Volume 153 Uralic and Altaic Series
Denis Sinor, Editor THE
SINO-JURCHEN ! VOCABULARY f
;1' ~ BUREAU OF I INTERPRETERS I I I t ,
by
Daniel Kane
INDIANA UNIVERSITY Research Institute for Inner Asian Studies
Bloomington, Indiana 1989
Copyright © 1989 by Indiana University Research Institute for Inner Asian Studies
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 89-060480 ISBN 0-933070-23-3
PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
CHAPTER ONE
CHAPTER TWO
CHAPTER THREE
CHAPTER FOUR
CHAPTER FIVE
CONTENTS
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND The Jurchen language. Invention of the Jurchen script. Relationship with the Khitan script.
THE KHITAN SCRIPTS The Khitan large script. The Xigushan inscription. The Khitan small script. The Da Jin huangdi dutong jinglue langjun xingji inscription.
THE JURCHEN SCRIPT Derivation of characters from Chinese and Khitan. Monosyllabic, disyllabic and trisyllabic ideographic characters. Partial-ideographic characters. Syllabic phonograms. Evolution of script. The Nuzhen jinshi timing bei inscription.
1
11
21
GLOSSES PRESERVED IN CHINESE HISTORICAL 38 SOURCES The Jurchen vocabulary appended to the History of the Jin Dynasty. The Jurchen vocabulary appended to the Da Jin guo zhi. Jurchen words in other historical sources.
INSCRIPTIONS IN THE JURCHEN SCRIPT (1) The Da Jin deshengtuo bei inscrip
tion. (2) The Nuzhen Jinshi timing bei
inscription. (3) The Aotun Liangbi jianyin bei
inscription. (4) The Aotun Liangbi shi inscription. (5) The Hailong Nlizhen guoshu moya
inscription. (6) The Qingyuan (Kybngwbn) inscription. (7) The Beiqing (Kwansan) inscription. (8) The Nuergan Yongningsi bei inscrip-
tion. (9) The Zhao Yong da jiangjun inscription.
42
CHAPTER SIX MISCELLANEOUS MATERIALS 70 (1) The Jurchen characters in the Yanzhou
shanren sibu gao and the Fangshi mopu. (2) A travel pass with Jurchen characters
and the characters in the Azuma kagami. (3) Manuscript material. (4) Seals and mirrors with inscriptions
in Jurchen. (5) Other inscriptions previously thought
to be in Jurchen. (6) Dictionaries. (7) The study of Jurchen in Korea.
CHAPTER SEVEN THE HUA-YI YIYU 90 (1) The Bureau of Translators Vocabulary, (2) The Bureau of Interpreters
Vocabulary.
CHAPTER EIGHT THE LANGUAGE OF THE SINO-JURCHEN 99 VOCABULARY OF THE BUREAU OF INTERPRETERS (1) General remarks. (2) Transcription. (3) Phonology. (4) Grammar. (5) Table of characters used in the
transcription. (6) Conclusion.
CHAPTER NINE THE SINO-JURCHEN VOCABULARY OF THE 132 BUREAU OF INTERPRETERS (1) Astronomy. (2) Geography. (3) Time and Seasons. (4) Flowers and Trees. (5) Birds and Animals. (6) Buildings. (7) Tools and Utensils. (8) People. (9) Human Matters.
(10) Parts of the Body. (ll) Clothing. (12) Food and Drink. (13) Jewels and Valuables. (14) Writing. (15) Colours. (16) Numerals. (17) Miscellaneous.
APPENDIX FACSIMILE OF THE SINO-JURCHEN 437 DICTIONARY WITHOUT JURCHEN SCRIPT (AWAKUNI MS.)
1.
2.
3.
4. 5. 6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
ll.
12.
13. 14. 15. 16.
17.
18. 19.
20. 21.
22. 23. 24.
25.
LIST OF TABLES
Dates in Khitan and Chinese in the Xigushan inscription. Dates in Khitan only in the Xigushan inscription. The last line in the Khitan and Chinese versions of the Da Jin huangdi dutong jinglue langjun xingji inscription. The first line of the Da Jin huangdi inscription. The date in the Da Jin huangdi inscription. The numerals in Chinese, the Khitan large script, the Khitan small script, and the Jurchen script. Jurchen characters derived from Chinese (perhaps via Khitan). Jurchen characters derived from distorted Chinese characters. Jurchen characters derived from Chinese characters of similar sound (but not meaning) Characters in the Xigushan inscription (in the Khitan large script) which can be found in Jurchen. Almost identical characters in the Khitan large script and the Jurchen script. Jurchen characters identical with those found in the Khitan small script. Monosyllabic ideographic characters. Disyllabic ideographic characters. Trisyllabic ideographic characters. Partial-ideographic characters (used with phonograms). Ideographic characters always followed by suffixes. Partial list of syllabic phonograms. Phonograms used with ideograms to indicate final vowel + -no Jurchen words written entirely in phonograms. Jurchen words written with one symbol in the Nuzhen zishu but two in the Hua-Yi yiyu. Development of the Jurchen script. Title of the Nuzhen jinshi timing bei inscription. First line of the Nuzhen jinshi timing bei inscription. Second line of the Nuzhen jinshi timing bei inscription.
12
12
14 17 18
21
22
22
23
24
24
24 25 25 25
26
26 27
27 28
28 29 30
32
34
1.
2.
3.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
The Gu taishi mingshi ji inscription. (Yan Wanzhang, 1957) The Chinese text of the Xigushan inscription (ibid.). The Khitan text of the Xigushan inscription (ibid.).
4. A page from the NUzhen zishu. (Liu Zuichang and Zhu Jieyan, 1979)
5. The Da Jin huangdi dutong jinglue langjun xingji inscription. (Chinggeltei et al., 1985)
6. The title and first line of the Nuzhen jinshi timing bei inscription in the transcription of Luo Fucheng. (Luo Fucheng, 1936)
7. A page from the Jurchen vocabulary appended to the History of the Jin dynasty. (Sibucongkan Baina ed.)
8. A page from the Jurchen vocabulary appended to the Da Jin guo zhi. (Sikuquanshu zhenben ed.)
9. The Nuzhen jinshi timing bei inscription. (Jin Guangping and Jin Qicong, 1980)
10. The site of the stele at Yantai. (Linqing, 1984 edition)
11. The Aotun Liangbi jianyin bei inscription. (Shimada Yoshimi, 1934)
12. Enlarged detail from the Jurchen part of the Aotun Liangbi jianyin bei inscription. (Jin Guangping and Jin Qicong, 1980)
13. The Aotun Liangbi shi inscription. (Luo Fuyi et aI., 1982)
14. The Yangshulinshan inscription at Hailong. (Jin Guangping and Jin Qicong, 1980)
15. A section of the Qingyuan inscription in the transcription of Min Y~ng-gyu.
16. Two sides of the Qingyuan inscription. (Jin Guangping and Jin Qicong, 1980)
17. A section of the Beiqing inscription in the transcription of Inaba Iwakichi. (Inaba, 1930)
18. The Yongningsi inscription [copied by Osada Natsuki from a rubbing in the collection of Naitc Torajiroj. (Osada Natsuki, 1958)
19. The mantra "~'!l malt! padme hUIJI" in Chinese, Mongol, Tibetan, and Jurchen from the Yongningsi (Tyr) inscription. (Jin Guangping and Jin Qicong, 1980)
20. The Jurchen characters in the Yanzhou shanren sibu gao and the Fangshi mopu. (L. Gilbert, 1934)
5
7
8
9
14
31
39
41
46
48
51
52
54
56
60
61
62
66
68
71
21. The paizi (travel pass) discovered at Saigin, USSR. (Akademija Nauk SSSR, 1977). 74
22. One of the sheets with Jurchen cursive script dis-
23.
24. 25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
3I.
32.
covered in the Xixia holdings in Leningrad. (G. Kara et al., 1969) 75 Another example of Jurchen cursive script dis-covered in Leningrad. (ibid.) 76 The Yigaidage River mouke seal. (Luo Fucheng, 1933) 78 The seal of the mouk~Jiahun mountain. (Luo Fuyi, 1963) 79 The characters on the Xianping-fu mouke mirror. (Jin Guangping and Jin Qicong, 198~ 80 A Jurchen seal character. (Heilongjiang-sheng wenwu gongzuodui, 1977) 81 A Jurchen cursive seal character (hua ya). (Jin Qicong, 1984) 81 A Khitan seal (previously thought to be in Jurchen). (uo Fuyi, 1963) 83 The inscription on Bi~igtu qanan, at Kentei ayimay. (Rinten Yongsiyebu, 1968) 85 A page from the Glossary (za zi) from the Sino-Jurchen vocabulary of the Bureau of Translators. (Luo Fucheng, 1933) 91 One of the petitions (laiwen) from the Vocabulary of the Bureau of Translators. (ibid.) 93
x
PREFACE
The Jurchens were a people of Tungusic origin who reached the apogee of their power in the twelfth century, when they established the Jin Dynasty , and ruled North China for more than a century. They originally had no script, but one was created on the basis of Chinese and Khitan, in the year 1120. A recently discovered manuscript may well have been written in that year or shortly afterwards, but the earliest inscription in the Jurchen script is dated 1185. Jurchen is thus the first Tungus language for which written materials in a native script are available, and make it, along with Old Turkish (in the Orkhon script) and probably Khitan (the linguistic affinities of which are still uncertain) one of the earliest written Altaic languages.
The Jin Dynasty succumbed to the Mongols, and by the time of the Ming the Jurchens had been reduced to the status of a tributory people. The script was still used, as evidenced by a stele dated 1413, and the fact that both the language and script were studied in specialist institutions, the Bureau of Interpreters and the Bureau of Translators under the Ming. They were also studied in Korea. The Jurchens formed part of the Manchu confederacy which was to conquer China and establish the Qing Dynasty in 1644.
Several stages in the Jurchen language can be established. The earliest is that recorded in the vocabulary attached to the History of the Jin Dynasty and scattered throughout that work and other contemporary documents. The language of this period presents many serious difficulties in interpretation, and the study of which can be said to have barely begun. It is very important, however, as, along with Chinese and Mongol loanwords, it is very likely that there are a number of Khitan loanwords in the Jurchen of that time, and the identification of these will be of crucial importance in the decipherment and reconstruction of Khitan. Some progress in this direction has been made. The next stage would be that represented by the Hua-Yi yiyu, the Sino-Jurchen vocabulary studied in the Bureau of Translators, which contains some 900 vocabulary items in Jurchen script and Chinese transcription. The third stage is that represented in the vocabulary used in the Ming Dynasty Bureau of Interpreters, which reflects the spoken language of the sixteenth century. This stage is already very close to, but by no means identical with Manchu. It may well be that this vocabulary also preserves words used in early spoken Manchu which have not been recorded in the standard dictionaries of written Manchu of the Qing.
xi
The vocabulary of the Bureau of Translators, that with the Jurchen script, has been studied by several scholars, notably Wilhelm Grube, Gisaburo N. Kiyose, Jin Qicong and most recently by Dao Erji (Dorji) and He Xige (Qosiyu). The vocabulary of the Bureau of Interpreters has been pretty much neglected; it is the aim of this book to present a transcription and interpretation of the thousand-odd words and expressions in this text, as a contribution to the growing number of studies on this language and script.
Wilhelm Grube's edition of the Jurchen Hua-Yi yiyu was published in 1896, after which, in the words of L. Ligeti, "les recherches sur l'~criture et la langue joutchen ont connu une longue periode d'eclipse ce qu'on ne saurait regretter assez". There have been some studies on Jurchen in European languages, notably those by L. Ligeti and G. N. Kiyose, but most of the research on Jurchen has been published in Chinese, Japanese and occasionally Korean. The publication of a number of works on Jurchen and Khitan in China over the past ten years has revealed a number of exciting discoveries and developments. For these reasons, this study of the Jurchen vocabulary of the Ming Bureau of Interpreters is preceded by a rather long introduction, covering studies on Jurchen over the past eighty years, and a general outline of the "state of the art" in Jurchen studies at the moment.
This work was originally presented as a PhD thesis to the Australian National University in 1975. Incorporation of studies published over the last decade has meant the rewriting of the Introduction, and the addition of a large number of items to the Bibliography. The thesis was originally supervised by Dr Igor de Rachewiltz and Professor T.Y. Liu of the Australian National University; Professor Walter Simon read through the first draft, and made many valuable suggestions. Professor Hok-lam Chan sent me a detailed bibliography of works on Jurchen, from which the present Bibliography has grown. Professor Shiro Hattori sent me a copy of Yamamoto Kengo's work on the Sibe language. The staff at the Menzies Library at the Australian National University were assiduous in hunting down practically inaccessible items. Professor Nishida Tatsuo read this work in thesis form, and made many useful comments. Later, in China, I met specialists in the fields of Jurchen and Khitan, in particular Liu Fengzhu, Yu Baolin and Jin Qicong, who provided me with much material unavailable outside China. This new version has been improved by the incorporation of the identification of many Jurchen terms listed in a review article of my thesis by Professor Herbert Franke, "Etymologische Bermerkungen zu den Vokabularen der Jur~en Sprache" (1982). In more recent times, several people, in particular Professor H.F. Simon and Dr I. de Rachewiltz, encouraged me to update this study and publish it.
Much work is still to be done in Jurchen studies and related areas. It will need the cooperation of Altaicists and Sinologists, in China, Japan and Korea on the one hand, and in Europe, the United States and Australia on the other,. complementing each other's area of expertise. The present study hopes to be a contribution in this ongoing scholarly dialogue.
I j
1
CHAPTER ONE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
A few years after the final dissolution of the Tang Dynasty (618-907), the Khitans, a people apparently related to the Mongols, established a state in the north of China officially recognised in later Chinese historiography as the Liao Dynasty (916-1125). The rest of China went through that period of division known as the Five Dynasties in the north and the Ten Kingdoms in the south, until eventually reunited under the Song dynasty in 960. The Liao and the Song coexisted until the Khitans were defeated by the Jurchens, a people of Tungus origin, which established the Jin Dynasty in 1115. There was constant warfare between the Jin and the Song; the Song were driven from their capital at Kaifeng in 1266 and reestablished themselves in Hangzhou. Eventually both dynasties were to succumb to the Mongols, who established the Yuan Dynasty in 1271. During this period, the Tanguts, a people of Tibeto-Burman affiliation, established the state of Xixia in the area of northwest China, in what is now Ningxia and Gansu.
