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Good Practice in Working Children’s Participation: A Case Study from Bangladesh Prepared for the Save the Children Alliance Task Group on Children and Work

Emily Delap December 2003

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Preface In March 2003, the Save the Children Alliance Task Group on Children and Work commissioned case study research on working children‟s participation. This research explores the impacts and lessons learnt from working children‟s participation in seven Save the Children (SC) supported programmes in five countries. This report provides case study evidence from Bangladesh. Reports are also available on case study evidence from India, Central America, Senegal and Brazil, and on desk-based research on working children‟s participation. These reports will be available on the Save the Children Alliance Website from April 2004. A final report, synthesising all of the case study evidence and providing key principles for the effective participation of working children, will also be available from April 2004 in English, and from June 2004 in French and Spanish. To obtain a copy of this report, visit the Save the Children Alliance Website, or contact the Child Rights and Protection Team Administrator at Save the Children UK: E-mail: childrights@SCFUK.org.uk Before the 13th of April 2004: Save the Children UK 17 Grove Lane London SE5 8RD From the 13th of April 2004: Save the Children 1 St John‟s Lane London EC1M 4BL

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Introduction .................................................................................................................. 4

1. Definitions ......................................................................................................... 5 Participation ............................................................................................................... 5

Child Work................................................................................................................. 5

2. Context .............................................................................................................. 6 Children‟s participation in Bangladesh ...................................................................... 6

The situation of urban working children in Bangladesh ............................................ 6

Organisational context of supporting organisations .................................................. 7

3. The programmes .............................................................................................. 9 Child Brigade ............................................................................................................. 9

CSID‟s work with disabled street and working children ......................................... 12

4. Impact of working children’s participation ................................................ 14 Impacts on children .................................................................................................. 14

Impact on NGOs and service providers ................................................................... 17

Impact on communities ............................................................................................ 18

Impact on policies and policy makers ...................................................................... 18

5. Issues raised by working children’s participation ...................................... 20 Organisational context and children‟s role in setting agendas................................. 20

Staff capacity and commitment ............................................................................... 21

The importance of working with other actors .......................................................... 21

Should independent children‟s organisations be the ultimate goal? ........................ 22

Compensating for children‟s time ............................................................................ 23

Diversity and inclusion ............................................................................................ 23

Conclusion .................................................................................................................. 26

References ................................................................................................................... 27

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Introduction In March 2003, the Save the Children Alliance Task Group on Children and Work commissioned case study research on working children‟s participation. This research aims to provide an evidence base to encourage greater participation of working children in the activities of key organisations concerned with children‟s work. The case study research explores the impacts and lessons learnt from working children‟s participation in seven programmes supported by Save the Children (SC) in five countries. This report presents findings from a review of programmes on urban working children supported by Save the Children Sweden-Denmark in Bangladesh1. It focuses mainly on the activities of Child Brigade, a child-led organisation of urban working children, and the Centre for Services and Information on Disability (CSID), a Bangladeshi NGO which uses children‟s advocacy activities to encourage the mainstreaming of disability issues in urban service provision. It also briefly explores working children‟s2 participation in the development of Bangladesh‟s National Plan of Action for Children (NPA), and in recent activities with girls living and working on the streets. The review took place in December 2003, during a 10 day visit to Bangladesh. It involved a review of project documents, including existing evaluation reports, and discussions with working children and their parents, project staff, and policy makers3. This report is divided into five sections. Section one provides definitions of participation, and of child work. Section two provides contextual information on the situation of working children in Bangladesh, local beliefs about children‟s participation, and the organisations involved in the programmes reviewed. Section three describes the programmes and children‟s participation within them. Section four looks at the impact of children‟s participation. Section five examines some the issues that have been raised by children‟s participation and the lessons that have been learnt from this process.

1 Save the Children Sweden and Save the Children Denmark have been running a joint programme in

Bangladesh since March 2003. Prior to this time, Save the Children Sweden supported the activities of

the two case study organisations. For the purposes of this report, Save the Children Sweden-Denmark

will be referred to as “SC”. 2 „Working children‟ refers to working children with and without disabilities.

3 I would like to thank staff at SC, Child Brigade and CSID, and the child members of Child Brigade

and CSID advocacy groups for all the valuable time that they gave me. Sarah White‟s 2001 report on

Child Brigade was also found to be especially helpful.

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1. Definitions

Participation

There are wide ranging definitions and understandings of children‟s participation. This research uses the definition developed for the Save the Children Alliance position on children‟s participation: “Children and young people thinking for themselves, expressing their views effectively, and interacting in a positive way with other people. It means involving boys and girls in the decisions which effect their lives, the lives of their community, and the larger society in which they live.” Within this definition, it is helpful to distinguish between different types of participation. In his report „Old Enough to Work, Old Enough to Have a Say‟, Tolfree outlines three different types of children‟s participation.

Consultation: Children and young people‟s opinions are sought in the design, implementation and/ or evaluation of programming or advocacy activities.

Organisation: Children and young people come together around a common problem, issue or cause to take collective action. This could be for a one off event, such as a theatre show, or to assist in managing or fully managing an entire programme or organisation.

Protagonism: Children and young people develop the capacity to express their own rights and needs by developing conceptual and articulation skills and confidence. This often has a political component whereby they use the media or take part in demonstrations to express their views to wider society. Its is often also a group activity.

It is important to note from the outset that no value judgement is placed on any of these categories of participation, as different types of participation may be appropriate in different contexts and with different groups of children.

Child Work

A child is defined according to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child as anyone aged under eighteen. Child work is used in its broadest sense to include paid and unpaid activities, in and outside the home.

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2. Context

Children’s participation in Bangladesh

A recent analysis of child rights in Bangladesh commissioned by SC found that: „Although children‟s involvement in the household economy is accepted, Bangladesh society does not generally recognise children‟s agency or the notion of children‟s participation even in affairs affecting them.‟ (Singh, 2003, p.2) The analysis found that this ambivalence towards children‟s right to participate exists at all levels. Within families and communities, there is a strong belief in the values of parental guidance and responsibility, which may be in conflict with the idea of children as active participants in decision making. Government policies have tended to take a paternalistic and protective view of children. Although some efforts have been made to include children in the policy making process (see evidence on the NPA below), ideas of children as active participants have not yet found widespread acceptance in government circles (Singh, 2003). Interviews with NGO staff and children as part of this research support these findings. Staff at SC and at Child Brigade have found numerous barriers to, and misunderstanding about, their attempts to promote children‟s participation. For example, they have encountered a general lack of awareness of child rights, and of children‟s participation, within the development community. Indeed for many, even the concept of adult participation is relatively new. Children at Child Brigade and CSID told of a number of instances of adults from other NGOs failing to listen to their views or blocking their participation in other ways when they took part in children‟s consultations. In one instance, adult staff failed to inform security guards that children would be visiting their offices, and children were prevented from entering as a result. Despite these challenges, there is evidence to suggest that progress is being made. As shown below, exposure to children‟s analysis and problem solving skills has greatly impressed adult policy makers and development workers, and is leading to space being made for children‟s voices to be heard. A key catalyst for change appears to have been children‟s involvement in the build up to the UN Special Session on Children in New York in 2002.

