Download - Paper Merged
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
1/67
Table of Contents
1.
Paper One: Social Capital as a Basis for Collective Actionthe Case ofEnvironmental Activism in Two Towns in Serbia
S.2-18
2.
Paper Two: ta spreava graane Srbije da preuzmu aktivnu ulogu ureavanju ekolokih problema?
S.19-43
3.
Paper Three: Transformation of Governance Regime in Serbia: Public
Participation in Environmental Decision Making
S.44-67
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
2/67
Paper One:
Abstract in Serbian:Socijalni kapital kao podloga kolektivnog delovanja
sluaj ekolokog aktivizma u dva grada u Srbiji
Paper in English:
Social Capital as a Basis for Collective ActiontheCase of Environmental Activism in Two Towns in
Serbia
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
3/67
Jelisaveta Vukeli1Faculty of Philosophy
Belgrade
Irena Petrovi2Faculty of Philosophy
Belgrade
Socijalni kapital kao podloga kolektivnog delovanja sluaj ekolokog aktivizma u dvagrada u Srbiji
Prema u drutvenim naukama iroko rasprostranjenom shvatanju, socijalni kapitalolakava saradnju graana i na taj nain omoguava efikasnije reavanje zajednikih problemaodnosno postizanje kolektivnih ciljeva (Putnam, 1993,2000). Naime, ako u okviru zajednicepostoji komunikacija, ako su ljudi solidarni i imaju poverenja jedni u druge, moe se pretpostaviti
da e se lake udruivati i biti uspeniji u reavanju zajednikih problema. S druge strane, u onimdrutvima u kojima ne postoji tradicija graanske saradnje (tj. premoujui socijalni kapital nijerazvijen), tee je ostvariti kolektivno delovanje (Putnam, 1993).
Cilj ovog rada je da se na temelju rezultata empirijskog istraivanja dva grada u Srbiji sa
izraenim ekolokim problemima Paneva (N=450) i Bora (N=350) - testira hipoteza opovezanosti socijalnog kapitala i ekolokog aktivizama. Ono to se posebno eli utvrditi jeste
sledee: koliko je razvijen socijalni kapital u ova dva grada; koliko je rasprostanjen ekolokiaktivizam (imajui u vidu izraenost ekolokih problema) te na koji nain (ne)razvijenostsocijalnog kapitala utie na mogunosti ostvarivanja ekoloki inspirisane kolektivne akcije?
Kljune rei: socijalni kapital, kolektivno delovanje, ekoloki aktivizam
Social Capital asa Basis for Collective Action the Case of Environmental Activism in Two
Towns in Serbia3
It is often argued that social capital can foster cooperation among citizens and produce moreeffective solutions to collective problems, enhancing attainment of common goals (Putnam,
1993,2000). Namely, if communication is well developed, if people express solidarity and havetrust with each other, the successful joint work and common solving of problems would be more
probable. On the other hand, in the societies that lack tradition of cooperative efforts of citizens(the bridging capital is not developed) it is much harder to start a collective action (Putnam,
1993).
[email protected] within the framework of the Regional Research Promotion Programme in the Western Balkans (RRPP),
which is run by the University of Fribourg upon a mandate of the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation,
SDC, Federal Department of Foreign Affairs. The views expressed in the paper are those of the authors and do not
necessarily represent opinions of the SDC and the University of Fribourg.
mailto:[email protected]:[email protected]:[email protected]:[email protected]:[email protected]:[email protected]:[email protected]:[email protected] -
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
4/67
Based upon the results of an empirical research conducted in two Serbian towns with significant
environmental issues -Pancevo (N=450) and Bor (N=350) the aim of this paper is to test thehypothesis of connection between the social capital and environmental activism. Answers will be
searched for to the following questions: what is the level of development of social capital in thesetwo towns, to what extent is the environmental activism developed (taking into consideration the
seriousness of environmental problems) and in what way the (under)developed social capitalinfluences (impends) the possibilities for environmental collective action?
Key words:Social Capital, Collective Action, Environmental Activism
Introduction
Throughout the Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), the collapse of the state socialism has
in many cases revealed an alarming state of environment, caused by intensive industrialization
and urbanization and not supported by proper environmental management. The recently
established regimes, struggling with the transformation of economy and political institutions, lack
capacities to deal with serious environmental problems. Thus, ecological issues (considered as
less important) were shifted into the domain of non-state actors, such as environmental
organizations. In such circumstances, citizen environmental activism could have played a vital
role in the environmental renewal. However, empirical findings show that throughout the CEE
region, the overall level of citizen engagement in this field is rather low (Fagan, 2004, 2005,
2006, 2010, Cisar, 2008, 2010).
Environmental sociologists have proposed many different explanations of the
phenomenon of weak environmentalism in the CEE countries (Fagan, 2004, 2010, Howard,
2003). The list of possible reasons is quite long, including factors such as the lack of
environmental awareness, underdeveloped civic culture, unfavorable political opportunity
structures and deficiency of necessary resources. However, in this article we do not intend to
examine all possible factors impeding environmental activism in Serbia. Conversely, following
the general assumptions of the public choice theory (namely - collective action dilemma and the
impact of social capital exemption), we wish to explore the effects of existing levels of social
capital on the environmental activism. For these purposes we will analyze the data gathered in
two case studies conducted in two Serbian towns that face serious ecological issues. Of course,
we do not imply that social capital is the only or the most important factor influencing the overall
level of environmental activism in one country (on the contrary, we accept that many other
factors play significant roles). However, we believe that social capital represents important
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
5/67
infrastructure for collective action and a possible solution to the free-riding problem that often
occurs in relation to environmental issues.
In the next section we will briefly outline the general theoretical assumptions of the
rational choice theory, with a special emphasis on the collective action dilemma. Then we will try
to explain the possible role of social capital in overriding this dilemma. After that, we will
present our empirical findings and test the hypothesis of the positive correlation between the level
of ones social capital and ones environmental activism. If the connection proves to be positive,
we will assume that the undeveloped social capital is one of the factors impeding the
development of environmental activism and, therefore, making ecological problems persistent.
The theoretical background of the assumption of existence of a positive connection between
social capital and environmental activism is the small groups/ social capital exemption to the
free-riding problem (Ostrom, 2000, Rydin, 1998).
Collective Action Dilemma and the Environment
For as long as people have managed natural resources, they have been engaged in
different forms of collective action. From the joint work on the crop fields to the construction of
irrigation systems, out of necessity for collective involvement, many different forms of local
associations and cooperatives were created, thus enabling long term protection of common
interests. However, in many occasions, people failed to connect and cooperate, with negative
effect on the environment. As the scholars of rational choice theory argue, this failure was often a
result of the so called collective action dilemma.
Skeptical about the possibility of un coerced collaboration, in his famous publication The
Logic of Collective Action (1965), Mancur Olson developed the zero contribution thesis,
asserting that unless the number of individuals is quite small, or unless there is coercion or
some other special device to make individuals act in their common interest, rational, self-
interested individuals will not act to achieve common or group interests. (Olson, 1965:2).
Similarly, in the well known Tragedy of Commons (1968), Garret Hardin developed the
prisoner's dilemma4 assumption, arguing that rational individuals were not likely to cooperate in
certain settings, even when such cooperation would be to their benefit.
4Prisoners dilemma is based on the situation of two prisoners locked in separate rooms and offered incentives to share
guilt, rather than blame each other. Both of them have to decide whether or not to limit his/her own benefits risking that
other part would not do the same.
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
6/67
The underlying assumption of the public choice theory is that individuals cannot
overcome collective action dilemma without externally enforced rules (Ostrom, 2000). Following
the classical cost-benefit analysis, Mancur Olson argued that in the situation where everyone can
benefit from the collective good (it is non-excludable5), where the individual impact is not visible
and where no sanctions against non-participation exist (or are too costly to impose), a rational
individual will use the opportunity to free ride on the efforts of others. If the majority decides to
follow the same logic, eventually there will be no protection of a public good. Thus, there is an
imminent danger that the common resources will cease to exist because of the insufficient
maintenance and overexploitation. This problem is well described in Hardins Tragedy of
Commons (1968).
Models of environmental activism developed within socio-environmental studies often
neglect the logic of collective action, suggesting that perceived environmental risks, socio-
demographic characteristics or environmental awareness (e.g. - people who are environmentally
aware are more likely to act) provide a satisfactory explanation of this phenomenon (Elliot,
Seldon & Regens, 1997, Jones & Dunlap, 1992, Rohrschneider, 1990). However, these studies do
not take into account the calculus of individual decision-making in collective action settings
(Lubell, 2002). Environmental activism entails a free-riding problem since the benefits of actions
are generally non-excludable and individual contributions non-perceptible. For example, clean air
is a typical public good that no one can be excluded from enjoying. Consequently, actions such as
air pollution abatement will have to deal with the collective action dilemma. This is specially the
case in the urban areas with numerous and generally atomized population. In the large group
context (such is the population of one town) where the contribution of anyones actions is
minimal and not "observable" and shirking almost anonymous, every rational individual will pose
a question whether it is worthwhile to join in for example to reduce the use of vehicles, give
money donation to environmental organizations or take part in the environmental demonstrations.
Following the prepositions of public choice theory, in these circumstances environmental
activism is very unlikely to happen (Rydin, 1998). However, from time to time people get
5Common good resources are in most cases non-excludable, meaning that it is impossible or very difficult to restrict
access to them (e.g. clean air).
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
7/67
involved in environmentally inspired actions. In the next section, we will try to explore one of the
possible exemptions to the general theory of collective action.
The Social Capital Exemption to Collective Action Dilemma
We will open this section with two short stories. The first one occurred a while ago. In the
building where I used to live, an enthusiastic housekeeper, supported by few elderly tenants,
initiated a large week-end clean-up of the courtyard. It was a lovely Saturday morning, ideal for
outdoor activities. I was on the door step, going out to meet some friends (shirking the announced
clean-up activity), when a neighbor knocked on the door informing me that the action is about to
start. Two or three neighbors stood behind him with the strict looks on their faces, prepared to
tell off anyone who dared to avoid the cleaning event. Feeling a bit ashamed, I had no other
option but to drop running shoes and take broom in my hands. Probably most of the readers had a
similar experience and accompanying dilemma whether to join in or to evade, and finally give in
to the pressure.
The other story is about the event that occurred a few months ago. The Ministry of
Environment had initiated a large campaign with the catchy motto Lets clean Serbia! The goal
of this initiative was to mobilize a large number of people to clean Serbias most polluted places.
