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Northern Ireland Peace Settlement Negotiations Background Guide Topic 1: Bring a Permanent End to Violence in Northern Ireland Topic 2: Work Towards a Peace Accord between the Disputing Parties and the Governments of the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland
C0-Chair: Amy O’Halloran Co-Chair: Patrick Smith
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Table of Contents
Letter from the Chair ....................................................................................................... 3
History of the Division of Ireland .................................................................................... 5
1912–1922....................................................................................................................... 5
1922–1966....................................................................................................................... 7
History of ‘The Troubles’ ............................................................................................. 7
Emergence of the Ulster Volunteer Force .................................................................. 7
Riots of August 1969 ..................................................................................................... 8
Peak in Violence during the 1970s ............................................................................... 9
Sunningdale Agreement and UWC Strike ................................................................ 12
Growing Desire for a Peaceful End to the Conflict ................................................. 12
Hunger strikes and the emergence of Sinn Féin ...................................................... 13
Topic 1: Bring a Permanent End to Violence in Northern Ireland ............................ 14
Topic 2: Work Towards a Peace Accord between the Disputing Parties and the
Governments of the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland ........................... 15
First ceasefire .............................................................................................................. 15
Second ceasefire .......................................................................................................... 16
Works Cited ..................................................................................................................... 19
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Letter from the Chair
Greetings Delegates!
Welcome to the 14th annual Washington Area Model United Nations Conference and the
Northern Ireland Peace Settlement Negotiations! My name is Amy O’Halloran, and I am
very excited to serve as one of your Co-Chairs in your committee, and to get the
opportunity to meet and interact with all of you. I originally come from Dublin, Ireland,
but now am now living in the beautiful city of Atlanta, Georgia. I am a freshman in the
Elliott School of International Affairs majoring in International Affairs, with a
concentration in Security Policy and a minor in French. This is my first time as a
WAMUNC Chair, and I’m very excited! I hold duel citizenship with the US and Ireland,
and so am naturally very interested in the issues of Northern Ireland, or “The Troubles”
as they are referred to back home.
I am joined by your Co-Chair, Patrick Smith. Patrick is originally from Cape Cod,
Massachusetts but now lives in Sunny South Florida. While not hailing from Ireland
proper, Patrick's family comes from County Longford in the north of the Republic of
Ireland. He is a freshman in the Columbian College of Arts and Sciences with a double
major in Political Science and International Affairs, with a concentration in International
Development. Patrick is bilingual in Gaelic and is looking forward to sharing his love of
Éire with of the delegates.
This committee will be running with the typical parliamentary procedure used in General
Assemblies with a slight crisis feel. As it runs over the course of several years, we will
keep you updated on the events to help guide debate and settlements. You will each by
representing different groups or special people who took part in the actual negotiations
back in 1990. Some of you will have official characters, Madeline Albright as the US
Secretary of State for example. However, there will also be those of you who will be
representatives of different political groups, such as Sinn Féin. Each had their own heads
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throughout the negotiations, and some of them were very interesting personalities that, at
times used their parties to achieve their own personal goals even if it meant contradicting
their own party’s principles and ideologies. With that said, Patrick and I are leaving it up
to you all to see how you will embrace the roles you have been given. You must be able
to consider both the party you are representing and the head of that party when deciding
what you wish to achieve in the negotiations.
As a special note, it is very important that you all treat this issue with the sensitivity it is
owed. This issue has plagued this region for many, many years. Therefore, Patrick and I
ask that you treat and approach it with the utmost professionalism and not as an
opportunity to simply ‘bomb’ your opponents and the like.
Although this is a historical committee, do not feel restricted to do only what your party
ended up doing during the negotiations. If you find through your research that your party
was shortchanged or didn’t pursue a certain policy aggressively enough, then by all
means act on that. This is your chance to rewrite history, so go for it!