The situation of urban working children in Bangladesh

Estimates of the number of working children in Bangladesh vary greatly, with some suggesting that there are as many as 20 million children working (Singh, 2003). Whilst the vast majority of these children work in rural areas, there are a large number of working children in Bangladesh‟s cities. Research in the capital Dhaka‟s slum communities suggests that as many as 30% of children living in the slums are engaged in income generating work, with many more children doing unpaid housework activities (Delap 2001). Following the threat of US trade sanctions in the 1990s, attention on urban child work in Bangladesh was focused on the garment sector. In recent years there has also been a growing recognition of children‟s involvement in domestic service, and in less formalised occupations such as selling goods on the streets, working in small production units, breaking bricks for use in construction, and collecting waste for recycling. Some estimates suggest that in Dhaka alone there are as many as one million child domestic

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workers, and that a further one million children are working in some capacity on the streets (Singh, 2003). The experience of child work in urban Bangladesh is different for different groups of working children. Boys are engaged in a wider range of occupations than girls, who have far less choice about the types of work that they do. Girls are more likely to be involved in domestic service than boys, and make greater contributions to housework activities. Boys are more likely to be involved in shop work, production in the urban informal sector, and in street selling than girls. Work increases with age, with the highest proportion of working children falling within the twelve to eighteen year age range. Evidence suggests that the gender divide gets stronger as children get older. Once girls reach puberty, norms of purdah may place greater restrictions on their movement and have an impact on their work. Older boys are less likely to contribute to housework activities once they become young „men‟ and are more likely to be engaged in physically arduous occupations (Delap 2001). Evidence suggests that there are thousands of disabled children working in Dhaka. A lack of work opportunities due to discriminatory employers means that the vast majority of these children are involved in begging. A few also work as shop workers, street sellers and domestic servants. Disabled children may be more vulnerable to abuse within work. They frequently receive verbal, and sometimes physical, abuse from employers, co-workers, customers and the public. They may also be less able to protect themselves than children without disabilities. In addition, families may fail to recognise the contributions made by working children with disabilities, often viewing them as an embarrassing burden (CSID 1999). Children‟s work in urban Bangladesh is brought about by a wide range of factors, with poverty as perhaps the most prominent cause. Comparisons of different slum households suggest that children‟s participation in the workforce increases as incomes go down. Other determinants of the types and amounts of work that children do include gender norms, which mean that sons often go out to work whilst mothers remain within the home, and the lack of good quality education opportunities. Parents are often extremely keen to ensure that their children do not remain idle and at risk of becoming involved in criminal activities (Delap 2001). The effects of child work in urban Bangladesh vary greatly, depending on factors such as occupation, and the age of the child. Some forms of work may have beneficial implications for children, teaching them new skills or providing them with the income they need to pay for schooling. However, much of the work that children do is harmful, with children working for long hours in often hazardous conditions. Children working on the streets face harassment from the police, sometimes leading to arrest and detention, and from mastans (local gangsters), who try and entice children into criminal activities. Children in less visible occupations such as domestic service are vulnerable to abuse, and are often isolated from friends and family.

Organisational context of supporting organisations

Save the Children Save the Children Sweden-Denmark supports the work of both Child Brigade and CSID, and has worked on child rights issues in Bangladesh for several years. Globally SC has a long and varied history of involving children in decision making. For example, SC Sweden supports working children‟s movements in seven countries, and views

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encouraging greater levels of children‟s participation as a core goal. In Bangladesh, SC has been working on children‟s participation for over ten years.

CSID The Centre for Services and Information on Disability (CSID) was established in 1997 with the aim of conducting research and raising awareness and information exchange on disability issues, and of enhancing the skills and capacity of disabled people in Bangladesh. It has a total of 21 staff members. Aside from its support of disabled street and working children in Dhaka, it also has a study/research programme, an information network on disability issues, and a community based rehabilitation programme in Barisal in South-West Bangladesh. Prior to the project reviewed in this report, CSID had worked with disabled children within its community based rehabilitation project in Barisal, but had not implemented child focused programmes, and had not been involved in children‟s participation.

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3. The programmes

Child Brigade

History and current activities SC established Child Brigade in 1995. The idea behind its inception came from a group of working boys who felt excluded from existing NGO provision and made repeated requests to SC staff to establish an initiative for them. Initially, SC aimed to establish a waste management scheme that would enable the boys to conduct their existing waste collection activities in a safer, more profitable and more environmentally friendly way. The waste management scheme encountered numerous problems and the boys‟ disillusionment with it eventually led to SC dropping the scheme, and Child Brigade entering a new phase. In 1997, child members of Child Brigade conducted day and night surveys of areas where children were known to be working on the streets. They then chose four of these areas as sites for future activities, and drew up new objectives for the organisation. During the following years, Child Brigade focused on education for working children in these four sites. Realising that existing curriculums did not reflect the needs of working children, members of Child Brigade, facilitated by an adult „animator‟, developed „Babloo‟, an education pack for working children. „Babloo‟ uses stories about working children‟s lives to teach functional literacy and survival skills. Children involved in Child Brigade take the pack into communities to teach and facilitate discussions amongst other working children. In recent years, Child Brigade has continued to evolve. Members have been trained in using Theatre for Development (TfD) skills to identify, share and discuss solutions to the problems faced by urban working children. Child Brigade has established closer links with other NGOs to gain support in health care and legal advice for working children. A monitoring cell has been established to give children help when they are harassed by the police or mastans. Two children in each of the four areas where Child Brigade works are given a mobile phone number to ring if children are arrested. A core member of Child Brigade, along with the adult animator, will then negotiate with authorities and provide support to the children. In the last three months, three to four cases have been brought the attention of the monitoring cell, leading to the release of two children from custody. Child Brigade‟s members are also frequently invited to consultations with children, including those surrounding the NPA (see box below). Efforts are currently underway to identify the role that „graduated‟ members of Child Brigade should play. These are adults who are no longer eligible to be members of Child Brigade because they have reached the age of eighteen, but who are still keen to be involved. They currently play a role as „Advisers‟ to Child Brigade.