Despite the massive TV campaign, lots of commercials and celebrities involved, and well
informed and generally supportive audience, the turnout was rather disappointing. Only the core
members of environmental organizations and very limited number of volunteers got involved. As
it could be expected, the results were poor.
Both cases are the examples of environmentally inspired collective actions. While in the
first case the outcome was quite successful, in the later the overall level of engagement and
consequent environmental improvement was unsatisfactory. The obvious question to ask is why
the first case was a success story and the second one a failure? How come that the actors in one
situation overcame the collective action problem while in the other they did not? Finally, these
examples lead to a more general question - what can motivate / push people to overcome Olsons
problem and to avoid Hardins tragedy?
In her renowned piece Governing the Commons (1990), Elinor Ostrom analyzed the
conditions in which the tragedy of commons could be avoided. Under certain institutional
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
8/67
arrangements, she argued, groups can use and maintain a common resource on their own that
is, without interference from external authorities (1990: 184). She describes how in small-scale
communities, where individuals frequently communicate and interact with each other, rich social
networks can be built in order to overcome collective action problems. The ways in which
information, relationships and trust are articulated through social networks, and the extent and
density of these networks are of particular importance. Norms of reciprocity and interpersonal
trust developed within these networks work as specific glue, keeping people together in joint
actions. Besides that, a desire of an individual or group to maintain their reputation in a close-knit
social context may lead to the development of a specific behavior and thus facilitate cooperation.
In addition, repeated interaction and communication in small-group settings allows individuals
and groups to monitor one another and to execute sanctions on non-cooperative behavior.
Going back to the examples given at the beginning of this section, we can draw a
conclusion that the jeopardized reputation in the first case (because the avoidance of duties would
be visible to the other members of community), was what finally stimulated participation.
However, in the second case, there was no strong small - group pressure to join the collective
activity. Atomized individuals without links within the wider community did not participate,
because their omission could neither be monitored nor sanctioned. The key difference was made
by the social bonds that made free-riding visible and enabled sanctioning.
As Putnam (1993) notices, the existence of social capital can facilitate the achievement of
certain common goals that in its absence would not be possible. Further on, when individuals are
able to overcome the collective action problem in small settings, they may also be able to deal
with more complex dilemmas. Following Putnams (1993, 2000) and Ostroms (1990, 1996)
claims about the potential for social capital to embed participation practices, some authors
emphasize the role of social capital as a mechanism for maintaining community involvement
and problem solving over time and on a larger scale (Brown & Ashman, 1996).
A growing body of literature shows the positive impact of social capital on
environmental activism (e.g. on the level of group membership, number of donations given for
environmental causes, number of complaints on environmental issues to authorities, level of
participation in public meetings and demonstrations, and signing petitions) (Birner & Wittmer
2003; Lubell 2002; Snderskov, 2008.; Wakefield et al. 2006). Other researchers found that
social capital could increase participation in public-private environmental programs where
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
9/67
participation is not mandatory, thus raising the effectiveness of such programs (Lubell, 2004,
Lundquist, 2001, Krishna & Uphoff, 2002, Cramb, 2005, 2006, Kollmuss & Agyeman, 2002,
Edwards & Onyx, 2002, Wakefield et al, 2006, Sonderskov, 2008 etc.).
Nevertheless, one important distinction has to be made. Although both the bonding and
the bridging type of social capital6can induce higher levels of environmental involvement, only
the bridging type of social capital proves to have positive environmental impact on the whole. As
the research of Rodrguez & Pascual (2004) points out, the bonding social capital does not lead to
higher levels of overall cleanliness, since it often imposes negative externalities on outside
communities. While the bonding social capital can bring about environmental changes in the
local settings, thus stimulating NIMBYsm (potentially to the expense of other local
communities), the bridging social capital could bring benefits to the general state of environment.
As we have seen so far, exceptions to the logic of public non-participation tend to occur in
the small-group settings, where the potential participants know each other, have some respect and
self-esteem to lose, and where internal pressure to comply with group interests is strong. In these
circumstances, the increased possibility of monitoring and punishing free-riding behavior may
make participation more likely. In an environmental context, these forces may lead to the higher
ability of local residents and neighborhood associations to form relatively effective cleaning
campaigns or, for example, to oppose development proposals. However, small group pressures
usually induce only the localized action, which, as previously mentioned, brings improvements
only to the local environment, but not necessarily to the environment taken as a whole. Only
when local groups are linked with each other (thus building the bridging social capital) the
general improvement of environment can be expected.
Empirical Findings - Case Studies of Pancevo and Bor
More than two decades after the collapse of the state socialism, the countries in the
Central and Eastern Europe still have to deal with serious consequences of 40 years of
irresponsible environmental management. In Serbia, the negative impact of the socialist period
was further aggravated by the transitional economic crisis and NATO bombing in the 1990s. The
6The bonding social capitalrefers to ties within relatively homogenous social groups (e.g. family, friends, neighbors)
while the bridging social capitalrefers to the connections between heterogeneous social groups or communities.
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
10/67
main environmental problems in our case studies are the consequences of exactly this critical
combination of the socialist legacy (large industrial sights placed very near the residential areas,
outdated technology and lack of care for the environment) and the negative effects of transition,
economic recession and war.
The data presented in this article were collected in the course of a wider research aiming
to explore the main characteristics of public participation in environmental decision-making in
two Serbian towns Bor and Pancevo7, both towns facing persistent and alarming ecological
problems. In both communities, citizens opinion is grasped through the questionnaire research
techniques on the representative samples (Pancevo N=450 and Bor N=350).
Pancevo and Bor are chosen for the case studies as renowned ecological hot spots,
facing alarming problems of air, water and ground pollution. In each of the local communities the
main polluters are positioned in the close vicinity of town centers and residential areas. The most
important ecological problems in Pancevo (located near Belgrade) stem from the huge, 50 years
old, petro-chemical complex with outdated technology. Bor is a peripheral town (located in east
Serbia) with a giant metallurgy complex (RTB Bor) constructed during socialism with
technology now rather obsolete, thus producing considerable pollution (e.g. high emission of
SO2). In both localities, the natural environment and public health are under serious threat. In
such conditions, a certain level of citizens environmental activism is necessary for any serious
attempt to improve the overall state of the environment.
Environmental Activism in Pancevo and Bor
Environmental activism represents a political act of individuals and/or groups with the
intention to influence public policies in the area of environmental protection. In our research this
concept was seen as the engagement in the following activities: participation in public meetings,
lectures and educative seminaries on environmental issues, petitioning, participation in protests,
boycotting, donating money to environmental organizations, campaigning and meeting local
politicians (Table 1.).
7The research was conducted by the Institute for Sociological Research, Faculty of Philosophy University of Belgrade,
within the Regional Research Program Promotion, funded by University of Freiburg, Switzerland. The field research was
conducted in Pancevo by the end of 2010 and at the beginning of 2011 in Bor.
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
11/67
Table1.Environmental activism in Pancevo and Bor
Activities Town Often Occasionally Rarely Never
Lectures and educative seminaries on
environmental issues
Pancevo 2.5 7.5 12.5 77.4
Bor 1.2 6.2 20.4 72.3Signing petitions Pancevo 11.5 17.4 13.6 57.5
Bor 6.4 11.3 23.8 58.6
Participation in protests Pancevo 5.9 12.0 16.1 66.1
Bor 2.0 7.0 17.0 74.0
Boycott of ecologically irresponsiblecompanies and their products
Pancevo 3.2 4.6 7.7 84.5
Bor 8.2 8.5 10.3 73.0
Financial support for environmental
organizations
Pancevo 1.4 2.3 7.4 88.9
Bor 0.6 3.5 9.4 86.5
Participation in environmental campaigns Pancevo 3.6 9.9 9.0 77.4
Bor 9.2 12.8 10.8 67.2
Meeting local politicians Pancevo 0.9 2.9 4.1 92.1
Bor 1.2 2.9 4.7 91.3
Table 1 reports the levels of personal participation in various forms of environmental activism. The
findings indicate that more than two-thirds of respondents from both towns have never participated in
any of the listed activities. The average respondent both form Bor and Pancevo was most likely to sign
a petition (about 40% in both towns). On the other hand, in activities such as meeting local politicians
or giving financial support to environonmental organizations, around 90% of respondents have nevergot involved.
In order to get a more accurate picture of the overall level of environmental activism in the two
communities, we have constructed the index of environmental activism8based on the participation in
the abovementioned activities (Table 2).
Table 2.Index of environmental activism (%)
Town
Index of environmental activism (%)
Low Moderate High TotalPancevo 66.4 26.4 7.2 100
Bor 57.6 34.4 8.0 100
8The index of environmental activism is calculated taking into account citizens' participation in the listed activities
(participation in public meetings, protests, boycotts, signing petitions, etc) in the last three years.
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
12/67
In both towns, more than half of the participants in the survey demonstrated a low level of
environmental activism, while more than one third (34.4%) of respondents from Bor and more than one
fourth (26.4%) from Pancevo showed a moderate level of environmental activism. On the other hand,
less than 10% of citizens in both communities displayed a high level of environmental activism (Table
2).
The intended activism (measured in the declared readiness for future participation in the listed
activities) is also considerably low in both communities. About 85% of respondents from Pancevo and
75% from Bor do not plan to get engaged in any type of environmentally inspired actions in the near
future. As the data indicate, despite serious environmental problems, large majorities of citizens in both
local communities are not active and do not intend to get more environmentally involved.
Social Capital in Pancevo and Bor
Although there are many different definitions of social capital, in this article we rely on the
Putnams formula which equals social capital with generalized trust, norms of reciprocity and networks
(Putnam, 2000). The rationale for this particular choice of definition is based on the fact it has been
largely used in empirical researches with well developed research tools (thus enabling comparisons).
(a) Social trustis a belief that people are generally trustworthy and that most people share the same
basic norms and act accordingly. Relations of trust make co-operation much easier, since instead of
having to monitor others, individuals are able to trust them to act as expected. The distinction could be
made between two types of trust: specific trustwe have in particular individuals whom we know; and
the generalized trust we have in those we do not know, but which is still there because of our
confidence in a known social structure. While the specific trust can reduce the problems of collective
action between people who know each other, the generalized trust can be expected to foster cooperation
between actors who do not know one another.