With that being said, I wish you nothing but the best as you embark on your research. I
hope to be greeted at the start of the conference by a committee full of students well-
prepared, and eager to delegate. Both Patrick and I look forward to meeting you all in
March.
Best,
Amy O’Halloran
Co-Chair, Northern Ireland Peace Settlement Negotiations
WAMUNC XIV
Patrick Smith
Co-Chair, Northern Ireland Peace Settlement Negotiations
WAMUNC XIV
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History of the Division of Ireland
Although the time of this committee
does not begin until the 1990s, it is very
important for all delegates present at
these negotiations to have a thorough
and complete understanding of the
history of Ireland and Northern Ireland.
Such history is important to
understanding how to formulate
solutions to the problems, and your
understanding should be reflected in
whatever sort of agreement is formed as
a result of the negotiations. The
following should aid in your
appreciation for the history and
complexity of ‘The Troubles.’
1912–1922
By the 1920s, Home Rule in Ireland was
on the brink of collapse due to the
agitation of the Irish Parliamentary
Party. In response, mostly Protestant
Unionists, concentrated in Ulster,
resisted independence for Ireland due to
their fear of losing their position in a
predominately Catholic country. This
fear led to these unionists signing the
Ulster Covenant in 1912 under the
leadership of Edward Carson that was
their official pledge to resist Home Rule
by all means, including force, if
necessary. This pledge led to them
forming the paramilitary group the
Ulster Volunteers, and to fund their
efforts began importing arms from
Germany. Interestingly enough, those
involved in the Easter Rising resorted to
similar deals prior to 1916.
The rise of such a group would naturally
not go unnoticed or without reaction.
Therefore, nationalists formed the Irish
Volunteers to oppose the Ulster
Volunteers. The outbreak of the First
World War in 1914 temporarily averted
the crisis of possible civil war and
delayed any current quest for the Irish
independence. Home Rule also was
suspended during this time given the
circumstances.
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Following the nationalist Easter Rising
in Dublin in 1916 by the Irish
Republican Brotherhood, the Sinn Fein
party used the emotional momentum
they had received from the events to win
a majority of seats in Ireland and set up
the First Dáil (Irish Parliament) in
Dublin. Their victorious run was also
fueled by the public’s fear of mass
conscription into the British Army. With
this election, and subsequent formation
of the Dáil, Ireland had officially
seceded from the United Kingdom. The
Irish War of Independence followed,
which ultimately lead to official Irish
independence. In Ulster however, the
Sinn Fein movement was nowhere near
as successful due to differing political
opinions on Irish rule.
Due to these political differences, The
Government of Ireland Act 1920
partitioned the island of Ireland into two
separate jurisdictions, Southern Ireland
and Northern Ireland. This partition of
Ireland was confirmed when the
Parliament of Northern Ireland exercised
its right in December 1922 under the
Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921 to remove
itself from the newly established Irish
Free State.
Northern Ireland remained a part of the
United Kingdom, though it operated
under its own Parliament and
government systems. While this
arrangement met the desires of unionists
to remain part of the United Kingdom,
nationalists vehemently opposed this
partition due to the fact that they
considered the division of Ireland illegal
and unauthorized.
Northern Ireland came into being in a
violent manner with over 500 people
killed in between the years of 1920 and
1922. Most of those killed were
Catholic. As a result of this, tension
grew between the Catholic and
Protestant communities due to the fact
that both were falling victim to the
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other’s aggression. This tension would
eventually get worse and linger for many
decades in the long run.
1922–1966
Sir James Craig, the first Prime Minister
of Northern Ireland notably said: "all I
boast is that we are a Protestant
Parliament and Protestant State."
A lasting consequence of the Irish Civil
War, which would later have a major
impact on Northern Ireland and its
politics, was the survival of a
marginalized remnant of the Irish
Republican Army. It was illegal in both
Irish states and ideologically committed
to overthrowing both by force of arms to
re-establish the Irish Republic 1919-
1921. In response, the Northern Irish
government passed the Civil Authorities
Act 1922 which gave the power to the
government and police to do virtually
anything seen as necessary to re-
establish or preserve law and order.