All of these peoples, the Khitans (Liao), the Jurchens (Jin), Tanguts (Xixia) and Mongols (Yuan) originally had no script of their own. The Mongols developed a form of writing their language in Chinese characters, used phonetically, which reached a high degree of sophistication in such works as the current text of The Secret History of the Mongols. Mongol was also written in a form of the Uighur script; this script developed into that used in Classical Mongolian. During the Yuan, another script derived from the Tibetan script was used to write both Mongol and Chinese; this is known as the 'Phags-pa script. The Classical Mongolian script was adapted for writing Manchu, a Tungusic language closely related to Jurchen, which was the official language of the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911). A form of Manchu, known as Sibe, is still spoken in a small area in the far west of China.
The Tanguts devised a script of great beauty and elegance, but of enormous complexity; great progress has been made in the decipherment of this script in recent decades, but it is still imperfectly understood. Of greater interest and relevance to the study of the Jurchen script, however, was the script, or rather the scripts, devised by the Khitans. According to the History of the Liao Dynasty, "on the day yigiu of the first month of the fifth year (of the
2
shence period), the larger Qidan script was formulated for the first time ... On the day renyin (of the ninth month) the larger script was completed. An imperial decree ordered it to be circulated ... [Diela] was endowed with a quick mind. Taizu said, "As to Diela's cleverness his quickness in accomplishing feats is beyond my powers. But for deliberateness in planning affairs I am his superior". Uighur messengers came (to court), but there was no one who could understand their language. The empress said to Taizu, "Diela is clever. He may be sent to welcome them". By being in their company for twenty days he was able to learn their spoken language and script. Then he created (a script) of smaller Khitan characters which, although few in number, covered everything." (Liaoshi juan 64).
What is important for us to note is that there were two Khitan scripts: the "large characters" and the "small characters". It is also important to known that many of the Jurchen educated class were literate in Khitan, and that they employed it even after the creation of their own script. More than thirty Jurchen mentioned in the History of the Jin Dynasty were familiar with the Khitan script. One of the most important sources for the study of the Khitan script, the Da Jin huangdi dutong jinglue langjun xingji inscription, was for many years thought to be in Jurchen. It seems that a gold travel pass with a Khitan inscription recently discovered may d~te from. the Jin Dynasty; a bronze mirror recently d1scovered 1n 1971 at Da'an, in Jilin province, which can be dat:d 1140-1189, is in a form of the Khitan script. In~1dently, the inscription on this mirror is badly written, eV1dence perhaps that by this stage the script was no longer regularly used and could no longer be written well. It was not until the year 1191 that the Khitan script was finally abolished.
After their defeat at the hands of the Jurchens, most Khitans fell under their control, but a group of them fled west, to what is now Xinjiang, and established a state known as the Qara-Khitay. They, too, eventually disappeared, and knowledge of the language, and script, was lost. The Jurchens, after the establishment of the Yuan Dynasty, retrea~ed to the forests of Manchuria, and reemerged during the M1ng Dynasty (1368-1644) as a tributory people. Their language was still in use, as was their script, though whatever literature may have existed in Jurchen (presumably mainly translations from Chinese) may well have been lost. Both language and script were studied in the Bureau of Int:rpreters and the Bureau of Translators of the Ming, and an 1mportant trilingual inscription, in Chinese, Mongol and Jurchen, known as the Nuergan Yongningsi bei inscription, is dated 1413. There are many mistakes in this inscription, however, again showing that the script was presumably no
3
longer in regular use. The Jurchens later formed part of the Manchu confederacy which conquered the Ming and established the Qing Dynasty; by this stage, however, the script had been lost, and the Manchus chose to write their language in a modified form of the Mongol script.
As mentioned above, the Jurchens were literate in Khitan, as well as in Chinese. When they set about devising a script to record their own language, it was natural that they would be influenced by both the form and the structure of both Khitan and Chinese characters. According to the History of the Jin Dynasty, "the Jurchen originally had no written characters. When the state became flourishing and gradually extended its boundaries, and it entered into relations with neighbouring countries, the Khitan script was used by them. Afterwards, Xiyin was commissioned by the Emperor Taizu to make a national script, with rules for its composition. Xiyin, thereupon, copying the strokes of the ordinary Chinese characters, and following the rules of composition of the Khitan large script, made the new Jurchen characters, adapted to express the words of the national language. In the eighth month of the third year of the tianfu period (1120), the composition of the new script was finished. Taizu, greatly pleased, ordered it to be distributed throughout the state, and presented to Xiyin a caparisoned horse and a suit of court robes. Afterwards, when the Emperor Xizong (1135-1148) composed another set of Jurchen characters, they were used together with the script made by Xiyin; the characters composed by Xiyin were called the Jurchen large characters, and those made by the Emperor Xizong were called the Jurchen small characters". The small Jurchen script was circulated by imperial edict in the year 1138. In the year 1145, in the fifth month, on the day xuwu, it is recorded that the small characters made by the emperor were first used officially. (Jinshi juan 66).
It seems that the first works to use the Jurchen script were introductions to the script, of which one has been recently discovered in the base of a stele in Xi'an. Later, in the year 1164, the Emperor Shizong ordered Jurchen translations of the Chinese classics and dynastic histories to be made. In 1166, translations of the Historical Records of Sima Qian and the History of the Western Han Dynasty were completed. In the year 1183, one thousand copies of the Classic of Filial Piety in Jurchen were distributed to the Imperial guard, and later in the same year translations of the following books were presented to the throne: the Book of Changes, the Book of Documents, the Analects of Confucius, the Mencius, the Daodejing and others. The catalogues of literary works in the Histories of the Liao, Jin, Yuan and Ming Dynasties also list a fairly large number of books in Jurchen, but they all seem to be lost. As for their survival
4
in the Qing Dynasty, neither guanshu zongmu n£r its various reference to them.
the imperial catalogue Siku supplements contains any
There has been, and still remains, a good deal of uncertainty about the precise meaning of the terms "large script" and "small script" in both Khitan and Jurchen. The founder of modern Jurchen studies, Liu Shilu, in his pioneering articles "Ntizhi zi bei kao" [A study of a stele in Jurchen script] and "Ntizhi zi bei xu kao" [A further study of a stele in Jurchen script] though that the script in the NUzhen jinshi timing bei inscription was an example of the Jurchen small script, and that on the Da Jin huangdi jinglue langjun xingji inscription was the Jurchen large script. This latter inscription was thought to be in Jurchen in various early Chinese works, such as the Ming compilation Shi mo juan hua by Zhao Han, and the Qing compilation Jin shi cui bian by Wang Chang, the authors being misled by the characters Da Jin [The Great Jin Dynasty] at the beginning. It was also regarded as Jurchen by early western sinologues, such as Alexander Wylie, "On an ancient inscription in the Neu-chih language" (1860), who reproduced the text and studied the Chinese version, and Edouard Chavannes, "Note sur l'inscription joutchen de K'ien tcheou" (1908), who also provided a photograph. In 1922, a Belgian missionary, L. Ker, discovered the Liao Imperial Tombs at Qingling, in which epitaphs for Emperor Xingzong and Empress Renyi were found, in Chinese and a hitherto unknown script. This was, of course, the Khitan script, and it was immediately recognised
lIn the Bu sanshi yiwenzhi, Jin Mengzhao has recorded the following titles for the Jin Dynasty: Yijing, Shangshu, Xiaojing, Zhenguan zhengyao and the Shiji, as well as two works attributed to Wanyan Xiyin, Taizu Nuzhi da zi and Xizong Nuzhi xiao zi. In the Bu Yuanshi yiwenzhi, Qian Daxin had recorded the following books: Yijing, Shujing, Xiaojing, Lunyu, Mengzi, Laozi, Yangzi, Wenzhongzi, Liuzi and the Xin Tang Shu, and the following books preceded by the words "Nuzhi-zi" (Jurchen script) Pangu shu, Jiayu, Taigong shu, Wu Zixu, Sun Bin shu, Huangshi nu shu, Baijiaxing and the Nuzhi zimu. In the Jin yiwenzhi bu lu, Gong Xianzeng, in addition to the titles in the list above, also noted the Zhenguan zhengyao in Jurchen script. In the Mingshi yiwenzhi, the following books in the Jurchen script are recorded: Pangu shu, Kongfuzi shu, Kongfuzi you guo zhang, Jiayu, Jiayu xian-neng-yan-yu zhuan, Jiang Taigong shu, Wu Zixu shu, Shiba guo dou bao zhuan, Sun Bin shu, Shanyu shu, Hai Qian Gong shu, Huangshi nti shu, Baijiaxing, Ha-da-mie-er-yu and the Nuzhi zimu. The Qing compendia Siku guanshu zongmu ji weishou shumu yinde and the Siku caijin shumu do not contain any references to any of these works. L
5
(for example, by Haneda Toru, "Kittan moji no shin shiryo" [New material on the Khitan script] (1925» that this was the same script as that on the Da Jin huangdi jinglue langjun xingji inscription, although it was not possible at that stage to determine whether this was the large or the small Khitan script. This inscription is now generally recognised as being in Khitan (although written during the Jin Dynasty).
Ill. 1. The Gu taishi mingshi ji inscription (lines 36-40, containing the date)
6
Some scholars, however, are not example, E.V. Savkunov, "K voprosu kidan'-czurczen'skoj pis'mennosti" [On the decipherment of the Khitan-Jurchen small
so sure. for o ras§irovke problem of the
script] (1963)
suggests values for various script-elements to be found in a "Khitan-Jurchen" character, which, when applied to an inscription in Khitan (such as those in the Liao Imperial Mausoleum) will yield Khitan, and when applied to an inscription in Jurchen (of which the author believes the Da Jin huangdi jinglue langjun xing11 inscription to be an example) to yield Jurchen. The same caution is shown by G.N. Kiyose, who writes of this inscription "inasmuch as the Khitan script itself has not been deciphered, it is hard to say whether this inscription is in the Khitan language written in the Khitan script or the Jurchen language written in the Khitan script". Recent research, however, is fairly
conclusive that both language and script are Khitan, but the question still remains as to whether this script is the large or small script.
More information on the nature of the two Khitan scripts came to light with the discovery of the Gu taishi mingshi ji epitaph in 1935. This was described and discussed for the first time by Inaba Iwakichi, "Rye Sheso Towa gen no Bonnu Daishi no boshi" [Epitaph for the late Pennu Daishi of the Tonghe era of Shengzong of the Liao Dynasty] (1939), who noted that it seemed to be in a previously unknown script. It was later studied by Li Wenxin, "Qidan xiaozi Gu taishi mingshi ji zhi yanjiu" [Research on the Gu taishi mingshi ji inscription in the Khitan small script] (1942), who contended that it must have been a forgery, since it was written in what appeared to be a mixture of scripts: regular and irregular Chinese characters, and an unknown script, parts of which looked like the Jurchen script. It was not until after the discovery of a similar inscription in 1951 that this script attracted further attention. In that year, villagers discovered an inscribed stone in a tomb at Jinxi, in Liaoning province. This was studied by Yan Wan zhang , "Jinxi Xigushan chutu Qidanwen muzhi yanjiu" [Research on the epitaph in Khitan script excavated at Xigushan, Jinxi] (1957) and by Jin Guangping and Zeng Yigong, "Jinxi Xigushan Qidanwen muzhi shishi" [An attempted explanation of the Khitan inscription on an epitaph found at Xigushan, Jinxi] (1957). The writers pointed out the similarities of the scripts in the Gu taishi mingshi ji and the Xigushan epitaph, (which is also known as the Xiao Xiaozhong muzhi inscription), and argued that they were examples of the Khitan small script, as opposed to the large script on the epitaphs in the Liao Imperial Mausoleum.
I
\ L
7
reiji ko - Joshin moji no genryo" [The large Khitan the or1g1n of the Jurchen script] (1963) and "An
"Kittan script Analysis (1964),
of the Major Ch'i-tan Characters" (in English) in which he argues that the script in the Gu taishi
mingshi ji and the Xigushan inscriptions is the Khitan large script, and that the Jurchen script is derived from it.
Many articles treat the possible relationship between the Khitan and Jurchen scripts in a general way.
Ill. 2 The Chinese text of the Xigushan inscription.
Amongst these the following should be mentioned: Watanabe Kuntaro, "Manshugo Joshingo to Kanjion no kankei" [The relationship between Manchu, Jurchen and the Chinese characters used to transliterate those languages] (1925); Saito Buichi, "Kittan moji to Joshin moji" [The Khitan script and the Jurchen script] (1941), Kodaira Suih6, "Ry6, Kin, Seika, Gen, Shin goch6 no seiji" [The structure of the scripts of the Liao, Jin, Xixia, Yuan and Qing dynasties] (1942); Ishida Mikinosuke, "Joshin daiji to wa nanzo ya" [What is the Jurchen large script?] (1942); Osada Natsuki, "Joshin moji no k6zo to sono onka ni tsuite" [On the structure of Jurchen characters and their phonological values] (1949); Min Y~ng-gyu, "Yojin munja-ui kus6ng-e taehayo" [On the structure of Jurchen characters] (1952) and
8
Osada Natsuki, "Joshin mOJ~ no genson shiryo" [Extant materials on the Jurchen script] (1970).
Ill. 3 The Khitan text of the Xigushan inscription.
Not much further progress on this problem was made, however, until the discovery of a manuscript copy of what appears to be the Nuzhen zishu [Jurchen Character Book], compiled originally by Wanyan Xiyin, the inventor of the Jurchen large script. This discovery was reported by Liu Zuichang and Zhu Jieyuan, "Xi'an Beilin faxian Nuzhenwen shu, Nan Song tuo quanfuji Wang "Shengjiaoxu" ji banhua" [Discovery of a book in the Jurchen script, a complete rubbing of Wang Xizhi's calligraphy (the Shengjiaoxu) and some woodblock prints] (1979). They reported that eleven sheets of paper, containing 237 lines of Jurchen script with some 2300 characters, had been discovered in the base of a stele in the "Forest of Stelae" at Xi'an. This article also presented the preliminary findings of Jin Qicong on this manuscript; Jin followed up his researches with a later article, "Xi'an Beilin faxian de Nuzhenwen shu" [A book in the Jurchen script discovered in the "Forest of Stelae" in Xi'an] (1979). According to Jin, the book is a type of textbook, a basic character list, apparently for beginners learning the Jurchen script. Almost all the individual l
9
characters in this textbook represent complete words; in this it differs fundamentally from the later Jurchen script used on inscriptions, which is a mixture of ideographic and phonetic symbols. Several of the characters in the Nuzhen zishu are taken directly from Khitan, and there are a large number of Jurchen characters not extant in later material.