Empirical findings show that more than 60% of survey participants from Bor demonstrate a low
level of generalized trust in the people in their community, around one third of respondents express
medium levels of trust, while only 2.8% claim high level of trust. In Pancevo, nearly half of
respondents (46.7%) stated low level of generalized trust, while about one third demonstrated a
medium level of trust. In comparison to respondents from Bor, citizens in Pancevo are slightly more
trustful regarding their community members. However, the overall conclusion is that both communities
seriously lack generalized trust.
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
13/67
(2)Norms of reciprocity give individuals more confidence to invest in collective activities, knowing
that others will do the same. Reciprocity also increases trust and develops long-term obligations
between people, which could assist in achieving positive collective outcomes. However, both in
Pancevo (62.2%) and Bor (54.3%), the majority of the survey participants declared disbelief in the
existence of reciprocity norms in their communities.
(3) Networksare usually considered a vital aspect of social capital. They function as channels for
provision of information and also as means of mobilization, participation and cooperation. Survey
results suggest that almost two-thirds of the respondents from Pancevo (46.7%) have weak ties; about
30% establish moderate connections with other community members, while only one-tenth of them
confirm to have strong ties9. In the case of Bor, particularly interesting is the fact that no one claimed to
have strong relations with other community members. Moreover, more than two thirds of subjects
claimed to have weak t ies (69.4%), while less than one third stated to have moderately strong ties.
As we could see, all the tree components of social capital are underdeveloped in the examined
communities. In order to obtain a complete picture, we have constructed the composite index of social
capital10
Table 3. The index of social capital (%)
Town
Social capital (%)
Low Moderate High Total
Pancevo 49.7 32.8 17.5 100
Bor 64.3 27.1 8.6 100
The results displayed in the table 3 show that the social capital is generally low in both
communities, although the situation is somewhat better in Pancevo. Almost two thirds (64.3%) of the
respondents living in Bor and nearly half (49,7%) of those residing in Pancevo declare to have low
levels of social capital. Further, almost one third (32.8%) of respondents from Bor and slightly above
one quarter (27.2%) form Pancevo have a medium level of social capital. Finally, high level of social
capital in Pancevo have 17,5% of respondents which is double the number of the respondents from Bor
(8,6%) which claim the same amount of social capital.
9The strength of the networks was measured on the basis of composite index with three levels: weak, moderate and
strong.10The index of social capital was calculated taking into account citizenstrust, norms of reciprocity and networks. Theindex of social capital is a scale with three levels: low, moderate and high.
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
14/67
So far, we have seen that environmental activism and social capital are underdeveloped in
both communities. The next step is to determine whether there is a positive relationship between the
two phenomena. We have hypothesized that citizens who have more social capital are also more
likely to participate in environmental activism. To test this idea we have conducted the correlation
analysis in which we investigated the interaction of social capital and environmental activism. The
analysis found the statistically significant association between the variables of social capital and
environmental activism (the measured correlation coefficient between the two variables is
(Spearman's rho) 0.311 at the significance level of 0.000). The positive correlation indicates that the
higher level of social capital is followed by a higher level of environmental involvement. In other
words, more social capital is related to a higher level of intention to become engaged in
environmental activities.
Further, we wanted to investigate whether there is a difference in effect of social capital on
environmental activism in the two researched communities. For this purpose we have employed the
two-way between-groups analysis of variance (table 4).
Table 4.Tests of Between-Subjects Effects
Data presented in the table 4 show that there are no statistically significant differences inenvironmental activism between Bor and Pancevo (p = .914), meaning that the place of residence does
not have effect on the level of environmental activism. The results also indicate that there is no
statistically significant interaction between the social capital and the town variable (p= .320). However,
at the p=0.00 significance level, there is enough evidence to conclude that there are statistically
Dependent Variable: Environmental activism
Source Type IIISum of
Squares
df MeanSquare
F Sig. PartialEta
Squared
Corrected Model 1828.338a 5 365.668 10.790 .000 .136
Intercept 85194.479 1 85194.479 2513.823 .000 .880Social capital 1450.642 2 725.321 21.402 .000 .111
Town .392 1 .392 .012 .914 .000
Social capital *Town 77.401 2 38.701 1.142 .320 .007
Error 11590.521 342 33.890
Total 134939.000
348
Corrected Total 13418.859 347
a. R Squared = .136 (Adjusted R Squared = .124)
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
15/67
significant differences in mean value of environmental activism among respondents with different
levels of social capital (figure 111
).
Once we have determined that differences in environmental activism exist among the group
means, post hoc pairwise and multiple comparisons are utilized to determine which means differ. These
tests systematically compare each of the pairs of groups and indicate whether there is a significant
difference in the means of each (Table 5). The results indicate that there is a significant difference in
environmental activism between all three groups (levels) of social capital, meaning that each group of
social capital is accompanied with a different level of environmental activism.
11The graph ilustrates how respondents with the higher levels of social capital also tend to be more environmentally
active. The differences between the Pancevo and Bor samples are not statistically relevant.
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
16/67
Table 5.Tukeys HSD test of mean value of the environmental activism for different levels of social
capital
Conclusion
Many different factors shape the characteristics of environmentalism in one country.
However, this paper focuses solely on the possible effects of social capital on citizen activism in
environmental issues. The findings suggest that social capital does matter - those individuals who
have more social capital (stronger social ties, more generalized trust and belief in the existence of
mutual reciprocity) are also more likely to engage in environmentally inspired action. This allows
us to assume that one of the reasons of the underdeveloped environmental activism might be the
lack of social capital. Broken ties, lack of interpersonal trust and disbelief in readiness of the
others to follow the norms of reciprocity, impede people to join collective initiatives. Lack of
trust automatically raises the risks / costs of participation, since people believe that they could
easily be betrayed and left alone. On the other hand, the underdeveloped interpersonal and
intergroup networks and isolation do not offer adequate mechanisms neither for mobilization for
environmental causes, nor for proper monitoring and sanctioning of free riders. Additionally, as it
could be expected, in the context of inefficient state mechanisms for environmental management,
the lack of citizen environmental activism reduces possibility of systematic environmental
change.
(I) Social capital (J) Social capital MeanDifference
(I-J)
Std.Error
Sig. 95% ConfidenceInterval
Lower
Bound
Upper
BoundLow Medium -2.8226
* .70158 .000 -4.4741 -1.1711
High -6.5564* .97857 .000 -8.8599 -4.2529
Medium Low 2.8226* .70158 .000 1.1711 4.4741
High -3.7338* 1.05400 .001 -6.2149 -1.2527
High Low 6.5564* .97857 .000 4.2529 8.8599
Medium 3.7338* 1.05400 .001 1.2527 6.2149
Based on observed means.
The error term is Mean Square(Error) = 33.890.
*. The mean difference is significant at the .05 level.
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
17/67
However, any generalizations of these findings, due to the rather limited samples, have
certain limitations. Nevertheless, the results highlight the importance of social capital when
trying to understand why citizens might or might not get engaged in environmental protection. In
addition, the limitations of this analysis provide a fertile ground for future research based on
larger samples and more refined statistical techniques (which surpasses the scope of this text).
Bibliography
Birner, R. and H. Wittmer (2003), 'Using Social Capital to Create Political Capital: How Do
Local Communities Gain Political Influence? A Theoretical Approach and Empirical Evidence
from Thailand', in N. Dolak and E. Ostrom (eds), The Commons in the New Millennium:
Challenges and Adaptations, Cambridge: MIT Press, pp. 291-334.
Brown, L.D. & Ashman, D. (1996) Participation, social capital, and intersectoral problem
solving: African and Asian cases, World Development , 24, pp. 14671479.
Cisar, O.(2008) Political activism in the Czech Republic, Paper presented at the Workshop on
Contentious Politics, Columbia University, New York, April 28, 2008.
Cisar, O.(2010) Externally sponsored contention: The Channeling of Environmental Movement
Organizations in the Czech Republic after the Fall of Communism,Environmental Politics,19/5:
736-755.
Cramb, R.A. (2005), 'Social capital and soil conservation: evidence from the Philippines', The
Australian Journal of Agricultural and Resource Economics, 49 (2), 211-226.
Cramb, R.A. (2006), 'The role of social capital in the promotion of conservation farming: the
case of 'landcare' in the Southern Philippines',Land Degradation & Development, 17 (1), 23-30.
Edwards, M., Onyx, J.(2007), 'Social Capital and Sustainability in a Community under Threat',
Local Environment, 12 (1), 17-30.
Elliot, E., B. J. Seldon, J. L. Regens (1997) Political and economic determinants of
individuals support for environmental spending,Journal of Environmental Management,51, 15-
27.
Fagan, A. (2004) Environment and Democracy in the Czech Republic the Environmental
Movement in the Transition Process, Cheltenham and Northampton: Edward Elgar.
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
18/67
Fagan, A. (2005) Taking stock of civil-society development in post-communist Europe:
Evidence from the Czech Republic,Democratization 12/4: 528-547.
Fagan, A. (2006) Trans-national aid for civil society development in post-socialist Europe:
democratic consolidation or a new imperialism?, Journal of Communist Studies and Transition
Politics22/1: 115-134.
Fagan, A. (2010)Europes Balkan Dilemma: Paths to Civil Society or State- Building?,London
and New York: I.B. Tauris.
Hardin, G.(1968), 'The Tragedy of the Commons', Science, 162 (3859), 1243-1248.
Howard, M.M. (2003) The Weakness of Civil Society in Post-Communist Europe, Cambridge
and New York: Cambridge University Press.
Jones, R. E., and R. E. Dunlap(1992). The social bases of environmental concern: Have they
changed over time?,Rural Sociology, 57, 28-47.
Kollmuss, A. and J. Agyeman(2002), 'Mind the Gap: why do people act environmentally and
what are the barriers to pro-environmental behavior?',Environmental Education Research, 8 (3),
239-260.
Krishna, A. and N. Uphoff(2002), 'Mapping and measuring social capital through assessment
of collective action to conserve and develop watersheds in Rajasthan, India', in C. Grootaert and
T. van Bastelaer (eds), The Role of Social Capital in Development: An Empirical Assessment,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 85-124.
Lubell, M.(2002), 'Environmental activism as collective action', Environment and Behavior, 34
(4), 431-454.
Lubell, M. (2004), 'Collaborative watershed management: A view from the grassroots', Policy
Studies Journal, 32 (3), 341-361.
Lundqvist, L.J. (2001), 'Games Real Farmers Play: knowledge, memory and the fate of
collective action to prevent eutrophication of water catchments', Local Environment, 6 (4), 407-
419.
