her lip. In spite of that she is not too worried. She usually

goes around with “S” and other friends and feels quite safe.

Jeni thinks that the most comforting thing while being homeless is to meet people that care.

She has a positive opinion on KHAN. She also likes to be around people with similar problems.

She does not have any picture ID. She has never rented a place in Kalamazoo. She is hopeful that

one day she would get housing vouchers. Jeni has some misdemeanors against but no felonies.

She has some debts due to the back surgery that she once had. She uses the Ministry to

Community Address, 440 N Church Rd, Kalamazoo, MI. She gets Food Stamps but no other

income.

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Jeni hears a lot of people complaining about the drop-in center at the Ministry with

Community, but she thinks that they have a lot of conveniences for the homeless people. The

best convenience that she enjoys at Ministry with Community is their long distance phone

service.

Jeni says that she has the choice to go back to Maryland. There she can manage to get help

from her parents, sister or ex-husband. Jeni thinks that she should be able to get some kind of

office work. In Kalamazoo she has no ID except her marriage certificate and divorce decree. I

can get fed-up and leave tomorrow.

In general she thinks that people become homeless due to Drugs, unemployment, declining

age, and lack of family support.

During the winter she hopes to stay with her friends or at the KGM. Since she has come to

Kalamazoo she has lived at the homes of three different friends. In return she helps them out

with food, cleaning and other chores.

Jeni had a heroin habit for about 7 years. “It’s a bad habit. It’s not a joke”, she said. Three

years ago she stopped on her own. She still continues to drink alcohol.

(Jeni was interviewed on November 29, 2006.)

Amy

Amy was born in Wayne County, MI, in 1976.

She said that her Mom was murdered in 1983. Amy lived with her Grandma. She said

that she did not know her dad at that time. She got into contact with her dad when she was about

twenty three.

Amy thinks that her Mom was a prostitute. While she was on call, she was being robbed,

and in the process got shot. Mom’s name was “V”, she was 30 when she died, in 1983. Amy was

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about 6 then. The family was not very nice to Amy, because she thinks that she looks like her

mom. Her mom was not with her dad at that time.

Amy remembers that it was a school night. Amy’s grandma had just sent children to bed

when a phone call came. Her grandma seemed very shocked. For a while she could not speak

anything, later Grandma called the children in the living room and told them that their mom was

just killed. Amy has two older brothers. At that time they were living in Belleville, near metro

Detroit area.

Amy went to School at Bellville, New Baltimore, Port Huron, and Sandusky, MI. For

some time Amy was with her Grandma in Sandusky, MI.

For about six months, Amy had a boyfriend when she was 17. Amy had a son, “H” in

1995 when she was in High School. “H” lived with Amy while she was in School. “H’s” dad was

court ordered for child support but he never paid child support.

Later Amy was married to “T” in 1998. “T” worked in a nursing home. “T” now works in

Burger King. “T” and Amy divorced in 2002. “H” is autistic.

Amy’s daughter “J” was born in 2000. “J” lives with her dad in Kalamazoo. Amy said

that she gets to see “J” about once a month.

“T” is now married again. Amy did not remarry. She said that she has no plans for

marriage.

Amy said that she was about 18 when she first started working. She always worked as a

CNA. She worked at Deckerville, Sandusky, Kalamazoo and in Portage, MI. She worked about

seven years in total. She left work in 2002 because she had a nervous breakdown, following her

divorce. She was depressed.

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She was evicted from her apartment in 2003. It was then that Amy faced homelessness

for the first time. She camped out with a few friends from June 2003 to Oct 2003. She said that

she has spent only one night at KGM, because it was freezing outside. Amy said that she has

camped out in freezing weather many times. While Amy was homeless she did “couch surfing.”

During “couch surfing” Amy has lived in about 7 different places. Amy lived for a month at a

shelter home in Grand Rapids.

“My life is like an escalator”, she says. She now lives with “M” in Kalamazoo for the last

two years. Amy thinks that she is not stable enough to have a serious relationship. “My life is a

little complex”, Amy says.

Amy got into drugs when she was 20. When she first got out of camping, she got friendly

to a guy whose name was “V”. Amy used to take care of “V’s” two children. That was the first

time she got into Meth (speed). “That caused me a couple years of crap”, she said. Amy was with

“V” for a few years on and off. She said that “V” is now in prison for manufacturing Meth.

Amy said that she is now clean for about 8 months. When she moved in with her friend

“M”, it helped her to get out of drugs.

Amy remembers that she had a gun to her face, when police raided her mobile home for a

suspicion for drug related activities. During that incident, Amy remembered her mom. That

incident also caused her to leave drugs. “I have to get out of drugs”, she thought.

Amy said that if she were not with “M”, she would have been dead, because she was

doing a lot of drugs.

She has a pending SSI case. She is trying to prove that she is not capable to work because

of drug overuse. She is not on any psychiatric medication. She hopes that she gets her SSI in the

next couple of months.

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She hustles for money. “It’s hard sometimes, it’s real hard”, she said. In order to survive

she picked up pop cans, helps her dad, and does babysitting for “M”. She said that her CNA

license lapsed a couple years ago, and now she would have to take classes to get it back.

About two years ago Amy got into a fight with a woman because she accused her of

stealing $20. She kicked over her tobacco, got into physical fight. Her name was “S”.

Amy has also spent 5 days in jail for child support and lying to a police officer. She was

not telling who she was, and she had to pay a fine of $200. She got arrested a few times but

never spent much time in Jail.

Amy has spent several nights walking around. She did not have a tent at that time.

Amy said “My identity card has a shelter address, 440 N Church Street. Nobody wants to

hire me. They do discriminate a little. I can’t tell you how many applications I have put. I don’t

have a car, and I depend on public transport. They don’t think a homeless person can keep a

job.”

Amy said that once she was passing through the drop-in center in Downtown Kalamazoo,

and she was asked if she wants to get high. Amy refused. Later a lady, called “W” drove up there

and took her to Civic Theater to see a drama. “W” goes to McNally’s church. Amy said that she

was an elderly well-dressed lady.

She said that the worst thing that has happened while she was homeless was when she

was attacked on Park Street and Kalamazoo Ave, where trucks dock. She was walking

intoxicated. She got bruises while resisting. “Two black guys came by and rescued me”, she said.

She never pressed charges. “I do not like police involvement”, she said.

During homelessness comforting thing were friends, public parks, and outdoor bands.

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Amy said that sometimes I think, “What do I have in 30 years?” “I have just a bag of clothes, and

some jewelry. Everything else has been taken away from me. However, there are a lot of people

that are worse off than me”, Amy says.

“I regretted when I lost my job”, she said. Her son was taken away because she lost her

job. “That crazy divorce. He filed for divorce”, she mumbled.

“Sometimes I feel I am losing my mind”, Amy said, “It doesn’t take long.”

Amy says that she was brought up Catholic. She does not go to Church now. She does

not want to have religion now, “Not right now”, she said.

Amy continues to struggle with homelessness.

(Amy was interviewed sometime in mid-2007)

Glory

Glory was born and raised in Gobles, MI. She was born in 1975. She went to School in

Otsego, MI. She Graduated in 1994. She said that she struggled thru School; she was in Special

Education. She also went to Vocational Schooling, for food management at Allegan. Glory has

one older brother who owns a construction business. Glory’s Father is working as a Gas

Mechanic; and mother is a tutor at an Elementary School. Growing up she had dreams to become

a teacher or a daycare worker.

In 1994 she started working part-time at a restaurant at Plainwell, MI. She was 19 then. It

lasted six months. She found a better job with more hours at another restaurant, in Otsego, MI,

which lasted five and a half years. She was a shift manager when she left. For some time she was

working two jobs. Then she left one job, and after a while got fired from the other job. “There

were too many customer complaints of general nature”, she said. In about two weeks she landed

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on another full-time job at a gas station, at Plainwell, MI. At the gas station she worked for

almost two years.

When Glory was 21, she got into drugs and alcohol. The friends at workplace influenced

her into drugs and alcohol. In about a year she realized that she was addicted. She lost the job at

the gas station, because of her addiction problems. She started getting into arguments with her

parents, with whom she was living with. Glory said that she was involved in a relationship for a

few months. She does not have any children.

Sometime in 2003 she did try medical help for her depression, but did not continue her

medication. In 2004 she ended up at jail for a day for retail fraud, for a pair of shorts. She was on

probation for six months. It was a misdemeanor, which she was able to expunge because this was

her first offence. She never had any problems with law since then. She quit working from 1999

to 2002. Off and on she was on alcohol and drugs, Crystal Meth and Marujuana. Off and on she

was on treatment.

Glory said that her brother was a positive influence in her life, and encouraged her to get

out of drugs and alcohol. Her brother does have a problem of alcohol that he struggles with. In

order to fight drugs and alcohol she turned to religion. It worked for a little while. She started

working part-time for a Hotel, at Kalamazoo. She was a Cook there. She quit that job after about

a year. She could not focus on her job because she was always having problems with her parents.

She was about 29 years of age then. She went again for treatment. She relapsed after six-months.

For two weeks she left home and lived in her car. Later she went to her parents.

Glory said that she worked as a sex-worker for about 3-4 years. In 2005 she met a group

of people who seemed to care about her. They were her alcoholics anonymous (AA) and narcotic

anonymous (NA) group. She went to multiple AA and NA groups at a time.

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She became homeless on January 2006 for about a year. She did not have a car for about

three months. She went into deep depression for about three months. She stayed with friends at

multiple places. Her money was often stolen. She would get accused of stealing. She did want to

live any more. She thought that no one wanted her. She used to get very angry. She did find

some comfort in religion and the spiritual people she was in contact with. She did babysitting for

her nephew that brought her some money to afford a car.

She thinks that if she had got into religion sooner, she would have been saved from a lot

of problems that she went through.

Glory wants to own her own business of a daycare center. She wonders if she could start

a homeless shelter for women. She dreams of starting a shelter home in about ten years. She

thinks that there are more shelter facilities for men than women. She thinks there should be more

informal education regarding sexual harassment, violence, and survival issues related to women.

She thinks that the shelter homes must not kick people out at 6:00 A.M., but should allow them

to stay during the daytime too.

In February 2007 she started working full time for a bakery in Kalamazoo. She also did a

second part-time job at McDonalds. She is on medical leave related to depression, stress, and

chest pain. She stays now in an apartment paying a rent of about $400. She lives alone. She does

not have any medical insurance. She is in touch with her parents and her brother.

Glory hopes not to get into homelessness again. She is afraid if she cannot go back to

work she might end up with homelessness. She does not think that she has completely come out

of alcohol and drug related problems. She continues to go to NA and AA meetings. She is still

involved with a local church family. She said that two weeks ago she had attempted suicide. In

the past, she has tried to cut herself. Another time, she unsuccessfully tried to hang herself in the

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hospital with her shirt. The hospital discharged her after three hours. She prays to God to take

her depression away. She said that she couldn’t say that she is not depressed, but it is not on her

as much now. She does feel depressed and do not know why. She never felt comfortable with

medication from the psychiatrists.

(Glory was interviewed sometime in mid-2007)

Jim

Jim was born in 1971 in Medina, Ohio. His identical twin’s name was “K”.

“K” was helpful and compassionate. “K” was a student in Grand Valley State University

when he passed away in a single vehicle car accident in 1990, in Grand Rapids, MI. Jim applied

for navy the day before “K” died. Two days after “K’s” burial, Jim went for boot camp in

Orlando, FL. In the toxicology report, “K” was tested positive for marijuana. However Jim

believes that “K” was not under influence while driving. “He was just a rough driver”, he said.

Jim has a sister, “H” who lives in Dowagiac, MI. She is a single mom. She has been

recovered from drug addiction for the last two years.

Jim remembers good days with his twin brother “K”, hiking and sports. Jim’s parents were

very supportive of their children regarding sports.

Jim said that his dad was abusive, “Even to the Dog”, say Jim with sadness. Jim’s parents

both used marijuana. Jim and “K” were often made fun of at school and among their friends. “K”

became Jim’s best friend. Jim thinks that the other kids made fun of them because they were

dressed in second hand clothes and they were not hip in the sight of other kids. “Children can be

cruel” Jim said.

Jim spent the night away from home when he went for Boy Scout camp. He was 11 then.

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Jim joined the Navy when he was 18. Jim stayed in the Navy for 14 months. He said that he left

the Navy because “I unable to grieve for “K” properly.” Jim was asked to leave the Navy. One of

his supervisors in the Navy said “you will not amount to anything in your whole life.” Jim was

worried that his supervisor might be right but he does hope that his supervisor is wrong.

After coming out of Navy, Jim worked at different factories for a few months. In 1992 Jim

got a good job in Elkhart, IN.

Jim started drinking beer at 21. He also smoked marijuana. He had tasted alcohol when he

was 17. His habits cost him a lot of money. Jim had dated for a while. He has no children. Jim

had several friends from his work place that he partied with. “When I hear country music I think

of drinking”, says Jim. Jim lost his job because of drinking. It was then he realized then that he

had a problem.

Then Jim got another job in Three River, MI for about four years till 1998. Jim continued to

drink. When he lost his job in Three Rivers, he became homeless.

He then worked at several places in Elkhart in construction. He was with his mom and dad

and sister. Sometimes he would end up in jail for not paying fines for the drinking and driving.

The first time Jim went to a shelter home was at Elkhart Faith Mission in August of 1999. He

stayed there for two months. Then he was at South Bend Center for the Homeless and then at

KGM. After August 1999, Jim never had a place of his own, “I lived with my parents, my sister,

and friends or in jail.” He had stayed 220 days in Cass County jail in 2002.

Jim said that the worse part of homelessness is that, “Homeless white males are attacked by a

group of black teenagers.” He sometimes sees older people with medical conditions are kicked

out from the shelter. Jim also remembers “RO” who died in a vehicle behind a shelter home.

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Jim has known a few homeless in Kalamazoo, who died while they were struggling with

homelessness, “I remember “T”, “PN”, “DP”, “GH”, “S”, “MA”, “B” and “T”, he said.

Jim says that people are homeless because of “not living responsibly”, addictions, low self-

esteem, getting away from abusive relationships, losing jobs, and natural disasters.

Jim joined the New Life Discipleship Program at KGM because he got tired of drugs and

alcohol, fighting with my friends & relatives and wasting money. Jim thinks that he has an

opportunity to work in a Book Store. He wants to get into school for skilled trade, while he

works on a side job. “If I were given another chance to live, I would not use alcohol and not

blame my parents so much”, Jim said. Jim hopes to get positive role model by going to the

Church often and keeping his eyes and ears open to find good friends. Jim says that I hope that

people don’t get turned away from services just because of age, or because of their rugged looks

because of their hard lifestyle. Jim looked over to his friend “K” and said, “I was lucky because I

was surrounded by good people like “K”.”Jim hopes to have his own place by January 2008.

(Jim was interviewed on July 17, 2007.)

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Chapter 7

Kalamazoo Homeless Action Network

I came to know about Kalamazoo Homeless Action Network (KHAN), from “J”, a personal

friend who was struggling with alcoholism and homelessness. Later, another close friend, “W”,

struggling with homelessness, encouraged me to visit KHAN. I attended weekly meetings of

KHAN for the few months and met some very sincere people in KHAN.

KHAN also known as Michigan Peoples’ Action (MPA) is located in Kalamazoo, MI. It

focuses on organizing community to empower the oppressed. It engages in community

organizing, intervention in legal issues, intervention in human rights issues, Court watches,

rallies for issues like transportation, housing, discrimination and wages.

KHAN is a union of homeless and poor people organizing for human rights and

affordable housing in Kalamazoo County. KHAN is a true Alinsky type grassroots organization,

a direct action, and advocacy group, in the city of Kalamazoo, MI. This organization was formed

in November of 2003. The organization was registered as a Not for Profit Organization in March

of 2006. For about four years, every Wednesday, KHAN met together to discuss issues in

Kalamazoo city, now they meet every Tuesdays in the afternoon. KHAN has one paid employee

who is active as KHAN Organizer.

KHAN claims that it is not a charitable organization and it does not do anything for

anyone that they cannot do it for themselves. The mission and vision of KHAN is summarized

aptly in the “Khan Pledge.” It states that “I pledge my allegiance with those who fight against

discrimination in this land, and I demand the public take a stand, as one nation, with one law, an

indivisible right of equality for all.” This pledge was formulated by Lori Anne Tennison (it is her

real name). She has been an organizer and a Board Member of KHAN. She is also a poet and

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artist. Off and on, Lori Anne struggles with homelessness. She is very vocal about the gaps and

insensitivities within the local shelters. She loves nature. One of the reasons she avoids living in

shelter houses is because none of the shelter houses would accept her dog. Once when she was

threatened by a group of gang members, her dog came to her rescue. Many times because of her

differences with the local shelter environment, she has chosen to live in the open air, camping

outside. This pledge comes not out of the pen of armchair intellectuals but out of the struggle

with homelessness, on dusty streets exposed to the harshness of midwest weather. The strength

of KHAN lies in the fact that it has allowed a person struggling with homelessness to formulate

their pledge.

During mid-2006, there were nine Board members of KHAN. They follow the Bylaws of

“The Michigan Homeless Action Network.” Article I, Section 1.2 of the Bylaws states the policy

regarding the composition of the Board. Among other general verbiage, it states that, “A

majority of directors shall always be homeless, poor or formerly homeless people.” This explicit

statement protects the idea that KHAN is not an elitist organization that tries to dictate its ideas

and policies on others, but that it builds communities up from the grassroots level, inside-out. In

KHAN the poor and homeless are not seen as clients but as assets. With such an inclusive

statement in the Bylaws, KHAN acknowledges that the solution has to come from the people

themselves and not just from some elite policy makers who have never experienced the struggle

of homelessness, injustice and oppression. Some current Board members of KHAN continue to

struggle with homelessness. They are frequently, in and out, of homelessness. Some Board

members have lived in tents as they fight back homelessness. There are other Board members

who were previously homeless but now they have been able to get out of homelessness. On the

other hand, there are Board members who have never experienced homelessness. Thus the Board

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membership of KHAN includes people from all aspects of housing issues, giving KHAN its

uniqueness in cultural diversity and richness in experience.