Ill. 4 A page from the Nlizhen zishu
The script is indubitably and recognisably Jurchen, however, and Jin Qicong has deciphered most of it. He argues that the script employed on the earliest of the extant Jurchen inscriptions, the Da Jin deshengtuo bei inscription (dated 1185) is a mature form of the script; the script on these sheets must be much earlier, and probably date from the year 1119, the year of the creation of the large script. On the basis of Jin's article, Dao Erji has written an important study "Guanyu Nuzhen da, xiao zi de wenti" [On the problem of the large and small Jurchen scripts] (1980).
A pattern seems to be emerging. It seems that the script on the Gu taishi mingshi J~ inscription and the Xigushan inscription is the Khitan large script. It seems to have been based on deformed or modified forms of Chinese
10
characters, and was no doubt limited to perhaps a few hundred symbols. Later, when the Khitans came to learn of the alphabetic Uighur script, the possibility of writing phonetically arose. These phonetic symbols were known as the small script; the script used on the Da Jin huangdi jinglUe langjun xing11 and the epitaphs in the Liao Imperial Mausoleum is a sophisticated one, incorporating both phonetic and ideographic symbols. The first form of the Jurchen script was based on the Khitan large (ideographic) script - this is the form of the script found in the Nuzhen zishu found in Xi'an. This script could be used for enumerating items, but could not express grammatical functions or record words for which a special character had not been invented. In the course of time, a number of graphs acquired a syllabophonetic function, in addition to their basic use as ideograms; many of these symbols eventually became purely phonetic ones, and were used for grammatical terminations. This is the script we see in the Jin Dynasty inscriptions, such as the Ntizhen jinshi bei inscription (1224) or the Ming Dynasty Jurchen-Chinese glossary. By the time of the last extant inscription in Jurchen, the Nuergan Yongningsi bei inscription (1413) the script had become practically syllabo-phonetic, though many of the basic symbols (man, year, month etc.) were still written as ideograms.
The Jurchen script was finally abolished by the Qing in 1658.
.
L
11
CHAPTER TWO THE KHITAN SCRIPT
As mentioned above, the script used on the Gu tai shi ming shi bei inscription can be tentatively identified as being the Khitan large script. Several other inscriptions in this script have come to light; that discovered in Xigushan, also known as the Xiao Xiaozhong muzhi inscription; the Yelfr Yanning muzhi inscription; the Bei da wang muzhi inscription; the Yingli bei inscription and several fragments excavated from the area of the Liao capital. The Gu taishi mingshi bei inscription has been lost, and the only rubbing of it is very unclear. There is also a possibility that it might indeed have been a forgery. There are more than 830 separate symbols on the other inscriptions; if those on the Gu taishi mingshi bei inscription are counted, there seem to be about 1000 characters in this script. There has been very little work, or progress, on this script, owing to the paucity of the material, the badly eroded state of the inscriptions and the lack of bilinguals. One of the inscriptions, the Xiao Xiaozhong muzhi inscription discovered at Jinxi, has a Chinese inscription on the back, which seems to be a translation. This has been studied by Yan Wanzhang, "Jinxi Xigushan chutu Qidanwen muzhi yanjiu" [Research on the epitaph excavated at Xigushan, Jinxi] (1957). Through a comparison of the dates of the two inscriptions, Yan was able to determine the meaning of several of the Khitan characters; these characters give us a good idea of the general principles of the script.
There are four dates in the Khitan inscription, two of which can be aligned with dates in the Chinese inscription, based on the similarity in the numerals; on the basis of these, the general meaning of the dates in Khitan alone can be ascertained. These are set out in the tables below. It is to be noted that in the second of these dates, the Chinese expression 11awu (one of the sexegenary terms used to denote years) corresponds to a Khitan character apparently derived from the Chinese character _~ rna 'horse'. This led to the discovery that the Khitans used the "twelve animals" and the "five metals" to designate years, months and days .
12
K
C
K
C
K
C
K
C
1
*-
*' 1
TABLE 1: Dates in Khitan and Chinese in the Xigushan inscription.
2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
n 3i ~ " ' -t f1 it 3-
~ ~-!if- -t f1 t~
2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
~ 1tJi tt -~ ;FF 1- A it -- ". ,
i IlG t.;.. '1f-[lf-]~ A t
10
8
8
10 11
*' \3
- 8 I "
TABLE 2: Dates in Khitan only in the Xigushan inscription
1 2 3 4 5 6
-f., n :: tfrl ;fF :::
1\.~ - ~-!if- :: -
1 2 3 4
?
7 8 9 10 11
;K ;f, ;t, .f1 it*-t. ~l Fl ti\
5 6 7 8 9
~ *" ~. ~ t~k..~_~
12 13 14
fc ~ E1
? 7 8
10
8
a
The first line in Table 2 is (literally): tai'an (period), third year, the year of the rabbit, the third month, the wood-dragon month, the twenty sixth day, the [7] [1] day, and the fourth Khitan date can be understood as
13
corresponding to Chinese: wood-dragon year [7]-rabbit month, twenty seventh fire-horse day.
Such is the general nature of the large Khitan script. The type of Khitan script used on the epitaphs in the Liao Imperial Mausoleum, and in a number of other inscriptions discovered in recent years, can then be tentatively identified as being the small Khitan script. Since its discovery, it has fascinated a number of scholars, and much progress has been made. The locus classicus for basic information on the Khitan small script is in K. Wittfogel and C.S. Feng, History of Chinese Society: Liao (907-1125), pp. 240-253. Articles which review and summarise the state of research until the late 1970s are by Gy. Kara, "A propos de l'inscription Khitane de 1150" (1975) and Tamura Jitsuzo, "Kittan Joshin moji ko" [A study of the Khitan and Jurchen scripts] (1976). An important breakthrough in the decipherment of this script came in 1977, with the publication of an article by the Khitan Script Research Group, consisting of Chinggeltei, Chen Naixiong, Xing Fuli, Liu Fengzhu and Yu Baolin, entitled "Guanyu Qidan xiao zi yanjiu" [Research on the Khitan small script]. This was followed by "Qidan xiao zi jiedu xin tan" [New investigations in the decipherment of the Khitan small script] (1978) and several other articles by scholars working in this field. In 1985 the Khitan Script Research Group published a major work, Qidan xiao zi yanjiu [Research on the Khitan Small Script], which is a complete compendium of all inscriptions in the Khitan small script discovered to date, frequency lists, a summary of all research done by Chinese and non-Chinese scholars, and a complete bibliography. Nishida Tatsuo, "Kittan moji kaidoku no shin tenkai" [New developments in the decipherment of the Khitan script] (1982) is based on the two articles mentioned above; Gy. Kara has written a brief article "On the Khitan writing systems" (1987) summarising the major findings of the Khitan Script Research group. Research in China on the Khitan small script has been prolific; the current state of research is summarised by Liu Fengzhu and Yu Baolin, "Qidan zi yanjiu gaikuang" [A survey on research on the Khitan script] (1984), and Jia Jingyan, "Qidanwen" [The Khitan script] (1982); a bibliography can be found in Minzu yuwen, 1984, issue no. 6.
The only Khitan-Chinese bilingual is the Da Jin huangdi dutong jinglUe langjun xingji inscription, and an inspection of it will give some idea of the nature of the Khitan small script. Through a process of deduction it is not possible to reproduce here, the Khitan Script Research Group compared the final lines of the Khitan and Chinese versions of this inscription:
14
K
C
TABLE 3: The last line of the Da Jin huangdi dutong jinglue langjun xingji inscription
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
}~ {1::. t; ;¥.. ~~ J~( i. rl1 ,I" k , ... ,'"
~ 1~ -~~ f 1r ;,to AA 7J
)-(0
~~ rr!1 fR~
~ ~R ~ .fu
~~ *y ~ .:f;
~~ ffi~ ~ 3;''1 'I'" :l~";, x'1 Y£. ~
)'i(;~
,)~ )'Ii~ .1/. J-) ;1~ ';'"
,~ J!'i.:. 1,1'( ~r~~ , J-
jil, II,;'>
Ilf. ,'-.t. ;}: J;.. -f. 1'~ X. 7J'; .J"} \':.( J'~
r • ..,. .HI ... 4"'- "'1:: (,l~ ",19 1-* J~·t
f;'~: '~ IJ~ ~-'- k. JI"- .~-t. .., ";.'~""'" \._:"'
'" ,',- .,~.~ -t If:, }'(
J,..
7i'~ ' ...... ,J-::I: :Jj I:f- :1- j: }"--- /,- j J':' X. Jf- ,;'r .!, J,.' .;t... lf~ ..... J.~ ;i(J II' .. .,-;-
!~11 k I'''-~ .1- .,", .':~·L 5tJ (f:
1:1,,'-1'. ti 1t
",J'') f';:" ;6 .1. j;.
" j,/;:"" -H J:J., ,j,
~,:~- ~1.-0/ .'7 - ,tJ3.
,- ;;:."'1 i:,11 ~,1'
i<. ~ 1A· 1,1, " .}I;· "", " l ~n ~Il Iii 1. • ~~J.
j'tr 3 ./fl
ii1~} M: -":!j ;t, r *--:..~ ;:I " (d- y. ~.:;j
I .' ~ I') ;A ,; 11 '" ,~ r1t· ~ '-J tt~, ~} ji't .. ~)J J'. I' 1;
-t i;f: :( [\1;. .(, "~
11 ;.',' ~'~:' r~ :1:...
" If ~ji'" ;i~j '/,
~~ , ... >,,!, 1j J~ ; ", ?it ~.'-
)AI ...
.-til. ~t,?_ ..,. ~:'- )j/~
~'';. ;., !,~ ",:] A'l -0~ :l'~ J.'::' ... ~. C!,1lI I;,k,
.'- J; cl "~ <8 -.1, J?1.. ~x ..., ~ --(, 3-~ .~ (£. r;~ .1" ~
J' \2 )J: /,1 J)'(
.. 1
~i~1{ -'J
,',:}
;Il~ )t~j 3.:-
')'L. Jti'- fl-! .: IJ-, 0:1.
;!:. i- " -tV R. !~..: h'; *- /..£'
4-M -1' 1'1- ~d1 .{~ H. )J~- V[ {itt {::.j > ~1l I)f..
~ .~ ~ ~ " ",.t-f( 1!? .4:- 7;::) ~~
,i! .. "~.' 17 ....... 2- -x,if" ;lit 1,(, n p ~ .~J tt 1'0%
,l. ..t.. ~
-(, ~,r.. .$- $':} ih J,' ~ :~:,. .. ""J ~ "-J .. tJ\.ol ......
Ill. 5 The Da Jin huangdi dutong jing1ue 1angjun xingji inscription
15
and were able to isolate certain phonetic elements used to
transcribe Chinese words. The Chinese text above is read (in
Modern Standard Chinese) shang shu zhi fang lang zhong huang
ying gi; the Khitan can be shown to be read sh-ang sh-u zhi
fang l-ang zh-ung huang ying k-i, thus giving the phonetic
values ~ = sh; ~ = /, ang; ,1
" ~; ~ =i. The Chinese text means "[written by
the) Shang shu zhi fang lang zhong (an official title), Huang
Yingqi (a personal name). Further perusal of the text shows
that the Chinese expression J! tt ~t Tang Qian Ling (a
placename) corresponds to Khitan ~19l~ and it is
possible to isolate certain phonetic elements in the Khitan:
t-ang-en (-en is a genitive suffix) ki-ian l-ing-te (-te is a
dative suffix), giving us the equivalents f~ =!; ,,\
ang (as above); 1: - ki; ~ = ian; * -1 (as above); If] flJ., ¥Jl ~
-k
= ing (as above). Similarly the Chinese term
Shan (also a p1acename) corresponds to Khitan
Liang
and
it is possible to isolate the elements l-iang sh-an-an (-an
is a genitive suffix). In this way it is possible to
determine the readings of some 200 of the 378 phonetic
symbols employed in the Khitan small script. It is also
possible to reconstruct some native Khitan words written
phonetically; for example the tenth character in the first
line ~ can be read *~a-a-li; in the vocabulary of
Khitan words appended to the History of the Liao Dynasty it
is recorded "in Khitan, ~a-li means langjun (prince); sure
enough, ~a-a-1i corresponds to langjun in the Chinese
inscription. Other words recorded in the History of the Liao
Dynasty in Chinese transcription have been identified in
various inscriptions; for example nie-he, ;t~ .t1b 'dog', has
been identified as ~-X. f.J ne-hei in transcriptions; tao-li
'hare' as -+J: tao-Ii-a. The History of the Liao Dynasty
records the Khitan word for "filial piety"
chi-shi-de-ben; this appears in Khitan as
as being iff, _1~ + -h~
~
16
*~-i-is-t-pu. It is possible to reconstruct some Khitan
ideograms in this way; for example 'five' ~ also appears
used phonetically in the word for 'hare' *tao-li-a;
suggesting that the Khitan word for five was read tao, as
indeed it is recorded in the vocabulary attached to the
History of the Liao Dynasty. The similarity of several Khitan
words to Mongolian should be noted: Khitan *nehei, Mongol
nogai 'dog'; Kh. *taulia, Mo. taulai 'hare'; Kh.*tao, Mo.
tabun 'five'; Kh.*mor, Mo. mori 'horse', Kh.*u'ul Mo. ebiil
'winter'; Kh.*iama, Mo. yama¥~ 'sheep', Kh.*yis, Mo. yisii
'nine' .
There are many apparently phonetic elements which
do not appear in Chinese loan words; subsequently the
readings of these have been difficult to determine. So far
378 phonetic elements have been distinguished; it has been
possible to give tentative phonetic values to 126 of them.
There are also cases where the meaning of an ideographic
character is known, but not the pronunciation; in some cases
it is possible to guess the reading of an ideogram, for
example, means 'year'; and the word for year in
the vocabulary appended to the History of the Liao Dynasty is
transcribed by the Chinese character ~~ (Modern Standard
Chinese huan); on the basis of this the tentative reading
*hon has been given to this character.