Olson, M. (1965) The logic of collective action, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Ostrom, E. (1990) Governing the Commons: the evolution of institutions for collective action
(Cambridge, Cambridge University Press).
Ostrom, E. (1996) Crossing the great divide: coproduction, synergy and development, World
Development, 24, pp. 10731087.
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
19/67
Ostrom, E.(2000) Collective Action and the Evolution of Social Norms, The Journal of
Economic Perspectives, Vol. 14, No. 3.pp. 137-158.Putnam, R. D. (1993) Making democracy work: Civic traditions in modern Italy, Princeton:
Princeton University Press.
Putnam, R.D.(2000),Bowling alone,New York: Simon & Schuster.Rodrguez, L.C. and U. Pascual (2004), 'Land clearance and social capital in mountain agro
ecosystems: the case of Opuntia scrubland in Ayacucho, Peru', Ecological Economics, 49 (2),
243-252.
Rohrschneider, R. (1990) The roots of public opinion toward new social movements: an
empirical test of competing explanations,American Journal of Political Science, 34, 1-30.
Rydin, Y. (1998) Managing urban air quality: language and rational choice in metropolitan
governance,Environment and Planning A, 30, pp. 14291444.
Rydin, I, Pennington, M (2000) Public Participation and Local Environmental Planning: the
collective action problem and the potential of social capital, Local Environment, Vol. 5, No. 2,
153169.
Snderskov, K.M. (2008) The Environment in: Svendsen, G.T and G.L.H. Svendsen (eds.)
(2008):Handbook of Social Capital. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing, pp. 252-271.
Wakefield, S.E.L., S.J. Elliott, J.D. Eyles, and D.C. Cole(2006), 'Taking environmental action:
the role of local composition, context, and collective',Environmental Management, 37 (1), 40-53.
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
20/67
Paper Two:
Abstract in English:What prevents Serbian citizens from taking more active
role in solving environmental problems?
Paper in Serbian:ta spreava graane Srbije da preuzmu aktivnu ulogu u
reavanju ekolokih problema
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
21/67
Jelisaveta Vukeli1
Filozofski fakultet
Beograd
ta spreava graane Srbije da preuzmu aktivnu ulogu u reavanju ekolokih problema? 2
ApstraktNamera ovog rada je da, s jedne strane, ukae na razmere u kojima se graani Srbijeukljuujuu reavanje naraslih ekolokih problema te da, sa druge, izdvoji kljuneprepreke (presvega sagledane iz perspektive samih graana) koje stoje na putu veem angaovanju u ovojoblasti. U radu se oslanjamo na rezultate anketnog istaivanja ekoloke svesti i prakse koje jesprovedeno prolea 2010. godine, na reprezentativnom uzorku graana Srbije (N=1952). Nalaziistraivanja pokazuju da je pretpostavka informacionog deficita koja se uvreila kako u
javnosti, tako i u relevantnim dravnim politikama, pogrena, te da se za osnaivanje ekolokeparticipacije graanau obzir mora uzeti sloen kompleks prepreka koje oteavaju pro-ekolokodelovanje.
Kljune rei ekoloki aktivizam, ekoloka svest, informacioni deficit, prepreke proekolokomdelovanju, Srbija
What prevents Serbian citizens from taking more active role in solving environmental
problems?
Abstract This paper has an aim to show, on one hand, the level of Serbian citizen involvement inthe processes of solving the increasing environmental problems and, on the other hand, to showthe key obstacles (seen from the standpoint of citizens themselves) that impede their moresubstantial engagement in this area. The work relies upon the results of the survey research of theenvironmental awareness and practices, performed in spring 2010, on a representative sample ofSerbian citizens (N=1952). The findings of the Survey show that the information deficithypothesis, that has become widely accepted both by the general public and in the relevant statepolicies, is actually unsustained, and therefore that for the empowerment of the environmentalpublic part icipation a complex set of obstacles that impede the pro-environmental activism is tobe taken into account.
2 Rad je pripremljen u okviru Regionalnog programa podrke istraivanjima u oblasti drutvenih istraivanja na
Zapadnom Balkanu (RRPP), koji vodi Univerzitet u Friburgu, uz finansijsku podrku vajcarske agencije za razvoj isaradnju (SDC). Miljenja izneta u ovom radu su miljenja autora i ne predstvaljaju nuno miljenja SDC nitiUniverziteta u Friburgu.
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
22/67
Key words environmental activism, environmental awareness, information deficit, obstacles tothe pro-environmental behaviour, Serbia
Uvod
Savremeno drutvo se suoava sa rizicima o kojima nije moglo ni da se sanja samo
nekoliko generacija unazad. Bojazan od havarija nuklearnih reaktora, strah od potonuaitavih
gradova usled podizanja nivoa mora, zabrinutost zbog genetske modifikacije hrane ili tetnosti
sunevog zraenja, deo su nae svakodnevice. Uz to, dananje ekoloke pretnje odavno
prevazilaze lokalizovane probleme loih sanitarnih uslova, nehigijenske vode za pie ili
zagaenog vazduha, koji su odlikovali prve faze industrijalizacije, i dostiu planetarne razmere.
U tom smislu, globalne klimatske promene se postavljaju kao osnovna paradigma kroz koju se
moraju promiljati ekoloki problemi 21. veka.
Zaeci ozbiljnijeg drutvenog bavljenja ekolokim pitanjima mogu se locirati u kasne
ezdesete godine XX veka, kada moderni pokret zelenih stupa na politiku scenu zapadnih
drutava. Prvi zahtevi da se stane na put rapidnom pogoravanju stanja ivotne sredine potekli su
iz graanskog drutva, kao deo inicijative obinih ljudi suoenih sa nuspojavama industrijskog
razvoja. Kritike i negodovanja koja su dopirala iz razliitih delova drutva naunici, ekoloki
aktivisti i mediji su pretoili u manje vie jedinstvene zahteve ekolokog pokreta. Ovi zahtevi supostupno nali put do donosilaca odluka i uli u redovne politike insititucije, postajui tako
sastavni deo javnih politika, strategija i akcionih planova. Uvianje injenice da se ni jedna
zemlja ne moe izolovano boriti protiv problema okruenja, uticalo je, u poslednje etri decenije,
i na jaanjemeunarodnih napora da se usklaivanjem pravnih okvira, kao i postavljanjem jasnih
ciljeva (kao to je smanjenje emisije CO2) i akcionih planova, zajedniki deluje na usporavanju i
preokretanju negativnih trendova. Nekada kao deo socijalistike Jugoslavije, a danas samostalno,
Srbija je u manjoj ili veojmeri bila ukljuena u meunarodne napore da se iznau reenja za
nagomilane ekoloke probleme. Iako je tokom socijalistikog perioda imala, makar na papiru,
dosta napredno ekoloko zakonodavstvo (Lili,2010) i od poetka bila uesnica meunarodnih
ekolokih inicijativa, Srbija se, od kraha socijalizma kroz period tranzicione recesije, ekonomskih
sankcija, krize i ratova, te meunarodne izolacije, iskljuila iz ovih napora. Ekonomski oporavak
i politiki prioriteti nacionalne obnove su u velikoj meri skrajnuli sve ostale vane drutvene
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
23/67
ciljeve. Tek nakon 2000. godine, sa jasnijim zacrtavanjem evropskog puta Srbije, te ubrzanog
usvajanja tekovina Evropske unije, ekoloka pitanja dobijaju svoje mesto u politikoj agendi.U
fokus javnosti je ulo izuzetno loe ekoloko stanje u Srbiji. Zagaenje vode, vazduha i tla je
izuzetno velikogobima, tehnologija je dotrajala, odlaganje otpada neregulisano, a alternativni
izvori energije gotovo u potpunosti neiskorieni (Clarke, 2002, Strategija, 2009). Neki od
uoenih problema su nasleeni iz socijalistikog perioda, drugi su nastali usled NATO
bombardovanja (recimo zagaenje osiromaenim uranijumom), dok su trei posledica
preuzimanja konzumerskih tekovina Zapada (gomilanje ambalanog otpada, rast aerozagaenja
kao posledica uvoza velikog broja polovnih automobila itd). Lista problema se tu nikako ne
zavrava. (Izvetaj o stanju ivotne sredine u Srbiji). Pored reavanja nagomilanih lokalnih
problema, Srbija se paralelno mora suoiti i sa globalnim izazovima, to zahteva ubrzano
razvijanje strategije savladavanja posledica klimatskih promena. U borbi sa naraslim ekolokimproblemima koja predstoji, a kroz uvoenje mehanizama participacije u odluivanju u ovoj
oblasti, znaajnu ulogu dobijaju i sami graani.
U tom pogledu, namera ovog rada je da, s jedne strane, sagleda naine i razmere
ukljuivanja graana Srbije u reavanje ekolokih problema, te da, s druge strane, razmotri
prepreke koje im u tome stoje na putu. Za te potrebe, osloniemo se na podatke prikupljene u
velikom anketnom istraivanju3koje je Institut za socioloka istaivanja Filozofskog fakulteta u
Beogradu sproveo prolea 2010. godine.
Ekoloki problemi u Srbiji - perspektivagraana
Izvesno znanje o postojanju ekolokih problema i o njihovim posledicama pre svega na
zdravlje, ali i na druge aspekte ivota, smatra se vanom osnovom za ekoloko delovanje
(Hannigan, 1996). U tom smislu, prvo to smo eleli da ispitamo je da li, i u kojoj meri, graani
Srbije raspolau saznanjima o ekolokim pretnjama koje se nalaze u njihovom neposrednom
okruenju. Prikupljen anketni materijal nedvosmisleno ukazuje na to da su graani Srbije
upoznati i veoma nezadovoljni stanjem u kome se nalazi ivotna sredina, kako na nivou cele
3Reje o pionirskom nastojanju da se istrai stepen razvijenosti ekoloke svesti i participacije u Srbiji. Istraivanje je
bilo anketnog tipa i realizovao ga je tim Instituta za socioloka istraivanja Filozofskog fakulteta u Beogradu maja
2010. godine. Uzorak je reprezentativan (N= 1952), ispitanici su odabrani metodom sluajnog uzorka. Meu
respondentimaje 53,3% enai 46,7% mukaraca, odnosno 54,8% stanovnika gradova i 45,2% stanovnika seoskih
naselja, to dobro odraava polnu strukturu i urbanizovanostsrpskog drutva.