Structure and membership There are ten core members of Child Brigade, the Core Group, who are responsible for the day to day running of the organisation, and for Child Brigade‟s education and advocacy activities. There are an additional five Shadow Group members, who are effectively trainee Core Group members. Initially, Core and Shadow Group members were not paid for their activities. SC instead involved them in various income generating activities, including candle making and bill pasting, to ensure that they and their families had enough income to survive. However, this proved untenable, and all Core and

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Shadow Group members of Child Brigade now receive a small monthly income. In return, Core and Shadow Group members have to attend a local night school regularly. There are approximately 50 to 60 General members of Child Brigade who participate in the education and advocacy activities organised by the Core and Shadow Group members. In addition, there are several volunteer members, who are not working children, and are therefore not eligible to join Child Brigade, but who are interested in its activities and want to take part. The volunteers help the Core Group members with their work. As Child Brigade evolved from a group of male friends, its initial membership was exclusively male. However, as is discussed in more detail below, girls have begun to enter Child Brigade in recent years. There are now three girls in the Shadow Group, and approximately a quarter of the General members are girls. Two children with disabilities are also involved in Child Brigade. Most of the children involved in Child Brigade either are, or used to be, involved in self-employed or part-time work in a wide range of often street based occupations. The General Members are aged between ten and seventeen and the Core and Shadow Groups between twelve and seventeen. Core and Shadow Group members are elected during meetings of the General members, which take place every few months. All Core Group members must first be Shadow Group members. When Child Brigade members attend external meetings, children are selected by the rest of the membership. Choices are made on the basis of ability, and efforts are also made to ensure that a range of children are able to attend these meetings, and that less able children build up their capacities to take part.

Support from adults and partner agencies There are currently two adult animators working for Child Brigade, one male and one female. The role of the animators has evolved along with Child Brigade. Initially the animators played a central role in decision making, but as the children‟s capacities have developed, the animators have handed over more and more decision making power. The animators continue to help facilitate discussions, to resolve disputes between children, and to assist in negotiations with the authorities and with other NGOs. They also provide children with some of the information they need to make decisions in an informed way. SC continues to monitor Child Brigade‟s progress and to initiate discussions on issues or problems that Child Brigade should be addressing. Where possible, both the animators and SC staff put the emphasis on the children themselves doing the problem solving. The adults regard their role as facilitators of these discussions. An extract from Sarah White‟s report on Child Brigade describing responses to an incident in which one member of Child Brigade hit another provides an excellent illustration of the techniques used.

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Example of the role that adult animators play in Child Brigade:

„At the end of the story, everyone falls silent. Then Bhaiya [the adult animator]

speaks. This is something serious. What are we going to do about it, how will we

sort it out? We can‟t just let it go, or Kamal might go and beat someone else again

another time. How do you generally deal with it when one of the members breaks one

of the rules? The answer comes readily: they hold a bichar, a hearing amongst themselves to determine punishment….. The group talks over what they should do. Kamal isn‟t there so they cannot hold a proper bichar. But they could do a mock one with someone standing in for Kamal, as a way of talking through the options and working out what should be done. What kind of punishment should they use? One would be to give Kamal, such a beating as would pay back all of the beatings that he had given …..Saluddin has been quiet, distancing himself from the process, so Bhaiya asks him directly, is a Bichar needed? Saluddin‟s answer is equivocal: It is needed and its not needed. He then goes onto explain. Kamal, he says, Mar kheye boro hoyecche [he has grown up being beaten]. Bhaiya takes this up. He asks the group, do we need to understand what Kamal has been through if we want to judge what he has done. Monsu adds: All the places he has worked, all the beatings he has suffered. ….So they talk about Kamal. How he was arrested and kept in prison on a false charge for more than two months. His continuing chest problem and how when he first returned to the group his leg was still all swollen after being beaten „like an animal‟ in prison… As Kamal and Shapan join the group, Bhaiya shifts direction. He knows a game about trust, would they like to play?… [They play a game in which Kamal has to stand in the middle of the group and let himself fall so that others can catch him]………. When they finish, still standing in front of everyone, Bhaiya asks Kamal: were you anxious that we might drop you? Kamal: No Bhaiya: But you know what happened yesterday and that hearing about it out of everyone here I was the most angry, of everyone here, I was most strongly against you. Kamal: But even so, I know you wouldn‟t do anything to hurt me. Bhaiya: Would you have the same confidence in everyone here? Kamal: No, maybe three or four of them would have let me fall. ….. Bhaiya: If I asked you the same question a few days ago, would you have given the same answer? Kamal: No. A few days ago I had confidence in everyone. Bhaiya: So its about what happened yesterday. Kamal: Yes Bhaiya: Then we should sit down and sort it out together. (Extract from White 2001)

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SC continues to provide the bulk of Child Brigade‟s funds. In recent years, Child Brigade has begun to recognise the risks associated with being reliant on one donor and has started to seek funds from elsewhere. It has established links with a Swedish clothing company and with Save the Children‟s Sweden‟s programmes in Sweden. Child Brigade‟s yearly budget is around Tk 500,000 ($8500). This covers its offices (two rooms on the ground floor of a house), the adult animators‟ salaries, and the payments made to the Core and Shadow Group members. Categorisation of children‟s participation Using Tolfree‟s categorisation, the activities of Child Brigade can be described as both „organisation‟ and „protagonism.‟ Child Brigade members are clearly organised around the problems that they face, and are taking action to address these problems. Children have also developed the capacity to express and address their own rights and needs. Although adults still play a key role in Child Brigade, it is children who have the bulk of the power to determine its objectives, structures and activities.

CSID’s work with disabled street and working children

History and current activities As stated above, although CSID had worked with children with disabilities within its community based rehabilitation project in Barisal, it had not worked on children‟s participation before. CSID initially approached SC with a proposal for a service delivery project for urban disabled children working on the streets. However, CSID was persuaded of the value both of mainstreaming disabled children into existing service provision, and of a project which puts children at its centre. Following research on the situation of disabled children working on the streets of Dhaka and on existing service provision, CSID established two child-led advocacy groups involving a total of 44 working children aged between ten and eighteen years in 2000. These groups were formed with no set agenda, and initially children simply met to discuss the problems that they faced and possible solutions to these problems. Over time, children were encouraged to identify issues that they wanted to address through advocacy activities, and to formalise the rules and structures of the group. Children have been trained in TfD and use this tool to highlight discrimination against them in their communities. Children, and the adult animators working on the project, have meetings with service providers to highlight the problems that they face. Members of the children‟s advocacy groups attend children consultations on the NPA (see box below), and also attended the international Congress of Young Disabled People titled “Rights in to Action” held on disability in Wales, UK. The children themselves decide which children should attend these meetings and make an effort to ensure that different children get the opportunity to go to different meetings. CSID strongly believes that in addition to advocacy activities, efforts should be made to address children‟s immediate needs. As a result, children are provided wheelchairs, crutches, hearing aids and so on. CSID has also established links with UCEP, a Dhaka based NGO, which provides eighteen of the children with vocational training. Children have been directly involved in producing CSID‟s project plans since 2002. This involves a three day workshop with the children in which they identify the problems that they face, assess how successful the project has been so far in addressing these problems, and make decisions about what the future objectives of the project should be.