To get a clearer idea of the way the Khitan script
functioned, and the degree to which it has been deciphered,
it will be helpful to look at the Da Jin huangdi dutong
jinglue langjun xingji inscription in some detail. It is not
possible to discuss the whole inscription here, but an
analysis of the first and last lines of the inscription will
suffice for the present purpose. The first line of the
inscription contains ten characters:
I 17
TABLE 4: The first line of the Da Jin Huang Di inscription.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
This can be tentatively deciphered as follows: (1) )C and (2) ~ (meaning: Great Jin State; ideographic characters;
possible readings: (1) dai (2) gin (if from Chinese);
Murayama Shichiro suggests *yike for (1) and Liu Fengzhu
1 f ~~ composed of (a) h (k), suggests *ru ugu or (2); (3) -*- ILJ
(b) ,i- [ue), (c) /t- [en); so *kue-en; *kue is presumably
from Chinese guo; -en is a genitive ending; (4) ~ composed of (a) t [xa), (b) .£ [¥a], (c) 1 ...... [an], so
*xava-an 'of the Khan'; (5) )9 is an ideographic character,
presumably derived from the Chinese character ~ di 'younger
brother', to which it corresponds in the Chinese text of the
inscription; (6) ?r1ij and (7) ~ are read I':-i and ~
respectively, so *I':igu, corresponding to the Chinese dutong,
an official title which can be translated 'military
director'; it might derive from the Chinese expression ~
'banners and drums; i.e. war'; (8)ruTl is composed of (a) It. (g)
and (b) hR [ing), so *gigg (corresponding to Chinese jing;
(9) ~ composed of (a) ~ [I), (b) * [iau) and (c)~ [u); so *liauu, corresponding to Chinese lUe; (10) ~ composed of (a) ~. (~a), (b) ~ (a) and (c) Ii, so *~aali,
corresponding to langjun in Chinese (cf. the note on this
word above).
18
The date, too, can be deciphered. The Chinese text
gives the date as Tianhui shier nian suici jiayin zhong dong
shi you si ri 'the twelfth year of the tianhui period, in the
year jiayin of the sexagenary cycle, in mid-winter, on the
fourteenth day'. The Chinese and Khitan versions of the date
are given below:
TABLE 5: The date on the Da Jin huangdi inscription.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
l1D B
The Khitan version can be analysed as follows: (1) tJ
is an ideographic character; from a comparison with other
inscriptions it can be inferred to mean 'that'; (2) .:II< is
also ideographic and corresponds to the Chinese shi 'time';
as the vocabulary appended to the History of the Liao DynaGty
gives the Khitan word for "time" as QQ, this character may
have been read *QQ. (3) ~ is ideographic and corresponds to
Chinese tian; is obviously borrowed from ~ ; some
investigators surmise it to have been read *tengri (from
~~ 1>. ~ Mongol); (4) J};. is composed of (a) /:;(,- [t], (b) 1)../ [iou]
and (c) ~ [uei]; as this must be a transcription of the
Chinese term tianhui, (b) must have been read [ien], so (4)
19
is *tien-uei; (5) ~ is an ideograph, the numeral ten (the
pronunciation is not known); (6) ~ is an ideograph, the
numeral two; the vocabulary appended to the Qidan guozhi
gives the Khitan word for two as *xo, (cf. Mongol ~), so
perhaps this character is pronounced *xo; (7) 'M is composed
of (a) t [s], (b) ~ iau and (c) "k [e], so *siaue. This
word corresponds to jia in the Chinese inscription; the
Khitans apparently used the "five elements" and the "twelve
animals" in their system of counting years, in which jia
would correspond to the element tin and the colour blue; tin
in Mongol is torol¥~ and in Manchu tolohon ; blue in
Mongol is k6ke and in Manchu nowanggiyan, so it seems the
Khitan term *siaue (if this reconstruction is correct) was
not related to the Mongol or Manchu terms; (8) ~ is
composed of (a) J:. [qa]; (b) ..t. [Xa] and (c) ~ [hui] ,
so *~¥ahui, corresponding to Chinese yin; amongst the twelve
animals this corresponds to tiger (cf. Mongol bars and Manchu
tasha); (9) f is an ideogram meaning year, apparently
derived from Chinese Jf . As mentioned above, the
vocabulary appended to the History of the Liao Dynasty gives
the Khitan word for year as *hon, so some scholars give this
graph that reading. However, this symbol is also used as a
phonetic element, with the pronunciation [ail. The Khitan
large script form of this character was very different: from
which the Jurchen form;k [*anie] was derived. (10) ~ ,
composed of (a) A' (b) ,if, and (c) :7-- ; Liu Fengzhu has
reconstructed this word as *duanda and determines the values
of (a) as [du], (b) as [an] and (c) as [da] on this basis,
modifying values previous ly given to these symbols; (11) ~!f,
composed of (a) ~ [u] and (b) !f [ul], so *u'ul, which
corresponds to the Chinese dong 'winter' (cf. Mongol ebul,
Middle Mongol ubtil/UgUl); (12) ~ is the ideogram for ten,
the same as character (5) above; (13) ~ is an ideogram
corresponding to Chinese si 'four', its pronunciation is not
20
known; (14) ~ is an ideogram corresponding to the Chinese
ri 'day'; its pronunciation is not known. The Khitan large
script character for day was 8 ,derived from Chinese from
both of which the Jurchen form 8' [*inenggi] was derived.
So the first line of the inscription can be
tentatively read: [GREAT](dai? yike?) [JIN](gin? rulugu?)
kue-en xa~a-an [YOUNGER BROTHER] (Chinese di, Jurchen deu <
degu?) cigu ging liau §aali ... , and the last line [THAT]
[TIME] (QQ?) [HEAVEN] tien-uei [TEN] [TWO] (xo? )" siaue (tin?
blue?) ~¥ahui (tiger?) [YEAR] (hon? ai?) duanda (middle?)
u'ul (winter?) [TEN] [FOUR] [DAY]. Some of the body of the
inscription can also be deciphered, for example the place
names mentioned above. Nishida Tatsuo has studied the
characters in the Khitan inscription corresponding to the
Chinese tai shou yu han yin er gui (he drank together with
the governor and returned) and has reconstructed the Khitan
as *nait-ua chap (y)amse xi-i-is-kui ph-?-l-u. These few
examples give some indication of the nature of the Khitan
small script, the progress made in deciphering it, and the
very limited extent of that progress so far.
21
CHAPTER THREE THE JURCHEH SCRIPT
The Jurchen script, as it is found on the inscriptions of the Jin Dynasty, the Nuzhen zishu and the Sino-Jurchen vocabularies of the Ming period, is obviously derived from the Chinese script and the Khitan large script, with many innovations of its own. The idea of writing grammatical terminations syllabically seems to have been borrowed fr~m the Khitan small script, but the influence of that script on the Jurchen script seems to have been slight. The Jurchen script, in its mature form, contains ideograms of one, two or three syllables; partial ideograms, which are used in combination with phonetic symbols to write complete words, and phonetic syllabic symbols, which were used to write grammatical particles, Chinese loan words and words for which a special ideogram did not exist.
The following table compares the numerals in Chinese, the Khitan large script, the ideographic characters in the Khitan small script, and in the Jurchen script:
TABLE 6: Numerals in Chinese, Khitan and Jurchen.
Chinese Khitan Khitan Jurchen large small
yi ..t. L- *emu one
er &- L-- *Jue two
san :: 11 ;; *ilan three -lID si .0.
,-'"> <. +- *duin four
..£ wu 1- ~ 11- *sunJa five
J.- liu * j;. " *ninggu six /, -r -\::. qi ± If ~ *nadan seven
I, ba ifL ~ rL *Jakun eight
~ jiu FL ~ 'iL *uyun nine
+ shi t k:. + *Jua ten
22
Many Jurchen characters are obviously derived from the Chinese equivalents, perhaps via the Khitan large script forms; others appear to derive from distorted forms of Chinese characters:
TABLE 7: Jurchen characters derived from Chinese via Khitan.
Chinese Khitan Khitan Jurchen large small
~ tian t.~ /'
*' J1 t. *abka sky
Jf nian ;f* -t 4¥ *anie year
ij yue F\ +- A ~) *bie month
a ri 8 ~ a £;1' *inenggi day
TABLE 8: Jurchen characters derived from distorted Chinese characters.
Chinese Jurchen
t dong 'i~ *Jule-!li east
r§ xi ~~ *fuli-H west
r$ nan fJ# *fan-ti south
:;I~ bei ~t1: *uli-ti north
~ di ;r.:t: *deu-un brother
JiL feng -«L.:t: *edu-un wind
~ xiong .r )t ±: *ahu-un brother
~ guo liLt: *guru-un country
(It should be noted that the characters in Table 8 above are examples of "partial ideograms", i.e. they are combined with phonetic elements to form full words.)
23
Some Jurchen characters appear to derive from Chinese, but in these cases only the pronunciation of the character, not its meaning, is involved:
TABLE 9 : Jurchen characters derived from Chinese characters (similar in sound but not similar in meaning).
Chinese Jurchen
...l- jing < ging ,
*ging )f .. cp. Jt qi < ki ! *ki
4 xi < hi ~ *hi
t\ tai ~ *tai
1::.. da (dai) f-.' *dai
! cha $ *sa
r.fu yu ~ *i
t yu t *i
l' she i' *~a
Several writers have attempted to go farther in deriving each symbol in the Jurchen script from Chinese or Khitan, but, apart from the fairly obvious examples listed above, their explanations are not very convincing. The most prolific writer in this field has been Yamaji Hiroaki. His major work is Joshin mO]1 no Se1]1 ni kansuru kenkyu [Research on the structure of Jurchen characters] (1958). The publication of this book prompted a long review article by Jin Guangping, "Nuzhen zhi zi fangfa lun' [On the method of creating Jurchen characters] (1958, published 1980). Yamaji derives Jurchen characters from Chinese according to ten different methods, involving direct borrowing with some distortion, phonetic similarity and so on. His method of deriving Jurchen characters has been followed and developed by Jin Qicong in his Nuzhenwen cidian [Jurchen Dictionary] (1984), in which suggested derivations are given for almost every character. More examples of the Jurchen and Khitan scripts (both large and small) have come to light in recent years, and many of Jin Qicong's derivations appear quite
24
sound.
Putting proposed derivations to one side, one can list a fair number of Jurchen characters which are unlike Chinese, but which can be found in the Khitan large script. For example, the following characters which can be found in the Xigushan inscription can also be found in Jurchen (in form, that is; it is not yet clear as to whether these characters have the same meaning in both scripts):
TABLE 10: Characters found in both Jurchen and the Khitan large script.
The following characters are almost the same in both scripts; they differ by the addition or omission of a dot:
TABLE 11: Almost identical characters in Jurchen and the Khitan large script.
*- ~ 4¥ j~ £. ~ a' ~, ':.} -} .:it {t ~. q ~ if, ~
Some Jurchen characters are also to be found in the Khitan small script, but these are relatively few:
TABLE 12: Jurchen characters identical with those found in the Khitan small script
fFJ ~ 1i. ~,fJ * * t) 15 t-a !f.. *' ~ ft.: ~ ~
25
As mentioned above, the ideographic characters are of twO types: one of which can be used to write a whole word, another of which is used to write the first syllable or two of a word, in conjunction with one or more phonetic symbols. These ideographs mainly have disyllabic readings, but there are some examples of monosyllabic or trisyllabic characters:
TABLE 13: Monosyllabic ideographic characters.
f *mo tree
* *na earth
JlJ *da root
1f. *fi «pi) writing brush
TABLE 14: Disyllabic ideographic characters.
~ *abka sky
~ *lefu bear
if *loho knife
1L *amin father
15 *tumen ten thousand
i:. *honi sheep
t *beye body
A. *tiho chicken
f *niru arrow
...1- *uJu head fA
TABLE 15: Trisyllabic ideographic characters.
~ *alawa ~
imperial edict
if, *hefuli stomach
26
~, j. *meHlen heart
.1 *tobohon fifteen
All the characters listed above represent whole words. There is another group of characters which are not used independently, and which only represent part of a word. Examples of this type are:
TABLE 16:
, JL.. tu
~ mede
~\ mudu
!. neku
'li omo
~ inda
Partial-ideographic characters phonograms)
(used with
in [i..~ tu-gi *tugi cloud
in >tlt mede-ri *mederi sea
in ~\~ mudu-r *mudur dragon
in t.¥ neku-r *nekur friend
in ti~ omo-lo *omolo grand-child
in ~,! inda-hun *indahun dog
There are several verbs, in which the root form should be considered an independent ideogram, even though they are always followed by suffixes, written with phonetic characters. Such are:
TABLE 17: Ideographic characters always followed by suffixes.
*- *iSi- to arrive
17J- *dondi- to listen
~ *ili- to stand
4"- *bandi- to be born
~ *inJe- to laugh
JJ *tedu- to sleep
27
TABLE 18: Partial list of simple syllabic phonograms.
a e i 0 u
/,f, 4- t t if=J Jf ~
b- ~, t- it ~ l * '7C / L-
~ i m- f" ~ I \
f- #. 1t * 3J. ~ it ...J- v.
~ " d- ~ If) -ft
t- rfl i ~ 1t t- ty ft' ~
-L :tt '~ -,
{'" n- f, 1- ft: Jj it t:- 1i If· A. § ~
/ ~
± ff.l 0 *- ft # }; -I-. A. Ul J- " ,
~- 1; { lr- £- 1l tL ~- .~ ~ ~ ~ IJ:.
a .1
J1Y- I *' ~ fJ :f s- ~
)¥ t ~e. h if. 1L *-' g- 7-..
h- f ~ 4 f.- IfJ iD R ~
.J
k- ~ itt' "
The final category of characters are those which are used phonetically. These are fairly numerous; a list of the most CODmlon ones is given in Table 18 above.
Some of these phonograms were used mainly to
indicate a final -n after a vowel: -
TABLE 19: Phonograms indicating final -no -
;f, -an
h- .in
28
.:t.: -un
1:i: -en
'" :h -on
Many Jurchen words are written entirely with such phonograms:
TABLE 20: Jurchen words written in phonograms.
3. 1\ u-fa *ufa flour
~~+ u-mie-ha *umieha insect
~~~ hu-da-~a *huda~a- to sell
In some cases there is no clear distinction between an ideograph and a phonogram; for example ~ *ali- 'to accept' is an ideogram, but it is also used in the word ali-in [*alin] 'mountain '" purely for its phonetic value; di'to come' is used in ~ Ill" hu-di-ra [*hudira-] 'to sing' purely for its phonetic value.
The discovery of the Nuzhen zishu [Book of Jurchen Characters] in Xi'an has shed some light on how this system might have evolved. In these lists, there are many examples of words written with one character, which in later Jurchen (such as that on the inscriptions, or in the Hua-Yi yiyu) were written with two, or even three symbols.
TABLE 21: Jurchen words written with one symbol in the Nlizhen zishu but two in the Hua-Yi yiyu.