Unfortunately, the Act continued to be
invoked to restore order long after its
causes for creation had subsided.
After the initial turmoil of the early
1920s, there were occasional incidents of
sectarian unrest in Northern Ireland.
These included a brief and ineffective
IRA campaign in the 1940s, and another
abortive IRA campaign between 1956
and 1962. By the early 1960s Northern
Ireland was fairly stable.
History of ‘The Troubles’
There is little agreement on the exact
date of the start of the Troubles.
Different writers have suggested
different dates. These include the
formation of the UVF in 1966, the civil
rights march in Derry on 5 October
1968, the beginning of the 'Battle of the
Bogside' on 12 August 1969 or the
deployment of British troops on 14
August 1969.
Emergence of the Ulster Volunteer
Force
The UVF has been classified as a
loyalist paramilitary organization,
deemed illegal by the government,
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which formed in response to a perceived
revival of the IRA around 1966 on the
anniversary of the Easter Rising. The
UVF began a campaign designed to
intimidate the Catholic community
through a series of attacks. The most
notable first attack came against a
Catholic-owned off-license on the
Shankhill Road. UVF members painted
sectarian graffiti on the neighboring
house and threw a petrol bomb through
the window, killing one person.
On 21 May 1966, the UVF issued a
statement:
“From this day, we declare war against
the IRA and its splinter groups. Known
IRA men will be executed mercilessly
and without hesitation. Less extreme
measures will be taken against anyone
sheltering or helping them, but if they
persist in giving them aid, then more
extreme methods will be adopted . . . we
solemnly warn the authorities to make
no more speeches of appeasement. We
are heavily armed Protestants dedicated
to this cause.”
On 11 June 1966, the UVF shot and
killed Catholic store owner John Patrick
Scullion in west Belfast. On 26 June
1966, another UVF gun attack in west
Belfast killed Catholic barman Peter
Ward and seriously injured three others.
On 30 March 1969, a UVF bomb
exploded at an electricity station in
Castlereagh, which resulted in
widespread blackouts. Throughout the
month of April, five bombs exploded at
electricity stations and water pipelines. It
was hoped that these attacks would be
blamed on the IRA, forcing moderate
unionists to increase their opposition to
the reforms of Terence O'Neill's
government.”
- Nelson, Sarah. "Ulster's
Uncertain Defenders: Protestant
Political Paramilitary and
Community Groups and the
Northern Ireland Conflict"
Riots of August 1969
This disorder culminated in the Battle of
the Bogside that began on August 12th
,
1969 and ended on August 14th
, 1969.
The riot involved Catholic residents of
the Bogside. The rioting grew in such
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intensity that British Army troops were
sent in to restore order, however no such
order would be restored given that the
riots were direct protests of British rule.
The "battle" sparked vicious sectarian
rioting in areas, such as Belfast, Newry,
and Strabane on August 14th
and resulted
in mass casualties and the destruction of
a lot of homes across the region.
Nationalists alleged that the Royal Ulster
Constabulary had failed to act against,
and thus possibly aided, loyalists in
these riots. The IRA was also widely
criticized by its supporters for failing to
defend the Catholic community during
these riots when more Catholics were
injured and killed than Protestants, as
well as five times the number of
Catholics displaced from their homes
than Protestants.
As a result of the riots and number of
Catholic victims, the Republic of Ireland
officially expressed their support for the
nationalists. Such a statement was
naturally viewed as a possible threat to
military intervention, and such rumors
were only exasperated then the Irish
Army set up field hospitals along the
border to provide medical support for the
wounded. Under the orders of Taoiseach
Lynch, the Irish Army General Staff
drew up Exercise Armageddon, which
was a classified plan for possible
humanitarian intervention in Northern
Ireland. Though this plan was ultimately
rejected, it demonstrated the Republic of
Ireland’s resolve to come to the aid of
the nationalists if it saw fit.