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Role of adults and support from partner agencies There are currently three members of CSID staff working on this initiative: two adult animators and one programme manager. As with Child Brigade, the adults mainly play a facilitation role, enabling the children to reach decisions themselves. In some cases, the adults have to steer children in the right direction if they are making ill-advised suggestions, or suggestions that are not feasible. For example, during the project planning exercise, children made suggestions that were beyond the budget of the project. These financial constraints were explained to the children who then came up with more realistic alternatives. SC provides all of the funds for the project which amount to between Tk700,000 and Tk800,000 ($12,000-$13,600) yearly. SC also monitors the progress of the project, and provides support and advice to CSID staff on how to engage children in decision making.

Categorisation of children‟s participation As with Child Brigade, the activities of CSID can be described as both „organisation‟ and „protagonism.‟ CSID advocacy group members are organised around the problems that they face and are taking action to address these problems. Children have also developed the capacity to express and address their own rights and needs. Although adults still play a key role in CSID, children clearly have a say in determining the objectives, structures and activities of the advocacy groups.

The NPA process

The development of a National Plan of Action for Children in Bangladesh is a joint

initiative of UNICEF and the Ministry of Women and Children‟s Affairs in the

Government of Bangladesh (GoB). It follows on from the UN Special Session on

Children held in 2002. Having got off to a slow start, the NPA process is now in full

swing, with the GoB aiming to have the final document ready by the spring of 2004.

In Bangladesh, as in many other countries, SC is contributing to the process through

the facilitation of a range of children‟s consultations. SC established a group of 40 to

50 children, including several children from Child Brigade and CSID, to be consulted

on the NPA around two years ago. These children have been trained in child rights,

policy making and facilitation skills. In 2003, SC organised six regional

consultations, followed up by district level consultations organised by local NGO

partners. Children involved in the national NPA group have helped to facilitate the

regional and district level discussions. The discussions have involved a total of 1500

children and have led to a list of twelve priority areas. The areas include children‟s

work, and specifically „using children in hazardous and/or illegal work, exploiting

children by not paying their wages.‟ The GoB has recently established five sectoral

committees to work on the development of the NPA. Children, along with SC

representatives, will sit on each of these committees to push for the twelve priority

areas to be addressed.

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4. Impact of working children’s participation

Impacts on children

Children‟s skills, capacity and knowledge Discussions with children and adults involved in Child Brigade and CSID provided clear evidence of an increase in children‟s skills, capacity and knowledge as a result of their participation. Children have learnt:

The value of group work: As a result of the organisational nature of children‟s participation in both Child Brigade and CSID, children have a strong belief in the value of joint problem solving. When asked what advice they would give to other children establishing an organisation similar to Child Brigade, Child Brigade graduates said: „If organised in a group you can be very powerful, if you work alone, you can‟t do anything.‟ When asked about the benefits of joining CSID, children said that they used to be „scattered,‟ but now they are „united,‟ solving their problems together. The children also talked of the value of discussing their problems openly with others in a similar position.

A commitment to helping others: Children in Child Brigade talked about the pride they felt in being able to „help other people‟ and in building other children‟s knowledge about their rights through their advocacy and teaching activities. Adult graduates of Child Brigade said that they remain committed to helping working children in the communities in which they live, and provided examples of cases where they had done so.

A commitment to non-violence: Through working out the rules of the group, members of Child Brigade have established a commitment to the non-violent resolution of problems.

A belief in the value of non-discrimination: As is discussed in more detail below, through talking to children who are different from themselves, children have gained a better understanding of the challenges faced by different groups of children. As a result, child members of Child Brigade and CSID advocacy groups have made efforts to ensure the inclusion of a wider range of children. Adults from SC also claim that these children show greater respect for other children. For example, although sexual harassment of girls is common in urban Bangladesh, they have noted that the boys involved in Child Brigade do not „tease‟ the girls.

Confidence and the ability to articulate ideas and feelings: Adults involved in both Child Brigade and CSID talked about a remarkable change in children‟s confidence as a result of their participation. Adult animators at CSID talked of how quiet and shy children were initially, forever looking at the floor and unwilling to speak. This is in marked contrast to the children now, who are lively and articulate, and even able to speak in front of large audiences at external meetings. Parents have noticed the change too. One mother said that her son „never used to be able to say anything‟ but that this has changed as a result of his engagement with CSID. Adult managers at CSID argued that the confidence boosting benefits of participation are likely to be even greater for girls, who are often not heard in their families or communities, and who have the opportunity to talk openly at CSID. Animators at Child Brigade said that a belief in themselves, and a belief that change was possible, was the single greatest benefit of children‟s participation for the children involved.

Pride and a sense of ownership: Children are immensely proud of the organisations that they have created. Graduates of Child Brigade talked about how happy they felt to see an organisation that started on the streets now established in an

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office. They felt that as they had started the organisation themselves, they had contributed to this achievement.

Analytical and facilitation skills: Children involved in Child Brigade and CSID showed a remarkable ability to analyse their problems and to suggest solutions. In Child Brigade in particular, the children talked openly about some of the difficulties within the organisation, such as older children dominating sessions, and about how they could solve these problems. Children in both organisations have developed facilitation skills which they use in theatre and education activities in their communities, and which children involved in the NPA use to consult children from other communities. Children from Child Brigade who are involved in the NPA talked of how they have to be patient, clever and quick thinking to make good facilitators, and said that children are better facilitators than adults as they are more skilled in getting children to discuss their problems freely. This is confirmed by observations from adults involved in the NPA process.

Knowledge of Child Rights: Core, General and graduate members of Child Brigade all talked of the value of learning about their rights. When asked what difference this knowledge had made to their lives, they said that they had learnt to tell right from wrong, and about their entitlements. Adult animators at CSID said that the disabled children with whom they work had learnt that they are equal to other children and had raised their expectations as a result. Of course, it may be the case that children could have learnt about their rights in a way that did not involve their participation, for example, through lectures by adults. However, both children and adults talked of the value of participatory learning styles, in which children are able to fully relate their own experiences to the potentially sterile topic of child rights. As is shown below, children who have experienced rights abuses themselves are also likely to be able to talk about rights in a much more powerful way than adults who have no first hand experience.