Nlizhen zishu Hua-Yi yiyu
hahai '* ~ hahai-ai *hahai male
"l: hehe
;\t eige
sarigan
omolo
iha(n)
mori(n)
indahu(n)
afi
edu(n)
lL bono(n)
A-. "I hehe-e c.:.f::
*hehe
~f. J} eige-ge *eige
f.t;jt
1~
tf- f, 1~ j'l 1ft if.,t ,fltt 7Lg(.
sarigan-gan *sarigan
omolo-Io *omolo
iha(n)-an *ihan
mori(n)-in *morin
indahun-hun *indahun
afi-fi *afi
edu(n)-un *edun
bono(n)-on *bonon
29
female
husband
wife
grandchild
ox
horse
dog
lion
wind
hail
Some words are written with one symbol in the
Nuzhen zishu, but with three in the Hua-Yi yiyu, for example
*engemer 'saddle' is written it} 1: ~~: in the Hua-Yi yiyu;
*funirhei 'hair (on the head) is written 'it ~ 4t, in the
Hua-Yi yiyu. Jin Qicong has argued that these characters give
a clue to the evolution of the Jurchen script, in three
stages (of which the second is hypothetical at this stage):
TABLE 22: Development of Jurchen script
..J-
~t ~~{K Ici) engemer enge (mer)mer en(ge) (mer)ge-mer
~ funirhei ~~ funir(hei)hei ~ k-it. fun(ir) (hei)ir-hei
30
It would seem that the words in the table above
were originally written with one character, but in the course
of time phonograms representing the last syllable came to be
attached to the ideogram; in some cases, phonograms
representing the last two syllables of the word were attached
to the ideogram. In many other cases, however, this
development did not occur. In other cases, for example the
word for 'thunder' ~ [*akdien] is written with one symbol
in both the Nuzhen zishu and the Hua-Yi yiyu but
with two in the Jin Dynasty
inscriptions. This might indicate that the Nuzhen zishu might
been used in the compilation of the Hua-Yi yiyu; in other
certain forms in the Ming Dynasty Hua-Yi yiyu appear to be
(if one accepts the evolution of the Jurchen script outlined
above) than the forms on the Jin Dynasty inscriptions.
To get a better idea of the way the Jurchen script
was used in practice, it will be useful to analyse in some
detail an actual inscription, namely the Nuzhen jinshi timing
bei inscription of 1224, which commemorates the conferring of
the degree of jinshi on successful Jurchen candidates that
year. More information on this inscription is given below. I
have reproduced Luo Fucheng's handwritten copy of part of the
inscription, namely the title, the introduction and several
lines within the text, in Illustration 6 below.
1 2
TABLE 23: Title of the Nuzhen jinshi timing bei inscription
345 678 9 10 11 12
Ill. 6: The title and first line of the Nuzhen jinshi timing bei inscription (in the transcription of Luo Fucheng)
31
32
Characters (1), (2) and (3), tl; foJ ~ ,are read us-in-H,
and transcribe the Chinese expression jinshi. (4) is read i and is a genitive suffix. (5) and (6), appear in the Hua-Yi
~ where they are transcribed ~ and bu respectively, but
as this word corresponds to Manchu gerbu 'name', this word
might be transcribed *ge[r)bu. (7) t~- is unknown in later
texts. It is very similar to one in the Hua-Yi yiyu, -i*,' ,
which appears in the word It..- Jl *merhe-, 'to reward', which
has led some investigators to give it that meaning here.
However,in another inscription, the Da Jin de sheng tuosong
bei, the Chinese term shilu 'veritable records' is translated
, showing that 11::- means 'to record'.
The pronunciation is unknown, unless it is indeed a variety
of 11;.- , whereby one could give it the reading mer.
(8) ~ appears in the Hua-Yi yiyu with the reading hehe.
(9) and (10), ~ 4- are to be read he and ~ respectively:
he'e would correspond to Manchu ~- 'to carve, to
inscribe'. (11) and (12) ~ ~ appear in the Hua-Yi yiyu
where they are given the reading we-he and are translated
'stone': *wehe corresponds to Manchu wehe 'stone'. The first
line then can be read *usin~i-i ge[r]bu mer(?)hehe he'e wehe
and means 'inscribed stone recording the names of the
[successful candidates for the degree of) jinshi.
1
~ 12 13
f
The next line contains twenty two characters:
TABLE 24: First line of the Nuzhen jinshi timing bei inscription
3
ft-4
::t.: 14 15
5
f-16
6 7
1; t 17 18
8 9 10
t ~ 19 20 21
f 22
33
(1) and (2) $-~, are to be found in the Hua-Yi
~ and are to be read amba-an [*amban) and mean 'big,
great': (3) and (4) ft- ~, are read an~u-un [*an~unl;, an~un
means 'gold' (Chinese jin); *amban ancun correspond to
Chinese Da Jin 'The Great Jin Dynasty'. (10) ~ , is read
*anie and means 'year'; the characters preceeding this must
be the reign title. (7) and (8) are the same as (1) and (2),
so *amban, corresponding to Chinese da 'big, great'. The only
reign period in the Jin Dynasty in which the second character
is da is the period zhengda (1224-1231). Sure enough, in the
History of the Jin Dynasty, it is recorded that in the first
year of the zhengda period, one of the triennial metropolitan
examinations for the degree of jinshi was held, and that the
emperor, on the cyclical day jiachen of the fifth month
conferred degrees upon Jurchen graduates. (9), ~ appears in
the Hua-Yi yiyu in the expression i 1~ ~IJ *alir modn
'foal', so perhaps (9) is to be read *alir here; it
apparently means 'first', corresponding to Chinese yuan. That
leaves us with (5) ~ and (6) 1; . (5) does not appear in
other texts; the second is in the Hua-Yi yiyu and is read
har. The Manchu equivalent of zheng would be tob (as in the
Manchu for the Qing reign period Yongzheng, Huwaliyasun Tob),
which does not seem to be related to this word. Lue Fucheng,
considering that..f. is similar to the Chinese _ che,
suggested reading this character ~e; Jin Qicong, taking into
account the requirements of vowel harmony in a syllable
preceeding har suggests co for this character, and *~ohar as
a transcription for this expression. In any case, the
expression "" 1; Jf4; appears in the Deshengtuo songbei
inscription in the term ~ ~ 'veritable records'; as
zheng means 'upright, correct' it seems certain that ~ 1t whatever its reading, corresponds to zheng. (11), (12), (13)
and (14) go together; each is in the Hua-Yi
34
~ and are read te-den(g)-ce-hei.
.:t. Y.. + Hua-Yi yiyu in the expression/u~JQ
(11) appears in the
te-de-buma, with the
meaning 'to offer, to present. *buma is a verbal suffix; the
root is *tede-. (13), ~e is a suffix indicating continuity
and (14) hei is a "modal converb suffix". As jinshi literally
means 'presented scholars', presumably *teden(g)~ehei must
mean 'those who were presented'. The rest of this line is the
same as the title. The whole line can be read *amban ancun
cohar(?) amban afire?) anie teden(g)cehei ge[r)bu mer(?)hehe
he'e wehe 'an inscribed stone (stele) recording the names of
the presented [scholars) in the first year of the zhengda
period of the Great Jin Dynasty'.
The next line has twenty nine characters:
TABLE 25: The second line of the Nuzhen jinshi timing bei
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
m. 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20
a 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29
8 .fii
(1) and (2) are transcriptions of the
Chinese term huangdi 'emperor'; the Jurchen term was *xa'an
but huangdi appears often enough in the inscriptions. (3),
(4), (5) and (6), ~ ~~ fi; are all phonograms and are to be
found in the Hua-Yi yiyu, they can be read mi-ing-us-yen and
are a transcription of the Chinese term ming jun. According
to the History of the Jin Dynasty, it was in the Ming Jun
35
Hall that the jinshi degrees were presented. (10) ~ is the
genitive suffix -i, so (7), (8) and (9) ~ t)jL must
correspond to the Chinese term dian 'palace, hall [in a
palace)'. (7) and (8) can be found in the Hua-Yi yiyu and are
read non
sources.
and Q respectively. (9) is unknown from other
Jin Qicong regards it is a variant of f~ flL ~ ; the
third form appears in the Hua-Yi yiyu and is read go, so Jin
suggests *nonogo as a reconstruction for the Jurchen word for
'hall, palace'. The Mongol (and Manchu) word corresponding to
Chinese dian, ordo, is obviously not related. Jin Qicong
notes that in the History of the Jin Dynasty there is a
Jurchen expression *nagoli, which is glossed in Chinese as
meaning 'a place of residence', and suggests that *nonogo and
*nagoli might be related. (11) appears in the Hua-Yi yiyu in
the words t:Jt. *]'uleSi 'east' and *]ule 'in front of'.
(12) is a phonogram read ~, presumably here attached to
*lule-, so *lule-e or *]ule. In the Liao and Jin periods
palaces faced eastwards, so 'east' and 'in front of' were
synonymous. (13) ~ and (14) k are to be found in the
Hua-Yi yiyu; in Grube's edition iz. was transcribed ,ij~ ~ , so Grube reconstructed *mehr for this character; in other
editions, however, it is transcribed r~~~ e-r-ge and is
translated 'place'; as the Manchu word for place is ergi,
*erge would seem to be the correct transcription for this
word .
another
./
(15) -1-locative
is a locative suffix, read du (there is
suffix, ¢ do, used with back vowels, ;1".
whereas du is used with front vowels, so its pronunciation in
the Jin period may have been du). The next four characters,
(16) 4 (17) R ,(18).1., and (19) a are all
ideograms, read *duin bie tobohon inenggi, meaning 'fifteenth
day of the fourth month'. (20) t and (21) Ai are
phonograms, read ca and ai, and transcribe the Chinese
~ expression ce 'theme'. ( X' is usually read ce in Modern
Standard Chinese, but the reading chai is recorded in earlier
36
dictionaries). (22) .i. and (23) 8 are also ideograms, read
*darhon inenggi and mean 'seventeenth day'. (24) ~ and (25)
are phonograms, read lu and un respectively; they transcribe
the Chinese expression lun 'dissertation'. (26) ~ is also a
phonogram, read ~i and transcribes the Chinese expression shi
'verses'. (27)
final two characters,
Hua-Yi yiyu in the
is an instrumental suffix, read gi. The
(28) 1........ and (29) iL appear in the
expression jz.fi.;t *~ente-mei, and is
glossed in Chinese kao 'to examine'; -mei is a "nonperfective
converb suffix".
So the whole sentence can be read *huangdi ming-usien nonogo(?)-i Jule-e erge-du duin bie tobohon inenggi caai darhon inenggi lun ~i-ge cende, literally "the emperor, in the place to the east of (or: in front of) the Ming Jun Hall, on the fifteenth day of the fourth month; the theme; on the seventeenth day the dissertation and the verses by-means-of-which he examined", in other words, "the emperor examined [them] by means of a theme on the fifteenth day of the fourth month, and by means of a dissertation and verses on the seventeenth day, in the area to the east of (or: in front of) the Ming Jin Hall:
It must be stressed that the above "reconstructions" are only very approximate, based as they are on Chinese transcriptions of Ming Dynasty Jurchen (the task of reconstructing the values of these characters in Jin Dynasty Jurchen has barely begun), but at least they give some idea as to how the language must have been pronounced, and how the script was used in actual practice.
There are still many questions remaining on the Jurchen script. Possibly the ideograms were originally conceived of as roots, to which phonograms could be added to express grammatical suffixes. It seems that at least some of the phonograms were originally ideograms, and were used in both functions. Other ideograms, acqu~r~ng a function as phonograms, lost their ideographic function and were used merely as phonograms. In the NUzhen zishu there are many ideograms which do not appear in the Hua-Yi yiyu; it may be that some words originally written with ideograms came to be written entirely with phonograms.
The greatest problem is that, up till now, almost
37
all researchers have -elied on the Chinese transcriptions of Jurchen done during the Ming dynasty. Although most (but not all) modern researchers at least take into account the readings of the Chinese characters according to their Ming pronunciation rather than their modern pronunciation when determining their transcription values, the Jurchen language which is being transcribed still reflects the way it must have been pronounced in Ming times. The only systematic attempt to truly reconstruct the readings of the characters as they were actually pronounced during the Jin Dynasty, at the time of their creation and use, was by L. Ligeti in his "Note preliminaire sur Ie dechiffrement des 'petites caracteres' joutchen" (1953) and "Les inscriptions Djurtchen de Tyr: la formule Q~ ma~i padme h~" (1961), in which, however, only a few characters were treated. In his preface to A Study of the Jurchen Language and Script: Reconstruction and Decipherment (1977), G.N. Kiyose writes the reconstruction of Ming-Jurchen phonology makes possible the reconstruction of Chin-Jurchen phonology through historico-linguistic methods. This is the methodology I have used in my reconstructions presented in this volume". However, in the same preface, Kiyose writes "this work is a study of the Jurchen language during the Ming period", and there is practically no reference to the phonology of the Jin period in this work, except for some isolated examples. Jin Guangping and Jin Qicong in their Nuzhen yuyan wenzi yanjiu [Research on the Jurchen Language and Script] and Jin Qicong in his Nuzhenwen zidian [Jurchen Dictionary] also use reconstructions of Jurchen which may well be accurate for Ming Jurchen (as they are based on Ming transcriptions), but which are not strictly accurate to transcribe Jin Dynasty inscriptions. The problem of why there are so many characters apparently read the same (perhaps they represented different values in the Jin Dynasty, which had fallen together by the Ming, or perhaps originally homophonic ideographs (with different meanings) came to be used as phonograms) remains unsolved. The task of reconstructing the original readings of the Jurchen characters remains to be done.
38
CHAPTER FOUR: GLOSSES PRESERVED IN CHINESE HISTORICAL SOURCES
There is some material for the study of the Jurchen language preserved in glosses and vocabularies in historical sources. These are:
(a) The Jurchen vocabulary appended to the History of the Jin Dynasty.This is entitled "Jin Guoyu jie" [Explanation of the National Language of the Jin), and is appended to the last chapter of the Dynastic History. It consists of 125 words divided into five sections: (a) names of official posts; (b) words describing people; (c) common objects; (d) plants and animals and (e)surnames. This was the first material on the Jurchen language to be investigated by Western scholars. The first mention of it seems to be by C. Visdelou, in his Histoire abregee de la Tartarie (1779), who quoted thirty four words from this vocabulary and compared them with their Manchu cognates, thus seeking to prove the identity of the two peoples. This list was reproduced by C. Langles, Alphabet mandchou (1787), who provided the transcribed words with a "Jurchen" garb. Later J. Klaproth, in his Asia Polyglotta (1823) gave a somewhat longer list, as did A. Wylie, in his translation of the Ts'ing wan k'e mung, a Chinese Grammar of the Manchu Tartar Language (1855). This vocabulary was again examined by C. de Harlez, "Niu-tchis et Mandchous, rapports d'origine et de langage" (1888), who reported that only five words on this list were identical in the two languages, but in all seventy seven were very similar and belonged to related, but not identical languages. The words on Wylie's list were added, when appropriate, to W. Grube's edition of the Sino-Jurchen vocabulary of the Ming Dynasty. Three other studies have been devoted to this vocabulary: Watanabe Kuntaro, Shimpen kinshi meijikai [Explanation of the names (of people and places) in the History of the Jin Dynasty] (1931); Mao Wen, "Jinshi Guoyu mingwu bian: siyi biao" [On the vocabulary of the Jurchen language in the History of the Jin Dynasty) (1933) and Li Xuezhi, "Jin Guoyu j ie zhu-shi" [The "Explanation of the National Language of the Jin" annotated and explained) (1970), but these studies are little more than identifications, where possible, of the Jurchen words with their cognates in Manchu or Mongol. The only contributions of a philological value seem to be the remarks by P. Pelliot in his articles "Les mots Ii h initial, aujourd'hui amuie, dans Ie mongol des XIIIe et XIVe siAcles", and "Sur quelques mots d'Asie centrale attestes dans les textes chinois".