Peak in Violence during the 1970s
The period from 1970 through 1972 saw
an explosion of political violence in
Northern Ireland, peaking in 1972 when
nearly 500 people, about half of them
civilians, lost their lives.
There are arguable multiple reasons why
the violence increased to such a degree
in these years, and quite a number of
these reasons differ based on the
interpretation of the different sides.
Naturally, these differences lie between
the Unionists and the Nationalists.
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Unionists claim that the ultimate reason
was the formation of the Provisional
Irish Republican Army (Provisional
IRA), a group that formed when the IRA
split into the Provisional and Official
groups. While the older IRA had
embraced a more non-violent civil
agitation approach to its work, the new
Provisional IRA was determined to
undergo a much more violent campaign,
or an "armed struggle" against British
rule in Northern Ireland in order to
achieve their political message and
objectives. The new IRA stated they
would serve as the protectors to the
Catholic community in the region,
something which the Official IRA were
still being criticized over following their
failure to protect civilians during the
rioting in the Bogside in 1969.
Inversely, nationalists pointed to a series
of events in these years to explain the
upsurge in violence. For example, there
was the imposing of the Falls Curfew in
July 1970, when 3,000 British troops
imposed a curfew on the nationalist
Lower Falls area of Belfast. Viewing
this curfew as a direct threat on the
Catholic community, the Provisional
IRA followed through on their promise
and moved in to aid their supporters.
This ultimately lead to an intense gun
battler, where the British ended up firing
more than 1,500 rounds of ammunition
in gun battles with the IRA and killing
four people. Another event they point to
was the 1971 introduction of internment
without trial in the judicial system in the
country. Between 1971 and 1975, 1,981
people were detained—1,874 were
Catholic, or republican, while 107 were
Protestant and/or loyalist. There were
widespread accusations of abuse and
even torture of detainees. The "five
techniques" that the police and army
used for interrogation were ruled to be
illegal following a British government
inquiry. Nationalists ultimately said that
the main reason for the upsurge in
violence was the fatal shootings of
fourteen unarmed nationalist civil rights
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demonstrators by the British Army in
Derry on 30 January 1972, on what
became infamously known as Bloody
Sunday.
The Provisional IRA, also known as the
‘Provos,’ soon established itself as the
defender of the nationalist community,
and were especially seen as such
following their defending of the Lower
Falls residents mentioned previously.
Despite the increasingly reformist and
Marxist politics of the Official IRA, it
also undertook a similar armed
campaign in reaction to the ongoing
violence in 1971.
In 1972, the Provisional IRA killed
approximately 100 soldiers, wounded
500 more and carried out approximately
1,300 bombings. The bombing campaign
killed many civilians, notably on Bloody
Friday on 21 July, when 22 bombs were
set off in the center of Belfast killing
seven civilians and two soldiers. After
seeing the extent of civilian casualties of
all religious and political groups, the
Official IRA called off its armed
campaign.
The loyalist paramilitaries, including the
Ulster Volunteer Force and the newly
formed Ulster Defense Association,
responded to the increasing violence
from the nationalists with a joint
campaign that entailed the assassination
of nationalists, or Catholics. Such
discrimination also lead to the forced
mass displacement of both Catholics and
Protestants deemed to be living in
communities which were too greatly
mixed of both religions. It even occurred
in areas that had seen little to no
sectarian violence on the part of the
residents.
As a result of the violence, the British
government no longer believed that the
government in place in Northern Ireland
could handle the situation. Therefore,
they soon took over the control of law
and order through attempting to impose
more martial law. Following resistance
from the local government, the British
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government pushed through emergency
legislation (the Northern Ireland
(Temporary Provisions) Act 1972) that
introduced "direct rule” from London,
thus incapacitating the local government
from responding.