Knowledge of the policy making process: Adult staff at the Ministry of Women and Children‟s Affairs said that the participation of children from organisations like Child Brigade and CSID in the NPA process gave them a better understanding of legislative processes, and of what politicians actually do. Adult animators at Child Brigade felt that children had gained a very good understanding of this process through their engagement in the NPA, as demonstrated by their ability to explain the process to the animators and to other children.

Knowledge about how to deal with police harassment: Children involved in the monitoring cells at Child Brigade are learning about their legal rights, and about how to best respond to police harassment.

Children‟s work and future career prospects Work was the first issue raised by children when asked open-ended questions about the impact of their engagement with Child Brigade and CSID. All of the Core and Shadow Group members of Child Brigade, and some the children involved in CSID, had been stopped harmful work following their involvement with these organisations. However, further probing suggested that it was not children‟s participation itself that stopped children from working, but the material support provided by Child Brigade and CSID. The fifteen children involved in Child Brigade‟s Core and Shadow Groups would not have been able to leave their jobs had they not received the monthly payment from SC for their activities at Child Brigade. The few children from CSID who had managed to stop begging since joining CSID had only been able to do so as a result of opportunities offered by vocational training. Staff at CSID felt frustrated that so few children had

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been able to stop begging, due to the lack of material support that they could offer the children. Evidence from graduates of Child Brigade further suggests that children are not able to use the skills and knowledge they have gained through their participatory activities to enhance their career prospects. Adults at SC and Child Brigade, and the graduates themselves, reported that most graduates were currently working as rickshaw pullers or manual labourers. Far from being enhanced by their involvement in Child Brigade, the graduates felt that their career prospects may have been harmed as they had spent so much time on Child Brigade activities that they had not had time to learn vocational skills. As is discussed below, career choices have been further limited by graduates finding it hard to fit into conventional workplaces. Graduates described their current lack of good work opportunities as „very painful.‟ This inability to gain better jobs using skills learnt through children‟s participatory activities is closely linked to education. As stated above, a condition of Child Brigade Core or Shadow Group membership is regular attendance at night school. However, night school is increasingly recognised as an inadequate means of obtaining an education, as children are too tired to concentrate. Being busy during the day may also mean that Child Brigade‟s Core and Shadow Group members have little time for homework. Whilst it is possible to envisage children using their facilitation and analytical skills and their knowledge of rights and policy making to get work in the development sector, it is hard to see them being able to do so if they have not achieved at least minimum standards in school. As White (2001) points out, it may also be the case that given the emphasis on nepotism in getting work in Bangladesh, even with an education, graduates would need considerable assistance from SC staff to help them find work in the NGO sector. Although children‟s participation has not helped children to leave work or to get better jobs, for some children, it has helped to improve working conditions and protect children in the jobs that they were already doing. For example:

The monitoring cell has successfully reduced the risk of harassment faced by working children as they go about their work. Whilst it is hard to determine the extent to which the success of negotiations with the police is due to interventions by the adult animators and how much is due to the role played by children, children clearly play a crucial role in alerting Child Brigade to potential rights abuses. It was repeated complaints from children about police and mastan harassment that led to the monitoring cell being established in the first place.

Through „Babloo‟, and through the TfD activities carried out by both Child Brigade and CSID, children are learning about how to be safer in work, and how to respond to some of the difficult situations that they face. For example, „Babloo‟ has stories about children getting sick from eating unclean food or from not washing their hands before their eat. It also has stories about child waste collectors being labelled thieves, which are designed to initiate discussions amongst children so that they can decide the best way to react.

Being members of Child Brigade and CSID gives children somewhere to go when they face problems at work. For example, one of the General members of Child Brigade talked of going to see his „big brothers‟ in Child Brigade when he cut his hand at work. These older members of Child Brigade were able to get him the medical help that he needed.

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Learning how to operate in groups can mean that children are protected in their work activities. General members of Child Brigade said that they now often collect waste in groups, and that this reduces the likelihood of harassment from police and mastans.

Children‟s satisfaction and happiness In general, children in both Child Brigade and CSID seem greatly to enjoy their role in the organisations. Children talked of their particular pleasure at getting together with their friends, playing games, and meeting new people. For some of the disabled children who had formerly been isolated, the benefits of meeting other children as a result of participation activities are especially great. One parent talked about how her son had spent most of his time at home alone before joining the advocacy group at CSID. However, children also expressed dissatisfaction with some elements of their involvement in the organisations. In addition to the lack of impact on work described above, children felt frustrated by a clash between the participatory values of the organisations and the societies in which they operated. Adult animators at Child Brigade told of how, having spent all day operating under principles of respect for others, non-violence and empowerment, Core and Shadow Group members then had to go to night schools where they are subject to rote learning and corporal punishment. The graduates of Child Brigade talked about their anger at being beaten over minor incidents during some vocational training they had received. Most of the graduates are now self-employed as they find it hard to adhere to the regulation, discipline and lack of opportunity to express themselves that is present in most workplaces in Bangladesh. Some of the children from CSID and Child Brigade involved in the NPA process also expressed frustration at the inability of some adults to listen to children. They described feeling sleepy and bored when adults dominated meetings that they had attended. Despite these frustrations, it is important to note that overall, children and graduates felt they had gained much more than they had lost as a result of their participation. This is illustrated by comments from graduates of Child Brigade who were amongst the most vocal about the problems faced by Child Brigade, but were also its strongest supporters. If anything, the main problem for graduates of Child Brigade is a deep sense of loss following their departure from the organisation at the age of eighteen. These young men all wanted their own children to become members of Child Brigade, and expressed a long term commitment to the organisation: „We have been part of this organisation from childhood. It is in our hearts. We want to be part of this organisation for the rest of our lives.‟ For graduate members, and for existing members, all problems are seen as surmountable as long as they continue to work together to solve them.