Ill. 7. A page from the Jurchen vocabulary appended to the History of the Jin Dynasty
39
(b) The Jurchen words in the text of the History of the Jin Dynasty. In M. Honda and E.B. Ceadel, ·A survey of Japanese contributions to Manchurian studies·, it is stated that •... in the Chin Shih and other Chinese historical texts there is a fairly large number of Jurcen words indicated by Chinese characters used phonetically, but no systematic study has been made of these·. L. Ligeti writes in the same vein: ·Dans Ie domaine de l'explication des noms et mots djurtchens on n'a pas fait de progres dignes d'etre mentionnes. Sans compter les quelques remarques d'une reelle valeur de P. Pelliot et les tentatives fort problematiques de Watanabe KUntar6, l'on peut affirmer que ces recherches sont encore a leurs debuts" {"Les mots solons dans un ouvrage des Ts'ing"
40
p. 246). In a note he adds: "J'ai songe, avant tout, a Shimpen kinshi meijikai (Osaka 1931) de M. Watanabe Kuntar6 ou il a examine les noms propres djurtchens du Kin-che." The first comprehensive, if imperfect study of the Jurchen words scattered thoughout the text of the History of the Jin Dynasty was the Liao Jin Yuan sanshi guoyu jie [Explanations of the National Languages of the Liao, Jin and Yuan Dynasties], compiled by a group of scholars under imperial orders to explain the non-Chinese words in the Dynastic Histories of the Liao, Jin and Yuan Dynasties. It was published in 1772. L. Ligeti has some comments on this work in his article "Les mots solons ... ", pp. 231ff. The book by Watanabe Kuntaro mentioned above is essentially a revision of the Jinshi yujie (the Jurchen section of the Chinese work mentioned above). The words gathered together in the Jinshi ~ are rearranged according to stroke order; the main entry is in the "unrevised" , i.e. original form (the forms of many of the words in the History of the Jin Dynasty were arbitrarily changed by Qing editors); its location in the History and whether it refers to a name, tribe, place, surname and so on; the language from which the word derives, the word in Manchu, in the Manchu script (as provided in the Jinshi yujie), the romanised form of the Manchu word and the meaning, or suggested meaning of the word. Another work based on the Jinshi yujie is by Li Xuezhi, "Jinshi yujie zheng-wu chugao"[A preliminary draft of amendments to the Jinshi yujie] (1970); a resume of this article has been made by D. Holzman.
Indices to non-Chinese personal names, place names and official titles in the History of the Jin Dynasty have been prepared: the Jinshi fei Hanyu renming, diming, guanming suoyin [Non-Chinese personal names, place names and official titles in the History of the Jin Dynasty] contains only non-Chinese names; Kinshi goi shusei by Onogawa Hidemi contains also Chinese names. Chen Shu, Jinshi shibu wuzhong [Five supplements to the History of the Jin Dynasty] contains a study of the Chinese and Jurchen names in the History of the Jin Dynasty.
(c) The Da Jin guo zhi. There is an earlier text, the Da Jin guo zhi [Annals of the Jin Dynasty], written in 1234 by Yuwen Mouzhao, which contains a list of words in Jurchen (in Chinese transcription) in an appendix. Many of these can be readily identified with their Manchu equivalents, but as far as I am aware there has been so systematic study of the Jurchen words in this text.
~~ ~ it ~ ~pi;t ~£Jf%'~Jt } ~1I -<It: ~:t :~~ i {t ~~ 1tifr, ~,~ 11= ~
1... )l1 ifi1 1... ;~1 1:,tt\ I n )l,\ ~'l ~ 11' ~H\ iI\f ;t~\ j'C ~ill M,·j;. 1),- 11i. -c ,;;.1, ", {U. 1... :olJ ~n ~ 1'fl ~
f- .1'\ 'ft .. f) 1 F "..:l " ,-,,0, ,1,,-"'0 I11\"~ ~..L ,;a
w- ~ ~ :1+\ ~ >t~ if ~I»- ~ 1t ~t%- ~ If-- z,t \ ,~ ;if, f" t~ *- Nl ~f\ I?~ itt ~!?- -t fA. 'fi -;f, rlr ,~{- J:r"- ~ 18 ~ i£.. lfr, *- 1 r~ §..~' '-;.'- 1... fl ~ Jt j1f, 4'- fIT ~ <i:'... jf. ~ If
; ill j~ if. Jo/, f!<.. 11:' ji ~ 0 (r,
'r~ tt 1f ~ !'tVl:. <t..1 ! if. ,6,
''C r , I if. t:.j
I
Ill. 8: A page of the Jurchen vocabulary appended to the Da Jin guo zhi
41
42
CHAPTER FIVE INSCRIPTIONS IN THE JURCHEN SCRIPT
There are nine extant inscriptions in the Jurchen script. These are:
(1) The Da Jin deshengtuo bei inscription (also known as the Jin Victory Memorial Stele);
(2) The Nuzhen jinshi timing bei inscription (also known as the Yantai stele);
(3) The Aotun Liangbi jianyin bei inscription;
(4) The Aotun Liangbi shi inscription;
(5) The Hailong Nuzhen guoshu moya inscription;
(6) The Qingyuan inscription (also known as the Ky~ngw~n inscription);
(7) The Beiging inscription (also known as the Kwansan inscription);
(8) The Nuergan Yongningsi bei inscription (also known as the Tyr inscription);
(9) The Zhao Yong da jiangjun inscription.
All of these, except the last which was discovered in 1980 and remains unpublished, have been discussed in detail by many scholars. There have been two major collections of Jurchen inscriptions, the first by Amma Yaichiro, Joshimbun kinsekishi ko [A Study of Inscriptions in the Jurchen Script] (1943); the other by Jin Guangping and Jin Qicong, as part of their book Nuzhen yuyan wenzi yanjiu [Research on the Jurchen Language and Script] (1964, 1980). Amma's corpus of Jurchen inscriptions was a pioneering work of great value in its day, but has been superceded by more recent studies; his methodology, too (e.g. use of Chinese characters to transcribe Jurchen, rather than a phonetic representation) is not in accordance with current practice. The study by Jin Guangping and Jin Qicong is much more than a corpus of inscriptions, which in fact forms only an appendix to this extremely valuable work. The book is divided into the following sections:
43
(1) The Jurchen language - relationships with other languages
(2) The creation and use of the Jurchen script (3) Materials for the study of the Jurchen script (4) The structure of Jurchen characters (5) The pronunciation of Jurchen characters (6) Jurchen grammar (7) The value of Jurchen to historical studies (8) Conclusion
The appendix contains studies of the Nuzhen jinshi timing bei inscription, the Aotun Liangbi jianyin bei inscription, the Hailong Nuzhen guoshu moya inscription, the Qingyuan inscription and the Nuergan Yongningsi bei inscription.
(1) The Da Jin deshengtuo songbei inscription (The Jin Victory Memorial Stele)
This stele was set up in the year 1185 by the Emperor Shizong, the fifth emperor of the Jin Dynasty, to commemorate the victory achieved by his grandfather, Aguda, the founding emperor of the Jin, over the Khitan Liao Dynasty at the Lailiu River (now known as the Lalin River). It was still on its original site, in Fuyu county in Jilin province in 1978, but now seems to have been moved to the Jilin Musuem. It is 168cm high and 83 em across. There are thirty lines of Chinese script on the front of the stele, and thirty-two lines in the Jurchen script on the back. This inscription is the earliest still extant, and dates from the dading period (1161-1189) when the Jurchen script was being propagated most vigorously and presumably used most widely. It is also the only bilingual inscription dating from the Jin Dynasty (the other such inscription, the Nuergan Yongningsi ~ inscription, is from the Ming period).
This stele was rediscovered in modern times by a Chinese emissary to the northeastern provinces of China, Cao Tingjie, in the year 1185 (he also discovered the Nuergan Yongningsi bei inscription). It was known earlier than that, however. The Chinese text and part of the Jurchen text of this inscription were recorded in a book called Jilin waiji [A record of the areas beyond Jilin], in the section Guji [Ancient relics], By Sa Ying'e, published during the daoguang period. Cao Tingjie wrote two introductory articles on this inscription ("Deshengtuo bei shuo" [On the victory stele] and "Deshengtuo yibei ji" [A record of the stele in memory of the victory [of Aguda]], and made rubbings of the inscription. These rubbings were later acquired by Naito Torajiro and
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Haneda Toru, and are now in the library of the East Asian History Research Centre of Kyoto University. In 1933, Susa Kakitsu also discovered this inscription, and wrote a report on this: "Tokushoda hi koki" [A record of a trip to find the Victory Memorial Stele); he also published a collection of photographs he made of the stele under the title Daikin tokushoda sho shashin ch6 [A collection of photographs of the Jin Victory Memorial Stele). In the same year (1933) Sonoda Kazuki wrote an article ("Daikin tokushoda sh6hi ni tsuite" [On the Jin Victory Memorial Stele) in which he pointed out the inaccuracies in the Jurchen version in the Jilin waiji, which contains only twelve lines of text, when there are in fact twenty eight. In 1937, Tamura Jitsuzo, working from photographs of the rubbings made by Cao Tingjie, published the first attempt to decipher the Jurchen text ("Daikin tokushoda shohi no kenkyu" [Research on the Jin Victory Memorial Stele). In a review article published the next year ("'Daikin tokushoda sh6hi no kenkyu' 0 yomu" [On reading "Research on the Jin Victory Memorial Stele), Amma Yaichiro amended some characters in Tamura's version. In 1943 he published his own study of this inscription, in his book Joshimbun kinsekishi ko [A study of Jurchen inscriptions] (pp. 1-30). Both Amma and Tamura also include the Chinese text; Tamura, in the second part of his study of this inscription, has also annotated the Chinese text.
In 1936, the Manshu kinseki k6 [A draft study of the inscriptions of Manchuria], edited by Sonoda Kazuki, included the Chinese text of this inscription, but not the Jurchen version. In 1937, Luo Fuyi completed his study of the inscriptions of Manchuria (Manzhou jinshi zhi), and included the text in both Chinese and Jurchen, adding in supplements relevant articles by previous scholars, including the text of Cao Tingjie's account of his discoveries. Ishida Mikinosuke also wrote an article ("Daikin tokushoda hi no saihatsugen" [The rediscovery of the Jin Victory Memorial Stele]) (1934) on the travels of Naito Torajiro, Yagi Shozabura, Wada Kiyoshi and Sus a Kakitsu, all of whom visited the site of the stele in Jilin and made rubbings of the text, on the basis of which it was possible to amend the text in the Jilin waiji. These scholars seem to have been unaware of Cao Tingjie's discovery of the stele some fifty years earlier.
Not much progress seems to have been made on the study of this stele until 1971, when Tamura Jitsuzo published his Chugoku seifuku acho no kenkyu [Research on the "Conquest Dynasties" of China], in which he presented a revised version of his decipherment. Five years later, he published his third version "Kittan Joshin mOJ1 ko - mitabi "Daikin tokushoda shahin Joshimbun no kaidoku ni tsuite" [The Khitan and Jurchen scripts - a third attempt to decipher the Jin Victory Memorial Stele). However, because the stele is very eroded,
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and many characters are difficult to distinguish, there are still large sections of the stele which cannot be read. The available rubbings are indistinct and blurred, and various scholars interpret these unclear characters in different ways. In 1978 Liu Fengzhu and Yu Baolin, with the help of the Jilin Archeological Research Institute, went to the site of the stele to make new rubbings, and to try to produce a definitive text. The results are in their article "Nuzhen wenzi "Da Jin deshengtuo song" jiao kan ji" [A comparative annotated study of the Da Jin deshengtuo song inscription in the Jurchen script] (1981), in which they make a detailed comparison of their own rubbings of the original stone (which is now in a more eroded condition than when Cao Tingjie made his rubbings a century ago) with those provided by Luo Fuyi (Manzhou jinshi ji), Amma Yaichiro (Joshin kinsekishi ko) and the three versions by Tamura Jitsuzo, and offer a new version of the Jurchen text. In 1984, Wan Renfu published a detailed study of the Chinese version ("Da Jin deshengtuo song beiwen zhengli sande" [Three contributions to the determination of the original text of the Jin Victory Memorial Stele]. This is a reexamination of the original stele, compared with various rubbings made by earlier scholars, including those included in the Jilin waiji (1823) and the Jilin tongzhi (1891), and has been able to point out several mistakes in the standard versions of the Chinese inscription, such as those published by Luo Fuyi and Tamura Jitsuzo. Wang Renfu also consulted other rubbings and copies made at various times, and has been able to produce a fairly definitive version of the original inscription.
The edition of the Jurchen text by Liu Fengzhu and Yu Baolin, the edition of the Chinese text by Wang Renfu and the detailed commentaries on both texts by Tamura Jitsuzo will form the basis of a future detailed study of this inscription.
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(2) The Nuzhen jinshi timing bei inscription
(The Yantai Stele)
Ill. 9 The Nuzhen Jinshi timing bei inscription (upper section)
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This stele commemorates the conferring of the degree of jinshi (awarded to successful candidates in the highest imperial examinations) in the year 1224. It probably owes its preservation to the fact that the original Chinese inscription was erased, and the stele reingraved during the Xuande period of the Ming Dynasty (1426-1436) with an inscription commemorating the restoration of the He Shen Miao temple, on the steps of which it still stands. The original stele was erected at Yantai, about five kilometres outside the city of Kaifeng. During the Song Dynasty, this was the site of a feast connected with the Spring rites. Under the Jin, it was the site of an examination hall, so stelae recording the names of successful candidates were erected there.