For several years KHAN ran at a very low budget. Due to lack of adequate funding

KHAN could afford one paid employee. Initially, KHAN received a small grant through the Mott

foundation. Previously, KHAN has also been funded in part by “The Catholic Campaign for

Human Development.” In times of need, a local church, the Cooper Congregational Church, has

helped with dinner expenses for Wednesday meetings. Many times the privileged members of

the Board pool finances for Wednesday dinners. During mid-2006, the local Catholic Diocese

had been generous to them by providing a space to hold KHAN meetings. KHAN does have the

desire and intent to actively raise funds in the near future. KHAN is contemplating to launch

annual fundraising drives to make itself sustainable. KHAN does not envision major funding

from any one individual source so that KHAN can insulate itself from any narrow agendas that

the funding agencies sometimes may try to push. Instead KHAN foresees smaller funding from

multiple sources. The strength of this style of funding is that KHAN can maintain its focus as

established by people belonging to the oppressed section, and would not have to unnecessarily

submit to elitist agendas. To instill a sense ownership, KHAN has suggested a small monthly fee

for its members.

One of the cultural diversity aspects, from the point of view of structure and décor of

KHAN, is that it has met in the Catholic Diocese building, the local Protestant churches,

restaurants, shelter homes, private residences and in public parks such as the Bronson Park and

Martin Luther King Park. KHAN has regularly held weekly open meetings. They have met at

different places in different seasons. This style of varied meeting places gives KHAN its richness

of cultural diversity. KHAN does not see itself as an elitist group who would encourage formal

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dress code, holding meetings in an upscale building with all amenities. Instead KHAN goes to

where its people are. Many of the members of KHAN spend substantial amount of time in public

parks as they struggle with homelessness.

KHAN has raised its voice against violence towards the homeless. KHAN comes on the

side of the homeless population of Kalamazoo who many times face discrimination at public

park spaces and libraries. In 2005, when Citations were given to the homeless for sleeping in

park at 7:00 PM, KHAN opposed it, and organized the victims to fight for their rights. KHAN

has spoken and rallied against a major national level fast food restaurant which allegedly

displayed discriminatory practices against the homeless and the poor. KHAN members attend the

Kalamazoo city hall meetings and cross-question the policy makers directly, face to face,

regarding urban policy matters. KHAN has also played a catalytic role to include Kalamazoo in a

national study of cities that criminalizes homelessness. This national study was conducted by the

Washington based, National Coalition for the Homeless (NCH) and the National Law Center on

Homelessness and Poverty (NLCHP). KHAN has rallied in the past for limited bus fare passes

for the homeless as they struggle to come out of homelessness. The major thrust of KHAN is the

“Housing First” initiative. KHAN members keep all faculties open to observe any form of

oppression in the communities. Thus, although the focus of KHAN is towards human rights and

alleviating homelessness, its approach to solution is varied and holistic.

KHAN is uniquely diverse with regard to the type of occupation of their Board members.

While a few Board members struggle with unemployment, there are other Board members who

are from a wide range of occupations: lawyers, pastors, service industry workers, factory

workers, self-employed and those who do odd jobs. KHAN, because of its grassroots origin and

nature, has accepted people from all professions. There is a dignity of work concept in KHAN.

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No one is discriminated with regard to the perceived job status. KHAN has people from both

white collar and blue collar jobs. This helps KHAN to brainstorm and accumulate varied

solutions to a problem.

A few years ago, when a Board member and her spouse, who were voluntary organizers

for KHAN, were struggling with homelessness, Mike Evans, allowed them to live in his

apartment for about one and a half years.

Mike Evans, one of the founding member and Organizer of KHAN, revealed that he has

been highly influenced by Saul Alinsky and Antonio Gramski, stated that this organization has

been deliberately built slowly. He said that, people are encouraged to come to the organization

(KHAN) to get help and to talk about their issues. KHAN attempts to help people sense and

experience their own power and to stand up for themselves. Mike believes that KHAN should

always have a positive tension, a flavor of conflict, with the power structures that ignore the poor

and oppressed. Mike tries to find out the self-interests of the people through one on one

conversation with the people, making relationships, and finding commonalities. He said that

KHAN is involved in leadership development. Oppression has been the common ground for all

the members. “They are tired of being kicked around”, Mike Evans says bitterly in his heavy,

deep and commanding voice of a dissenter.

KHAN continues to meet every Tuesdays, from 3:00 PM to 3:30 PM, under it new name

“Michigan Peoples’ Action”. Its location changes from season to season.

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Chapter 8

People United to Secure Housing

The following is my experience with PUSH “People United to Secure Housing.” It was

sometime in the month of May, 2007 when I had a casual meeting with Mike Kilbourne (it is his

real name), a housing rights activist in Kalamazoo. We met at the Fourth Coast coffee shop, on a

Tuesday evening. We sipped coffee and talked about our experiences related to housing rights. I

talked about my effort to live in the shelter homes, to see closely the struggles of my homeless

friends. Mike shared about some of the good things that he was able to participate in while he

was a member of KHAN. Our casual talk turned into a tentative plan to form a small grassroots

organization in Kalamazoo to fight for the rights of people who struggle with homelessness. We

made it clear among ourselves that this would not be an organization trying to compete with

other housing rights group in town, but would become a complementary organization, having its

own identity, which is willing to work alongside the other housing rights groups.

We decided to meet again, the next week, on Tuesday evening, at a coffee shop called the

“Crow’s Nest.” When I reached there Mike was waiting for me with about 6-7 of his like-

minded friends, some of them were personal friends of mine also. Initially Mike Kilbourne did a

lot of groundwork to bring people in for our group. We just had a general term for our group

called the “Housing Rights Group.” Initially Mike suggested if our group would want to meet

under the umbrella of “Open Doors/Next Door”, a service organization to the homeless in

Kalamazoo. I was more in favor of our group to be independent, having a separate identity, but at

the same time willing to work with other groups. All the initial members started to call on our

personal friends, and other acquaintances in organizations serving the homeless, to come in for

the meetings.

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We initially met for a few months at, Fourth Coast, a coffee shop in Kalamazoo. A friend of

the group Karrie Cross arranged for us to meet in “Park Trades Building” for another few

months. Since January 15, 2008, we have been meeting at the Catholic Diocese, every Tuesdays,

from 6:00 PM to 7:00 PM.

During the initials meetings, we all tried to come up with an appropriate name for this

“housing rights” group. Several good names were suggested and voted upon. The name the got

the highest vote was the one suggested by Wayne Allen. It was PITCH, “People Involved to

Change Homelessness.” The second highest vote was given to another name that I had the

privilege to suggest was, PUSH “People United to Secure Housing.” For a few months initially

we were known as PITCH “People Involved to Change Homelessness”, until a dissatisfied

member of our group decided to privately start a DBA (Doing Business As) under the same

name. The said person left our group and tried to run things on his own, and has never since been

in contact with our original group. We decided that we do not have time nor interest to fight to

get our name back, instead we just let him walk away with our name. We had already voted for

the top three names for ourselves and the next name in line was PUSH “People United to Secure

Housing.” Since then we have successfully used this name for our group.

The “Kalamazoo Gazette” informed the general public about the start of PUSH activities.

The article was under the title “Force for change Group to fight homelessness.” PUSH was then

known as PITCH (People Involved to Change Homelessness).

Force for change Group to fight homelessness

Monday, September 17, 2007

By Shaun Hittle

Special to CityLife

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As members of a recently formed homeless advocacy group

went around the table introducing themselves, most gave simple

reasons why they were there -- to make a change for the better in

the problem of homelessness.

For the past four months, these housing-rights activists and

community members have been meeting weekly to work out a

strategy for the goal of ending homelessness in the Kalamazoo

community. Recently, the group agreed on a name -- PITCH

(People Involved to Change Homelessness) -- as well as a vision

and mission statement for the new organization.

During the recent hourlong meeting, PITCH members

continued to work to solidify their organizational philosophy and

direction.

The group has yet to take direct public action in advocating for

affordable housing in the Kalamazoo community, a strategy that

member Anil Yeshudas said was intentional.

“It takes a lot of effort to bring people together on the same

page,” Yeshudas said.

Yeshudas said the group felt it was important to build

consensus on their mission and values, so it has refrained from

action in its first four months.

Different backgrounds and experiences with homelessness

were well represented within the group. Some of the members

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have been homeless, some are currently homeless, and some have

worked as service providers to the homeless.

Lena Haynes, who is now one of the recipients of county

housing vouchers, said she was homeless three times in her life,

and said, ``I don't want it to happen again.''

Another member of PITCH, Don Weed, is also formerly

homeless and said he feels his experiences with homelessness

enable him to provide insight that those who have never been

homeless cannot. ``I know a lot of things from personal

experiences (with homelessness),'' Weed said.

Yeshudas, on the other hand, never has been homeless, but

has made dedicated efforts to understand what homeless people go

through. He said he voluntarily spent three nights a week in

homeless shelters in Kalamazoo and Chicago between July 2006

and July 2007 to get a better perspective on the issues facing the

homeless.

With a mission and vision statement now in place, group

members indicated they were eager to start taking more direct

actions with some of the committees and goals they have formed.

“We're people who want to act ... and today is Day One,”

Yeshudas said.

PITCH

People Involved to Change Homelessness

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New homeless advocacy group that holds meetings weekly

from 8 to 9 p.m. Tuesdays in Room 307 of the Park Trades

Building. Meetings are open to the public.

PITCH's Mission Statement: ``Our mission is to advocate

affordable housing to eradicate homelessness by providing an

equal and inclusive platform to discuss community solutions,

inducing positive attitudinal changes of the general public towards

housing issues, and by being a channel of communication and

action of the civil society that influences the policy makers towards

social justice.''

The newspaper article was extracted from the following

web address, it has now been shifted to the archive section of the

newspaper website:

http://www.mlive.com/kalamazoo/stories/index.ssf?/base/news/

1189795864171530.xml&coll=7

PUSH “People United to Secure Housing”, decided on a temporary Board to run its

activities, until we could formulate our by-laws, and administrative structure. As soon as we had

our by-laws completed, PUSH voted in a regular Board, which directs PUSH activities. I have

had the privilege to be the Secretary for PUSH.

One of the first things that PUSH did was to work on the Vision, Mission and Values

Statements, which were finalized on July 31, 2007, during the PUSH, General Body Meeting.

The following is PUSH, Vision, Mission and Values statement.

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http://www.mlive.com/kalamazoo/stories/index.ssf?/base/news/1189795864171530.xml&coll=7

http://www.mlive.com/kalamazoo/stories/index.ssf?/base/news/1189795864171530.xml&coll=7


Vision: Our vision is to create a society, which has livable spaces that are non-

threatening, undisturbed, peaceful, and conducive to the progress for all people.

Mission: Our mission is to advocate affordable housing to eradicate homelessness by

providing an equal and inclusive platform to discuss community solutions, inducing positive

attitudinal changes of the general public towards housing issues, and by being a channel of

communication and action for the civil society that influences the policy makers towards social

justice.

Values: We value diversity, inclusiveness, respect, transparency and accountability in our

pursuit of housing for all people.

Since its inception, PUSH has been involved in the community. At times, PUSH has

coordinated with MOP to place pressure on the policy makers to work towards resolving issues

related to Homelessness. PUSH has conducted “Sunday School Workshops” at several churches

to created awareness about the people who struggle with homelessness. PUSH has also shown

interest in Maple Ridge, now known as Devonshire apartments, a community where people at

risk of Homelessness live, and have had door knocking campaigns. For some time PUSH

facilitated a community meeting at Maple Ridge every Tuesday from 4:00 P.M. to 5:00 P.M.

PUSH members have given radio interviews at WIDR FM Radio 89.1. PUSH has been vocal

during the County Commission meetings regarding the plight of the homeless. PUSH has

partnered with “Christ the King Episcopal Church” for annual Good Friday walk, which raises

awareness about the issues that homeless people face. PUSH has hosted an event called,

“Merging Currents” where several local organizations that work among the homeless, come

together to share their experiences. PUSH plans to host “Merging Currents” every August.

PUSH has raised its voice against “The Crazy Bunch” video, stating that it is an attempt towards

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exploitation of the homeless people. PUSH conducted a “Homeless Awareness Forum” at

Western Michigan University, on February 03, 2009. MOP, PUSH and MPA jointly held a rally

at the walking Mall in Downtown Kalamazoo, on January 21, 2009. Members of PUSH also

attend different community meetings to network with other local organizations. PUSH has

contributed much thought during the fine-tuning of the criteria for Kalamazoo County Vouchers

for the homeless people. On 20-May-2008, when KHAN, MOP and PUSH joined together to

protest against the discrimination, which the homeless people were facing at the train station.

PUSH continues to meet at the Catholic Diocese, in Kalamazoo, every Tuesdays, from

6:00 P.M. to 7:00 P.M.

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Chapter 9

Rajeev John George: Life sketch of a Housing Rights Activist

Rajeev John George (1970 – 2005) was my younger brother. He did housing rights work

in India. Much of my thinking related to housing rights has been influenced by him. Rajeev was

also known in his community as “Raju.” He was the Convenor of the “National Forum on

Housing Rights” in India and a co-founder of Deenbandhu (Friends of the Poor), a community

organization based in India and well known for its innovative approaches to preventing forced

evictions and developing pro-poor interventions in city Master Plans. Rajeev was much admired

by housing rights activists around the world for his deep sense of justice and his creative

solutions to the problems of the urban poor. He was recognized by the organization called

“Ashoka Foundation” as an “Ashoka Fellow.” Rajeev received COHRE’s Housing Rights

Defender Award in 2004 in recognition of his outstanding commitment to the realization of

housing rights for all people. The following is a sketch of life of Rajeev John George, in the

context of his development of thought and interventions related to housing rights. All the facts in

this have been complied by Sushil George, my elder brother, in direct consultation with Rajeev

George. I have edited it to accommodate it in this portfolio because of the impact, which Rajeev

has had on shaping my thinking.

Early Life and Education

Rajeev John George was born on July 03, 1970, in Jodhpur, Rajasthan, India. He was

nurtured in a Christian conservative family. His father was a priest and homeopathy physician

serving among the marginalized community. He was the youngest of the three brothers. In 1972,

his parents moved from the Indian state of Rajasthan to Madhya Pradesh and settled at a

cantonment town named Mhow, which is within Indore district. He studied in a Convent school

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till 1988, and in 1992 completed his Bachelors of Science Degree from Devi Ahilya University,

Indore, India.

Rajeev’s First Community Initiative Work

Since his early youth he had an urge to work among poor communities and through his

parents inspiration he came into this profession. He joined a youth organization called “Rotaract

Club of Collegiate” at Mhow during his early college days and started associating with small

community groups who were rag pickers and beggars.

His first community involvement started from a slum at “Peeth road” in Mhow. These

communities were residing near a slaughterhouse in a most inhuman condition. They named the

project “Look Beyond Yourself” and Rajeev was given the responsibility to lead the project.

Many of his close friends were involved in the work, they were: Anand Lakhan, Nitin Sogani,

Kiran Vaishnav, Aman Kureshi, Rajesh Batham and Mranal Panth. For mobilizing resources,

they used to collect old unused materials and donations from the affluent streets of Mhow.

Through the support from local doctors, they managed to organize immunization camps with the

help of the local “Red Cross Society.” Since there were no schools nearby, they decided to open

a small balwadi (pre-school education center) but for this they had to generate some resources.

Rajeev approached Mr. Firoze Elawa, a Trustee of the “Elawa Trust”, who was a

philanthropist. Mr. Firoze Elawa first wanted to meet the community. Rajeev offered him to

come with him to see slum children who have no schools and the living condition of the

community. After visiting the site and interacting with the community Mr. Elawa immediately

released Rupees 3500/- to open a balwadi school.

At Peeth road, a local merchant offered his warehouse to start the school. This warehouse

was used for leather storage. But when the members of the Rotaract Club of Collegiate went to

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see the warehouse it was in a bad shape. A four-inch thick salt layer was deposited on the floor.

They all worked for days together to scrap out the salt. After cleaning the floor, they made a

partition with sackcloth and that's how their classroom was created.

Babita Smriti Balwadi

Through the assistance of Red Cross Society, they organized immunization camp every week

on Tuesdays at Peeth road. But many parents, who were daily wage workers, were apprehensive

for vaccination because the children use to develop fever the following day.

Babita was a two-year-old girl from Bhil community. She became sick and was in a serious

medical condition. Her family requested the Rotaract Club of Collegiate for support. They took

her to a private clinic in Mhow, but at reaching the hospital she was declared dead within few

hours. The cause of death was due to polio. After this incident they decided to name the balwadi

in her memory to create awareness about immunization among the poor community.

Meera's Death

For maintaining regular attendance every morning Rajeev and his friends would walk around

the slum at Peeth road to collect children for balwadi. If a child was not coming for more than

two or three days, they would go to their home and inquire.

Meera was a six-year-old-child from the Banjara community. She was a very active girl, who

was regularly attending the balwadi. When Rajeev and his friends found that Meera was not

coming to the class, they inquired from the children and were told that she was seriously ill.