Impact on NGOs and service providers

CSID has clearly been transformed by its exposure to children‟s participation. As stated above, the children‟s advocacy groups were the first projects set up by CSID to involve children‟s participation. Staff said that although they were initially sceptical, as soon as they started working with the children they realised how knowledgeable and articulate they were. They have now fully embraced the idea of children‟s participation to the extent that they have incorporated it into project planning processes, and are planning on making their work in Barisal much more child centred. Staff feel that this has greatly

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enhanced the effectiveness and relevance of what they do, and has led to much more innovative interventions than they would otherwise have developed. Individual children may also have had an impact on other NGOs with which they have come into contact. Following meetings with service providers, children and adults at Child Brigade and CSID have noted a shift in attitude towards working children, and in the case of CSID, towards children with disabilities. For example, several schools in the area in which CSID operates have agreed to make arrangements to enable the enrolment of children with disabilities. Rehabilitation professionals have also agreed to give cut price services to children with disabilities. However, it is hard to determine how much of this is to do with children‟s direct contact with these professionals, and how much is to do with the efforts of adults. One of the adult animators at CSID felt that given prevailing attitudes towards children‟s participation, much quicker results could be obtained if adults negotiated directly with schools and other NGOs.

Impact on communities

Children in Child Brigade and CSID reported a change in attitudes in the communities in which they have carried out their advocacy activities. For example, children involved in CSID described adults crying when watching plays that they have developed about their lives, and have noted a marked change in attitudes towards disability in communities where they have shown these plays. This is confirmed by the parent of one child involved in CSID who talked of him being excluded by children living close to his home because of his disability. Since the advocacy activities of CSID, children from neighbouring homes have welcomed him into their friendship groups. Children involved in CSID felt strongly that their advocacy activities would be much more powerful than those of adults. As one girl put it: “Professional drama artists could do it very nicely, but cannot express their feelings like us because it is our life experience.”

Impact on policies and policy makers

The main opportunity for children from Child Brigade and CSID to influence policies and the policy making process comes through the NPA. However, as the NPA is yet to be drafted, it is extremely difficult to assess the impact of children‟s participation on this policy, and even harder to assess whether the final policy will actually make a difference to children‟s lives. Views amongst adults and children involved in the NPA process are mixed. Children said that they felt that policy makers were listening to their views „a little bit but not too much.‟ They sometimes felt that their participation was token, and that adults were using them to show that they were listening to children when in fact they were not. They were also sceptical about the ultimate value of the NPA process, complaining that: „They [the GoB and NGOs] spend so much money sitting around. If we could use this money for social change it would be good for the people and good for the country.‟ Staff at SC were more optimistic about the final impact of the NPA. They also felt that children‟s participation itself had helped to kick-start the process, generating much publicity for the NPA. Officials at the Ministry for Women and Children‟s Affairs talked enthusiastically about children‟s participation, claiming that: „Children are wiser than their elders. They are closer to heaven so they are free from sin. We should follow their advice.‟

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Officials told of how children‟s participation in previous NPAs had altered policies. For example, they claimed it had made them realise that although children want to go to school, they are often forced into harmful forms of work by poverty. This has led to changes in the NPA on sexual exploitation and abuse. They also said that they planned to continue to involve children in the development of other policies. It should be noted however, that the Ministry for Women and Children‟s Affairs has been greatly encouraged to involve more children in decision making. It is hard to assess how much of this enthusiasm is due to genuine commitment, and how much is due to donor pressure.

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5. Issues raised by working children’s participation

Organisational context and children’s role in setting agendas

This research provides a number of findings about the organisational context needed to develop effective children‟s participation. The experience of CSID suggests that it is possible for a small organisation with no previous experience of children‟s participation to develop a commitment to, and an effective strategy for, involving children in decision making relatively quickly. CSID‟s willingness to try new ideas and to learn by doing seems to be key here. The children themselves are the most powerful advocates for their participation. Once staff at CSID saw what they were capable of, they quickly became convinced of the value of involving children in decision making. Staff at SC believe that it is only possible for a large and complex international organisation such as theirs to fully involve children in decision making if there is a degree of autonomy and flexibility at the national level. For example, both CSID and Child Brigade‟s objectives have evolved gradually according the needs and views of children. This would not have been possible had SC had to impose „traditional‟ demands on the organisations to set long term objectives and definite costs at the start of the projects. It would also not have been possible if SC had had to adhere to a narrow set of head office determined organisational priorities. This said, SC has been restricted in the degree of support that it can give to children‟s suggestions, both by organisational goals and by resource constraints. For example, during the NPA process, many children talked about the importance of improvements to the natural environment for achieving their rights. As this does not fit within the remit of SC, it is not an area that can be pursued. On the one hand, this prevents SC from being able fully to take the lead from children in terms of the areas that it prioritises. On the other, a degree of organisational cohesiveness may be necessary for SC to share learning between countries effectively, and to use its experiences from a range of countries for focused international advocacy. The current emphasis within SC is very much on building children‟s capacity to participate, and encouraging child-led advocacy activities. In recent years there has been a recognition that some kind of material support is necessary to help children to take part in these activities. For example, the provision of wheelchairs, crutches and other aids helps disabled children become more mobile, and encourages parental support of the activities of CSID. Payments to Core and Shadow Group members of Child Brigade enables them to leave their jobs and devote more time to Child Brigade activities. However, for some adults involved in the initiatives, and for some children, the extent of material support is not enough. Staff at CSID in particular felt frustrated that a focus on advocacy and participation has not actually helped children to give up their begging activities, something that children clearly wanted to do. They recognise that SC has resource constraints that make it difficult to meet all of the children‟s material needs, but feel frustrated that: „Children are organised to know their rights, but don‟t have the resources to support these rights.‟ Resource constraints and the need for coherence in large international organisations mean that there are no easy answers to questions about the extent to which children can and should be allowed to set agendas. Both organisations have found that transparency

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is key in ensuring that children are aware of the parameters in which they are operating and are not led to believe that whatever they say will be acted on.

Staff capacity and commitment

Comments from adult animators at both CSID and Child Brigade suggest that a belief in children and in the value of their participation is perhaps as valuable as training in ensuring that staff have sufficient capacity to encourage children‟s participation. Observations showed animators in both organisations to be highly skilled in their communication with children. However, animators in both organisations had either received no training, or had been trained several years after they joined the organisation. For one of the animators at Child Brigade, training had given him „something to think about.‟ Far more important to him, however, was his belief in the children‟s capacities and his respect for them. One of the animators at CSID talked of how important she felt it was to gain children‟s trust by mixing with the children, and working alongside them. She said that you had to „love‟ the children and not hesitate or show distaste even if they are unclean or poorly dressed. Again, she felt that such respect and belief in children can best be learnt by direct contact with the children themselves. Another important skill for staff to develop is recognising the delicate balance between providing children with enough information to make informed decisions, and dominating the decision making process. One of the animators at Child Brigade talked of the risks of children always looking to adults for the lead and copying what they do. To break down this barrier, he would „behave like a child‟, by, for example, playing with the children. Through these activities, and his continuous encouragement of the children to express their own views, he says that the children have learnt that he is not someone who is „superior‟ to them. However, children do go in the „wrong direction‟ at times by, for example, making suggestions that are not realistic given the resources of the organisation, or fighting with one another. At these times, he believes that it is important not to tell the children where they have gone wrong, but to help them realise the mistakes they have made through role play and discussion (see example above for illustration of the techniques used).