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
24/67
Srbije, tako i u njihovoj lokalnoj zajednici. U tom pogledu, najloije je ocenjen stepen korienja
alternativnih izvora energije, te prakse skladitenja industrijskog otpada, kao i stanje deponija i
regulisanja otpadnih voda. Kao najvei problem se najee pojavljuje neadekvatno otklanjanje
vrstog otpada i stanje deponija, to navodi svaki peti ispitanik. Ovakve (subjektivne) ocene
korespondiraju (objektivnim) nalazima Izvetaja o stanju ivotne sredine u Srbiji (2009), koji
upravo kao najznaajnije ekoloke probleme navodi neadekvatno upravljanje otpadom (slabu
pokrivenost teritorije organizovanim odnoenjem smea, veoma mali broj sanitarnih deponija
koje odgovaraju postavljenim standardima itd.), te izuzetno malu iskorienost energije iz
obnovljivih izvora. Takoe, prema miljenju ispitanika, stanje ivotne sredine u Srbiji je mnogo
loije (34%) ili loije (42%) u odnosu na zemlje zapadne Evrope, dok je sl ino ili neto loije u
odnosu na druge bive socijalistike zemlje i zemlje u regionu (to takoe odgovara objektivnim
pokazateljima4
). Pored toga, ne samo to smatraju da je stanje ivotne sredine veoma loe,graani su svesni i da ono ne ostaje bez posledica na njihovo zdravlje. Prema njihovoj proceni,
zagaenje ima osrednji (37%) ili veliki uticaj (35%) na njihovo zdravlje.
Dakle, moe se zakljuiti da su graani Srbije s jedne strane upoznati sa stanjem u kome
se nalazi njihovo okruenje, da umeju da identifikuju kljune probleme, kao i da su upoznati sa
injenicom da se takvo stanje okoline negativno odraava na njihovo zdravlje, a samim tim i na
ukupan kvalitet ivota. U tom smislu, prvi preduslov delovanja svest o postojanju ekolokih
problema ipercepcija tih problema kao ugroavajuih je ispunjena.
Ekoloke vrednosti i stavovi graana Srbije
Drugi preduslov ekolokog delovanja, koji se esto pojavljuje u literaturi,je odreeni nivo
razvijenosti ekoloke svesti odnosno prihvatanja proekolokih vrednosti (Ajzen & Fishbein,
1980, Hines et al, 1986, Burgess et al, 1998, Stern et al, 1999, Kollmuss & Agyman, 2002). Iako
se ljudi mogu ponaati po ekolokom bontonu jer su na to podstaknuti sistemom ekonomskih
stimulacija i kazni, generalno se smatra da je za odrivo ekoloko ponaanje neophodno da ono
bude voeno usvojenim ekolokim vrednostima (Matti, 2008, Dobson, 2003). U tom smislu,
eleli smo da saznamo u kojoj meri graani Srbije prihvataju proekoloki vrednosni sistem. Ovo
4 Primera radi, na skali Environmental Performance Index-a 2010. Srbija se nalazi na 29. mestu iza veine
zapadnoevropskih zemalja, a u grupi u kojoj se nalaze uglavnom sve zemalje iz okruenja
http://epi.yale.edu/Countries
http://epi.yale.edu/Countrieshttp://epi.yale.edu/Countrieshttp://epi.yale.edu/Countries -
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
25/67
pitanje nas je posebno interesovalo jer je u domaim medijima, ali i u zvaninim izvetajima
nadlenih dravnih institucija, kao i nevladinih organizacija, prisutno shvatanje da je nivo
ekoloke svesti u zemlji izuzetno nizak, te da to predstavlja osnovnu prepreku za reavanje
nagomilanih problema u ovoj oblasti. Da li je to ba tako, upitali smo se?
U kojoj meri su ekoloke vrednosti zastupljene meu graanima Srbije, pokuali smo da
utvrdimo oslanjajui se na skalu Nove ekoloke paradigme (NEP), jedan u takve svrhe, najee
upotrebljivanih instrumenata (Dunlap and Van Liere, 1978; Dunlap et al., 2000, Schultz and
Zelezny, 1999; Stern and Dietz, 1994; Stern et al., 1995, Dunlap et al. 2000; Stern 2000;
Widegren 1998). Ova skala pokuava da uhvati stepen u kome se prihvataju razliitaverovanja za
koja se smatra da se nalaze u samom jezgru ekoloke zabrinutosti: percepcija negativnih efekata
ljudskog delovanja na okruenje, odbacivanje uverenja o izuzetnosti ljudske vrste, uvianje
postojanja vrste veze izmeu ljudi i ostatka ive i neive prirode, realnost limita rasta usledogranienostiplanetarnih resursa, anti-antropocentrizam, te krhkost balansa koji postoji u prirodi.
U naem istraivanju, koristili smo skraenu estolanu NEP skalu za koju su razliita
istraivanja (Pierce et al, 1992, Stern et al, 1999, Dunlap et al, 2000) pokazala da dobro
reprezentuje osnovnu 12-lanu skalu(Dunlap and Van Liere, 1978).
Tabela 1 ovde
Kao to se na osnovu podataka prikazanih u tabeli 1 moe zakljuiti, znaajna veina
ispitanika se u potpunosti ili delimino (94,4%) slae sa stavom da se balans koji postoji u prirodi
lako moe naruiti ljudskim delovanjem. Slino tome, natpolovian broj ispitanika (57,3%) ne
prihvata stav da promene u prirodnoj sredini koje su posledica zadovoljavanja ljudskih potreba
tek retko nanose ozbiljneposledice okruenju. Najvei deonaih ispitanika (87,9%) je u manjoj
ili veoj meri svestanda suprirodni resursi ogranieni, dabiljni i ivotinjski svet ne postoji samo
da bi se njegovim iskoriavanjem zadovoljavale potrebe ljudi (90,8%), te da oveanstvo nije
stvoreno da bi vladalo ostatkom prirode (60,9%).
Da bismo dobili sumarnu predstavu o tome u kojoj se meri ukupno prihvata nova
ekoloka paradigma, formirali smo indeks NEP5 (tabela 2). Kao to se na osnovu podataka iz
5Indeks je formiran sabiranjem ocena koje su ispitanici davali za svaki pojedinani stav naskali nove ekoloke
paradigme.
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
26/67
tabele 2 da zakljuiti, veoma mali broj ispitanika (4,1%) ne prihvata novu ekoloku paradigmu. S
druge strane, veina ispitanika, njih gotovo 2/3 (61,4%) uglavnom prihvata stavove koji ine
integralni deo ovakvog pogleda na svet, dok su stavovi neto iznad jedne treine ispitanika u
potpunosti uskaeni sa naelimaNEP.
Tabela 2 ovde
Prihvatanje ekolokog pogleda na svet predstavlja vanu osnovu za pro-ekoloko
delovanje (Hines et al, 1986, Stern et al, 2000, Kollmuss & Agyeman, 2002) . Meutim, treba
imati u vidu da je re o veoma apstraktnom korpusu verovanja, koji je u velikoj meri udaljen od
svakodnevnih problema i aktivnosti. U tom smislu, kao posrednik izmeu najoptijih uverenja i
praktinog delovanja, pojavljuje se ekoloka zabrinutost, koja je blia svakodnevnom iskustvu, asamim tim i verovatniji pokreta odreenih oblika delovanja(Stern et al,1999, Steel, 1996, Dietz
et al, 1995). Imajui to u vidu, ispitanicima smo prezentovali neke od najznaajnijih ekolokih
problema dananjice, i pitali ih da ocene u kojoj meri ih ovi problemi zabrinjavaju. Neki od
pobrojanih problema su u manjoj ili veoj meri dao svakodnevice svakog od nas, odnosno mogu
se lako opaziti u lokalnom okruenju (npr. zagaenje vode, vazduha itd) dok su drugiglobalni po
svom karakteru (oteenje ozonskog omotaa, nestanak tropskih uma itd.) i udaljeni od
svakodnevnog iskustva. Kao to je predstavljeno u tabeli 3, nae ispitanike veoma zabrinjavaju
svi pobrojani ekoloki problemi. Tako, udeo onih koji se ne brinu ne dostie ni 10% ni za jedan
od pobrojanih problema. Ipak, intenzitet zabrinutosti varira u odnosu na udaljenost problema.
Briga je manja to su problemi udaljeniji, pa je tako vie od ispitanika (26,3%) tek delimino
zabrinuto zbog gubitka biodiverziteta, dok svakog petog ispitanika (21,9%) u manjoj meri brinu
kisele kie ili posledice globalnog zagrevanja. Slino tome, dok zagaenje vode, vazduha i tla
veoma zabrinjava 41,5% ispitanika, isti nivo zabrinutosti za seu tropskih uma iskazuje 20,8%
ispitanika, za kisele kie 22% a za klimatske promene 29,3%.
Tabela 3 ovde
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
27/67
U elji da dobijemo celovitu sliku o razmerama brige za ivotnu sredinu, formirali smo
indeks ekoloke zabrinutosti6. Kao to se moe videti iz tabele 4, nisku zabrinutost iskazuje
manje od jedne desetine ispitanika, dok je umereno zabrinut svaki esti ispitanik. Nasuprot tome,
visok nivo zabrinutosti za pretnje koje dolaze kao posledica nagomilanih ekolokih problema,
odlikuje gotovo tri etvrtine uzorka (74%).
Tabela 4 ovde
I trei vaan preduslov za ekoloko delovanje, pored svesti o problemima i prihvatanja
proekolokog pogleda na svet - ekoloka zabrinutost - je ispunjen. Imajui to u vidu, oekivali
bismo i znaajan stepen angaovanja ljudi na zatiti i ouvanju prirodnog okruenja. Stoga, u
kojoj meri su graani Srbije zaista aktivni, odnosno da li njihovo znanje, svest i zabrinutost
nalaze odjeka u konkretnim aktivnostima, bilo je sledeepitanje na koji smo eleli da saznamo
odgovor. Ipak, neposredno lino iskustvo i intuicija istraivaa, kao i uvreeno i medijski
podrano miljenje da su graani Srbije sasvim nesvesni i nesavesni u svom ophoenju prema
okolini, uneli su dozu skepticizma u pozitivan odgovor na nae istraivako pitanje, koji bi, po
logici stvari i teorijskim predvianjima, trebalo da usledi. Drugim reima, iako bi po do sad
prikazanim nalazima, bilo za oekivati da su nai sugraani ekoloki agilni, nismo bili uvereni u
pozitivne nalaze.