When they visited Meera's hut they found that number of the Banjara community had gathered at

her hut. Her father informed us privately that she had just died due to diarrhea. But when they

closely observed, to their surprise they discovered that she was still alive. They immediately

called a doctor to attend this girl. Doctor Tonpae, who supported their work at Peeth road,

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examined her. He advised them to admit her to the Mhow Civil Hospital as soon as possible, as

she was in a serious stage. After admitting her to the hospital, Meera survived only for three

more days. Rajeev realized that Meera's sickness though it was curable, but simple diseases like

malaria or diarrhea, among infants and children were the cause of death due to abject poverty

and unhealthy housing environment.

Among others these two incidences made Rajeev realize that it was necessary for him to take

up a full time course in community development work in coming years. During those years, He

was in his final year Bachelor's degree, at Mhow. Meanwhile during his studies, he use to

conduct part-time tutorial class for tenth and eighth standard students, around fifty students use

to attend the class. Part of his savings was used for running the balwadi. Later in few months

they were able to appoint a teacher through the funding from Urban Basic Services Program.

Specializing in Community Development

Rajeev joined the “Indore School of Social Work” in the year 1992, for a graduate course in

social work, specializing in community development. His experience at Peeth road in Mhow

inspired him to join this school. Indore was thirteen miles away from Mhow.

For field assignment Rajeev was placed at “Gotu Ki Challa” one of the targeted slums in the

Indore Habitat Improvement Project (IHIP), which was a citywide slum improvement, insitu

upgradation scheme. The project targeted 183 urban poor localities for constructing concrete

roads, soft landscaping, individual toilets, tapped water, storm water drainage, underground

drainage and community halls.

As part of the IHIP community development program and for the practical field assignments

in Master of Social Work (MSW) course, Rajeev used to work twice a day in a week. At the

School of Social Work, in Indore, Rajeev realized that there was a gap between theory and

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practice. Academic courses were ignoring the ground realities. Rajeev was intending to stay at

one of the slums to learn their problems as an insider.

Rajeev started living at one of the slums to spend most of his time after college with the

community including the two-days of fieldwork. At first Rajeev took permission from his

Professor Dr. Jacob Thudipara. His Professor finally approved to do fieldwork at the same

locality instead of an agency. Rajeev’s college classmate Ms Belu Bhargava also supported the

initiative. They together started searching for a suitable locality with some distinct characteristic

in terms of poverty and vulnerability.

After going around at different slums in Indore, they selected one of the settlements, which is

at the heart of the city, Chandra Prabha Shekar Nagar (CP Shekar Nagar), which had a

population of around 3000 inhabitants. The prime occupation of women and children of the

community was rag picking and the men were street venders and daily wage laborers. The

locality was densely populated and their occupations had made the living environment even

more unhygienic. Most of the houses had an area of around 10 square meters, the floor and walls

built with mud. Roofs were made of plastic sheets.

On March 23, 1993, Rajeev along with Belu visited CP Shekar Nagar for the first time. The

streets were very narrow, they saw women and children segregating metals, plastics and paper

materials they had collected to sell. There were around seven to eight teenage boys who were

playing cards on one of the narrow lanes. These boys when they noticed them, they began to

follow, when Rajeev and Belu introduced themselves, two of them named Raja and Suresh

volunteered to show their slum locality. They took Rajeev and Belu around all narrow lanes and

later introduced to a lady, Emal Bai, who was a helper at the one of the balwadi.

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They had an informal meeting at Emal Bai's small hut. Rajeev shared his plans to stay with

them and involve in community initiative work to understand their concerns. Rajeev asked, “is

there is any place vacant for a small accommodation at this basti (slum).” At first Emal Bai was

hesitant and was unable to comprehend his purpose to stay with them.

Later, Rajeev visited Emal Bai frequently requesting her to find a suitable place at this slum

colony. After much persuasion, she agreed and offered Rajeev a small piece of vacant plot

measuring 5 x 8 feet. Through the assistance of the community for labor and material, Rajeev

was able to have a small hut at CP Shekar Nagar. On May 20, 1993, Rajeev started staying at CP

Shekar Nagar. This place was named as “Sewa Kuti.”

At CP Shekar, Rajeev stayed till July 1994. During the stay he had the opportunity to learn

and understand their problems and participated in community development programs. Within

few days of his stay some political organizations and their leaders started inquiring about Rajeev.

In one of the national daily newspaper "Jansatta" a report appeared on June 02, 1993, stating that,

Christian missionaries have started activities in slum settlements of Indore. The report alleged

that Rajeev was in the community to convert slum dwellers to Christianity. Some of Rajeev’s

friends from media in Mhow saw the report and took stand in favor of Rajeev and published a

counter report stating the work he had contributed at Peeth road slums in Mhow.

Sewa Sangam

While Rajeev was residing at CP Shekar slum, he was just a 22-years-old. His first contact

was with teenage boys in the slum community. These youths were “history sheeters” (i.e. their

names were in Police records) involved in petty thefts like pick-pocketing etc. After preliminary

investigation, Rajeev found that their gang leader was a woman named Vimala Bai. She was

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around her fifties, who use to look after the teen-age boys as their own children, but Vimala also

had her own biological son named Suresh in their gang.

After she heard that, a person who is a college student is staying in their colony, she wanted

to meet Rajeev, as he had made friends with their gang members. One day she came to Rajeev’s

hut and had a lengthy discussion. This lady showed her deep desire to see all their boys get jobs

and lead a decent life. She said, "I want that my boys should start some alternative source of

employment in the near future.” Vimala Bai requested Rajeev to train them, so that they can be

economically independent.

Through their limited resources, they first started a regular weekly meeting at the newly built

community hall at CP Shekar Nagar. Every Tuesday evening around twenty of teenage boys

would gather. Their meeting used to start with motivational songs and then they discussed on

various issues. At the group discussion boys use to share their experience, and took each other’s

advises to solve their problems. They created an environment of participation and initiation to

improve individual life through combined efforts and a sense of community.

Later the group introduced saving and credit facility. They used to collect two rupees a week

and pooled the money to give loan to any one or two members. Some of Rajeev’s friends and

acquaintance started contributing to the fund and they were able to provide handcarts and other

support materials to start some small entrepreneurship. This group was named as Sewa Sangam,

many of its members through their own contributions started small entrepreneurship like: cycle

repair shop, vegetable vending, handcart and other small business.

Cleaning Campaign

At CP Shekar Nagar, Sewa Sangam volunteers organized cleanliness campaign drive on

January 10, 1994. They held regular immunization camps there. The group gained a good

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amount of popularity, respect and recognition within the community. Sewa Sangam group also

received local media attention.

Witnessing the Trauma of Forced Eviction

One day at CP Shekar Nagar in the early morning 7:00 AM Rajeev’s neighbor started

banging the door. He cried, "pack up your bags; the authorities have arrived with bulldozers to

demolish the entire area.” This was Rajeev’s first experience of forced eviction, which urban

poor often undergo in such settlements. But it made him realized how traumatic it is when the

authorities ruthlessly bulldoze their homes. Men, women, children and the elderly were running

in panic, they were picking up materials whatever they could carry in their hands.

Experiencing this pathetic scene, Rajeev realized that the root cause of poverty in urban

centers is due to multiple displacement and lack of permanent tenure status, which has lead

millions of urban poor into abject poverty and vulnerability. Frequently dismantling,

demolishing and relocating them from one place to another has become a regular norm of the

administration. The poor slum dwellers are treated as second-class citizens without any security

of permanent housing.

Rajeev immediately contacted the Sewa Sangam volunteers. When all of them gathered, they

decided to mobilize the entire community to resist against this brutal act. The group of teenage

boys marched to all the lanes singing motivational songs to consolidate solidarity for non-violent

resistance and social action. They appealed to the community leaders to resist against forced

eviction. They all confronted the authorities that were executing the demolition drive. The

community leaders questioned them on what legal basis they were dismantling their homes. The

authorities had no valid reasons, because it was illegal to evacuate a registered slum colony.

They were compelled to revert back and withdraw the demolition plan.

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CP Shekar Nagar came under the slum improvement project. In spite this colony was under

insitu upgradation work, the local authorities would threaten them for removal. On the one side

they were executing upgradation work and on the other hand there was a constant pressure to

vacate this land.

Campaign Against Scrapping IHIP Upgraded Settlements

After the Indore Habitat Improvement Project (IHIP) insitu upgradation work was over, the

Indore Development Authority (IDA), came up with a new proposal of “River front development

scheme” also called “scheme No. 142”. This meant that some of the prominent settlements,

which came under IHIP scheme, would be scrapped, including the community hall, roads, water

connections, toilets and other services financed under IHIP. The administration was proposing a

new residential and commercial complex through dismantling these upgraded settlements.

Rajeev organized the community and used legal provisions for filing objection against the

newfound “River Front development scheme.” IHIP was implemented in 1991 and the task was

over by 1997, they had spent rupees 640 million ($ 14 million) in insitu upgradation for the city's

urban poor settlements.

This might be a co-incidence or a planned attempt by the administration that immediately

after the completion of the IHIP project on July 16, 1997 IDA announced the "River Front

Development Project.”

The Slum Improvement Project was a slum-networking program. This concept was evolved

after the administration found that most of the slums in Indore are located on the banks of the

river Khan and Saraswati. The whole idea of the “River front development project” was to

remove all the existing slum settlements and develop residential and commercial complexes.

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The incidence of "River front development scheme” came to light during an exhibition,

which was held at Indore city town hall. On June 05, 1998,"World Environment Day", Rajeev

along with his wife Belu happened to visit this exhibition. At the stall of Indore Development

Authority (IDA), they saw a model of the proposed "River front development scheme,” when

they studied the scheme carefully, they found that the scheme covered the entire slum area of CP

Shekar Nagar where they were residing. They made some enquires about the proposed scheme at

the reception desk. The Indore Development Authority officials explained to them in detail about

the scheme.

Rajeev realized the fact that if the proposed "River front development scheme” is

implemented it could scrap out the entire project of citywide slum upgradation. This means that

the entire infrastructure as well as the residences of number of improved slums including the one

they were staying could be scrapped.

Rajeev immediately informed the community and appealed them to come over at the

exhibition hall. A large number of women, men and children came over as they realized the

importance that these developments could directly hamper their habitation and livelihood.

When the community gathered at the exhibition hall, they politely requested the IDA

members to explain them in detail, what this scheme was all about. At first the IDA officials

were little hesitant to explain, then the community members started protesting inside the

exhibition hall. There was much commotion inside the jam-packed hall. There were some

community volunteers standing in front of the city town hall; they also started razing slogans

against IDA’s double stand. The IDA officials felt embarrassed and humiliated. They had no

words to explain and their whole conniving scheme got exposed before the public. It was now

clear that the authorities were taking city's poor for a ride. On the one side the IDA authorities

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had invested large amount of money in projects for upgradation and improvement of urban poor

settlements and on the other side they wanted to scrap out all slums under the guise of "River

front project scheme.”

On July 16, 1998, this scheme was announced through a public notification. Rajeev and his

group responded through submitting letter of objections to the proposed scheme on August 11,

1998 and August 14, 1998. Under the development rules the authorities officially released the

draft scheme on August 11, 1998. They invited objections and suggestions within 30 days of

public notification and announced that a copy of the scheme is available for examination at IDA,

municipal cooperation office or at the town and country planning office. Rajeev and his group

went to all these offices and showed them the public notice demanding a copy of the scheme. But

the authorities said that the scheme is not yet printed and will be made available within a day or

two.

They wrote number of application and after 15 days, were shown the copy of the scheme, but

the copy was published in English version. The community members demanded the copy in

Hindi language, so that they can study the scheme and file objections and suggestions. After

repeated appeals finally the scheme was available in Hindi language.

On October 22, 1998, Rajeev and his group received a letter to attend the hearing date on

October 27, 1998. On that day the community organized a rally of 1,500 members, all of them

marched towards the IDA office. They put forth our case convincingly before the Board of

Indore Development Authority. The community leaders specifically women argued their case

very effectively. Local media also gave an extensive coverage of the public demonstrations and

the objections filed by the working poor community.

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Due to consistent and well-organized protests and by utilizing the existing laws and

provisions, the working poor were able to pressurize the authorities to withdraw the scheme.

Thus, IDA finally had to drop the idea of "River front development scheme” in October 2000.

Relief Work During Latur Quake

On September 1993, when an earthquake struck Latur, in the state of Maharashtra, India,

Rajeev was in his final year in the school of social work. The slum were he stayed had many of

their relatives who had died or were seriously injured during this tragedy. The Mang Matang

Samaj community in Indore slums had their roots in Maharashtra, and the community in Indore

were concerned about their relatives and neighborhood friends.

The community members and some of Rajeev’s college friends volunteered to raise funds

for Latur relief work. An amount of rupees eighteen thousand was collected for the relief

operations. These funds were later handed over to the District Collector of Indore.

As a representative of Indore city, four persons – Rajeev Goerge, Belu Bhargava, Rajendra

Bajode and Vimalbai Sonone decided to visit Latur. On October 05, 1993, they reached the

earthquake-ravaged district and worked there for ten-days. Thousands of people were rendered

homeless and many bodies were still buried under the debris. Later they decided to allow one of

their team members Mr. Rajendra Bajode, to stay there for six months and assisted the Oxfam

relief-work in Latur.

It was at Latur that Rajeev first came in personal contact with Oxfam.

Work in Jhabhua

After graduating from Indore School of Social Work, Rajeev’s parents insisted him to take

up some stable job in any development agencies, as his community initiative work had no

financial support in the initial stage.

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Rajeev got an offer at International Labor Organization's ILO-INDISCO for a pilot project on

testing alternative approaches to participatory tribal development in Jhabhua district. This project

was a pilot intervention undertaken by ILO in the tribal belts of India and Philippines.

Rajeev worked for ILO as Project Manager, from August 1994 to February 1995. Rajeev was

given over all responsibility of the project activities: training and supervision of extension

workers; organized community based water and sanitation programs, women thrift groups,

functional literacy classes, skill development training and workshops. As part of his assignment

for the ILO project, he visited Thailand on December 1994 for a technical review workshop of

this pilot project. Rajeev presented a paper on the review of their intervention in Jhabhua.

Deenbandhu's Humble Beginnings

After taking up his new job responsibility the community initiative work in Indore was

virtually stopped, but Rajeev’s team members wanted to re-activate the work. The four of them –

Rajeev George, Rajendra Bajode, Anand Lakhan, and Belu Bhargav decided to form an

organization. Finally in June 1994, they registered an organization called Deenbandhu Samajik

Sanstha.

"Deenbandhu" means, "friend of the poor", focused on integrated development process

advocating for residential land to urban poor. Their approach was to assist communities to find

their own solutions of poverty and worked in partnership with struggle groups on housing rights,

livelihood and basic rights.

Joined State Resource Center

From March 1995 to August 1997, Rajeev worked part-time in State Resource Center for

Adult Education as a research fellow. His responsibility included monitoring and evaluation of

total literacy campaign for Sagar and Jabalpur district.

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Married in January 1995

Rajeev got married on January 26, 1995 with his classmate Belu, who was consistently

supporting him in the campaign and community activities in Indore. They were blessed with a

son Vineet. Belu, a legal practitioner, voluntarily takes up unattended cases of women in Indore

Central Jail.

Stayed at Chandra Prabha (CP) Shekhar Nagar with Family

After their marriage they stayed for one and half years at CP Shekar Nagar, from December

1995 to September 1997. During this period they facilitated to form Rag-picker Women's

Cooperative Credit Society. Rajeev and Belu started working with five informal groups of

women involved in thrift and credit activity to improve their vulnerable situation, which later

formed into a cooperative society.

Cleaning Campaign for Choked Drains

During their regular meetings with five of thrift and credit women groups, the members

would share about their daily life struggle and concerns. But there was one issue that was quite

serious and it was necessary for community to take some decisive action.

One of the serious problems they faced was during the monsoon season the community was

largely affected by frequent flood. They use to incur heavy losses; many of their household

belongings would get destroyed during this season. Suffering in terms of livelihood and spending

the rainy nights was a nightmare. Adding to the misery there was also a constant threat of

eviction on the pretext of flooding of slums during the rainy season.

These kind of vicious cycles of natural calamity, abject poverty and administrative atrocities

made their lives more vulnerable to oppression.

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After having a brainstorming session with the community members they were able to identify

and pinpoint the crux of the problem. The community then came up with concrete solution for

this impending problem.

The reason behind flood at CP Shekar Nagar was the choked tunnels of Chandrabhaga

bridge. This bridge use to block the drainage system through solid waste and during the rainy

season it acted as dam causing inundation at the surrounding settlements.

When the problem was analyzed, these women filed an application to the municipal

authorities to clean up the tunnel. This was a huge task, which needed mechanical instruments

and technical support along with human resources and material. The members submitted several

applications to the authorities, but in spite of repeated request there was no response. Eventually,

the women groups decided to take up this task as a challenge and planned to clean up the tunnel

before rainy season arrived.

On the early morning of June 05, 1997, the women group members woke up early in the

morning and started the operation with the help of their limited tools and resources. Early in the

morning the thrift and credit women group member came with their tools and instruments and

went around the colony, appealing the community leaders to help them in the task of cleaning the

tunnel. Some of them came with musical instruments and drums they started singing

motivational songs to make the event creative and lively. The musical band marched inside the

colony and appealed for voluntary help. After seeing the motivated spirit of the volunteers,

hundreds of men, women, children and elderly joined the campaign and started cleaning the

choked tunnels. By afternoon, tones of garbage were removed and the blocked drainage was

completely cleared.

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As CP Shekar Nagar was located at the prime center of Indore, the news of the cleaning

campaign spread like wild fire in the city. The local media arrived at the site to cover the event.

For the first time the city was witnessing such kind of participatory work and community

activism in urban poor settlements of Indore. Some of the media persons were so emotionally

moved that they kept their paper, pen and camera aside and started participating in the event.