Sunningdale Agreement and UWC Strike
In June 1973, with the publication of a
British White Paper and a referendum in
March, a new parliamentary body was
formed called the Northern Ireland
Assembly. In October 1973, the
Sunningdale Agreement was negotiated
with the goal being that a political
settlement could be reached. It allowed
for ‘power sharing’ to occur and was
intended to promote greater cooperation
than had since been seen.
Unfortunately, the agreement collapsed
due to the formation and rise in power of
the Ulster Worker’s Council. The
Council rose to power through the
coordination of a strike that gravely hurt
business in the country because it cut off
the essential services such as water and
electricity. Many nationalists argued that
the British government did not do
enough to curtail it even though they
arguably had the power to stop its
effects. This ultimately led to too great
political pressure and thus the regime
behind the agreement collapsed.
Growing Desire for a Peaceful End to
the Conflict
In April 1974,
the ban that had
been placed
upon the UVF
was lifted, thus
no longer
making it an
illegal
organization.
That December,
the IRA
declared a ceasefire, which provided the
hope that sectarian killings would soon
decrease and eventually completely stop.
However, during this time, the rivalry
between these opposing groups grew to
such a degree that there was a huge
escalation in the number of sectarian
killings seen during 1975. This rise in
violence lead to the British government
reinstating the ban against the UVF in
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October of 1975 which thus made it
illegal once again. On top of this, the end
of the Provisional IRA’s ceasefire in
1976 led to an even greater amount of
violence seen in the country. This
resulted in a loss in optimism that the
British forces would be able to withdraw
quickly from the country. Therefore,
strategists had to begin looking at what
would soon become known as the ‘Long
War.’ This meant that forces would be
less present and involved but that there
would be a continued, sustained amount
of violence over a long, indefinite period
of time. The only positive thing that cam
out of this violent time was the Official
IRA ceasefire of 1972 became
permanent and led to the formation of
the official Worker’s Party, which
completely rejected the use of violence
for political gain.
By the end of the 1970s, most people in
both communities were growing
increasingly weary by the amounts of
violence and killings seen throughout the
decade. This weariness lead to the
formation of the Peace People, whose
actions eventually won them the Nobel
Peace Prize in 1976 because they
organized many protests and campaigns
calling for the end of paramilitary
violence. Unfortunately, their message
was tainted by the fact that they were
deemed to being more critical of
paramilitary groups than of security
forces.
Hunger strikes and the emergence of
Sinn Féin
After having failed to maintain political
stability in Northern Ireland, the British
Government decided to take a different
approach and attempt to normalize the
situation there. This normalization
included both the removal of internment
without trial and the removal of political
status for paramilitary prisoners, which
led to prisoners being tried in the
Diplock prisons in a juryless trial. If
convicted, given the removal of political
status amongst prisoners, they were
treated instead as ordinary prisoners.
Such decisions prompted huge resistance
amongst prisoners that thus lead to the
infamous hunger strikes.
In the 1981
Irish Hunger
Strike, ten
prisoners
starved
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themselves to death. These events drew
an overwhelming emotional response
from the public due to the pain of the
prisoners’ ordeal as well as the lack of a
response from the British government,
including Margaret Thatcher’s infamous
inaction as the prisoners came close to
death.
Following this outpouring of support, the
Provisional IRA’s political wing, Sinn
Fein, began to run and contest the
political elections in Northern Ireland.
Following their official recognition of
the Dáil, more members of the
Provisional IRA broke away and became
Republican Sinn Fein members.
Topic 1: Bring a Permanent End to
Violence in Northern Ireland
In December 1993, John Major and
Albert Reynoldson issued the Joint
Declaration on Peace (more commonly
known as the Downing Street
Declaration) on behalf of the British and
Irish governments. The declaration
would eventually serve as the basis for
the coming negotiations as it included
statements that the British government
had no "selfish strategic or economic"
interest in Northern Ireland.