Ekoloko ponaanje
Da bismo dobili odgovor na pitanje koliko su graani ekoloki aktivni, ispitanicima smo
predstavili itav niz pro-ekolokih ponaanja, traei da od njih da ocene koliko esto su ih
praktikovali u poslednje tri godine. No, pre nego to prezentujemo nalaze, treba da napomenemo
da se ekoloko ponaanje moe javiti u dosta razliitih varijanti. Tako, recimo, neki ljudi
recikliraju ili kompostiraju, drugi koriste javni prevoz, trei, tzv. lokavore, konzumiraju samo
namirnice koje su lokalno gajene, etvrti kupuju iskljuivo polovne predmete, peti se hrane
jedino organskim proizvodima ili uzgajaju voe i povre za sopstvene potrebe. S druge strane,
ekoloko delovanje se moe praktikovati ne samo kao deo ivotnog stila, ve i kroz politiki
6Indeks ekoloke zabrinutosti smo formirali sabiranjem ocena koje su ispitanici dali za svaki pojedinani stav kojim
je merena ekoloka zabrinutost
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
28/67
angaman: uee u protestima, potpisivanje peticija, komunikacija sa predstavnicima vlasti,
kontaktiranje novinara ili pisanje blogova, lanstvo u ekolokim organizacijama itd.
Uviajui razliite osnove i karakteristike ekolokog ponaanja, Stern (2000) pravi razliku
izmeu politikog ekolokog delovanja i pro-ekolokog ponaanja. Prvi oblik se moe javiti u
vidu ekolokog aktivizma koji podrazumeva posveeno uestvovanje u akcijama ekolokih
organizacija odnosno ekolokim pokretima. Re je o delovanju ekolokih aktivista i lidera koji
ine jezgro ekolokog pokreta. Pored ove, relativno malobrojne ali znaajne grupacije, Stern
izdvaja i pojedince koji podravaju ideje ekolokog pokreta, a ije delovanje kvalifikuje kao
ekoloko graanstvo (environmental citizenship). Ovu vrstu angamana, primera radi, karakteriu
aktivnosti poput potpisivanja peticija, davanje priloga ekolokim organizacijama, povremenog
uea u ekolokim kampanjamai protestima itd. Oba oblika delovanja, iako indirektna po svom
karakteru u odnosu na ivotnu sredinu, mogu imati znaajan uticaj, jer mogu bitno da promenekurs ekoloke politike,postavljajui pitanja ivotne sredine na vrh politike agende.
U tabeli 5 su prikazani odgovori ispitanika na pitanje koliko esto su u poslednje tri
godine uestvovali u razliitim aktivnostima koje predstavljaju naine da se, kada je ivotna
sredina u pitanju, politiki deluje. Kao to se moe videti, velika veina graana nije uzimala
uee u pomenutim aktivnostima. Tako, 94% ispitanika nije kontaktiralo prestavnike vlasti, 91%
nije davalo prilog ekolokim organizacijama, 88% nije prisustvovalo ekolokom protestu. Od
svih nabrojanih aktivnosti, ispitanici su najee potpisivali peticije u poslednje 3 godine je to,
barem jedan put, uinio svaki etvrti ispitanik (27%). Treba imati u vidu da potpisivanje peticije,
u poreenju sa ostalim aktivnostima, zahtevaznatno manje vremena i truda i uglavnom ne nosi
nikakav rizik, kakav recimo moe imati uee u protestima.
Tabela 5 ovde
Da bismo stekli uvid u to koliki je udeo ekolokih aktivista, a koliki podravalaca
ekolokog pokreta (eko-graana) u ukupnoj populaciji, konstruisali smo indeks eko-politikog
aktivizma7. Dobijene rezultate smo podelili na etiri nivoa (kao to je prikazano u tabeli 6). U
prvu kategoriju su svrstani oni koji su izjavili da nisu uestvovali ni u jednoj navedenih
7Indeks ekolokog aktivizma smo formirali na osnovu sabiranjaodgovora ispitanika na pitanje koliko su esto, u
poslednje tri godine, uestvovali u aktivnostima nabrojanim u tabeli 5.
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
29/67
aktivnosti. Njih, kojih je ujedno najvei broj (60%), smo odredili kao ekoloki pasivne
(neaktivne). U naredne dve kategorije spadaju oni koji su uestvovali u nekoj od aktivnosti. Oni
sa niskim nivoom na indeksu eko-aktivizma, a takvih je vie od treine uzorka (35%), su blii
grupi neaktivnih, to znai da su tekpo neki put uestvovali u nekim od pomenutih aktivnosti. Tu
bismo grupu mogli nazvatipotencijalnim eko-graanima, koji se jo uvek nisu u dovoljnoj meri
ekoloki angaovali. U treoj grupi, koja zauzima srednji poloaj na skali aktivizma, nali su se
oni ispitanici koji su izjavili da su se ee angaovali u veem broju aktivnosti u protekle tri
godine. Tu kategoriju ine eko-graani, odnosno podravaoci ekopokreta. Najzad,
najmalobrojniju grupu (0,5%) ine eko-aktivisti koji redovno uestvuju u politiki usmerenim
ekolokim aktivnostima. Mali broj posveenih aktivista ne treba da zabrinjava koliko izuzetno
veliki broj neaktivnih i tek povremeno angaovanih graana, koji ine95% uzorka. Naime, uspeh
ekolokog pokreta upravo zavisi od podrke koju on ima u najirim drutvenim slojevima (Stern,2000). Imajui u vidu prikazane nalaze istaivanja, ne udi podatak da ekoloki pokret u istonoj
Evropi nikako ne uspeva da zadobije iru podrku, dok na masovni odaziv jedino nailaze
inicijative sindikalnih organizacija (Cisar,2010).
Tabela 6 ovde
Pored prethodno opisanog javnog odnosno politikog oblika ekolokog delovanja, Stern
(2000) izdvaja i proekoloko ponaanje, koje se odvija u okviru privatne sfere i obuhvata ivotne
stilove koji su usaglaeni sa namerom da se okruenje ouva od daljeg naruavanja. U njih bi,
primera radi, spadala zelena kupovina (odabiranje proizvoda koji potuju ekoloke standarde
proizvodnje), selekcija i pravilno odlaganje otpada za reciklau, korienje javnog prevoza u
svrhe smanjenja zagaenja izduvnim gasovima, uee u akcijama ienja ili ozelenjavanja itd.
Za razliku od javnog ekolokog delovanja, privatne ekoloke prakse imaju direktan uticaj na
kvalitet ivotne sredine. Ipak, njihov uticaj je srazmerno mali, odnosno dobija na znaaju tek
kada se veliki broj ljudi ponaa na isti ili slian nain.
Tabela 7 ovde
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
30/67
Slino kao i kad je u pitanju politiko delovanje, iz tabele 7 se vidi da nai ispitanici, u
najveem broju sluajeva, ne praktikuju zelene ivotne stilove. Svega 15% ispitnika je barem
jednom bojkotovalo robu koju su proizvele ekoloki nesavesne kompanije; isti broj se povremeno
vozi javnim prevozom da bi smanjio sopstveni karbonski otisak, dok je tek svaki esti ispitanik
neki put uestvovao u ekolokim kampanjama koje su za cilj imale ienje javnih povrina ili
utedu energije. Selekciju otpada vri tek svaki peti ispitanik, a odvajanje otpada je deo redovne
rutine svakog etrnaestog ispitanika.
Svedoanstva ispitanika o tome koliko su puta u poslednje tri godine bili ekoloki
angaovani otkrila su nam jednu krajnje sumornu sliku. Sa aljenjem smo morali da
konstatujemo je naa intuitivna pretpostavka o slaboj rairenosti eko praksi bila ispravnija od
teorijskih oekivanja. U nadi da e se barem u budunosti stanovnici nae zemlje vie angaovati
na reavanju problema okruenja, pitali smo ih kakvi su im planovi po tom pitanju. Meutim,
umesto bilo kakvih naznaka poboljanja, budui planovianketiranih samo su potvrdili da se, u
tom pogledu, bez nekakve spoljne inicijative ili pritiska, nita bitnije nee promeniti. Tako, tek
svaki 6 ispitanik (16%) nagovetava budue angaovanje u ovoj oblasti, dok najvei broj (84%)
izjavljuje da ovakva vrsta aktivnosti nije planirana. Od onih koji su dali potvrdan odgovor,
najvei broj (25,7%) vidi sebe kao uesnika u akcijama ienja javnih prostora, 17% je
pomenulo uee u nekom obliku edukativnih programa, dok je 7% iskazalo spremnost da se
ukljui u rad ekolokih organizacija. Jedna treina ispitanika nije navela aktivnost i kojima planira
da se bavi u budunosti.
Kao to smo do sad imali prilike da vidimo, graani Srbije uviaju postojanje razliitih
ekolokih problema kako u svojoj neposrednoj okolini, tako i u Srbiji generalno. Pored toga,
svesni su da je stanje u Srbiji loije nego u mnogim drugim evropskim zemljama. Takvo stanje
ivotne sredine ih veoma brine, utoliko vie to smatraju da je njihovo zdravlje i zdravlje lanova
njihovih porodica time bitno ugroeno. Pored toga, u najveem broju skloni su da prihvate
stavove koji su odlika novog ekolokog pogleda na svet, koji se razvio iz uvianjainjenice da su
postojei ekoloki problemi nastali kao posledica nemarnog i neracionalnog odnosa prema
okolini. Imajui u vidu pobrojano, mogli smooekivati da e segraani Srbije u odreenoj meri
angaovati na reavanju naraslih problema. Meutim, nalazi naeg istraivanja, kako to smo
imali prilike da vidimo, pokazuju sasvim drugaiju sliku. Takav podatak iznenauje, jer
pretpostavljamo da ljudi ipak deluju u skladu sa vrednostima koje su usvojili i preduzimaju mere
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
31/67
zatite od pretnji koje dolaze iz okruenja. Zato, pitanje koje se logino odmah namee je- zato
je to tako? Kakve se to prepreke postavljaju pred ekoloki svesne i zabrinute graane, pa oni
gotovo nita ne ineda bi neeljeno stanje popravili?Da bismo pokuali da pruimo odgovor na
to pitanje, u nastavku rada, u fokusu e se nai prepreke koje su sami ispitanici izdvojili kao
najvanije.