Association with Oxfam

Deenbandhu’s association with Oxfam began since 1993. Rajeev and his friends had the

opportunity to meet emergencies director of Oxfam, Mr. Marcus Thompson, in Latur.

Deenbandhu started their project and research work with Oxfam in 1995, during the community

initiative work at CP Shekar Nagar. They realized that there was an urgent need for a systematic

research on the issue of urban poverty in Indore-city.

Meanwhile, Oxfam was also intending to start an extensive urban research to facilitate

the path of urban interventions in the near future. Initially, Oxfam asked Deennbandhu to submit

a preliminary report. Rajeev prepared a report titled "Fact finding and need assessment survey of

community development initiative in urban slums" with special reference to Indore. On the basis

of the preliminary report, Oxfam and Deenbandhu became partners for the urban poverty

research program.

Initially, Oxfam had chosen Bhopal as one of the sample cities among seven cities in India

for this research. The other cities included Hyderabad, Ahemdabad, Kolkata, Mumbai,

Bhuveneshwar, and Madhurai. The Bhopal sample was later shifted to Indore, Deenbandhu was

then delegated for this research assignment.

Research on Urban Poverty

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As part of Oxfam Urban Poverty Research Program in India, Deenbandhu started working on

a research project from September 1997 and submitted its report by August 1999. These research

papers were undertaken as a detailed investigation into the context of urban poverty and

vulnerability in the city. The report gave an outline of historical developments and on future

trends. The goal of the study was to understand more fully the aspects relating to basic rights and

livelihood among the urban poor their inter-relationship and how they vary according to

geographical locations and size in the urban centers.

In the research they identified and mapped degraded slum settlements of Indore and their

vulnerability indicators in terms of housing, livelihood, basic amenities and multiple forced

evictions that have lead to abject poverty and homelessness. They categorized the cities urban

poor population into seven broad categories and ranked them according to ten basic indicators.

They also analyzed the interventions on urban poverty in Indore and suggested possible

appropriate interventions to reduce poverty and vulnerability.

They prepared the first draft report by February 1999 and forwarded the copies for

comments and suggestions to prominent citizens of Indore: bureaucrats, media persons,

academics and development professionals who were involved in pro-poor concerns.

For the research presentation they organized a workshop on March 04 and March 05, 1999,

at Sat Prakashan Kendra Indore. There was a detailed discussion and prominent people who

attended the workshop were: Mr. Manoj Shrivastav Collector of Indore, CM Dagauker former

IDA chief engineer, Anil Trivedi prominent advocate among others.

The workshop gathered wide media coverage and issues relating to urban poverty were also

highlighted at the national media. The participants then formed a working group to combat the

issues relating to urban poverty of slums in Indore.

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Partnership with Oxfam

Rajeev was designated as chief functionary and researcher in Oxfam supported project

titled "Study of Policy Interventions through Community Based Development Processes in

Urban Slums.”

The over all aim of the project was to ensure land provisions for urban poor within

“Indore City Planning Area”, so that the poor can sustain their income and food security. The

project was based on: action research, community organization, networking and alliance

building.

The main objectives of the project were: First, to ensure residential land for urban poor in

Indore city. Second, to create awareness among urban poor for collectively ensuring right to

housing and livelihood within the legal framework. Third, networking and alliance building on

right to housing at state and national level.

Highlights of Deenbandhu’s Achievements

Deenbandhu helped to prevent forced illegal and arbitrary of upgraded slums under

Indore Habitat Improvement Project (IHIP). Stopped and questioned multiple evictions of

relocated slums, for example: at Ramabai Nagar and Suryadev Nagar in Indore city.

Slums that were evicted had been relocated at designated areas for housing the weaker

sections through their campaign and advocacy. For example: Laxman Singh Chauhan Nagar,

Noori Nagar and North Toda.

Deenbhandhu facilitated local organizations, slum forums and individuals to demand for

their rights to relocate them at 15% reserved lands in the city.

It created broad opinion in favor of preventing forced evictions and multiple relocations

especially during the monsoon season in the city.

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Deenbhandhu facilitated in attitudinal and behavior change among Urban Local Bodies

(ULBs), civil society and middle class for uplifting and empowering the urban poor in terms of

housing, tenure rights and livelihood opportunities.

A regular dialogue and meeting with planning authorities in the city was maintained.

Deenbhandhu encouraged openness among the (Urban Local Bodies) ULBs to receive positive

suggestions on pro-poor concerns specifically on housing issues.

Deenbandhu consistently worked to build alliance and networking at national and

international level.

Deenbhandhu also maintained regular dialogue and meeting between slum forum, civil

society groups and ULBs in Indore-city.

Solidarity Campaign at Katju Colony

After Indo-Pak partition several Sindhi communities migrated from Pakistan and settled in

Indore city. These migrants were allotted a sizable portion of vacant land by the administration at

a very subsidized rate within the city. Katju colony was one of such colonies where Sindhi

communities were settled. Adjacent to the colony was an open drainage where some cobbler

community had built their huts. These communities were residing here since the last thirty years.

There were some vested interest groups who wanted to vacate this land and use it for building a

multi-complex as they had done at the adjacent land. They were intending to exploit it for

commercial gains. Instead of going through the due process of law to claim stake for the land,

they tried to influence the government officials to illegally demolish the hutments and occupy the

land. Around 150 households were residing at Katju colony.

The campaign was successful that lasted for a week. Initially the administration was very

adamant, but later withdrew the place after the community's persistent struggle. The issue was

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well highlighted in the local media and created a positive attitude towards the working poor

inhabitants among the middle class. This incident was also a reminder to the authorities that they

can't go away displacing the poor with their vested designs.

The details of the eviction at Katju colony are as follows:

Eviction at night. On July 14, 1997 at 6 PM the Indore district administration authorities

arrived at Katju colony site with private bulldozers, vehicles and started demolishing their houses

from evening to mid-night 1 AM. A total of around 150 houses of Katju Colony was demolished

by the Indore district administration. The eviction took place during the peak rainy season.

Many women, children, infant and men were forced to sleep on footpaths and public places.

The community made an initial resistance against their displacement, because eviction makes

them more vulnerable in terms of livelihood. The women community staged a roadblock near the

site. Many women were beaten up and even police tried to drag them out by pulling their hairs.

On the day of eviction, Indore police took into custody number of women and men for voicing

their protest against forced eviction. On the same evening, Rajeev along with Belu tried to visit

the site but police prevented us to enter the site.

Police block all entries. On the second day July 15, 1997, Deenbandhu received

information that administration has again arrived with demolition squad and was removing the

remaining left over household belongings. Huge quantity of debris and housing materials were

seized and dumped outside the municipal boundary at a barren locality, this relocation site was at

village Ahir Kehdi, which was earmarked as a regional park in the existing city master plan of

Indore. All this operation was carried out during the night from 8 PM to midnight 1 AM.

Rajeev immediate contacted one of the city's eminent lawyers, Mr. Anil Trivedi, who had

supported them during their previous campaigns. They both went to the site, which was under

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heavy police force. But while they were heading to the site, SDM (Sub-Divisional Magistrate) of

the area prevented them to enter inside. We argued with the SDM that, “we have the right to see

what's going on with the community, because for the last 24 hours we had no communication

with them. Some of the members were in custody and all their relatives had become dispossessed

and homeless.” They requested the SDM to give them a chance to meet the victims. But the

SDM was adamant and refused their entry into the premises.

There were heavy police force deployed that had blocked all road entries towards Katju

colony. Deenbandhu realized that this was a carefully planned operation to isolate the

community and prevent outsiders to extend any support.

Meeting held at rehabilitation site. Next day early in the morning Deenbandhu decided

to organize a meeting at the relocation site at village Ahir Kehdi. They met the community and

had an informal meeting. The community was very much concerned about their future. They

were not willing to stay at the relocation site, which had no water, toilet or electricity. There was

also no means of livelihood for the community. The members were determined to resist against

this kind of atrocity, which had inflicted lot of hardship.

Women held dharna. On July 17, 1997, many women community members who were

evicted from Katju colony came out to the streets with their broomsticks.

Later a massive rally was organized that marched towards the press club. This was

intentionally done because the local media was providing one-sided news and justifying the

administration stand about the eviction. The community presented their case before the media

and exposed the atrocities perpetuated by the Indore administration. They narrated their stories

about the arrest of many of their relatives and police had destroyed their possessions; some of the

women were even dragged by pulling their hairs forcing them to leave their homes.

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After press conference was over the community went back to the eviction site, some of

them re-occupied the place from where they were once evicted.

One of the women from Katju colony Shantibai said, "I have five children. The police have

thrown me outside the city, miles away from my work place. We will die if I agree to stay at the

relocation site. I have decided not to stay here and I am prepared to face any consequence.”

One of the most important features of this campaign was that whole struggle was lead by

women groups. Later the men folk also extended their support in the mass demonstration. They

appealed to the media to visit the eviction site and the relocation place where they were dumped.

Demonstrators reoccupy their land. When the evicted victims attempted to reoccupy,

the administration became alert and deployed heavy police contingencies at the site. But the

community was so united that they didn't get intimidated even after seeing heavy police force

against them. The families were prepared for any eventuality, because it was a question of

survival or death. The campaigns main slogan was -"we will die but not leave this place.”

Campaign enters the fourth day. Accessing the volatile situation the administration

issued a public notice warning - that they would face serious consequences, if the place were

reoccupied. The situation was very tensed as police vehicles; bulldozers and large equipment

were ready for operation.

In reaction against massive police deployment women community staged a dharna (protest)

with broomsticks in their hands. They threatened that they would expose the nexus between the

administration and the land mafia. There were heated exchanges between women and police

officials. These women came out with unimaginable vigor and strength, they resisted with

determination and solidarity.

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After the administration reviewed the situation they saw that there is no way out, the

administration then decided to reduce their forces and allow them to reoccupy the land. Finally in

the evening, the administration pulled back all their forces from the colony. The campaign was

successful because of strong solidarity and local media's support that had helped in regaining the

land.

Inquiry held against eviction. On July 20, 1997, the remaining inhabitants started

bringing back their belongings, which were dumped at the rehabilitation site. Though the

community reoccupied the Katju colony site but they didn't wanted an easy escape of corrupt

officers, who had ravaged the homes.

They filed a written complain to the Human Rights' Commission against this incident on

behalf of the community. A similar complaint was lodged at the Anti-Corruption Bureau Office

and the State Scheduled Caste Commission against the atrocities of these communities. The

Anti-Corruption-Bureau office held an inquiry on this incident, Schedule Caste Commission also

executed a similar inquiry.

This incident helped in forming larger women network groups in the city. Women from other

poor settlement also united to fight on various fronts such as violence against women and other

contentious issues.

Italy Visit

While staying at CP Shekar Nagar, Rajeev received an offer for a three weeks diploma

course in "People's diplomacy and non-violence and alternative economics”, in Italy. In October

1997, Rajeev was selected for a full scholarship to attend this course. There were thirty

participants who came from different countries including Asia, Africa and Eastern Europe.

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The three weeks he spent in Italy was a great opportunity to meet like-minded people from

all over the world who were campaigning on contentious development issues. Rajeev presented a

paper on "Alternative approaches to economics for sustainable and just development & the role

of voluntary action in India.” This paper was presented on October 23, 1997 in Rovereto, Italy.

Later the report was published in International University of People's Institutions for Peace

(IUPIP) Newsletter Volume II No.1, in December 1998.

Pro-poor Intervention in Indore Master-Plan

During the course of their struggle on “housing rights front” in Indore, they understood

the importance of the city master plan. When the draft master plan is prepared it allocates

residential provisions to all sections of the society. The city planners earmark sufficient

residential zones well in advance, keeping in view the present and future requirements of the

overall population of the city. It ensures that all sections of the society acquire adequate housing

within the legal framework and especially reserve land to urban poor inhabitants. The draft

master plan also considers the suggestions and objections filed by the civil society groups, so that

cross sections of the society have the stake in planning and development of the city.

Indore's master plan draft for objections and suggestions was released in May 01, 1998; This

Plan was made to be effective till 2011. According to the provision the public had a one month

period for filing objections and suggestions to the draft master plan. The first master plan of

Indore was adopted in 1974. This Master Plan had done good research on housing situation,

basic amenities and livelihood opportunities of the slum dwellers and informal settlements in

detail. In the 1974 proposal specific provisions for making serviced land was made available to

the working poor in the city.

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After studying the draft Plan in detail, Deenbandhu found that the new master plan had

scrapped all the pro-poor provisions made in the previous plan. The proposals in the draft plan

had scrapped all the existing upgraded slums in the city.

For filing objections and suggestion they formed a group called Samwad Samuh (concerned

citizens), comprising of researchers, media persons, trade union leaders, lawyers, students and

community leaders. This group studied the draft plan in detail and released number of press notes

within a month to create awareness of the proposed master plan. Rajeev was nominated as the

convenor of this group.

While studying the draft carefully they found number of discrepancies. Their research was

specifically focused in relation to the interest of the poor and marginalized sections of the city.

On May 21, 1998, they organized a public debate and exhibitions about the Indore master

plan draft. They presented their report based on the study done on the draft plan. Many

concerned citizens also raised certain specific issues. It was the first time in Indore that the

objections and suggestions to the master plan were being raised specifically in the interest of the

marginalized section of the society. On this day specific plan of action was also formed so that

objections and suggestions are submitted to the authorities by a varied and diverse cross section

of society. Samwad Samuh filed a number of objections and suggestions on behalf of senior

citizens, slum dwellers, trade union and other NGOs.

On July 30, 1998, Rajeev received a notice by Indore Town and Country Planning

Department for individual hearing on the objections and suggestions filed by them. The hearing

date was August 20, 1998. The committee for hearing constituted elected representatives among

others bureaucrats. Samwad Samuh prepared display broads with maps and specific information,

in a form that was easily communicable for a presentation before the master plan committee.

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During the hearing they presented their case in a very convincing fashion, focusing on the

interest of the marginalized sections of the city. Some of the committee members from the

technical side tried to disrupt their presentation. But the elected representatives and other persons

who had come for individual hearing intervened and requested us to continue our presentation.

There were three major points that were raised. First, that the draft Master Plan 2011 had not

specifically located all the slums and informal settlements in the city, which had been notified

under different Acts. Second, that the upgraded slums of Indore city were proposed as Green

belts, commercial, transportational etc. instead of being specified as existing residential areas.

These land use proposals would have made all these upgraded slums vulnerable to evictions in

the near future if adopted. Third, that no provisions were made in the draft Master Plan 2011 for

housing the poor for the present and future needs as against the provisions in the existing Master

Plan prepared in 1974.

Confronting "Operation-Flush-Out" Drive

In the year 1999, Indore witnessed one of the worst evictions. The Indore district

administration had shamelessly named this demolition drive as - "Operation-Flush-Out" as part

of their so-called development schemes. During this eviction drive around ten authorized slum

colonies were illegally razed. Through the support of the civil society groups in the city,

Deenbandhu facilitated a mass campaign against the drive. The eviction operation began

between January 29, and March 12, 1999. In one stretch around 5,000 people where rendered

homeless. Surprisingly, the colonies which had received lease titles under the Patta Act were

targeted: Priyanka Gandhi Nagar, Rahual Gandhi Nagar, Rajeev Gandhi Nagar Durgeswari

Nagar, Ambe Nagar, Choitram Patti, Bajrang Nagar and Berathi colony.

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During the month of February and March 1999 the eviction drive came to a climax. This

operation was one of the most brutal and inhuman evictions by the administration. Even the slum

dwellers that had land certificates were not spared. The operation was carried out when adult

members were out for their work and only children were at homes.

The purpose for the "Operation Flush Out" was to eliminate slums on the city periphery

without providing any legal and alternative provisions. The land they were relocated was

proposed for green belt and transportation area in the existing Master Plan. This meant that they

would inevitably face multiple evictions in the near future.

On February 05, 1999, Deenbandhu formed a group of concerned citizens from the local

media, trade union leaders and local NGOs. They took a tour at all the evicted sites and relocated

areas with a video camera. Based on their preliminary inquiry they organized a press conference

and presented what administration had done to the victims before the general public. They also

prepared a documentary film called "Operation Flush Out" that depicted the entire story of

atrocities and interviews of those who had affected.

In fact the authorities were intending to execute much larger eviction through this drive.

But due to public pressure that had consistently been built up the administration was reluctant to

carry out further evictions.

Deenbandhu helped communities organize rallies, demonstrations and held independent

inquires into the "Operation-Flush-Out" drive. There were meetings held to consolidate large

scale public opinions against such brutal act.

On February 11, 1999, Juggi Basti Sangarsh Morcha (Slum Dwellers Agitation Front) held a

huge rally in which around 5,000 slum dwellers participated. The rally submitted a memorandum

to the Indore district collector.

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IPT Investigation in Indore

A two day inquiry was held from April 30, to May 01, 1999 by the Indian People's Tribunal

(IPT) investigation team. The inquiry was presided by a retired High Court judges Justice Sachar

and Justice K Sukumaran, The Tribunal invited both parties the administration and the affected

community to come forward justifying their stand. The judge found land mafia and government

official's nexus behind this tragic development. He asserted that, the possibility of the nexus

between land mafia, builders, corrupt officials and conniving politicians couldn't be ruled out of

this inhuman act of forcefully evicting large number of slum dwellers in the city.

When the final inquiry report was released, it accused the administration for violating human

rights law stating that the "Operation-Flush-Out" eviction was grossly unjust and brutal. In one

instance the judge interrogated an evicted family and found that one of their children became

blind because of starvation. One of the widow women showed the tribunal her empty utensils

and argued that she had no food left in her house. This widow had virtually sold off all her

belongings for feeding her four children. The place where they have been involuntary relocated

there was no scope for livelihood and habitation services. The site where they were relocated

was designated for a regional park in the existing Master Plan; this meant they would again be

evicted in the near future.