It also stated that the British government
would uphold the right of the people of
Northern Ireland to decide between the
Union with Great Britain or a united
Ireland.
The people of the island of Ireland,
North and South, had the exclusive right
to solve the issues between North and
South.
As mentioned previously, talks in most
forms had been going on since the late
1980s given the fact that all sides wished
for a peaceful solution to occur, but no
one side wanted to give up their apparent
military advantage and come across as
the weaker side.
As early as the 1980s, talks between the
leaders of the two main Irish nationalist
parties in Northern Ireland, John Hume
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of the Social Democratic and Labor
Party (SDLP), and Gerry Adams of Sinn
Féin (SF) were occurring and continued
throughout the decade. These talks led to
a series of joint statements and
propositions on how both sides wished
for the conflict to come to an end and
strategies on how they wished for it to
occur.
Your job as delegates in this committee
will be to address the final outcome of
Northern Ireland and to lay out a
framework for a solution that will
provide incentives for all the
paramilitary groups involved to lay
down their arms and cease their violent
activities. Given the accelerated nature
of time in this committee, this solution
will have to come very quickly as there
are still certain groups who are not
trusted by some of the other groups
involved in such discussions. Therefore,
we will be starting in a secondary
speaker’s list so as to ensure that this
topic is addressed quickly and
cohesively and so we do not waste too
much time debating which topic is to be
debated first. We will not move on to
topic two until an agreement has been
reached on topic one.
Questions to consider:
1. Should the police and military have
been given a more active role in ending
the violence through ensuring the
upholding of the ceasefires declared?
2. Should more of the parties, not simply
the governments of Britain and the
Republic of Ireland, been considered in
the Downing Street Declaration
considering the fact that it proved
essential to the future multi party talks?
Why did the separate governments not
punish the action by the police and
military later acknowledged to be wrong
further?
3. Would you consider, given your
party’s position, providing immunity to
those who orchestrated violent acts
before the ceasefires were declared? 4.
What kind of incentives will you provide
or like seen in order for the violence to
end?
Topic 2: Work Towards a Peace
Accord between the Disputing Parties
and the Governments of the United
Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland
First ceasefire
Following quite a lot of background
work, along with an overwhelming
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desire for some kind of political and
military ceasefire, the loyalist and
republican paramilitaries declared
ceasefires in 1994.
On 31 August 1994, the Provisional IRA
declared a ceasefire. The loyalist
paramilitaries temporarily united in the
"Combined Loyalist Military
Command,” which was created around
six weeks later. Albeit these ceasefires
and this unity failed in the short run,
these events marked an effective end to
large-scale political violence in the
Troubles and provided greater hope and
more determination for a peaceful
agreement in the long run.
In 1995, given President Bill Clinton’s
vested interest in the region and in
resoling the conflict itself, the US
appointed George Mitchell as the United
States Special Envoy to Northern
Ireland. Mitchell was named and
recognized as the only envoy from the
US government, and it was well
established that he would be able to
accurately represent the direct interests
of both the US and Bill Clinton
personally. Both the British and Irish
governments agreed to allow Mitchell to
chair an international commission on
disarmament of the paramilitary groups
and aid in their transition into legitimate
political groups.
Second ceasefire
On 9 February 1996, less than two years
after the declaration of the ceasefire, the
IRA revoked it with the Docklands
Bombing in the Canary Wharf area of
London, killing two people and causing
£85 million in damage to the city's
financial center. Sinn Féin blamed the
failure of the ceasefire on the UK
government's refusal to begin all-party
negotiations until the IRA
decommissioned its weapons.