Prepreke pro-ekolokom ponaanju percepcija graana
Objasniti ekoloko delovanje, odnosno njegov izostanak, nije nimalo jednostavno. O tome
svedoe i mnogobrojni teorijski pokuaji da se, pristupajui iz razliitih uglova, ovaj fenomen
objasni od sociopsiholokih teorija koje u fokus stavljaju svest, odgovornost, individualnu
motivaciju te racionalnu kalkulaciju pojedinaca, preko teorija kolektivne akcije, mobilizacijeresursa, strukture politikih mogunosti, do kulturnih perspekt iva koje naglasak stavljaju na
socijalnu konstrukciju ekolokih problema te razliite okvire (framing) kroz koje se percipira
proekoloko delovanje nedostatka resursa (Ne, 2006). Kako prostor kojim u ovom radu
raspolaemo ne dozvoljava da se ue u razmatranje svih potencijanih inilaca koji, u veoj ili
manjoj meri, utiu na ekoloko ponaanje i participaciju, ovde smo se ograniili na razmatranje
onih prepreka koje su sami akteri videli i izdvojili kao problematine. Naravno, to ne znai niti da
su te prepreke jedine, niti da su najvanije kao ni da se lista faktora koji oblikuju delovanje tu
zavrava, ali daje nagovetaj o tome ta se sve neposredno nepovoljno odraava na motivaciju
graana da se na neki nainekoloki angauju. Sledeiu izvesnoj meri podelu koju je dao Blake
(1999), inioce koji se pojavljuju samim ispitanicima kao teko premostive prepreke smo podelili
u tri grupe: individualno-psiholoke barijere (npr. specifian temperament, nedostatak
interesovanja, odreena stanja starost, bolest), praktino-institucionalne prepreke (nedostatak
vremena, informacija i drugih resursa, kao i potrebne infrastrukture i institucionalne podrke
odreenim inicijativama), prepreke za kolektivno delovanje koje pojedincu oteavajuju da se
ukljui u zajednikodelovanje na reavanju ekolokih problema(oseaj line nemoida se neto
promeni, nepoverenje u institucije, izostanak oseaja line odgovornosti za reavanje odreenih
problema).
Individualne barijere
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
32/67
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
33/67
svega nezaposlenost), socijalna i politika pitanja i dalje dominiraju. Uvid u nain na koji graani
rangiraju dravne i lokalne prioritete donekle razjanjava misteriozni izostanak ekolokog
delovanja u kontekstu prepoznate ekoloke i zdravstvene ugroenosti.
Institucionalne/praktine prepreke
Iako lino zainteresovani i zabrinuti, pojednici mogu ostati neaktivni jer im delovanje
onemoguava nepostojanje neophodne infrastrukture, institucionalne podrke ili odreenih
resursa (Wall, 1995, Tindall et al, 2003, Blake, 1999). Resurs koji naim ispitanicima, kako
izgleda, najee nedostaje je - slobodno vreme.
Nedostatak vremena
Da nemaju dovoljno (slobodnog) vremena da bi se angaovali u reavanju ekolokihproblema tvrdi ak 54% ispitanika. Nedostatak vremena, kao najee navoeni razlog za
ekoloki apsentizam, ne govori mnogo. ta se zapravo krije iza nedostatka vremena?
S jedne strane, teko se moe sporiti injenica da mnoga pro-ekoloka ponaanja
zahtevaju vie vremena od uobiajenih praksi (selekcija otpada, vonja biciklom itd.). Potom,
bilo koji vid politikog angamana (prisustvo sastancima, uee u kampanjama ili u protestima)
svakako oduzuma slobodno vreme. Takoe, ponaati se ekoloki u kontekstu oskudne potrebne
infrastrukture, iziskuje dodatno vreme i energiju (npr. odlazak do udaljenih reciklanih
kontejnera, potraga za eko-sertifikovanim namirnicama itd.). Meutim, pored ovih objektivnih
zahteva za veim utrokom vremena, kada je ovaj resurs u pitanju, u obzir moramo uzeti jo
jednu injenicu. Naime, iako, naravno, vremena nikad nema dovoljno za sve ono ime bismo
eleli da se bavimo, ono se za vane stvari ipak nekako pronae. Dakle, nije u pitanju samo
objektivni nedostatak vremena, ve postavljeni prioriteti. Odgovor nemam vremena je i
elegantan nain da se kae to mi nije (dovoljno) vano. Ovam zakljuku u prilog govore
prethodno prikazani nalazi istraivanja po kojima se, na listi prioriteta graana Srbije, ekoloka
pitanja nalaze na samom dnu. Zaostajui iza urgentnih ekonomskih pitanja (pronalaenja
(dodatnog) posla te obezbeivanja puke egzistencije u kontekstu visoke nezaposlenosti i
ekonomske krize), ekologizam se potvruje kao fenomen punog stomaka.U tom smislu, teko da
e nimalositi graani Srbije za njega imati vremena.
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
34/67
Nedostatak informacija
Informisanost o ekolokim problemima i pretnjama predstavlja vaan preduslov za
odgovarajue angaovanje. Drugim reima, a kao to to potvruje gotovo jedna petina ispitanika
(19%), nedovoljna informisanost se postavlja kao znaajnaprepreka za dalje delovanje.
Kao to se iz tabele 8 da videti, malo iznad jedne treine (36%) ispitanika smatra da je
dobro informisano o vanim ekolokim pitanjima. S druge strane, znaajna veina (63%) se ne
smatra dovoljno informisanom.
Tabela 8 ovde
Kao glavne razloge slabe informisanosti ispitanici navode nedostatak vremena da se boljeinformiu (32%), nepoverenje u dostupne informacije (27%), nedostupnost informacija (22%),
kao i linunezainteresovanost za tu vrstu informacija (17%). Odgovori kao da idu u krug: gotovo
polovina ispitanika (49%) tvrdi da nema vremena odnosno nije zainteresovana ni toliko da se
informie o pitanjima vezanim za ivotnu sredinu, da bi se, potom, taj nedostatak informacija
pojavio kao prepreka za angaovanje. Kako god se okrenulo, uprkos tome to se ekoloke
vrednosti deklarativno prihvataju, a problemi uviaju i zabrinutost postoji, njihovo reavanje se
definitivno ne nalazi na vrhu liste interesovanja naih ispitanika.
Nerazvijenost infrastrukture
Iako nai ispitanici nisu izdvojili nepostojanje infrastrukture kao direktnu prepreku, ona se
pojavljuje kao znaajan problem onda kada se kao pitanje postavi uee u nekoj konkretnoj
aktivnosti. Svakako, kada je potrebna infrastruktura lako dostupna, odnosno kada postoji
institucionalna podrka za obavljanje odreenih aktivnosti, mnogo je lake delovati na poeljan
nain, nego u situacijamagde takve infrastrukture nema. U svom istraivanju, Derksen i Gartrell
(1993) su pronali da ljudi koji imaju pristup dobro organizovanim programima recikliranja,
mnogo ee recikliraju svoj otpad nego to to ine oni koji nemaju pristup tako ureenim
sistemima. Slina situacija je i sa dostupnoujavnog prevoza, postojanjem biciklistikih staza i
mesta za parkiranje, kao i sa raspoloivouenergije iz alternativnih izvora itd.
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
35/67
U kojoj meri nepostojanje infrastrukture moe da otea razliite ekoprakse, pokazaemo
na primeru selekcije otpada. Neadekvatno upravljanje otpadom predstavlja jedan od najveih
problema ivotne sredine u Srbiji.. Poetkom 2000.godine organizovano prikupljanje otpada je
pokrivalo svega jednu polovinu domainstava, i to uglavnom onih lociranih u urbanim
podrujima. Situacija je danas neto bolja, pa je pokrivenost oko 60%, sa i dalje izraenim
problemima u ruralnim oblastima. Pored toga, znaajno nedostaju komunalna vozila za odvoz
smea, kontejneri, kante, dok je samo jedna od 180 postojeih deponija ureena prema propisima.
Tek se od prole godine u stotinak optina zapoelo sa organizovanim razdvajanjem otapada,
najee PET ambalae i papira. U ovoj, 2011. godini planiran je poetak izgradnje Centra za
sakupljanje i selekciju reciklabilnog otpada. (http://ocistimosrbiju.rs/src/oakciji.htm). Imajui u
vidu konktekstualni okvir, ne treba da udi to to gotovo 80% respondenata ne praktikuje
selekciju otpada, dok to esto initek svaki petnaesti ispitanik (tabela 9).
Tabela 9 ovde
Najvei broj ispitanika (68,5%) je dao potvrdan odgovor na pitanje: da li biste u
budunosti selektovali otpad?, ali samo pod uslovom da se za to obezbede neophodni uslovi.
Negativni odgovori su bili posledica miljenja da je tako neto suvie komplikovano (6%),
oduzima vreme (3,8%) ili prostor (1,1%), dok svaki peti ispitanik ne zna odgovor, odnosno ne
razmilja o tome. Kao to se moe zakljuiti, nepostojanje odgovarajue infrastrukture
predstavlja veliku prepreku za uspostavljanje ekoloki poeljnih praksi.
Dileme kolektivnog delovanja apsentizam i lina odgovornost
Pored individualno-psiholokih potekoa, s jedne, i praktinih prepreka, s druge strane,
nai ispitanici su navodili i ogranienja koje bi se mogla svrstati u kategoriju tzv. dileme
kolektivne akcije (Olson, 1965). Prema pretpostavkama teorije kolektivnog delovanja, pojedinci
su, voeniusko linim interesima, skloni da se ne ukljueu one kolektivne poduhvate u kojima
im neposredni (lini) troak deluje vei od potencijalne (kolektivne) dobiti. Vodei se ovom
logikom, pojedinac se nee angaovati u onim sluajevima kada smatrada apstinencija neebiti
primeena niti sankcionisana; potom onda kada misli da se poduhvat moe realizovati i bez
njegovog doprinosa (pojedinani uticaj je srazmerno mali); kao i kad nema poverenja da e se
drugi ukljuiti u zajedniku akciju (u kom sluaju bi onbio jedini koji je uzalud troio sopstvene
http://ocistimosrbiju.rs/src/oakciji.htmhttp://ocistimosrbiju.rs/src/oakciji.htmhttp://ocistimosrbiju.rs/src/oakciji.htmhttp://ocistimosrbiju.rs/src/oakciji.htm -
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
36/67
resurse). Ukoliko ovakav nain razmiljanja, poznat jo i kao fenomen besplatnog jahanja
(free-riding) odnosno dilema zatvorenika (prisoners dilemma), sledi dovoljno veliki broj ljudi,
neminovno dolazi do onoga to je Hardin (1968) nazvao tragedijom kolektivnih dobara (Olson,
1965, Hardin, 1968, Ostrom, 1990). Zbog specifinog svojstva veine prirodnih dobra da se,
nezavisno od doprinosa, pojedinci ne mogu iskljuiti iz njihovogkasnijeg korienja, pomenuta
tragedija predstavlja stalnu pretnju kada je ivotna sredina u pitanju. Primera radi, iz uivanja
blagodeti istog vazduha ne mogu se iskljuiti ak ni oni pojedinci koji su svesno doprinosili
aerozagaenju(Ostrom,1990).