Arjun Pura Eviction

On October 23, 1999, eight families from the dalit community were forcefully evicted from

Arjun Pura colony. This location was a registered settlement under the patta act and has been

provided with 30 years of permanent lease. There were around 450 families and infrastructure

has been upgraded under IHIP scheme.

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It became a trend in Indore where some builders try and secure ex-party decree in civil court

and grab lands of slum dwellers. At Arjun Pura colony these eight families had 30 years-

permanent lease titles. On October 23, 1999 morning, private builders came with police force to

remove the houses of eight families when the earning members were out of their homes.

Immediately some of the community leaders came to Deenbandhu’s office and asked for their

intervention. They went to the site and discussed with officials arguing that they already have a

permanent lease. They also registered a FIR (First Information Report) with the local police

station. A rally was also held under the banner of Juggi Basti Sangarsh Morcha protesting against

the illegal evacuation. This demonstration was lead by Subash Rande a senior journalist. The

evictions stopped immediately and eight families were able to reconstructed there houses at the

site.

"Go-to-school" Campaign

During his stay at CP Shekar Nagar, Rajeev noticed that there were large numbers of slum

children who never attended schools, though many women from the cooperative society were

eager to send their children to study. They planned to bridge the gap between school and the poor

children, so that they would have access to primary education.

They found that near CP Shekar Nagar there were a number of schools, but Rajeev wanted to

know why these slum children are not attending schools. The slum community organized classes

in the summer just before July when admissions take place. In order to qualify for admission

they organized three-month training classes, so that child develops eagerness to attend school.

Within three months they were able to persuade the children to attend the school for the forth

coming session. On July 01, 1997 when the school reopened they took all their children to the

nearby government schools for admission. Very soon they realized that the slum children were

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treated differently from other school children. This was because their children were shabbily

dressed and most of them came bare foot to schools. They also felt that there was certain kind of

mild resistance from schoolteachers for admitting these students. But through their persistent

struggle, they managed to provide admissions in government schools.

This initiative process inspired Rajeev to start "Go-to-school" campaign for admitting non-

school going slum children who whose parents were non-literate and were usually discouraged

for admissions because of complicated admission procedures. Every year in the month of July

when the new academic session started they were involved in this campaign. Their team

volunteers would visit labor markets and facilitate in filing the admission forms, so that they can

make the best use of government schools. Parents’ inability to fill-up forms for enrollment and

lengthy procedures are some of the main causes, which prevents poor parents to send their

children to government schools.

Polemics on Rationalization of Education

In the year 1999, the admission campaign process went on so successful that they were able

to enroll 102 children on the first day itself. But the school authorities did not enroll all the

students. Most of the state run schools were also not reopened on this academic year. When they

investigated into the matter they found out that from that year onwards the district administration

was intending to close down most of their government run school. In order to mislead the urban

poor citizens they named this process as "rationalization of education" which actually meant to

shut down many of the government schools. Their preliminary research and survey findings

revealed that in the name of “rationalization” well-attended 32 government schools in Indore

were intended to close. These schools were located on the prime land of the city and the state

administration’s intention was to convert this property into commercial centers and make huge

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profits. After doing an intense research on these developments, they published a report

"Betraying Our Children" on the pretext of decentralization and universalization of education.

The Indore district administration's proposal was to demolish seventeen schools, which were

located on huge campus and construct a building called “Cosmos circle”, a ten story commercial

complex. This project was to begin at Marathi Vidyalaya near Shri Krishna Cinema Theater,

which is at the center of the city. Deenbandhu’s campaign was not against building "Cosmos

circle", but that it should not be done at a cost of dismantling schools whose primary objective is

to educate urban poor children who can't afford admission in private schools.

After their research report was released, the issue was extensively covered in local and

national media. Around 30 civil society organizations joined this campaign and voiced their

serious concern against commercialization of school properties. They printed pamphlets, wall

posters and also began a signature campaign. Finally, after exposing the dubious intentions, the

district administration had to suspend the proposed Plan. They were compelled to reopen the

school due to public pressure.

Agitation against Liquor Abuse

One of the major factors of vulnerability in slums is due to abuse of alcohol. Most of the

male members waste their income in drinking. They noticed that there are government liquor

shops inside slum localities. The administration is minting huge profits by distributing liquor at

these poor settlements. Contrarily, the administration is least bothered in opening schools,

medical centers or to provide bare minimum amenities like electricity, water or public toilets.

In 1995, around 150 families had been shifted from CP Shekar Nagar, and resettled at

Ramabai Nagar. But at this relocated site there was no basic services, instead there were state

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owned liquor shops inside the colony. The women group of Ramabai Nagar decided to launch a

campaign for the closure of this liquor shop.

Initially, on March 23, 2000, before the auction of the liquor shop, the women members

submitted a memorandum requesting the Collector to shift the shop from the locality. They

complained that, there is no water and electricity, but the administration is making money by

selling liquors here.

On September 06, 2000, the Jhuggi Basti Sangharsh Morcha, staged a demonstration in front

of Indore Collector Office and insisted the authorities to immediately close down the liquor shop

at Ramabai Nagar. They met the collector, submitted the second memorandum and demanded for

the closure of all liquor shops in the slum.

Many of the friends from other slum colonies like Annabhav Sathe Chikitsak Nagar, Katju

Colony, Chandraprabhash Shekhar Nagar, and Chatrapati Nagar joined the agitation expressing

their solidarity with Ramabai residents. Finally the administration had to accept their demands

and on January 10, 2001 the shop was shifted from the area.

After the closure of Ramabai liquor shop, this incidence became a model example in other

parts of slums. At the Dol Gyaras Ganesh Visarjan, on September 09, 2001, youth of Annabhau

Sathe Chikitsak Nagar pledged to renounce liquor. On Pari Nirman Diwas December 06, 2001,

youth of Budha Nagar took oath to renounce liquor. Applications were filed to the concerned

departments to remove liquor shops from near government schools.

Burning of Adivasis Huts

Seven huts of Adivasis (Tribal People) were located at Sadu Vaswani Nagar. Some of the

affluent residents in the colony plotted a way to evict these families. On April 01, 2001, through

the help of land mafia goons all the seven huts were burned down.

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When Deenbandhu was informed, Rajeev along with his team members rushed to the site and

provided essential emergency relief to the victims. On the same day they lodged complain at the

police station. The matter was also placed before the Madhya Pradesh Human Rights

Commission for stern action against the culprits. On April 02, 2001, President of Madhya

Pradesh Human Rights Commission ordered the Indore SDM to take immediate action in the

case. There was no action taken by the concerned authorities. Sadly such incidences are

common in all major metro cities, but most of these commission inquires are buried or forgotten

by the administration.

Norway Visit

Rajeev went for a six-week training program at the International Summer School, University

in Oslo, Norway. The university had also sponsored the scholarship. Training program started

from June to August 2001. The six weeks course was an intensive study on "Good Governance,

Perspective from the South.” The course had 20 lectures and in the test and Rajeev was credited

with highest grade.

Dussera Madian Eviction

Dussera Maidan slum settlement was one of the notified slums under Patta Act of 1984.

There were around 164 families residing, the community had constituted a Mohalla Samitti

(neighborhood association). On the evening of October 30, 2001, bulldozers arrived at Dashera

Maidan and started indiscriminately demolishing huts without any prior notice.

In the state of Madhya Pradesh there is a provision of leasehold rights for the landless poor

for tenure security on government land. Dusherra Maidan is one of the slums notified in the

Madhya Pradesh Gazette for the allocation of lease titles. This slum could not be relocated

without any prior notice or consultation and without a proper relocation site. The team from

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Deenbandhu went to the site immediately and showed the Madhya Pradesh Gazette, which has

been notified for lease title. When they produced the legal notified documents to the concern

authority, they had to immediate stop the eviction operation. The community subsequently set up

their huts again and demanded that - if for public interest their land is required, then they should

be relocated on the 15% land reserved for weaker sections.

Later there were series of negotiations with the local authorities. After visiting a number of

relocation sites, the residents agreed to relocate to Vyas Nagar, which is a site acquired by the

government under the Urban Land Ceiling Act. On June 08, 2003 the residents were shifted to

the alternative site. Deenbandhu and the community pressed for permanent tenure to all the

relocated slum dwellers at the alternative site. This site was within the Municipal boundary and

has access to transportation.

"Street-play" Campaign

The housing rights campaign needed a strategy to communicate effectively about the

struggle the urban poor facing the repressive attitude of the state. Deenbandhu planned to form a

creative group of artist to perform public street-play shows for consolidating wider impact of

how poor suffer and their deteriorating living conditions. The street play campaign was launched

in August 2000 at different slums, which were threatened for evictions and also staged during

cultural programs and workshops.

Three street-plays, which became very popular in Indore's bastis (slums) were: Satha ka khel

(Game of rulership), Rah Sangarsh ki (Path of Struggle) and Privartan (Change) depicting the

plight of eviction, nexus between land mafia, builders and administration leading to

homelessness. The interesting thing was that the actors themselves were the victims of evictions

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- they directly expressed their suffering and pains when they undergo forced evictions. The play

also educated the masses on various laws and policies in favor of the urban poor.

One of the best performances was staged on October 11, 2002, at Ravindra Natya Graha

auditorium on Dhamma Chakra Praivartan Din (a local Buddhist festival to inculcate social

change). Deenbandhu was one of the organizers of this event. Around 2000 people belonging to

Buddhist and Dalit community from different slum settlements attended this program. A 30

minutes "Satta ka Khel" play was staged depicting about how urban poor face the atrocities of

evictions and how the powerful vested interest groups trample the rights of city dwellers. The

street-play show helped in strengthening the campaign after several weeks of intense practice by

slum community members.

“Hashiya Par” Newsletter

By the year 2000, Deenbandhu launched a Hindi newsletter to target community leaders for

understanding the overall city development plans. The magazine advocated for legal residential

lands entitled for urban poor settlements in the city. It covered information on creating

awareness, empowerment and a dialogue among community leaders within the legal framework.

"Hashiya Par" was a quarterly newsletter. The content of the magazine was based on tenure

and housing right laws, pro-poor schemes and initiatives in the slum community. The readership

of the magazine was targeted to neo-literate and semi-literate sections of the society. The first

issue of the magazine was released on August 2000.

The magazine was circulated widely including leaders of 95 Mohala Samittes and 125 Basti

Vikas Mandal (neighborhood development associations) formed under the Patta Act 1998 and

IHIP upgradation project. There were about 10 issues that were released.

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Housing Rights Network at National Level

In major Indian metropolitan cities many of Deenbandhu’s friends and colleagues who

faced similar struggle wanted to form networking and alliance among different housing right

groups. There were many struggle organizations in the cities like: Nivarak Hakk Samitee and

Committee for Right to Housing Mumbai, Sajha Manch & Ashiya Adhikar Abhyan Delhi,

Campaign for Housing and Tenure Rights & Sannihita Hyderabad, Chennai Slum Dwellers

Movement, Ucchaid Birodi Yukta Manch Kolkata, and Jan Sangarsh Morcha Ahemdabad. These

struggle organizations had for a long time battled against the administration on right of housing

for all. It was realized that Deenbandhu must facilitate in consolidating solidarity among

different struggle groups in India through its long struggle and involvement on this front.

The housing rights movement in India has been active since early 1980s. Though there

were many ups and down in the movement the campaign continued at various front. In the mid-

80s a national level campaign was first staged by National Campaign for Housing Rights,

NCHR. On September 1988, a bill on housing rights was also placed before the parliament.

However, the bill was not accepted due to technical reasons, hence it did not become a law. In

the later years the campaign subsided and was not able to keep its momentum.

During the year 1997-98 some of Rajeev’s friends and colleagues initiated to revive

NCHR, several consultations and meetings were organized with former members. Later, it was

decided to re-group and float a new forum with strategies based on the learning of the previous

national campaign.

The key persons who brought different struggle organizations together were Mr. Colin

Gonsalves, Marukh Adenwala from Mumbai, Wilfred D'souza from Ahmedabad and brother

Varghese, Jevan Kumar from Hyderabad.

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Mumbai Meeting

India Center for Human Rights and Law, (ICHRL) Mumbai organized the first crucial

meeting to unit different struggle organizations from major cities. This was a two-day meeting

held on January 08 to 09, 2000. Around 44 participants had attended the workshop from

Mumbai, Hyderabad, Surat, Ahmedabad, Baroda and Indore.

Participants shared their experience and struggle they faced on housing rights front.

Almost all participants felt the urgent need to compile a report on national and international laws,

policies, judgments on right to shelter and campaigns held against forced evictions. Ms Marukha

Adenwalla shared the responsibility to prepare this report.

During this meeting the Indore group staged a street play "Sata ka Khel.” The key

persons who attended the meeting were Colin Gonsalves, Deepika D'souza, Marukha Adenwalla,

Willfred and Jevan Kumar.

The members also felt the need for consultations at state and local level with struggle groups

and incorporate them towards a joint struggle, to consolidate a larger national network. After the

Mumbai meeting, a series of consultations were held at Mumbai, Ahmedabad, Panchagani,

Chennai, Hyderabad, Kolkata, Buwaneshwar and Indore.

Panchgani Meeting

On January 2001, ICHRL, India organized a National Conference on Human Rights in

Panchgani, Maharasthra. During this conference one of the meetings was held on housing rights

issue.

Indian origin South African sitting judge, Justice ZN Yacoob, Justice Rajendar Sachar,

noted writer Amitabh Kundu and United Nations Special Rapporteur on Adequate Housing

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Milon Kothari were some of the prominent personalities who gave their valuable suggestions to

strengthen the movement.

At Panchagani conference the compiled report of "Right to Shelter and forced eviction"

was released, which was prepared by Marukh Adenwalla. At the previous Mumbai meeting this

idea was proposed to compile a report on national, international laws, policies and landmark

judgements on housing rights.

At the meeting Milon Kothari, proposed to all struggle groups for preparing an alternative

report on the practice of housing rights violations, as India has not submitted its report to United

Nations Committee on Economic Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR).

From Indore sixteen participants attended the meeting, the group performed a street play

presentation "Raha Sangarsh Ki" and "Satha Ka Khel" during the meeting.

Indore Meeting

Deenbandhu and India Center for Human Rights and Law (ICHRL) held a national

workshop on May 28 to 29, 2002 in Indore. At this crucial meeting National Forum for Housing

Rights (NFHR) was formed. South African sitting judge, Justice Zakeria Mohammed Yacoob,

inaugurated the event. Around sixty-one participants from seven states attended the workshop.

The main organizations that attended were Habitat International Coalition, Ashray Adhikar

Abhiyan and Sajha Manch, New Delhi, Committee for Housing Rights, Mumbai and Sakshi -

Human Rights Watch, Secunderabad.

Different struggle groups felt an urgent need to build a national networking alliance of

independent struggle organizations. After long consultation national forum was formed. The

participants unanimously gave Rajeev the responsibility as the Convenor for National Forum for

Housing Rights (NFHR).

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National Forum for Housing Rights (NFHR)

NFHR became a national network of independent organizations in India on housing rights.

The forum actively campaigned against the practice of forced evictions and advocated the

provisions of residential land to the working class population in urban centers. The principle

objective of NFHR was to strengthen struggle organizations and consolidate solidarity among

different housing rights groups in India.

Chennai Meeting

At the Indore workshop some participants proposed to hold the next national workshop in

Chennai city. When Rajeev visited Chennai on September 2002, for preparing the report on

evictions, he met Louis Menezes, a retired IAS officer, and Professor Dr. Shangumgam, a faculty

member of the Social Work Department, Loyola college. Rajeev proposed them to host a

workshop in Chennai city. After consultations and several informal meetings the workshop was

finalized on January 2003.

On January 24 to 26, 2003, the workshop was held in partnership with NFHR and Chennai

Slum Dwellers Movement. The theme of the workshop was "Habitational justice for all" around

71 participants attend the workshop.

The workshop called for an immediate moratorium on forced evictions all over the country

till the draft national housing/slum policy is officially finalized. The participants also released

Chennai Declaration and one-year action-plan after a detail discussion at the workshop.

Before the workshop began a field visit was organized to get an overview of housing rights

situation in the city: Okkiyum Thoraipakkam (a relocation site) and Foreshore Estate (a site

threatened for eviction). On the way participants also had a chance to witness one of the recently

evicted area at Buckingham Canal in the city.

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The participants had an intense discussion on the National Slum Policy and felt that there

were many critical issues, which had not been addressed properly. They unanimously agreed that

the draft in the present form is not acceptable and it was time to preparing an "alternative

housing policy.” Professor Dr. Shangumgam presented a thought provoking research paper on

"the impact of globalization on urban poor communities.”

Study on Evictions in Major Cities Proposed

At the Indore workshop participants proposed to conduct a survey study on forced

evictions in major cities of India and find out the situation of habitation conditions among urban

poor communities.

India has agreed under the Covenant of Economic Social and Cultural Rights CESCR in

article 11(1), asserting the right of adequate housing for all inhabitants. Unfortunately India for

the last 14 years could not submit its report to United Nations CESCR. In every four years the

Government of India has an obligation to submit a report on the progress of Economic Social and

Cultural rights, including the right for adequate housing. Though after repeated reminders by

United Nations CESCR, surprisingly the Government of India has not responded nor submitted

its report. One of the objectives of NFHR was to prepare an alternative report from different

struggle organizations and submit it to the UN CESCR in Geneva.

At the Indore workshop participants also urged to prepare a list of resource persons and

organizations that are working on housing rights for networking, interaction and mutual learning

among the Forum.