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The IRA reinstated their ceasefire in July
1997, as negotiations for the document
that would become known as the Good
Friday Agreement were starting without
Sinn Féin. It was largely believed that
this sudden change in tactic and
declaration of a ceasefire was due to
pressure from Gerry Adams himself on
the IRA following his visit to America,
in which Sinn Fein as a political
organization was able to raise funds and
further legitimize itself as a political
organization. Such pressure eventually
led to Sinn Fein signing the Mitchell
Principles in September of 1997 that
allowed for them to participate in the
talks.
This second ceasefire proved even more
helpful towards the cause of peace. The
UVF was the first paramilitary group to
split as a result of their ceasefire, and
this resulted in the formation of the
Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF) in 1996.
In December 1997, the INLA
assassinated LVF leader Billy Wright,
leading to a series of revenge killings of
Catholics by loyalist groups.
Additionally, a further split of the IRA
occurred when a group of Republicans
split from the Provisional IRA and
formed the Real IRA. This split was
largely due to the fact that the
Provisional IRA, under Sinn Fein, was
moving away from violent tactics in
order to remain a part of the peace talks.
Although there as a worry that such
smaller groups could derail the progress
the peace talks were making at this time,
most of them were in fact discredited or
not seen as legitimate threats. However,
they were still capable of violence and
occasionally were successful in
reminding the public of their abilities
with sporadic acts of violence. Due to
their fading legitimacy in this vein, the
INLA eventually declared a ceasefire
after the Belfast Agreement of 1998.
As a result of the success of the
ceasefires, talks began between all the
main political parties in Northern Ireland
to establish political agreement. These
talks led to the Belfast Agreement of
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1998, or the ‘Good Friday Agreement.’
This agreement restored self-government
to Northern Ireland on the basis of
"power-sharing,” which had been used
previously and what had been the hope
since the beginning of the peace process.
Given the complexity of the issue, any
and all solutions laid out in the
agreement must accommodate all parties
involved fairly and equally. However, it
will also be your chance to rewrite
history and include certain provisions
that were not previously mentioned or
could not be agreed upon in the original
negotiations. Also, for those of you who
are representing smaller, lesser-known
organizations it will be your chance for
your group to have a larger voice than it
had before.
Any agreement that is considered should
ideally be based upon the intricacies of
the original Belfast Agreement, therefore
familiarity with the different strands and
constitutionals provisions will be crucial
to creating a document which stands up
to the issue. Please keep in mind that this
document not need be a long one,
especially considering that the original
one was not a long one at all, but should
contain the specifics necessary to cover
all aspects that you believe are important
in this issue.
Questions to Consider:
1. Why were more parties not considered
in the final agreement?
2. Were the opinions of all parties
involved fully respected in the formation
of this agreement?
3. How different would this document if
more parties were involved in the
negotiations?
4. What could/should have been done
differently within this agreement to
ensure a smoother transition?
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Works Cited
David McKittrick, Seamus Kelters, Brian Feeney and Chris Thornton (1999), Lost Lives:
The stories of the men, women and children who died as a result of the Northern Ireland
troubles, Mainstream Publishing Company.
Greg Harkin and Martin Ingram (2004), Stakeknife: Britain's secret agents in Ireland,
O'Brien Press (18 Feb 2004)
Richard English, Armed Struggle: The History of the IRA, Oxford University Press (23
Dec 2004)
Richard English, 'The Interplay of Non-violent and Violent Action in Northern Ireland,
1967-72', in Adam Roberts and Timothy Garton Ash (eds.), Civil Resistance and Power
Politics: The Experience of Non-violent Action from Gandhi to the Present, Oxford
University Press, 2009
Kevin Myers, Watching the Door A Memoir 1971–1978, Lilliput Press, Dublin (16 Oct
2006)
Tim Pat Coogan, 'Ireland in the Twentieth Century', Palgrave Macmillan (16 February
2006)
Peter Taylor, Behind the Mask: The IRA and Sinn Féin, TV books, Inc., New York, 1997,
Kevin Toolis, ' Rebel Hearts: Journeys Within the IRA's Soul, Picador 2000
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