No, vratimo se sad naim ispitanicima. Meu onima koji se u budunosti nee ekoloki
aktivirati, svaki osmi je kao kljuan razlog naveonedostatak vere u to da svojim angaovanjem
moe bilo ta znaajnije da uini. Ovakvo oseanje line nemoi moe biti posledica nekoliko
razliitih okolnosti. Jedna od njih je nedostatak poverenja u podrku nadlenih institucija i drugihrelevantnih aktera u realizaciji postavljenih ekolokih ciljeva.
Slabo poverenje u institucije sistema je zajednikoobeleje veinebivih socijalistikih
zemalja, a Srbija po tom pitanju nikako nije izuzetak (Mihailovi et al, 2006). Nepovoljno
institucionalno okruenje se negativno odraava na oseaj line moi da se neto promeni. Ako
ne postoje mehanizmi koji bi podrali inicijative koje dolaze od pojedinaca, najverovatnije je da
takve inicijative nee ni zaiveti. Imajui to u vidu, nae ispitanike smo zamolili da ocene u kojoj
meri veruju u informacije koje im o stanju ivotne sredine pruaju nadlene institucije. Tako, u
podatke o zagaenjukoje prua Vlada poverenje ima 7% ispitanika, u informacije koje dolaze od
predstavnika lokalnih vlasti veruje 9%, dok izvetaje nadlenih dravnih ustanova kao pouzdane
ocenjuje 8,5% ispitanika. Jedna treina veruje podacima ekolokih organizacija, a svaki esti
ispitanik ima poverenja u medijsko izvetavanje o ovim temama. S druge stane, Vladi nimalo ne
veruje 58% ispitanika, lokalnim vlastima 54%, nadlenim institucijama 54% itd. Kao to se lako
da zakljuiti, nepoverenje viestruko prevazilazi veru u nadlene institucije, pogotovo kada su
dravni organi u pitanju. Takva situacija svakako predstavlja oteavajuu okolnost za uee
graana koji ne mogu da se oslone na institucije koje bi, inae,trebalo da budu kljuan saveznik
u zajednikojborbi protiv ekolokih izazova.
Za ekoloko graanstvoje, pored prihvatanja odreenih proekolokih vrednosti i stavova,
kljuanoseaj line odgovornostida se neto na tom planu uradi. Ponaanje ekolokog graanina
je, po definiciji, voeno unutranjom moralnom motivacijom koja se zasniva na visokom
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
37/67
vrednovanju ivotnog okruenja (Hines et al, 1986, Dobson, 2003). Imajui u vidu znaaj oseaja
line odgovornosti kao okidaa delovanja i prevazilaenja dileme kolektivne akcije, ispitanike
smo pitali ko, po njihovom miljenju, najvie zagaujeSrbiju, a ko njihovu lokalnu zajednicu.
Prema proceni ispitanika, Srbiju najvie zagauju na prvom mestu industrija (44%), odmah zatim
svakodnevne prakse graana (29%), saobraaj (18%) i, na kraju, energetska prostrojenja
(elektrane, termoelektrane) koja navodi 8% ispitanika. Na lokalnom nivou, kao najvei
zagaivai naprvo mesto izbijaju sami graani (56%), potom saobraaj (22%), a zatim i fabrike
(15%) i energentska postrojenja (5%).
Da svakodnevni obrasci ponaanja obinih ljudi imaju znaajne posledice po okruenje
smatra vie od polovine ispitanika (58%). Ovu tvrdnju delimino prihvata neto iznad jedne
petine anketiranih (22%) dok se sa tim ne slae 13%, a odgovor ne zna 7%. Meutim, linu
odgovornost priznaje manje od 1/3 ispitanika (28%). S druge strane, izvestan uticaj linih navikai ponaanja na okolinu uvia neto iznad polovine ispitanika (51%), dok 11% ne smatra da
svojim nainom ivota bitnije remeti ekoloke prilike u lokalnom okruenju.
Videli smo koga nai ispitanici vide kao glavne krivce. Evo za koga oni smatraju da bi
trebalo vie da se angauje na reavanju ekolokih problema u Srbiji. Pre svega su to nosioci
razliitih oblika i nivoa vlasti: vlada i nadlena ministarstva (49%) i lokalne vlasti (9%), potom
slede graani (20%), a onda i komunalna preduzea (12%) i ekoloka udruenja (8%).
Ovi nalazi bi se najjednostavnije mogli izraziti na sledei nain: drugi (neki tamo
graani i predstavnici vlasti) su krivi. Lina krivica se znatno ree uvia i priznaje. To dalje
znai da ti drugi (najpre predstavnici vlasti a potom i graani) prvi treba da se angauju.
Meutim, u okolnostima gde seretko ko osea lino krivim, a posledino i dunim da se ukljuiu
saniranje posledica kolektivnog ekolokog nemara, Hardinova tragedija zajednikih dobara
postaje sasvim izvesna.
Zakljuak
Iako su nauna istraivanja daleko odmakla od prvih pokuaja tumaenja veza izmeu
ekoloke svesti i adekvatnog ponaanja, nainjenih tokom sedamdesetih godina XX veka, javne
politike usmerene na ukljuivanje ire populacije u reavanje ekolokih problema se uglavnom i
dalje oslanjaju na jednostavan model tzv. informacionog deficita, u ijoj osnovi se nalazi
pretpostavka o linarnom i neometanom napredovanju od ekolokog znanja, ekoloke svesti i
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
38/67
zabrinutosti do pro-ekolokog ponaanja (Kollmuss & Agyeman, 2002). Ovaj model
pretpostavlja da ekoloko obrazovanje gotovo automatski rezultuje proekolokim ponaanjem,
odnosno da je nedostatak relevantnog znanja i svesti kljuna prepreka za uspostavljanjeispravnih
obrazaca odnoenja prema ivotnoj sredini (Burgess et al, 1998).
Kao to smo imali prilike da vidimo, iako graanima Srbije ne manjka ni svesti ni
spoznaje o ozbiljnosti ekolokih pretnji, njihov angaman je gotovo ravan nuli. Nalazi naeg
istraivanja takoe su pokazali da se na putu od ekoloke svesti do ekolokog ponaanja nalaze
mnogobrojne prepreke: od individualno-psiholokih, preko praktino-institucionalnih do tzv.
dilema kolektivnog delovanja. Da bi se postojee prepreke prevazile a graani podstakli na
uee u reavanju ekolokih problema, u obzir se mora uzeti upravo ovaj sloen kompleks
meuuslovljenosti i barijera na koje nailaze pojedinci onda kada pokuaju da se ekoloki
aktiviraju. Podsticanje vee ekoloke participacijegraana, presvega kroz razvijanje adekvatnihinstitucionalnih shema, te obezbeivanje neophodne infrastrukture, uz konstantan rad na eko-
edukaciji i skretanju panje na individualnu odgovornost, od kljunog je znaaja. Jer, bez kritine
mase eko-graana, ne moe se oekivati uspeh u borbi sa nagomilanim ekolokim problemima.
LITERATURA
Ajzen, I. & Fishbein, M. (1980) Understanding Attitudes and Predicting Social Behavior(Englewood Cliffs, NJ, Prentice Hall).
Blake, J. (1999). Overcoming the value-action gap in environmental policy: tensions betweennational policy and local experience. Local Environment, 4(3): 257-278.
Burgess, J., Harrison, C. & Filius, P. (1998) Environmental communication and the culturalpolitics of environmental citizenship,Environment and PlanningA, 30, pp. 14451460.
Cisar, O. (2010) Externally sponsored contention: The Channeling of Environmental MovementOrganizations in the Czech Republic after the Fall of Communism, EnvironmentalPolitics,19/5: 736-755.
Clarke, R. (2002) Yugoslavia, u: Carter, F.W.,Turnock, D.(eds.), Environmental Problems ofEast Cental Europe, Second Edition, NY, London: Routledge.
Dietz, T., Fitzgerald, A. , Shwom, R. (2005). Environmental Values. The Annual Review ofEnvironment and Resources, 30: 335-372.
Dobson, A. (2003). Citizenship and the environment (Oxford: Oxford University Press).
Dunlap,Riley E., Van Liere, K. (1978). The New Environmental Paradigm.The Journal ofEnvironmentalE ducation,9 :10-19.
Dunlap, R. E., Van Liere, K. D., Mertig, A., & Jones, R. E. (2000). Measuring endorsement ofthe new ecological paradigm: a revised NEP scale. Journal of Social Issues, 56, 425442.
-
8/10/2019 Paper Merged
39/67
Hannigan, J.A. (1995) Environmental Sociology: A Social Constructionist Perspective. London& New York: Routledge
Hardin, G. (1968), 'The Tragedy of the Commons', Science, 162 (3859), 1243-1248.
HINES, J.M., HUNGERFORD, H.R. & TOMERA, A.N. (198687). Analysis and synthesis ofresearch on responsible pro-environmental behavior: a meta-analysis, The Journal ofEnvironmental Education, 18(2), pp. 18.
Kaiser, F.G., Wolfing, S., Fuhrer U. (1999). Environmental Attitude and Ecological Behaviour.Journal of Environmenal Psychology, 19: 1-19.
Kollmuss, A. , Agyman, J. (2002). Mind the Gap: why do people act environmentally and whatare the barriers to pro-environmental behavior? Environmental Education Research, 8(3): 239-260.
Lili, S (2010). Ekoloko pravo. Pravni fakultet, Beograd.
Matti, S.(2008). From Sustainable Consumers to Ecological Citizens: Elucidating Attitudestowards Individual Environmental Action in Sweden,SHARP research, Working paper 14.
Mihailovi, S. et al. (2006) Korak ka graanima: vodi kroz mesnu samoupravu u Srbiji,Beograd: Centar za slobodne izbore i demokratiju.
Nacionalna strategija odrivog razvoja (2009) Odrivi razvoj Srbije naa zajednik