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Process of Gathering Information

On August 01, 2002, Rajeev visited New Delhi and met advocate, Colin Gonsalves at his

Socio-Legal Information Center (SLIC) office. Mr. Colin the editor of Combat Law magazine

encouraged Rajeev to start the report of seven major cities on forced evictions.

They began a research tour in the month of September 2002 and visited four metro cities:

New Delhi, Chennai, Kolkata and Hyderabad. In October 2002 Rajeev visited Mumbai to cover

Sanjay Gandhi National Park eviction, which was one of the largest forced eviction carried out in

the country.

The survey study was done in close collaboration with struggle organizations in all seven

cities. Interviews were conducted with evictees, identified locations, which were threatened for

evictions. Information was gathered from newspapers and other sources, including landmark

judgments in favor of or against forced evictions. Rajeev also studied laws and policies, related

to urban poor settlements. The draft was then circulated to local organizations to fill key

information gaps and incorporate comments and suggestions.

In Hyderabad they surveyed the area during mid-night hours and collected first hand

information about large number of homeless persons who where spending their nights on streets.

Before making the final report the papers were circulated to those who had contributed for the

report, their views were incorporated in the final report.

Final Report Released

The main purpose of preparing this report was to submit the papers to United Nations

CESCR Committee. On November 12, 2002, the first draft report was send to UN, CECER and a

letter to Government of India for submitting its report. The 95-page report was published by end

of December 2002. The book, “Eviction Watch India”, was released at the Asian Social Forum

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gathering in Hyderabad on January 04, 2003, by Justice Sachar former chief justice Delhi High

Court. Later the final report was submitted to CESCR on May 07, 2003.

The Coverage

"Eviction Watch India" published in January 2003 carried empirical evidences against

forced evictions in seven major cities and recommended a comprehensive strategy to protect

housing rights situation in India. Housing is the fundamental right in accordance with the

provisions given under the Indian Constitution and United Nations Resolutions for adequate

housing. The report provides in-depth coverage of most brutal evictions, which were carried out

against the poorest urban sections.

The report has been circulated to key persons: development planners, policy makers,

bureaucrats, professionals and civil society groups in India and abroad.

Several civil society groups in India, who are advocating on housing and pro-poor

concerns, were able to study the overall picture of housing rights situation in the country. This

report also encouraged the Urban Local Bodies (ULBs) and the state to provide residential land

to the working class population in India's major urban centers.

Pro-poor Interventions in Hyderabad Master-Plan

As most of the Master Plans in major cities were in a process of revision, the National

Forum for Housing Rights filed a pro-poor intervention in Hyderabad and Lucknow Master

Plans.

On January 14, 2003, in Indian Express newspaper, Rajeev noticed an advertisement

notification for filing objections and suggestions to the Hyderabad Master Plan. Hyderabad

Urban Development Authority (HUDA) had published a draft Master Plan for the year 2020 of

Hyderabad metropolitan area. Rajeev immediately contacted his friends in Hyderabad, who were

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part of their networking group. They decided to hold a meeting in Hyderabad to plan out

strategies for submitting pro-poor intervention in the proposed plan draft.

This forthcoming Master Plan draft was specifically important because the Municipal

Corporation of Hyderabad in support from City Alliance had formulated a pro-poor City

Development Strategy (CDS) for Hyderabad city.

After consulting with Hyderabad civil groups, Rajeev decided to visit Hyderabad and

have meeting to learn more about the CDS process to facilitate in incorporating pro-poor

concerns in the Master Plan.

After reaching Hyderabad, on February 06, 2003, they collected all the relevant

documents from the HUDA office. They met Mr. SP Shoriey a special officer for Hyderabad

Master Plan and held a detailed discussion. On the same day they organized a meeting at the

“Administrative Staff College of India” on the CDS interventions made in Hyderabad city with

Mr. V Srinivas Chary, who was coordinating the CDS process in Hyderabad.

Next day on February 07, 2003, a meeting was organized at Chatri (a Housing Rights

Group) office with the civil society groups and NGOs. At the meeting it was decided that the

Master Plan should also be available in regional languages. The members wanted more time

should be given for submitting objections and suggestions. After much pressure from civil

bodies, the time for submitting objections and suggestions was extended till March 21, 2003.

Based on their experience in Indore Master Plan intervention, they started the process to

prepared concrete and workable suggestions to the draft Master Plan.

Rajeev’s second visit to Hyderabad was on March 10 to 12, 2003, for submitting the pro-

poor objections and suggestions. On March 14, 2003 in collaboration with Chatri and other civil

society groups they submitted their papers to HUDA office.

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Workshops for Lucknow Master Plan Intervention

Mr. Ranjit Ambastha the program officer from Oxfam, Lucknow office, is a town planner

by profession and his experience in this field helped Rajeev in learning various housing

regulations and law on low-income housing schemes. As Deenbandhu co-ordinated closely with

Lucknow's office, Mr. Ranjit Ambastha invited Rajeev for training workshops, which were held

in February and April 2003.

Meantime, Lucknow Development Authority (LDA) was intending to release the draft

Master Plan 2020. The first meeting was held on February 19 and 20, 2003. Rajeev was invited

to train three local NGOs Laxmi, Ankur and Vigyan Foundation, on rights based approach on

housing, tenure, policies and interventions which were applied in Indore. A field visit was also

organized to understand the housing situations and alternatives available in Lucknow city.

LDA published its draft Master Plan on April 05, 2003 and the time to submit the

objections was given for 30 days.

Oxfam office in Lucknow held its second workshop on April 22 to 24, 2003, for a detail

discussion and study for the draft Master Plan. Around 16 key persons from six NGOs from

Lucknow-city attended the workshop.

The workshop's objective focused on reviewing the provisions given in the draft Master

Plan with reference to the livelihood and housing requirements for degraded slum settlements in

the city till the year 2021.

They reviewed the provisions given in other Master Plans of the cities like: Indore,

Hyderabad, Chennai and Mumbai in terms of livelihood and housing provisions. After detailed

discussion participants were prepared to incorporate their positive suggestions, keeping in view

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the livelihood and housing requirements for the poor in the proposed draft Plan 2021, of

Lucknow.

Kolkata Visit

On May 24, 2003, Human Rights Law Network, (HRLN) in Kolkata opened a shelter

home for women in distress. Rajeev was invited for the inaugural ceremony. "Shelter for Women

in Distress" is a short stay shelter named "Keertika" which is located at a residential colony in a

very homely atmosphere.

During his three-day visit in the city from May 23 to 25, 2003, Rajeev visited some of the

recent evicted sites at Circular Canal and Tolly Nalla. Two of his friends Biswendu Nanda and

Ashish Das from Uchchhed Birodhi Jyukta Manch, accompanied him. They had an opportunity

to meet struggle organizations and community members who were displaced after evictions.

They surveyed the PK Mukharji Road Basti at Circular Canal area where there were

around 740 households. The community was staying here since last 35 years. The Kolkata

administration had threatened the community that they should vacate the area or face forced

eviction any time during the month of October 2003.

The Chinamul Shramjivi Adhikar Samiti was one of the forums, campaigning on housing

rights struggle and protesting forced evictions. Khitish Mandal was the president of the

committee.

At Tolly Nala, Rajeev met Mr. Prashato Seth, Uchchhed Birodhi Sangram Committee

and discussed about the struggle going on at Tolly Nalla. 1432 households and 600 shops were

affected by evictions at an 8 kilometers stretch and no alternative site has been provided to the

inhabitants.

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On the same day Mr. Biswendu showed Rajeev the video clippings of December 10,

2002, evictions at Belhighata, which was very shocking. There where very disturbing video

footage, which showed how the authorities have ruthlessly put fire on slums and bulldozers

stamping on the burning slums.

At HRLN office, a two hour meeting was organized on May 24, 2003, with civil society

groups from Kolkata city. Rajeev gave a brief introduction of NFHR's activities and its

involvement with different struggle organizations in major cities.

The group discussed on the latest trends of evictions, which were occurring in Kolkata.

There were around 50,000 people displaced without providing any alternative in the year 2002. It

was surprising to note that the chief minister of West Bengal, Mr. Budha Dev Bhattacharya

issued a statement, which was taken very seriously and is a challenge for all housing rights

activists in the country. He was quoted in Telegraph newspaper saying - "providing alternative

will set a wrong precedence in the future.” The leftist government ruled the state administration

for the last 20 years, and most of the displacement took place through Asian Development

Bank's sponsored projects, without providing any alternative accommodation to its inhabitants.

At the meeting there was a broad consensus evolving on future strategies to combat evictions

in the city. To achieve this objective they decided to collect all relevant documents on recent

evictions that had occurred in the city. Based on the materials collected a campaign strategy was

be finalized to combat past evictions and prevent future evictions taking place in the city. The

members suggested for hosting a national conference on housing rights and evictions in Kolkata

by the end of the year 2003.

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Geographical Information System (GIS) for Indore

During the course of their research finding since 1994, Deenbandhu had documented

large database information and generated maps that identify urban poor localities of Indore city.

This information was collected in partnership and support from community leaders of various

slum settlements.

Geographical Information System (GIS) a digitalized location based mapping system of

urban poor settlements was used, which attached all data relating to health, education, livelihood,

housing status and other services. This methodology aimed to create an information database,

over which the people will have access and control.

They identified and traced vital statistical information about degraded slum settlements,

their limited resources and available infrastructure: drainage facilities, electricity, water, road

access, temples, and land-ownership.

This exercise was executed keeping in view the long-term development process in which the

community can put forward their issues before the urban local bodies towards feasible and

concrete solutions to improve the housing conditions of urban poor settlements in Indore city.

Critical Appraisal of IHIP Upgradation Work

Rajeev’s stay at CP Shekar Nagar slum helped him to understand some critical issues on

IHIP citywide insitu upgradation. The scheme started from 1991 and was completed by 1997

after spending huge amount on the project. Rajeev was curious to know the internal dynamics of

these schemes and how effective they were at implementation level to improve the living

conditions of slum settlements. He tried to investigate the root cause of poverty and

homelessness in urban centers. He gathered information on laws, policies, landmark judgments

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and interventions on housing schemes for adequate shelter, whose provisions are entitled within

the legal framework. Rajeev unearthed the following critical findings.

Some critical findings. There were three major findings.

Sustainability of IHIP scheme. The first critical finding was that authorities on one hand

were pumping huge amount of money on city-wide insitu upgradation schemes and after the

completion of the project they planned to scrap them by introducing new schemes.

The River Front scheme planned to scrap IHIP insitu upgradation in the year 1998 when the

new Indore Master Plan draft was released. The draft proposal also attempted to scrap the IHIP

upgraded development work, by changing the residential land use of urban poor settlements into

greenbelt zones and transportation areas. This meant that most of the upgraded slums would face

evictions in the near future after spending millions of rupees on upgradation.

Workability of the upgraded slums. The second contentious issue was that the process of

IHIP insitu upgradation did not bring any significant changes in most of these settlements,

contrarily it had aggravated the living conditions.

These conditions usually occurred in large population area where the inhabitants were

squeezed in congested locations. The infrastructure like concrete roads, underground sewerage

and water pipelines were provided in extremely congested localities, which could not be

sustained. There are no sustainable solutions to repair choked drains or contaminated water in

several upgraded slums, also the sewerage line and the portable water line were parallel and

sometimes crossed each other that were contaminating the drinking water leading to periodic and

chronic epidemic within the community. There is a limit to the "gross residential density" in

which insitu upgradation and improvement is feasible. While residing in such environment,

Rajeev observed that, settlements that have appropriate density, the per capita investment for

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providing services is economical in terms of portable water, electricity, roads, sewerage and

storm water drainage. Beyond a certain limit of gross residential density the insitu upgradation

was found to be dysfunctional.

Integrating with overall development plan. The improvement of urban poor settlement,

should be planned as a part of the larger citywide development strategy. The major setbacks of

the IHIP was ignoring the existing Master Plan of Indore city. If the IHIP implemented the

upgradation as part of the existing Master Plan of Indore then the resources pulled-in would have

created much greater impact in terms of improvement of living conditions in these settlements.

This could have even ensured the sustainability of the project.

The 1974 Indore Master Plan had inbuilt provisions for insitu upgradation projects, which

could have produced a significant progress. This plan had ample provisions for environmental

improvement for number of slums and informal settlements. Even there were land provisions for

urban poor housing and had allotted relocations sites in specific residential land zoned within the

livelihood catchments for urban poor settlements. For slums which were on untenable location or

land which could be acquired for larger public interest there were provisions for relocations in

the 1974 Master Plan. But the irony of the IHIP was it functioned in isolation without integrating

with the Master Plan provisions that had threatened number of evictions even at the upgraded

settlements in the city.

Due to these following factors the six hundred and forty million rupees project failed in its

mission to create a conducive and sustainable environment for urban poor settlements in Indore.

The failures were depicted as success and had created policy implications at the national and

international levels, which eventually had gone against the interest of the urban poor settlements

worldwide. Thus, the schemes conceptual planning failed and had adversely affected at the

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implementation level. In spite of failures at the ground level, they were awarded international

acclaims and recognition as best practices. The Indore IHIP bagged international Habitat Award

in 1994 and Agha Khan Award for architecture in 1997.

Some Conclusions of Rajeev

One of the popular myths is that land is unavailable in urban centers and adequate

housing can't be provided to all sections of the society especially to the urban poor community.

These myths are largely created by builders and vested interest groups and have made housing a

commodity for profit making ventures. Today, land and housing is not only beyond the reach of

the poor, but also to urban middle class.

In Indore, the prime section of urban land has been transferred to vested interest groups in a

conniving manner in extremely low prices. There are large numbers of Trusts and local

newspaper companies who have occupied prime land in throw away prices. In the year 2000, the

administration came with proposals to close down number of primary schools and convert them

into commercial centers in the name of rationalization of education in the city. There were

1719.27 acres of land transferred to 123 promoters for residential purpose at a throwaway price

of 50 piasa (1/80th of a Dollar) per square feet. Most of these lands were kept vacant for years on

market speculation by the real estate agents and builders.

The scarcity of residential land especially to economically weaker sections occurs when

prime residential lands are dubiously diverted for commercial interests. Hence, an artificial

inflation is generated through intricate and manipulative process.

Creation of slums is not a problem by themselves, but a manifestation of a larger problem of

unjust and inequitable land holdings in urban centers. A majority of urban poor, live in less than

10% of city space, and in pockets that are blighted and extremely marginal. At the same time

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prime and tenable lands is either been transferred free of cost or in extremely subsidized rate to

vested interest groups, though these sections can afford to acquire land at market value. The real

estate business has become easy moneymaking racket through purchasing prime lands at

extremely subsidized rates and re-selling them at extremely high profit margins.

Rajeev arrived at some decisive conclusions: that there has been a systematic effort by vested

interest groups to repeal or downsize the existing policies, laws and provisions on housing,

which are in favor of the urban poor. Though the state of Madhya Pradesh has got special

policies, laws and provisions in favor of urban-poor, the vulnerability in terms of housing is still

very high and has aggravated steadily. In order to derail and sabotage the process there has been

promulgation of in-built mechanisms, so that the pro-poor policy doesn't reach the beneficiary.

The housing rights campaign of Indore was based on systematic documentation and research

work on the shortcomings and negative interventions of the city administration. During the years

Deenbandhu identified and mapped urban poor settlements of the city and gathered significant

evidences on inconsistent practices of the administration. The goal of Deenbandhu was that, the

poorest of the poor must come under the legal framework for adequate housing. To achieve this

objective the struggle continues.

Memories Live On

Rajeev passed away on February 21, 2005. Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions (COHRE)

has dedicated a documentary called “On the Map”, to Rajeev John George, which is easily

accessible through Internet search.

Rajeev John George’s memory, solidarity, and valuable contribution to the Housing Rights

struggle will always be imprinted in my mind and heart.

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Chapter 10

REVEILLE AGRARIAN JUSTICE UNION

Reveille Agrarian Justice Union (RAJU) is formed in memory of Rajeev John George

(1970 – 2005). Rajeev was also known in his community as “Raju.”

In January of 2009, Reveille Agrarian Justice Union (RAJU), was registered in Illinois, as

a Not for Profit Organization.

Reveille Agrarian Justice Union (RAJU), is a community based, charitable organization

and advocacy group to awaken citizens of the world towards issues related to access to livable

residential space and unjust evictions. The founding members of this organization acknowledge

that basic Human Rights and Social Justice have their roots in the biblical understanding of God,

Man, Nature and their inter-relationships. RAJU looks forward for the promise that, “My people

will live in peaceful dwelling places, in secure homes, in undisturbed places of rest (Isaiah 32:

18).”

Several nations are witnessing an unprecedented crisis in which large numbers of city

inhabitants are either forcibly evicted or squeezed into lesser and lesser urban space. Our

struggle and concerns are for those who are manual laborers and workers, who toil day and night

for a decent living, yet never receive adequate space in the city. Their wages are so low they are

unable to meet basic needs like children's education and health care. Adding to their miseries,

they are forcibly displaced and shifted from one place to another and are left unsheltered during

winter, rain and scorching heat.

Many of our fellow citizens are homeless, living on streets, and pavements. Many of

them are living in blighted settlements. These sections of society are deprived of basic rights

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such as security of tenure and adequate housing, with no access to schooling, health centers,

basic amenities, clean water or electricity.

This organization believes that land is a finite and unique commodity. Land is also a

common resource for human existence and livable residential space, which should be shared

justly. Livable residential space should include at the minimum, Security of tenure, affordability,

habitability, accessibility, location, cultural adequacy, and availability of services, materials,

facilities and infrastructure. Access to a livable residential space must be made available to all

sections of human society including the poorest and most vulnerable.