The importance of working with other actors

As shown in the section on impact above, when children leave the participatory atmosphere of Child Brigade and CSID, the skills and values that they have learnt can clash with a society where children‟s participation is not widely recognised. This is not only extremely frustrating for the children, but could also potentially put children at risk, if for example it led to conflict with adults, stopped children from attending schools, or meant that children or young adults were restricted in their work options. This presents two options for organisations promoting children‟s participation. Either they can adhere to norms that discourage participation and revert to non-participatory ways of working, or they can try and change the context to make it more amenable to children‟s participation. SC, Child Brigade and CSID have gone for this latter option, working with families, communities and schools to explain their activities and the value of children‟s participation. This choice has been made for two main reasons. Firstly, the organisations feel that it is not possible to develop a broader commitment to participation without demonstrating the means and value of involving children in decision making. Norms regarding participation are not set in stone and can be altered. As illustrated above, they have

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witnessed a remarkable change in adults‟ attitudes towards children‟s participation following exposure to children‟s capacities. Secondly, there are risks associated with not involving children in decision making, such as irrelevant or harmful policies or programmes which do not reflect the realities of children‟s lives. Child Brigade in particular have learnt this lesson through experience. It initially established a waste management programme for children without consulting them fully. The programme involved work that was both too regulated and too „shameful‟ for children to fully engage in, and it failed as a result (see White 2001 for a full description). There are other reasons why it is important to move beyond the child into families and communities when trying to encourage greater participation. In urban Bangladesh, families and communities are very concerned about the risk of child abduction for the purposes of trafficking. As a result, they are understandably suspicious of adults „taking‟ their children out of the community to be involved in participatory activities. Both Child Brigade and CSID have devoted considerable time to explaining the purpose of their work to parents and community members. For example, CSID staff say it took around six months before parents fully trusted them, and that in order to gain full trust they had to bring parents along to their offices and let them sit in on meetings. As White (2001) reports, it may also be necessary for organisations operating in urban Bangladesh to establish relationships of trust with mastans and local political leaders in order for children to be able to carry out their activities safely. Here, organisations such as Child Brigade are „walking a tightrope.‟ If they do not establish good relations with these powerful figures, work may be blocked and children may suffer reprisals. If they establish too close a relationship with one mastan or leader, they may be viewed as enemies by another. Harassment may also arise from organisations being seen as a source of resources, for example, as a result of their premises or visits from foreigners. This delicate balance has resulted in Child Brigade establishing its base in a neutral location away from the slum communities in which it works.

Should independent children’s organisations be the ultimate goal?

When it was initially established, the ultimate goal of Child Brigade was for it to become a fully child-led organisation, with no input from adult staff. Eight years on, Child Brigade still has adult animators working full-time for the organisation. All those involved in Child Brigade acknowledge that these animators play a crucial role. They are needed to write reports, negotiate with police, and mediate in disputes between children. However, there are differences in opinion about whether the long-term goal of Child Brigade should continue to be to become an „adult-free‟ organisation. On the one hand, a fully child-led organisation would enhance the capacity of the children involved and help to reduce dependence, thus enhancing the sustainability of the organisation. On the other hand, there are questions about whether children can and should be expected to run their own organisations. In order for children to be able to manage Child Brigade themselves, fairly radical changes would have to take place, both in terms of their own capacities, and in terms of the context in which they operate. Children would have to become literate and numerate, and learn how to manage budgets, write project proposals to seek funding, report to donors, and so on. Governments would have to alter laws to allow child-led organisations to be legally recognised. Under the CRC, achieving child rights is also seen to be the responsibility of adults, with a particular emphasis on the Government. Questions have been raised as to whether it is fair to expect children to take on this role,

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especially if it involves them „working‟ for eight hours a day as the Core and Shadow Group members of Child Brigade do. As White argues, it may be especially unfair to expect children to fulfil roles that have been defined by adults: “It is by no means clear that children should have to bear the entire administrative burden by themselves, especially when the main purpose of this administration is to serve external, adult-driven systems.” (White, 2001 p.23) Having no adults around could also put children at risk, especially if they are involved in negotiations with the police or mastans. One way round this dilemma might be to consider a greater role for the graduates and older children involved in Child Brigade who have completed their schooling, rather than having children of all ages effectively working full-time for the organisation. It may also be important to ensure a better balance between the activities of Child Brigade and children‟s schooling to ensure children are not „working‟ for long hours and that their rights to an education are met. As stated above, this will also be necessary if children are to have the necessary literacy and numeracy to write project proposals, report to donors, develop budgets and so on. However, there are no easy solutions to this issue, and these alternative options may throw up a whole new set of challenges for Child Brigade to overcome. For example, ensuring that an enhanced role for graduates and older children does not mean that they dominate the organisation to the detriment of younger children. There may also be a tension between the need to ensure that children are listened to and protected, and the need to ensure that they receive a full-time education. If the only schooling on offer is ineffective and involves regular corporal punishment, children may understandably prefer to spend their time on Child Brigade activities rather than at school.

Compensating for children’s time

As stated above, Child Brigade gives Core and Shadow Group members a monthly payment for their education and advocacy activities. CSID compensates children if they have to take time off work to take part in day long meetings, but does not give them regular payments. Debates about whether or not working children should be paid or compensated for their time having been raging for years and are usefully summarised in White‟s report (2001). On the plus side, evidence from this review suggests that payments are essential if children are to take time off work to carry out participation activities, and that these payments can prevent disputes with, and even beatings from, parents. Payments also prevent the need for additional income generating activities to be incorporated into project activities. Child Brigade‟s experience highlights the problems often associated with such activities. On the minus side, payments increase costs, may lead to unrealistic dependency on organisations, and may mean that children are motivated by a desire to earn money rather than a commitment to the values of the organisation. White argues that especially in the case of younger children, whose earnings may be minimal and irregular, payments such as those offered by Child Brigade, may lead to families coming to rely on children‟s work. This suggests that if amounts are not carefully set, there could be a long term increase in children‟s workload as a result of such payment.