As this stele is in Kaifeng, a busy metropolis, its existence was recorded very early. It is mentioned in the Gui xin za zhi, a miscellany published in the early part of the fourteenth century, by the Song writer Zhou Mi. The text reads: "the College of Bian (Kaifeng) has an inscription recording the names of the Jurchen jinshi graduates, written in characters resembling Chinese". It is also recorded in a Ming compilation, the Bianjing yiji zhi [Historical Relics of Kaifeng], by Li Lian, and in the Jin shi cui bian by the Qing writer Wang Chang. During the daoguang period of the Qing (1821-1851), Linqing, a descendent of the Jurchen imperial family, mentioned this stele in his illustrated autobiography and record of his travels, entitled Hong xue yan lu tu ji. Linqing's disseratation on the subject was translated by G. Deveria, "Examen de la Stele de Yen-t'al. Dissertation sur les caracteres employees par les Tartares Jou-tchen. Extraite du Houng-hue-in-yuan, traduite et annotee (1882), which he based on the description of the stele and its location given by Linqing, and the woodblock print in the Jin shi cui bian by Wang Chang.
I
II
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Ill. 10. The site of the stele at Yantai, as sketched by Linqing on his visit to that area during the daoguang period.
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A contemporary and friend of Linqing, Liu Shilu, a famous writer on antiquities and numismatics, studied this inscription in his articles "Nuzhizi bei kao" [A study of a stele in Jurchen script) and "NUzhizi bei xu kao" [A further study on the stele in Jurchen script) (1829), which might be considered the beginning of Jurchen studies in the modern period. These articles apparently caused quite a stir in scholarly circles at the time. Liu confesses his inability to read the script, but came to the conclusion that this inscription must have been in the Jurchen "small script", as he had mistakenly identified the Da Jin huangdi dutong jinglue langjun xingji inscription as an example of the Jurchen "large script". Liu was also able to provide clear rubbings of the inscription, which, however, were not perfect because of the way the stele was mounted.
This inscription also attracted the attention of early European scholars, such as G. Deveria and T. de Lacouperie ("The Djurtchen of Mandschuria: their name, language and literature")(1889), but as they had at their disposal only the woodblock print in the Jin shi cui bian their conclusions were not based on reliable sources. In 1898, S.W. Bushell presented a remarkable paper to the XIe Congres International des Orientalistes in Paris, entitled "Inscriptions in the Jurchen and Allied Scripts". This neglected paper (perhaps because it is published in the Actes of the Congress and may not be readily available) in essence deciphered the first and last sections of the Nuzhen jinshi timing bei inscription, from which it was possible to infer what much of the rest of the inscription was about. The actual topic of the dissertation examined that year, a quotation from the Book of Documents, has only recently been identified (by Jin Guangping and Jin Qicong), and has not yet been completely deciphered. Bushell accomplished this task on the basis of the edition of the Sino-Jurchen vocabulary from the Bureau of Translators, which had been published by W. Grube in 1896. As mentioned above, this achievement has been overlooked by most researchers until very recent times. In 1898, Shiratori Kurakichi wrote an influential article "Kittan, Joshin Seika moji ke" [Research on the Khitan, Jurchen and Xixia scripts). Shiratori also regarded the ~cript on the Da Jin huangdi dutong jinglue langjun xingji 1nscription as being the Jurchen large script, and although he mentioned the Nuzhen ;inshi timing bei inscription, he did not give any opinion as to the nature of the script on it.
In 1923, Luo Fucheng turned to this inscription in "Yantai Jinyuan guo shu bei kao" [A study of the Yantai inscription in the Jurchen national script] and several other articles on this inscription, culminating in his full study of the stele published in 1936 "Yantai Jinyuan guo shu bei shiwen" [An intepretation of the text of the Yantai stele
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inscription in the Jurchen national script]; Luo (unaware of Bushell's decipherment) was able to work out a few Jurchen words, but could not decipher the inscription word by word. In 1932, Mao Wen ("Jinyuan guo shu bei ban [A note on the inscription in the Jurchen national script]) explained the meaning of some of the Jurchen words deciphered by Luo on the basis of their cognates in Manchu, but noted that he could still only work out some forty to fifty Jurchen characters. In 1937, Wang Jingru wrote "Yantai Nuzhen Jinshi timing bei chu shin [A preliminary interpretation of the Nuzhen Jinshi timing bei inscription], which, compared to the studies of Luo and Mao, represented great progress. By this stage the general gist of the inscription could be worked out, with only a few difficult areas left to fill in. Aroma Yaichir6 also included this inscription in his corpus of Jurchen inscriptions (Joshimbun kinsekishi k6 pp. 57-76); in his study he identified a large number of the Jurchen characters, giving his transcription in Chinese script.
There does not seem to have been any other major study of this inscription until the publication of Jin Guangping and Jin Qicong, Nuzhen yuyan wenzi yanjiu [Research on the Jurchen Language and Script] (1980), who included their study of this inscription in their appendices. A remarkable achievement was their identification of the topic of the dissertation for examination, a quotation from the Book of History. Jin and Jin also decipher the rest of the inscription, including the identification (by name and rank) of the successful candidates, references to them in the History of the Jin Dynasty and other philological and historical commentaries on the text. Some areas of the inscription are still obscure, and await further investigation.
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(3) The Aotun Liangbi jianyin bei inscription.
Ill. 11. The Aotun Liangbi jianyin bei inscription.
This inscription is also known as the [Jin] Taihe timing canshi [Fragmentary tablet inscribed in the taihe period (of the Jin Dynasty)]. It was formerly in the collection of Luo Zhenyu, and is now in the Museum of Chinese History in Beijing. Its origin is unknown. The main part of this inscription was written by Aotun Liangbi, in Chinese. The text reads: "Aotun Liangbi, on returning from the capital from Sizhou, ate and drank at this brook with some close friends. The eleventh day of the second month of the sixth year of the taihe period". To the right there is an inscription of some sixty characters in Jurchen; it is not a translation of the Chinese, but a "postface" written by Aotun
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Liangbi's close friend, Zhubu Buxiuhong, four years after the Chinese inscription. Aotun Liangbi was sent as an ambassador to negotiate peace with the Song; Sizhou was the site of negotiations between the two enemy states of Jin and Song. The text is dated 1206; in 1208 peace was negotiated, and lasted until 1217.
Ill. 12. Enlarged detail of the Jurchen section of the Aotun Liangbi jianyin bei inscription.
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This inscription was first studied by Luo Fucheng, "Jin taihe timing canshi" [A stone fragment inscribed in the taihe period of the Jin Dynasty] (1931) and by Luo Fuyi, "Liao Jin san shike: Jin Aotun Liangbi timing" [Three inscriptions from the Liao and Jin periods: the tablet of Aotun Liangbi] (1940), but neither of those articles attempted a decipherment. A photograph and some comments on this inscription were also published by Shimada Yoshimi, "Joshin moji 6ton Ry6hitsu sen'in hi" [The Aotun Liangbi tablet in the Jurchen script] (1943). The main study of this inscription is again in Jin Guangping and Jin Qicong, QQ. cit. p. 321. According to their decipherment, the text reads: "After the victory at the battle of ---, I saw some calligraphy of myoId friend, Aotun Liangbi, the zhizhong [official title] of Zhangde. It was exquisite and worthy of emulation, so I had it inscribed on rock. The twentieth day of the seventh month of the second year of the da'an period [i.e. 1210] by the wenlinlang [official title] of Mingshui, Zhubu Buxiuhong".
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(4). The Aotun Liangbi shi inscription
Ill. 13 The Aotun Liangbi shi inscription
This was the ninth inscription in Jurchen to be discovered. It was discovered during the 1960s in Penglai, Shandong. It had been in the Youdeguan Temple in Penglai (now called the Wanshougong), and was later removed to the Get ianhougong , also in Penglai. A rubbing of this inscription was made by Qu Peimo and sent to the editors of Wenwu, on the basis of which a group of specialists in Jurchen (Luo Fuyi, Jin Qicong, Jia Jingyan and Huang Zhenhua) made a study "Nuzhenzi Aotun Liangbi shi ke shi chu shin [A preliminary explanation of the poem of Aotun Liangbi in the Jurchen script] (1982).
side of The the
rubbing is 60 stone on which
cm high and 70 cm across. One this poem is inscribed has a
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portrait of "Shuazu" , an "immortal" of the Ming period; this was obviously inscribed later and has nothing to do with the Jurchen. The kuan [the name of the sender or recipient on a painting or a piece of calligraphy] on the top and the bottom of the Jurchen inscription are in the Jurchen "formal script" (kaishu); the poem itself is in a cursive form of the script (xingshu). This was the first example of Jurchen cursive script to have been discovered, though other examples on manuscripts have come to light since. The upper kuan shows that the author of the poem was Aotun Liangbi; the lower kuan gives us the information that the stone was inscribed on the orders of Zhubu of Penglai presumably the same Zhubu Buxiuhong who had the Aotun Liangbi jianyin bei inscribed.
In their study of this inscription, Luo Fuyi, Jin Qicong, Jia Jingyan and Huang Zhenhua give a very full commentary on the poem, the Chinese literary allusions and so on, and decipher a very large proportion of the text. Although there are still a few unclear passages, the general meaning of the poem is clear. It is Confucian in content and in a style of "regulated verse". It was written by Aotun Liangbi for his friend Zhang Hui, who had been demoted to Penglai, and contains typical Confucian praise of achievements and virtues, and sentiments of comfort and encouragement. The poem seems to have been preserved through the excellence of Aotun Liangbi's calligraphy, and Zhubu Buxiuhong's admiration for it.
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(4) The Hailong Nuzhen guo shu moya inscription.
Ill. 14. The Yangshulinshan inscription at Hailong.
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Inscribed on the rock face at Jiugang shibaguo shan (formerly known as Yangshulinshan), a mountain in Hailong county, Jilin province, there are two inscriptions a few metres from each other. The one on the left, facing south, is in Jurchen; there is no Chinese translation. This is generally referred to as the Hailong Yangshulinshan inscription, or in Chinese the Nilzhen guo shu moya [Inscription on the rock-face in the Jurchen national script]. The one on the right, facing north, has an inscription in both Chinese and Jurchen, one apparently a translation of the other. This latter stone was formerly referred to as the Hailong Banjieshan ~uzhen guoshu moya inscription, as it was formerly thought to be located at Banjieshan, some fifteen kilometres from its actual location. The Chinese text records Aguda's victory over the Liao at Banjieshan. It is not dated.
The first of these inscriptions was first mentioned by Yang Boxing in his book Shengu [Ancient sites of Shenyang], published during the guangxu period (1875-1908) of the Qing Dynasty. It was also recorded in various local gazettes of the Hailong district, such as the Hailong-fu xiangtu zhi and the Hailong-xian zhi. It was also noticed by the Japanese anthropologist and explorer, Torii Ryuz6. All these sources, however, mention only one Jurchen inscription; there is no mention of two, or of a Chinese inscription in that area.
In 1934, the Japanese scholar Yamashita Taizo published an article "Shin Jochoku kokusho hi ni tsuite" [On a new inscription in the Jurchen national script] in which he announced a new discovery, a bilingual inscription. He claimed that it had been discovered at Banjieshan, some 15 kilometres from Yangshulinshan, and included photographs of a rubbing. An article by Meng Zong, "Nuzhenwen keshi xin faxian"[A new discovery of an inscription in the Jurchen language] (1935) is essentially a translation of Yamashita's article, but it introduced the find to a Chinese audience. It was subsequently included in several catalogues of Jurchen inscriptions, such as Luo Fuyi's Manzhou jinshi zhi [A compendium of inscriptions of Manchuria] (1937), Sonoda Kazuki's Manshu kinsekishi k6 [A draft compendium of inscriptions of Manchuria] (1936), Amma Yaichir6's Joshimbun kinsekishi ko [A study of inscriptions in the Jurchen script] (1943). No one seemed to think it strange that such investigators as Yang Boxing and Torii RyUz6 had failed to notice it, as it was said to be located at Banjieshan, not Yangshulinshan.
In 1979, Sun Jinji published an article on these inscriptions, "Hailong Nuzhen moya shike" [Rock inscriptions
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in the Jurchen script at Hailong], in which he pointed out that the two inscriptions are, in fact, very close to each other, not fifteen kilometres apart. He also tried to explain the fact that explorers prior to Yamashita Taizo had not noticed it by suggesting that it would not have been easy to see, as that in the past, before a shelter was built for it, there would have been bushes and undergrowth around it. In 1980, Feng Yongqian ("Hailong Jin, Han wen shi jindai wei ken [The Chinese-Jurchen inscription at Hailong is a modern forgery]) argued that the "discovery" of the inscription had actually been made by one Xing Yuren, and that it was he who had led Yamashita Taizo to it. What is more, Xing Yuren was an antique dealer, who was an accomplished engraver, having served an apprenticeship in that trade, and he often made rubbings of inscriptions to sell in his antique shop in Shenyang. Feng asserted that the Chinese-Jurchen inscription was in fact a forgery. This argument was taken up by Dao Erji and He Xige ("Hailong Hanwen, Nuzhenwen duiyi moya zhen-wei bian"[A discussion on the authenticity of the Chinese-Jurchen bilingual inscription at Hailong](1984», who visited the area themselves. They noted that both inscriptions were clearly visible, and it would have been impossible for Yang Boxing and Torii Ryuz5 not to have noticed both of them. In any case, Yamashita Taizo had been misled as to the actual location of the inscription Xing Yuren would have lied about this because he would have known that Yamashita would have been aware that only one inscription had been reported at Yangshulinshan. The authors also noted that the characters in the Chinese-Jurchen bilingual have been carved very deeply into the rock; this contrasts with the eroded nature of the Jurchen monolingual inscription, suggested it was carved much later. They also compared the Chinese and Jurchen versions, and discovered that the "Jurchen" is very ungrammatical, being merely a character-by-character "copy" of the Chinese; in fact, many of the "Jurchen" characters were made-up by the forger. In any case, the inscription refers to Aguda defeating the Liao at this site, but historical records show that Aguda could not have been in that area at that time. It seems to be definite now that the so-called Banjieshan inscription is, in fact, a modern forgery.