Reveille Agrarian Justice Union (RAJU) appeals to the global civil society and concerned

individuals to work towards pragmatic solutions for making adequate housing a reality for all

human beings. The Vision, Mission and Values for Reveille Agrarian Justice Union (RAJU) is as

follows:

Vision: Our vision is to create communities, which has livable spaces that are peaceful,

secure, undisturbed, and favorable to the progress for all people.

Mission: Our mission is to advocate affordable housing, to eradicate forcible evictions

and to eliminate homelessness, by encouraging research, by discussing viable community

solutions, by creating awareness among the general public towards housing issues, and by using

incarnational principle of communication and action towards social justice.

Values: We value accountability, courtesy, commitment, diversity, generosity, humility,

inclusiveness, respect, sacrifice and transparency in the pursuit of housing for all people.

I have used the platform of Reveille Agrarian Justice Union (RAJU), for my involvement

with “Housing Rights Activism.”

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Chapter 11

A Cursory View on Expert Opinion…

The experts on housing related fields have put forward their opinions based on the studies

conducted on homelessness. The following paragraphs throw some light on how the experts have

tried to comment on: definition of homelessness, quantification homelessness in a given locality,

criminalization of homelessness, affect on children, struggles related to unemployment and

wages, housing first approach, incarceration and homelessness, core concepts of housing, the

medium of personal stories and housing as a human right.

There is no single agreed-upon definition of homelessness, although there are a number

of definitions that are generally accepted by researchers and practitioners, The US Department of

Housing and Urban Development (HUD) defines a homeless individual as someone “who lacks a

fixed, regular, and adequate nighttime residence and who has a primary residence in a temporary

shelter, an institution, or a public or private place not designated for regular sleeping.” The

definition also includes individuals about to be evicted or released from an institution with no

subsequent residence identified.1

Also, according to HUD “Unaccompanied homeless individuals with a disabling

condition that have been homeless for a year or more or at least four episodes of homelessness in

the past four years, meets the definition of ‘chronically homeless’.” 2

Culhane defines Episodically homeless as those who use shelter repeatedly, while

Transitionally homeless people are those who have relatively short stays in the homeless

assistance system, exit it and return infrequently if at all.3

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The National Coalition for Homelessness states that in most cases, homelessness is a

temporary circumstance – not a permanent condition. A more appropriate measure of the

magnitude of homelessness is the number of people who experience homelessness over time, not

the number of “homeless people.”4

In a report sponsored by, The Urban Institute – Metropolitan Housing and Communities

Policy Center, it mention Sun Times reporting in 2001 that, one hundred and twenty-five

temporary shelter programs in Chicago provide 6000 beds each night.5 This shows the magnitude

of the problem of homelessness in Chicago.

In several cities there is a tendency to criminalize homelessness. The following report is

an extract from a report by The National Coalition for the Homeless and The National Law

Center on Homelessness & Poverty,

Picketers, including several members of the Kalamazoo

Homeless Action Network (KHAN), gathered in front of a local

McDonald’s to slow down business at lunchtime in April 2005. The

group protested discriminatory practices against homeless and poor

people, such as McDonald’s 30-minute limit for consuming food.

According to the spokesman for KHAN, Mike Kilbourne, the

sign stating 30-minute rule is being used as a “weapon of degradation”

against […] poor and homeless [people], because it is enforced

arbbitratily. Kilbourne believes the downtown Kalamazoo

McDonald’s has created a volatile situation in the north side of

Kalamazoo due to discrimination of poor and homeless customers.

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In addition, many homeless people complained about

police intimidation and humiliation at an August 2005 meeting of

the Kalamazoo Homeless Action Network. Public Safety Officers

also swept a homeless camp in Mayors’ Riverfront Park, in

preparation for a trailway as part of the city’s long-term

redevelopment river project. On August 20, 2005, the police

arrested nearly 12 homeless people for trespassing in Johnson-

Howard Lumber Company’s offices and warehouse. Kalamazoo

County District Judge Vincent Westra fined all the trespassers

$100 or community service. Kilbourne told the City Commission

that “the city has picked a fight with the poor” in its recent camp

sweeps and uneven enforcement of trespassing and camping

ordinances.6

A study done by the Family Housing Fund in 1999, state that homelessness can have

devastating effects on children. Homeless children have higher rates of exposure to violence,

family separation, and are twice as likely to go hungry as other children.7

The executive summary of a study conducted by the Center for Urban Economic

Development in 2000, states that the survey results show that homeless day laborers are both

willing and able to work consistently when given the opportunity. Contrary to the stereotypes of

homelessness, the survey shows that homeless day laborers are engaged in a constant and active

struggle to make ends meet. These workers routinely arrive at their agencies in the early morning

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in search of work. Then they wait, often for several hours, before actually beginning paid

employment.8

While many homeless people struggle to find day labor, there are those who do manage

to get a minimum wage job. However, it is very unlikely that such jobs would end their plight.

The New York Times reported in 2006 that, according to an annual study conducted by the

National Low Income Housing Coalition, a full-time worker at minimum wage could not afford

a one-bedroom apartment anywhere in the country at average market rates.9

The story of Joseph and Don is a good example of “housing first” where individuals were

somehow placed in an apartment since the beginning, along with accompanying services. Many

communities are adopting a “housing first” approach to ending homelessness for families. The

approach is based on two very simple principles: 1. The best way to end homelessness is to help

people move into permanent housing as quickly as possible; 2. Once in housing, formerly

homeless people may require some level of services to help them to stabilize, link them to long-

term supports, and prevent recurrence.10

The in-depth interviews of people living in Wells (Chicago), suggested that incarceration

is a widespread problem among the homeless individuals.11

In a study done in New York, in 2002, more than 10% of those coming in and out of

prisons and jails are homeless in the months before their incarceration. For those with mental

illness, the rates are even higher – about 20%…. Shelter use, both before incarceration and after

release, is associated with an increased risk of return to prison. 12

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Having a criminal record adds another formidable barrier to successful integration into

society…Public housing agencies can deny access to those with certain convictions, including

those with drug-related offences, and landlords can deny access altogether to those with criminal

records…Currently in Illinois, very few crimes – class A and B misdemeanors and arrests

without convictions – are expungable from a persons record. 13

In addition to being banned from federal housing assistance, many ex-offenders are

barred from receiving cash assistance because felony drug convictions carry a lifetime ban on

Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF). Felons are also barred from receiving certain

types of federal education aid such as student loans.14

Center on Housing Rights and Evictions (COHRE), a Geneva based organization have

been very vocal in stressing about the seven core components of adequate housing according to

international human rights law: Security of Tenure; Availability of Services, Materials, Facilities

and Infrastructures; Affordability; Habitability; Accessibility; Location; and Cultural

Adequacy.15

Lobbying by individuals and organizations is a powerful tool for change. People who

approach their elected officials for support can generate creative solutions to overcome the root

causes of housing problems. Personal stories are a powerful component of lobbying and as local

activists and NGOs are closer to the victims of housing rights violations than the policy makers.16

COHRE has been lobbying for sometime to frame housing as a human right. Grassroots

movement in other parts of the globe have embraced the strategy of framing housing as a human

right in their advocacy efforts. For example, in India, Rajeev John George, convener of the

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National Forum on Housing Rights, successfully challenged forced evictions in Indore, in part by

framing housing as a human rights violation.17

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Chapter 12

Rethinking Paradigm

My father, George David, had germinated in my mind the idea and importance of thought

process within a particular “Presuppositions” and “frame of reference.” I had the opportunity to

interact with Arthur Lyons, the Co-director for the MACD program. He helped me to articulate

my thinking towards possible shift in paradigm. Some of the crucial questions that he

encouraged me to think on were: What is the ideal society? What would it look like? What

would it be doing?

There were further related questions that Arthur posed, which helped me to frame my

thoughts. I attempted to articulate answers related to: What intellectual framework of thinking

about society would lead to sustainability of that society? What are the current paradigm /

framework of thinking about homelessness? What could be a better paradigm? What does the

old paradigm leave out? What does the new paradigm involve, which the old paradigm left out?

If things were to be done differently, how would the scenario look like?

Thomas S. Kuhn, in his book, “The Structure of Scientific Revolution”, states that, “Only

as experiment and tentative theory are together articulated to a match does the discovery emerge

and the theory becomes a paradigm.” (p. 61).

Following are some thoughts that arise as we think on the concept of philanthropy from

the point of view of trying to make a paradigm shift.

Philanthropy

Current paradigm. Housing Rights Groups seek large funds

Possible paradigm. Funding agencies should seek and support Housing Rights Activists

and groups.

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Funding agencies extend major funding to the organizations that have done well with small

initial funding.

Agencies are either the service organizations or the advocacy groups that portray to cater

issues related to homelessness. These agencies are mostly at the grassroots level, mostly

servicing via the shelter homes, drop-in centers, soup kitchens, thrift stores, counseling, and

pressure groups.

Philanthropic Structures could be either those created by elite individuals or families.

They could also be initiated as concerned focused group effort. They may also be the

government resources. The Philanthropic Structures could also be a combination of these

resources.

The government resources do not normally seem to be issue driven. The government

resources, it seems, are primarily politically driven by similar elitist mentality.

Philanthropic structures are likely to be created by elite individuals and families that may

have been far removed from the reality of homelessness. Philanthropic organizations can create a

climate towards certain "unrealistic resolutions.”

There are “Religious Agencies” that raise their own funds through direct public contact.

There are peculiar perceptions of homelessness that drive a certain population to contribute. The

public perception may be biased, and sometimes far removed from reality. Charity for some, it

seems, has become a channel of relief from guilt consciousness by placing funds in the hands of

professional agencies, for others it gives them a boost towards self-righteousness. Charity also

insulates the public from direct contact with the underprivileged.

The “Service Agencies” depend on such philanthropic structures for their existence and

operations. Agencies look at homelessness to create projects for which they can possibly get

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funding. The type of possible funding drives the initiation of a project for the agencies. They

easily get blinded towards the homelessness issues for which funding is either less, or too

difficult or not available.

The “Advocacy Agencies” spend much of their energies to keep the flow of funding from

the government sources. In doing so they are not fighting the community issues, but rather

fighting for the survival “Service Agencies” described above, because their existence depends

upon these resources.

The “Religious Agencies” do a good job of serving the underprivileged. While a

“Spiritual change” can bring about much personal issue resolutions, mostly the “Spiritual

Agenda” of the “Religious Agencies” blind them from looking at the systemic problems of

homelessness in the communities.

All these agencies exist in a system in which their survival depends on funding resources,

therefore the agencies tend to work the system for their own benefit and survival first, before

they can think of the problems of homelessness. Agencies may start with a valid vision to resolve

issues, but once they come into existence, they get too much occupied in finding ways for their

own existence. The primary problem that the agencies face is their own survival and not

homelessness. The successful agencies are ironically those whose building infrastructure appears

far more luxurious, than the community that they are housed in, and the community they serve.

It seems that the agencies have become like the old woman, who lost her ring at night

under the dark tree, but was looking for it under the light pole because the area was lighted.

Agencies become a problem when primarily “funding” rather than “issue resolution”

drives them.

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We live in a world where our ethics is economically driven. What makes economic sense is

right, what does not make economic sense is wrong. For agencies the main problem to solve is

“How to acquire funding.” For the homeless the main problem is “How to fit into the criteria set

up by the agencies.” Much of the time, the agencies do not look towards resolving homelessness

but just making it easier for people to survive while being homeless.

This possible paradigm should focus on issues of homelessness that are systemic in nature.

This possible paradigm is not to handle homelessness arising out of physical or psychiatric

handicap.

Issues related to homelessness are a blend of "individual" and "public" causes. While looking

at the systemic issues, unemployment and living wage should be the primary target issues.

“Helping Individuals” and “Helping Communities”, rather than the “Agencies”, should be

responsible for resolving homelessness. Agencies should be a support structure to create a

network “helping individuals” and “helping communities.” These agencies could be called

"Supporting Agencies.”

The Philanthropic organizations should cease to seek applications from individuals, small

groups or agencies. The Philanthropic organizations should proactively go to them. This would

help the philanthropic structures to come down at the grassroots level. “Funding” should serve

the “helping individuals, small groups or supporting agencies” rather than drive them.

The Philanthropic organizations should proactively seek and provide funding on a small scale

to individuals and small groups. These individuals and small groups should be locally placed

over a period of time, to penetrate communities to observe the issues first-hand, looking for

possible solutions, and to develop creative ways of resolving homelessness.

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The Philanthropic organizations should proactively go to the “supporting agencies” and

construct a review paper on them, to determine if funding should be extended.

Housing is a multifaceted issue and needs to be viewed from various angles. Some of the

possible contrast in the current and possible paradigms can be seen in issues like Felonies,

Housing Market, Family Structure, Land Use, Child Support, Income Tax, Nuclear families with

Social Agenda, Work ethics, Overcrowding, Shelter Homes, Small Houses, attitude of religious

organizations, vocabulary, and responsibility.

Felonies

Current paradigm. Felonies limit a majority of job perspectives. Many jobs, loans and

benefits become non-accessible.

Possible paradigm. We would not continue to punish a person even after completing the

sentence and being released from prison. Felonies should limit job perspectives that are related to

the crime. All other jobs, loans and benefits should be open to them. Felonies should be allowed

to expunge, depending upon the nature of crime and behavior of the person. For example, a

crime related to Bank fraud should allow the person to work in job areas that do not deal with

direct handling of money.

Housing Market

Current paradigm. All housing styles belong to market economy. The poor are

abandoned to a geographical location with less power, less opportunities, and less benefits.

Possible paradigm. A particular housing style called, "Out of Market Housing" should

be introduced that is exempted out of market economy. This should be distributed throughout the

community on land that belongs to the government.

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Family Structure

Current paradigm. All children a liable to be forced out of home when they turn 18.

Possible paradigm. Children should be allowed to stay with their parents place until they

are 25 years of age. This will reduce much of the homelessness among youth.

Land issues

Current paradigm. All land for residential use belongs to market economics.

Possible paradigm. Government should reserve 10 % of distributed land within the

residential communities for the "Out of Market Economics.”

Child Support

Current paradigm. Child support accrues even when there is no income.

Possible paradigm. When there is no income, the arrears for child support should not

accrue.

Reverse Income Tax

Current paradigm. The government allows a minimum wage to workers while ignoring

a "living wage concept" to increase businesses. However this discourages people to work at

minimum wage.

Possible paradigm. For certain businesses, and at certain locations, the government

should reimburse the "minimum wage workers" to match up to a "living wage.” This would

increase businesses and encourage people to work.

Nuclear Families with Social Agenda

Current paradigm. All residential housing is designed for nuclear families, or for

renting in a market environment.

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Possible paradigm. The residential housing for families should be encouraged to have an

extra SRO (Single Room Occupancy), with a separate entrance. These SROs should not fall

under market economics. The families within the community should be encouraged to house

those homeless that they can deal with.

Work Ethics

Current paradigm. Work is something that is enforced. The only value assigned to the

work is if that generates income. If you are not paid for what you do, you are not working and

you have no value.

Possible paradigm. Work is sacred and voluntary. Voluntary work and other services

which are done without pay should be recognized and endorsed with non-monetary value.

Overcrowding

Current paradigm. Overcrowding in homes is a problem.

Possible paradigm. Overcrowding in homes is a solution to homelessness and not a

problem. Even if we view overcrowding as a problem, it is a much lesser of a problem than

homelessness. Overcrowding in homes can handle the problem of homelessness before they

become a public issue. It can also give a cushion to the homeless, to help them to get out of

homelessness with the family support rather than agencies. But perhaps the real issue is enabling

families to afford larger dwellings which will accommodate the multilevel families.

Homeless Shelter Size

Current paradigm. Homeless Shelters should be big.

Possible paradigm. Apart from situations of natural disasters, the homeless shelters

should not house more than twenty persons in a given location, to be used only as emergency

places. The homeless shelters should try to house people from within the community. The

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concentration of homeless shelters should not be placed in a locality with a high unemployment

rate. Homeless shelters should be small and geographically distributed.

Homeless Shelter Cost

Current paradigm. Homeless shelters is an economically more feasible solution

Possible paradigm. Placing people in homes within the “Housing First Initiative” is cost

effective.

Smart Homes

Current paradigm. Dream big. Have a big house.

Possible paradigm. A small house movement should be sparked. These small houses

should be located on donated or “set aside” lands and donated materials. The location of these

small houses should be geographically distributed across all communities. Large conglomeration

of small houses should be strictly avoided. The building codes should be very simple, readily

accessible and not increase the cost of creating small houses. These small houses could act as

subsidized housing. The technique of building small houses should become a mandatory

curriculum of the high school education. Every community should have a small house resource

center. Small houses should be taken out of the “market economy” model.

Religious organizations Serving the Homeless

Current paradigm. Emphasis on “special grace”, that is, they claim that religious

conversion can change an individual.

Possible paradigm. Based on both “special grace” and “common grace.” Those that are

not ready or unwilling for any religious communication can be counseled on the principle of

“common grace”.

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Vocabulary

Current paradigm. A heavy use of vocabulary that gives a flavor of individual

responsibility. For example, Homeless.

Possible paradigm. A vocabulary that emphasizes public responsibility. Example,

Housing Rights.

Responsibility

Current paradigm. Primarily “Individual” and secondarily “Public.”

Possible paradigm. Primarily “Public” and secondarily “Individual.”

Housing Rights Organization

Current paradigm. Those working in organizations see it as just another job. They leave

when they find better opportunities in some other organization handling a different issue.

Possible paradigm. Those working in organizations can follow a “lifetime calling” towards housing rights issues.

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Chapter 13

Finally Friends

Initially when I started the journey to spend time on the sidewalks and shelters, I saw the

perceived individual problems that I could heap on those who struggle with homelessness.