Diversity and inclusion

SC has made a conscious decision to support several different initiatives involving the participation of different groups of working children in Dhaka. In addition to its support to CSID and Child Brigade, SC has recently commissioned research on girls living and

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working on the street, and plans to establish a separate organisation for this group of children. There are several reasons for the decision to have a range of different groups rather than one large group of working children. Firstly, in the case of Child Brigade, building on children‟s existing friendship groups was seen to be important in establishing a cohesive organisation. In Bangladesh, as in many other places in the world, it is usual for friendship groups to be gender segregated, and it was therefore „natural‟, at least initially, for Child Brigade to be an organisation of working boys. Secondly, different children may have different sets of needs. Bringing all children together to fight for their rights at once may mean that the needs of some of the smaller groups of children, such as children with disabilities, are ignored. Thirdly, different children participate in different ways. For example, girls living and working on the streets tend to sleep all day and work all night and so could not take part in the daily activities of Child Brigade. Although it was initially felt to be necessary for the initiatives to focus on distinct groups of children, as Child Brigade and the advocacy groups at CSID have evolved, efforts have been made to make each group more inclusive. Following on from questions from a visiting journalist, members of Child Brigade began to explore the situation of working girls and made a decision to involve girls in the organisation. Adult animators reported that the boys had initially not recognised the problems that girls faced because they had so many immediate problems of their own. However, once they began to look around them and to talk to working girls, they realised that they too had needs that should be addressed by Child Brigade. Due in part to contact with the CSID advocacy groups, children in Child Brigade have also made efforts to include disabled children in their groups, and have recently started TfD activities which highlight the problems of children with disabilities. When asked which children were eligible to join CSID, child advocacy group members said that all children, including children without disabilities, should be allowed to join. They argued that a failure to allow all children to be members of the group would mean that they were practising the very discrimination that they are fighting against. As the group is well established, the children were not concerned about children without disabilities dominating the group, arguing that it would help CSID group members to better understand the issues faced by children without disabilities and vice versa. Despite the increasingly inclusive nature of children‟s participation activities in CSID and Child Brigade, some groups of children remain excluded. Although children with a wide range of disabilities are involved in the CSID advocacy groups, staff felt that accommodation could not be made for children with severe hearing difficulties to participate. Both Child Brigade and CSID have lower age limits for children, arguing that younger children would face problems travelling around Dhaka unaccompanied to take part in advocacy activities. Importantly though, younger children were not seen to be any less capable of expressing their views and taking part in decision making. Adult animators at Child Brigade argued that they may be more honest in their views and less likely to be swayed by peer pressure or a desire to please their elders than teenagers. Both Child Brigade and CSID work mainly with children involved in part-time or self-employed occupations. By and large, they have not managed to reach children working for long hours in more regulated occupations, such as full-time garment factory workers, or child domestic workers. This is because it is unlikely that these children would have the time and flexibility to take part in the activities of Child Brigade and CSID. The payments made by Child Brigade to Core and Shadow Group members could mean that

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such children were able to stop work and become involved in Child Brigade full time. However, as Core and Shadow Group members are usually General members first, it is hard to see how such a transition could take place. It is important to note that encouraging inclusive participation is not always easy. CSID has found that accessibility is a major issue that threatens the participation of disabled children. Adult staff have frequently had to carry children up and down stairs when they have been invited to attend meetings in buildings with no disabled access. Mixed groups of girls and boys may encounter considerable opposition from community members. In Child Brigade‟s case, parents and community members were initially not happy with girls, especially older girls, mixing with boys. Considerable effort had to be put into persuading them that no harm would come to their daughters as a result. Encouraging the sisters of male members of Child Brigade to become members helped this transition, presumably as parents were already familiar with its activities and had some trust in the organisation. Girls may also be initially „shy‟ when expressing their opinions in front of boys. Animators at CSID said that girls were very quiet when they first joined the advocacy groups, but as their confidence grew, they became more vocal and are now encouraging the groups to take on advocacy activities about the particular problems that they face.

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Conclusion Child Brigade and CSID both succeed in involving children in a range of participatory activities. This success is linked to four key factors. Firstly, the flexibility and willingness to learn of the supporting organisations. Secondly, the commitment of adult staff to children‟s participation, their respect for children and belief in their capacities, and their facilitation skills. Thirdly, a focus not only on encouraging children to participate, but also on the family and community context in which participation activities take place. Finally, children‟s own capacities, and their commitment and dedication to the organisations of which they are members. Through its support of Child Brigade and CSID, and other initiatives involving urban working children, SC in has helped to include both boys and girls and disabled and non-disabled working children in Bangladesh in decision making. The key including a diverse range of children is to be to start off with „natural‟ groupings of children according to existing friendships, lifestyles and interests. Once children are exposed to ideas about rights and non-discrimination, and come into contact with children different from themselves, groups will naturally become more inclusive. Children‟s participation is highly beneficial. Perhaps partially due to the methods used and the time at which the research took place, this review provides the strongest evidence of the benefits of participation for children themselves. Many of these benefits are closely linked to the particular type of participation supported by Child Brigade and CSID. For example, it is through involving children in collective action that they have learnt the value of group work and become committed to helping others. As a result of increasing children‟s capacity to address rights themselves, children have developed a knowledge of rights, the legal system and policy making, enhanced their confidence, and developed analytical and facilitation skills. However, children‟s participation also throws up number of challenges and dilemmas. Firstly, the extent to which children should be responsible for addressing their own rights, and the implications of their „work‟ in this area on their education and long term career prospects. Secondly, the extent to which working children who have more regular and full time work commitments can be expected to participate in this way, and whether alternative strategies should be developed for the participation of these groups. Thirdly, managing the „clash‟ between the promotion of children‟s participation and the broader cultural and organisational context in which such participation takes place. Finally, the extent to which a focus on children‟s advocacy alone can solve the problem of children being engaged in exploitative and harmful forms of work, such as begging. Despite these issues, there are more reasons to be optimistic than pessimistic about the future growth and development of Child Brigade and CSID, not least as both organisations have overcome so many challenges in the past.

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References CSID (1999) Situation Analysis and Need Assessment on the Street Children with Disabilities in Dhaka City CSID, Dhaka, Bangladesh Delap, E (2001) Economic and Cultural Forces in the Child Labour Debate: Evidence from Urban Bangladesh The Journal of Development Studies, Vol.37, No.4 Singh, N (2003) Child Rights Based Situation Analysis of Bangladesh – Summary Save the Children, Bangladesh Tolfree, D (1998) Old Enough to Work, Old Enough to Have a Say. Different Approaches to Supporting Working Children Save the Children Sweden, Stockholm White, S (2001) Child Brigade: An Organisation of Street and Working Children in Bangladesh Save the Children Sweden/ The University of Bath, Dhaka, Bangladesh