During this journey, I do not know if I changed anyone, but one thing is sure, that my

homeless friends have changed me. As I started walking with those who struggle with

homelessness, the elite within me shattered. I can now come at their level, and see from their

point of view. I could see how the system on which our communities are build, have failed them.

While homeless shelters do a commendable job of holding the homeless from sinking further,

however it is questionable if it can proactively bring anyone out of homelessness. Many of the

homeless feel that they have hit the bottom of the septic tank when they reach the shelter homes.

People can involuntarily slip into homelessness via multiple paths: systemic loopholes,

felonies, incarceration, broken families, failure in schools, child support issues, lack of job skills,

racial discrimination, mental handicaps, unemployment, substance abuse, poor money

management skills, health issues, and low ethical values.

Many of them face multiple issues. Normally, a person can handle one or two major issues,

but when multiple issues hit a person simultaneously, then there is likelihood of becoming

homeless.

A rethinking need to be initiated to shift the paradigm related to other crucial issues like

Mental Illness, Addictions, Broken families, sudden loss of jobs, Morality in relationships, and

Morality in entertainment. All these issues have a reciprocal effect on the issue of homelessness.

They would never be able to get out of this slimy pit of homelessness by themselves. All

their individual efforts would be like trying to get out of that slimy pit by pulling ones hair. It is

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therefore necessary to start thinking within new paradigms while we frame homelessness as a

public human rights issue so that the homeless can hold on to some legitimate external support

and agency to get out of homelessness.

Looking at the lives of housing rights activist, and incarnating among the homeless can give

us a good picture of housing rights issues and the possibilities of viable interventions.

My incarnational journey continues. Let us rethink.

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References

1 Cunningham M. K., Popkin S. J., Eiseman M. & Ferryman K. (2005). De Facto Shelters:

Homeless living in vacant public housing units, (The Urban Institute – Metropolitan

Housing and Communities Policy Center), 10.

2 Cunningham M. K. et al, 13.

3 A Plan: Not a dream, How to end homelessness in ten years, (National Alliance to End

Homelessness).

4 How many people experience homelessness?, NCH Fact Sheet # 2, (National Coalition

for the Homeless), Retrieved from http://www.nationalhomeless.org


6 A Dream denied: The criminalization of homelessness in U.S. cities, (2006), (The

National Coalition for the Homeless and The National Law Center on Homelessness &

Poverty).


8 Theodore N., A fair day’s pay? Homeless day laborers in Chicago, (2000), (Center for

Urban Economic Development).

9 Urbina I., (2006, April 02). Keeping it secret as the family car becomes a home. The New

York Times.

10 Housing First: A new approach to ending homelessness for families, (The National

Alliance to End Homelessness), Retrieved from

http://www.naeh.org/networks/housingfirst/index.htm

11 Cunningham M. K. et al, 21

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http://www.nationalhomeless.org/


12 Homelessness and Prison re-entry, (Bureau of Justice Assistance, Re-Entry Policy

Council and National Alliance to End Homelessness), Retrieved from

www.reentrypolicy.org

13 Fask B., Expungement: A beginning to reduce recidivism, facts behind the faces,

(Chicago Coalition for the Homeless).

14 Cunningham M. K., Popkin S. J., Eiseman M. & Ferryman K. (2005). De Facto Shelters:

Homeless living in vacant public housing units, (The Urban Institute – Metropolitan

Housing and Communities Policy Center), 22.

15 Housing Rights for all: Promoting and defending Housing Rights in the United States,

Second Edition, (2006), (National Law Center on Homelessness & Poverty and Center on

Housing Rights and Evictions), 16.

16 Housing Rights for All: Promoting and Defending Housing Rights in the United States.

op cit, 103.

17 Leavitt N. & Rom R., Oh! give me a home, (2005, March 10)

http://www.alternet.org/story/21469/

165


http://www.reentrypolicy.org/


Bibliography

Urbina I. (2006, April 02). Keeping it secret as the family car becomes a home. The New

York Times.

Theodore N. A fair day’s pay? Homeless day laborers in Chicago, (2000), (Center for

Urban Economic Development).

Sutter, Arloa. Director of Breakthrough Ministries, Chicago, IL. Conversations during

2006-2007, as recalled now by author.

Leavitt N. & Rom R. Oh! give me a home, (2005, March 10)

Retrieved from http://www.alternet.org/story/21469/

Kuhn, T.S. The Structure of Scientific Revolution.

How many people experience homelessness?, NCH Fact Sheet # 2, (National Coalition

for the Homeless), Retrieved from http://www.nationalhomeless.org

Housing First: A new approach to ending homelessness for families, (The National

Alliance to End Homelessness), Retrieved from


Homelessness and Prison re-entry, (Bureau of Justice Assistance, Re-Entry Policy

Council and National Alliance to End Homelessness), Retrieved from

www.reentrypolicy.org

Housing Rights for all: Promoting and defending Housing Rights in the United States,

Second Edition, (2006), (National Law Center on Homelessness & Poverty and

Center on Housing Rights and Evictions), 16.

Fask B. Expungement: A beginning to reduce recidivism, facts behind the faces,

(Chicago Coalition for the Homeless).

166

http://www.reentrypolicy.org/


http://www.nationalhomeless.org/



Cunningham M. K., Popkin S. J., Eiseman M. & Ferryman K. (2005). De Facto Shelters:

Homeless living in vacant public housing units, (The Urban Institute –

Metropolitan Housing and Communities Policy Center), 10.

Brown, Michael. Director of Kalamazoo Gospel Mission, Kalamazoo, MI. Conversations

during 2006-2007, as recalled now by author.

A Plan: Not a dream, How to end homelessness in ten years, (National Alliance to End

Homelessness).

A Dream denied: The criminalization of homelessness in U.S. cities, (2006), (The

National Coalition for the Homeless and The National Law Center on

Homelessness & Poverty).

167


Abbreviations

AA Alcoholics Anonymous

ADD Attention Deficit Disorder

CDS City Development Strategy

CESCR Committee on Economic Social and Cultural Rights (a UN committee)

COHRE Center on Housing Rights and Evictions

CP Chandra Prabha (CP Shekhar Nagar)

DBA Doing Business As

GIS Geographical Information System

HARP Homeless Assistance Recovery Program

HRLN Human Rights Law Network

HUD Housing and Urban Development

HUDA Hyderabad Urban Development Authority

ICHRL India Center for Human Rights and Law

IDA Indore Development Authority

IHIP Indore Habitat Improvement Project

INDISCO The Interregional Programme to Support Self-Reliance of Indigenous and

Tribal Peoples through Cooperatives and Self-Help Organizations

KGM Kalamazoo Gospel Mission, Kalamazoo

KHAN Kalamazoo Homeless Action Network

McD McDonald Restaurant

MLK Martin Luther King

MOP Michigan Organizing Project

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MPA Michigan Peoples’ Action

MSW Master of Social Work

NA Narcotics Anonymous

NCH National Coalition for the Homeless

NCHR National Campaign for Housing Rights

NFHR National Forum for Housing Rights

NGO Non Government Organization

NLCHP National Law Center on Homelessness and Poverty

PGM Pacific Garden Mission, Chicago

PITCH People Involved to Change Homelessness

PPC Positive Peer Culture

PUSH People United to Secure Housing

RAJU Reveille Agrarian Justice Union

SDM Sub Divisional Magistrate

SLIC Social Legal Information Center

SRO Single Room Occupancy

SSI Social Supplementary Income

ULB Urban Local Bodies

WIDR Western Inter Dormitory Radio

YMCA Young Men’s Christian Association

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Glossary of Indian Terms

Deenbandhu Friends of the Poor

Samajik Sanstha Social Organization

Ashoka An ancint King of India

Devi Ahilya Queen of Indore

Indore A city in central India

Mhow A city in central India

Balwadi Pre-school education center

Rupees Indian Currency

Smriti In memory of

Bhil A tribe in India

Banjara A tribe in India

Challa Row Houses

Nagar City

Kuti Hut

Jansatta A national daily newspaper in India

Sewa Service

Sangam Meeting point

Saraswati A river names after a Hindu Goddess

Latur a district in the state of Maharashtra, India

Mang Matang Samaj Name of a community that has its roots in Maharashtra

Maharashtra A state in India

Sagar A city/district in India

170


Jabalpur A city/district in India

Sat Truth

Prakashan Revelation

Kendra Center

Collector An administrative position in Indian Government

Indo-Pak partition Regarding partition of India and Pakistan

Sindhi A community that migrated to India from Pakistan

Dharna Road Block, a means of protest

Samwad Samuh Concerned citizens / communication group

Juggi Basti Sangarsh Morcha Slum Dwellers Agitation Front

Dalit Belonging to oppressed class in India

patta act An Act related to lease land for slums

Marathi A language/ people from Maharastra

Vidyalaya School

Dol Gyaras Ganesh Visarjan A Hindu festival

Pari Nirman Diwas A Hindu/Buddhist festival

Adivasis Tribal

Madhya Pradesh A state in the central part of India

Mohalla Neighborhood

Samitti Committee

Dussera A Hindu Festival

Madian Ground/a portion of land

Satha ka khel Game of rulership

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Rah Sangarsh ki Path of Struggle

Privartan Change

Ravindra Natya Graha A community center named after Ravindra Nath Tagore, a

celebrated Indian Poet

Dhamma Chakra Praivartan Din A local Buddhist festival to inculcate social change

Basti Neighborhood

Vikas Development

Mandal Associations

Nivarak Hakk Samitee An organization based in Mumbai

Nivarak A solution

Hakk Rights

Sajha Manch An organization based in Delhi

Manch A Platform

Ashiya Adhikar Abhyan An Organization based in Delhi

Ashiya Shelter

Adhikar Rights

Abhiyan Movement

Sannihita An Organization in Hyderabad

Ucchaid Birodi Yukta Manch An organization in Calcutta

Jan Sangarsh Morcha An organization in Ahemdabad

Jan Sangarsh A struggle movement led by the general public

Ashray Shelter

Sakshi A Human Rights Watch organization in Secunderabad

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Okkiyum Thoraipakkam A relocation site in Chennai

Foreshore Estate A site that was threatened for eviction

Chatri a Housing Rights Group in Hyderabad

Chatri Umbrella

Laxmi An organization in Lucknow

Laxmi A Hindu Goddess

Ankur An organization in Lucknow

Ankur A blossoming bud

Vigyan Science

Vigyan An organization in Lucknow

Keertika Shelter for Women in Calcutta

Chinamul Shramjivi Adhikar Samiti A forum campaigning on housing rights in Calcutta

Belhighata A location in Calcutta

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Appendix A

The following is a news item where “Rajeev John George” led the rally and was arrested.

Women, men and children injured in police lathi charge...

Four persons detained

One-and-half-year old girl Laxmi, lying hapless on the

ground she was stamped by one of the police constables during the

demonstration... (This photo was released in a leading Hindi

newspaper Danik Bhaskar, Indore on 16th October 2003).

On Wednesday, 15th October 2003, at 11.30 a.m. Juggi Basti

Sangarsh Morcha activists mainly women, men and children held a

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demonstration in front of Chief Minister Digvijay Singh, who had

come for inauguration of Bombay Hospital at AB Road, Indore. The

peaceful demonstration was lead by Rajeev George, in which protest

slogans were razed:

Bacche Aaye Hein - Bath Karo (Children've come - have

dialogue with us).

Mahila Aaye Hein - Bath Karo (Women've come - have

dialogue with us).

Digvijay Singh - Bath Karo (Digvijay Singh - have dialogue

with us).

The protestors wanted to submit a memorandum to the Chief

Minister for immediately issuing permanent tenure title to all relocated

settlements; second - no evictions during rainy season as 11

preventable deaths were caused directly due to evictions during rainy

season in the city. These demands of Jhuggi Basti Sangarsh Morcha

were in accordance with the policies and laws of the state and should

've been met long back without any protest. Unfortunately, they 've

been denied of their basic rights for the last eight years.

The demonstration continued for 15 minutes, as women, men

and children were razing slogans suddenly police without warning

started lathi-charge. First four demonstrators including Rajeev were

taken into police custody.

175

SIDEWALKS AND SHELTERS 176


Appendix B

177


Appendix C

COHRE 2004 Housing Rights Awards

Housing Rights Defender Award

Mr. Rajeev John George

Acceptance Speech

Master of Ceremonies John Packer, Guest Presenter Selman

Erguden, Housing Rights Protector Award winner Marcos Barretos

(representing Sao Paulo, Brazil), COHRE Executive Director Scott

Leckie, the COHRE team and distinguished Guests: with humility I

accept COHRE’s Housing Rights Defender Award for 2004. This

Award has encouraged us and will be a reminder of our responsibility

towards the struggle for housing rights.

Millions of our fellow citizens are living on streets, pavements

and in blighted settlements. These sections of society are deprived of

basic rights such as security of tenure and adequate housing, with no

access to schooling, health centres, basic amenities, potable water or

electricity.

Developing nations are witnessing an unprecedented crisis in

which large numbers of city inhabitants are either forcibly evicted or

squeezed into lesser and lesser urban space.

Our struggle and concerns are for those who are manual

laborers and workers, who toil day and night for a decent living yet

never receive adequate space in the city. Their wages are so low they

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are unable to meet basic needs like children's education and health

care. Adding to their miseries, they are forcibly displaced and shifted

from one place to another and are left unsheltered during winter rain

and scorching heat!

Recently I was in New Delhi meeting slum community leaders

for the India Habitat Campaign. In one of the relocation sites, called

Bawana, I met a young man who was in his 30s, lying on a wooden

bed, gripped with high fever. His hut was made of scrape and plastic

sheet. It was raining and the floor of the hut was covered with water.

His name was Vir Singh. The word Vir in Hindi means “brave

person.” Earlier, he resided with his wife and two children in one of

the slum settlements in Delhi. Just two months ago the land they were

residing on was taken over by the Delhi authority. After their house

was demolished they were compelled to relocate to Bawana, which is

40 kilometres outside Delhi. With great difficulty Vir managed to

obtain a small 12 square metre plot, without title, after paying Rs7000

(approx US$175). So after paying the money Vir Singh has no

security of tenure at the present place as well.

Vir is a laborer, engaged in constructing a new building for

one of the finest Oberoi Hotels in Delhi. He works hard all day to

build this beautiful building and comes back to his tattered hut. His

daily income is Rs80 (<US$2), and one third of this income (Rs25) is

spent on traveling to the work site. It takes about three hours to reach

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his work place. A substantial part of his income goes on traveling.

There is hardly any income left to support his family. For the last three

days Vir had to sit at home as he was struck with fever. Vir “bravely”

struggles to survive and the threat of eviction lingers on.

There are millions of unorganized laborers like Vir Singh, who

are no less than slaves in the present system, gripped under an unjust

and regressive policy. We often fail to acknowledge the services and

productivity they render to the city’s infrastructure and economy.

Low-income workers like Vir constitute nearly half the

population of cities in the developing world. They reside in less then

five percent of total urban space, and in addition to that the areas in

which they live are blighted and marginal.

One of the reasons low-income groups have no access to

habitation is because large portions of city space are kept vacant by

speculators and developers, resulting in artificial and unreasonably

inflated prices. Often it is found that developers manage to acquire

lands from the government at throwaway prices and then sell it off at

exorbitant rates.

Present economic policies have resulted in decreasing

availability of land for low-income inhabitants. Most of the

development initiatives undertaken in the name of 'urban renewal' are

in fact aimed at the affluent. The beneficiaries of these mega-projects

are the money lending institutions, transnational corporations,

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consultants, contractors, developers and builders. Although they

advocate “reform with a human face”, one wonders if this human face

is just a mask that cares little for the city’s inhabitants.

One of the major interventions during our struggle in major

Indian cities has been to advocate and campaign within the framework

and provisions of City Master Plans. The Master Plan is a regulatory

statement that provides a guiding law for the physical development of

cities. Foreseeing the future growth and present inadequacies of

human settlements, the Master Plan provides ample space to all

inhabitants within the city. Although sufficient land is available for all

city inhabitants within the planning framework, such residential

spaces are either locked up or diverted for vested monetary gains. Our

findings indicate that the land of toiling millions like Vir has been

unjustly encroached upon.

A majority of the population in the low-income group is being

continuously phased out of urban space. This is symptomatic of the

prevalence of injustice and unfairness in our society. Proliferation of

slums, pavement dwellers and homelessness are created due to unjust

and inequitable land holdings – a manifestation of failed policies, the

consequences of uncontrolled markets and wrong priorities.

Deenbandhu, a grassroots organization which I represent, has

done critical analysis on urban land. Land is a finite and unique

commodity. Land is also a common resource for human existence,

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which should be shared justly. Access to a livable residential space

must be made available to all sections of human society including the

poorest and most vulnerable.

My sincere appeal to the global civil society and concerned

individuals is to work towards pragmatic solutions for making

adequate housing a reality for all human beings.

As the birds of the air have nests, our struggle continues for

dignified human living for all city inhabitants around the world.

On this occasion I also remember and pay my respects to

Rachel Corrie, who at a young age sacrificed her life in the struggle

for the housing rights of the Palestinian people…

I express my solidarity and thanks to all the distinguished

guests present here and especially to COHRE for this honour.

I accept this award in all humility, and in solidarity with

millions of inadequately housed inhabitants around the world.

Thank you.

The above was the “Acceptance Speech” that Rajeev John George gave on 24-Nov-2004,

when he was awarded the “COHRE Housing Rights Defender Award”, at the International Red

Cross Museum, in Geneva, Switzerland.

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Download - Sidewalks and Shelters - Urban · Web viewSidewalks and Shelters Anil Yesudas North Park University MA in Community Development Submitted to: Professor Cynthia Milsap June 29, 2010

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