As for the other, it was first recorded by Yang Boxing, also known as Yang Tonggui, who was the son of the first tongban (assistant sub-prefect) in the Hailong district, during the years 1880-1884 when he accompanied his father to Hailong. In retrospect, his transcription can be seen to be not very correct; there are many mistakes, and in fact only eighteen characters are correct. It was apparently independently "discovered" by Torii Ryuzo in 1912. In 1930, the Hailong-xian zhi [Gazette of Hailong county] published the text of the inscription, together with an article by Jin Liang, "Hailong Nuzhenzi bei tuowen ban [A note on the
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rubbing of the text of the Jurchen inscription in Hailong]. The first scholar who was actually a specialist in Jurchen to study this inscription was Luo Fucheng, who in 1929 published "Nuzhen guoshu bei kaoshi" [A study of an inscription in Jurchen script]. He was able to identify twenty-five more characters (in addition to those correctly identified by Yang Boxing), but because he was not able to see the original inscription and the rubbings were unclear, there were still many characters which could not be identified. Luo Fuyi also included it in his Manzhou jinshi zhi (1937) as did Amma Yaichiro in his Joshimbin kinsekishi k5 (1943). Luo Fuyi's copy of the inscription is very accurate, and forms the basis of the decipherment of this inscription in Jin Guangping and Jin Qicong, Nuzhen yuyan wenzi yan11u [Research on the Jurchen Language and Script], pp. 326-331. Although the inscription has been eroded and damaged, and is unclear in many places, the general gist is fairly clear: the inscription records the establishment of a mouke (an administrative district) in the second year of the shouguo period of the Emperor Taizu (i.e. 1117); the inscription itself was engraved in the seventh year of the dading period of the Emperor Shizong, under whose reign the Jurchen script was vigorously promoted.
(6) The Qingyuan inscription.
This inscription is also known as the Ky~ngwon inscription, as it was originally on the site of a Buddhist temple at Ky~ngw~n, Korea. It was discovered by the Japanese in 1918 and moved to the Seoul Museum. The stele is a square column with a Jurchen inscription on all four sides; the top part of the stele is missing, and there are only about five hundred characters of the inscription remaining. The date is missing, but Jin Guangping and Jin Qicong deduce it to date from between 1138 to 1153. There is a photograph of this stele in the Chosen kinseki seran [Corpus of Inscriptions in Korea] (Vol. I, pp. 551-552), and it was included in Amma Yaichiro's Joshimbun kinsekishi ke [A Study of Inscriptions in the Jurchen Script] (pp. 45-53). The ChOsen kinseki seran presents the sides of the pillar in the order [1], [2], [3], [4]; but Jin Guangping and Jin Qicong have demonstrated that side [3] is the actual beginning of the inscription. This misunderstanding seems to have arisen because the lower part of side [4] has been obliterated, and thus was thought to be the end of the inscription; it should now be considered the second panel of the inscription.
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Bll-l 311-2-
) I. )~ ili3..
"A"'- ) J:- )( tiL, T' t !f-- iJ :R~ ---PJ
)ft JL -&l ~~ ,-to It ;£, 1-,
,,1&
1:::
Ill. 15. A section of the Qingyuan (Ky~ngw6n) inscription in the transcription of Min Y~ng-gyu.
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There is an important, but strangely neglected article on this inscription by Min Y~ng-gyu, "Ky~ngw6n Y~jinja pi gosOk" [Notes on the inscription in Jurchen characters on the KyOngw6n stele], in which he suggests a normalisation of the characters, a transcription (in Chinese characters) and a translation (in Korean). It must be said that Min's article could not be considered to present a complete decipherment; on the other hand, the translation suggested by Jin and Jin (Nuzhen yuyan wenzi yan]1U pp. 353-343) does not make much sense either. The text seems to be a long list of names and titles of those who contributed to the construction of the temple.
Ill. 16. Two sides of the Qingyuan (Ky6ngwon) inscription.
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The discovery of this inscription led the Japanese linguist 6gura Shimpei to research the study of Jurchen in Korea; the results of his research are contained in his article "Chosen ni okeru Kittan oyobi Joshin gogaku" [A study of the Khitan and Jurchen languages in Korea] (1917). In 1972 Hiu Lie published his study of the study of Manchu in Korea (Die Mandschu-Sprachkunde in Korea); the section on Jurchen heavily relies on Ogura's article.
(7) The Beiging inscription.
A
A ",
-f.-
* J~ ~
f1 --Ill. 17. A section of the Beiging inscription in
the transcription of Inaba Iwakichi.
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This inscription is also known as the Kwansan inscription, as it is carved on the rockface of Mount Kwansan, Pukch'~ng county, South Hamky~ng province, Korea. It was disovered in 1911 by Torii Ryuzo, and was included in the Chosen kinseki soran [General Inventory of Inscriptions of Korea] (Vol. I, p. 553), which also includes a photograph. A photograph of this inscription may also be seen in the frontispiece to Jin Guangping and Jin Qicong, Nuzhen yuyan wenzi yanl~u [Research on the Jurchen Language and Script]. This inscription was first studied by Inaba Iwakichi, "Hokuseijo Kanzan JO Joshinji magai koshaku" [Notes on the Jurchen inscription cut in the rock face at the summit of Mount Kwansan near Pukch'ongsong] (1930), in which he suggests a normalisation of the characters (they are written very irregularly) and a translation. Inaba interprets the date (the year wuyin) as 1338, but Jin and Jin read this date as 1218. It was included in Amma Yaichiro, Joshimbun kinsekishi ko [Corpus of Inscriptions in Jurchen] (1943), who records the Jurchen inscription but does not attempt a translation; reference is given to the article by Inaba. According to Inaba's decipherment, the inscription refers to the presentation of a statue of Maitreya Buddha.
(8). The Nuergan Yongningsi bei inscription.
This inscription is found on a stele erected in the year 1413 to mark the foundation of the Yongningsi Temple in the Nuergan Commandery at Telin (Tyr), near the mouth of the Amur River. The main inscription is in Chinese, inscriptions in Jurchen and Mongolian are on the reverse. They are not an exact translation of the Chinese, but are shorter and simpler. On the side of the stele are Chinese, Mongol, Tibetan and Jurchen versions of the Sanskrit mantra Q~ ma~i padme hUm. The stele is 179cm high, 83 cm wide and 42 cm thick. .
The existence of these inscriptions was known to European travellers since the seventeenth century. Chinese SOurces credit Yang Bin with being the first Chinese in modern times to have seen these inscriptions. In his Liu bian ji lue (published in 1639), Yang mentions several stelae with Chinese and "Manchu" inscriptions. Wada Kiyoshi ("Minsho no Manshu keiryaku" [The administration of Manchuria in the early Ming] suggested that the stelae mentioned in Yang's book may have been those at Nuergan; this possibility was also considered by Torii Ryuz5. This suggestion was accepted as fact by Zhong Minyan, Na Senbo and Jin Qicong ("Mingdai Nuergan Yongningsi bei ji J~ao shin [Emendations and annotations on the Ming Dynasty Stone Inscriptions of the Yongning Monastery at Nuergan] (1975); this conclusion was accepted by Qu Deyuan in his article "Guanyu Mingdai Nuergan
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Yongningsi beiji de kaocha yu yanjiu" [Investigations and research on the Ming Dynasty Yongningsi Temple Stele at Nuergan] (1980). Huang Zhenhua, "Mingdai Nuzhenwen Nuergan Yongningsi beiji xin shin [A new interpretation of the Jurchen inscription at the Yongningsi Temple at Nuergan] (1982), however, argues against this case, stating that it is impossible that the stelae mentioned by Yang Bin could have been those at Nuergan.
In 1808, Mamiya Rinz6 was sent by the Bakufu to investigate the situation along the lower reaches of the Amur; he passed by the cliff face at Tyr and noticed the stelae there. However, the honour of being the first modern scholar to actually investigate these stelae, and make rubbings of the inscriptions, must go to the Qing envoy Cao Tingjie, who in 1885 was sent by the Qing court to investigate the situation in the Amur and Ussuri River region. On this trip he discovered both the Da Jin deshengtuo song bei inscription (the Jin Victory Memorial Stele) and the Nuergan Yongningsi bei inscription. Cao Tingjie wrote an article on these inscriptions ("Dong sansheng ditu shuo: Telin bei shuo" [On the map of the three [north]eastern provinces: on the stele at Tyr](1887). In 1904, the stele was shifted to the Vladivostok Museum, where it was seen by Torii Ryuz6 in 1919 and 1921. It is now housed in the Khabarovsk Museum, and no Chinese or Japanese researchers, as far as I am aware, have had access to it. (L. Ligeti, in his article "Les inscriptions Djurtchen de Tyr: la formule Q~ ma~i padme hUm" (1961) mentions that a rubbing of this mantra had been given to him by G.D. Sanzeev). Rubbings of this inscription were included in the Jilin tongzhi [Comprehensive Gazette of Jilin] (1891), in the section on inscriptions (juan 120: Jinshi zhi), and the article by Cao Tingjie mentioned above appended. This material was reproduced in several later local gazettes of the area.
The first European scholars to study the Chinese inscription seem to be V. Vasil'ev, "Zapiska 0 nadpisjax otkrytyx na pamjatnikax, stojas~ix na skale Tyr, bliz ust'ja Amur" [A note on the inscriptions inscribed on stelae on the cliff face at Tyr, near the mouth of the Amur] (1896) and P. Popov, "0 Tyrskix pamjatnikax" [On the stelae at Tyr], 1904. The Mongol version was first studied by A.M. Pozdneev in Lekcii po Istorii Mongol'skoj Literatury [Lectures on the History of Mongolian Literature] (1908). These studies were not conclusive because of the unclarity or illegibility of large sections of the inscription. The first attempt to deal with the Jurchen version seems to have been made by W. Grube, "Vorlaufige Mittheilung uber die bei Nikolajewski am Amur aufgefundenen Jucen-Inschriften" (1896), who relied on a photograph of the inscription made by one Mr. Schewelew. Grube was able to recognise the mantra £~ ma~i padme h~ with
65
the aid of the Sino-Jurchen vocabulary he had edited and studied (Die Sprache und Schrift der Ju~en)(1896). G. Schlegel published a review of this article in T'oung Pao in 1897. In 1900 the Japanese sinologist Naito Torajiro published a book Min t6hokkyo bengo [Rectifying mistakes concerning the northeastern border areas during the Ming] , in which he cited the location of these inscriptions as evidence that that area had, at least during Ming times, been administered by China. He returned to his study of this stele in 1929, in an article "Nurukan Eineiji ni-hi hok5" [A supplementary study of the two stelae at the Yongningsi Temple at Nuergan], in which he studied several photographs and rubbings of the inscription, and, based on the original rubbing by Cao Tingjie (made when the inscription was less eroded) was able to restore much of the text, including sections which had been omitted from other editions (such as in the Jilin tongzhi) because of unclarity or illegibility. Both Chinese and Jurchen inscriptions were included in Sonoda Kazuki's compilation Manshu kinsekishi k5 [An inventory of inscriptions in Manchuria] (1936) and in Luo Fuyi, Manzhou jinshi zhi (1937).
The first scholar to attempt to decipher the Jurchen inscription was Luo Fucheng, "Ming Nuergan Yongningsi bei Nuzhen guo shu tu shi" [An explanation of the Jurchen national script on the stele of the Yongningsi Temple at Nuergan] (1937). He was able to read and explain about half the characters in the text. In 1941, Luo Fuyi included this inscription in his article "Liao Jin wenzi jincun lu" [A catalogue of extant examples of the scripts of the Liao and Jin Dynasties] (1941), and in 1943 Amma Yaichiro published the text of the inscription, on the basis of rubbings brought to Japan by Naito Torajiro (presumably those made by Cao Tingjie), in his Joshimbun kinsekishi k6 [Corpus of inscriptions in the Jurchen script].
In the postwar period, Jurchen studies were revived in Japan by Osada Natsuki, who published "Joshin moji no kozo to sono onka ni tsuite" [On the structure of Jurchen characters and their values] (1949), "Manshugo to Joshingo" [Manchu and Jurchen] (1949), "Joshin moji kinseki shiryo to sono kaidoku ni tsuite" [On the decipherment of epigraphical material in the Jurchen script] (1950) and "Joshingo shiryo no gengogaku teki kenkyu Arutai shogoshi teki hikaku gengogaku no ikkan to shite ichi' [Linguistic research on Jurchen a link in the comparative linguistic study of the Altaic languages] (1951). In 1958 he became the first scholar to publish a more-or-less complete study of the Jurchen and Mongolian versions of this inscription in his article "Nurukan Eineiji hi Moko Joshimbun shakko" [An explanation of the Mongol and Jurchen versions of the Yongningsi Temple stele at Nuergan]. He analysed the Mongol and Jurchen
66
versions in great detail, and suggested readings and meanings wherever possible. Osada was able to decipher practically the whole text; he mentioned in his article that he planned to publish a study of the Chinese version, but as far as I have been able to ascertain, this has not appeared.
, " ., •
"' " " ., t ;; ~
Ill. 18. The Yongningsi inscription (from a rubbing in the collection of Naito Torajiro,
copied by Osada Natsuki)
67
In the meantime, L. Ligeti revived Jurchen studies in the West with his "Note preliminaire sur Ie dechiffrement des "petites caracteres" joutchen" (1953). In his later study, "Les inscriptions Djurtchen de Tyr: la formule £~ ma~i padme h~" (1961) he turned his attention to the inscription we are discussing, or, rather, to the six characters inscribed on the side of the stele. In this article he analysed in great detail each of the six characters that make up that mantra, and every occurance of those characters in W. Grube's Die Sprache und Schrift der Jucen and other sources, and investigates every recorded cognate of the Jurchen words in which these characters appear in order to determine their correct readings. In China, a study of the Jurchen version of this inscription, by Jin Guangping and Jin Qicong, appeared in mimeograph form in 1964, but this was limited in availability and was not formally published until it appeared in the appendix of their Nuzhen yuyan wenzi yanjiu [Research on the Jurchen Language and Script] (1980). In 1974, Zhong Minyan published "Lishi de zhengjian Mingdai Nuergan Yongningsi beiwen kaoshi" [Historical proof - a study of the text of the Ming Dynasty inscription in the Yongningsi Temple at Nuergan], in which he presented a new and revised version of the Chinese text. This was followed in 1975 by an article by Zhong Minyan, Na Senbo and Jin Qicong, "Mingdai Nuergan Yongningsi beiji J1ao shi" [Emendations and annotations on the Ming Dynasty inscriptions of the Yongning Monastery at Nuergan], which is a complete study of the Chinese, Mongol and Jurchen versions of the inscription, drawing on many previous sources and making many new contributions. In 1983, Yang Yang published a revised version of the Chinese inscription ("Mingdai Nuergan Yongningsi beiji zai kaoshi" [A reexamination of the text on the stele at the Yongningsi Temple at Nuergan during the Ming Dynasty]) based on photographs of the original rubbings in the possession of Jin Yufu, photographs and transcriptions published by Naito Torajiro and Sonoda Kazuki, the studies by Luo Fuyi and the more recent studies by Zhong Mingyan, Na Senbo and Jin Qicong.
The most recent study of this inscription is by Huang Zhenhua, "Mingdai Nuzhenwen Yongningsi beiji xin shi" [A new explanation of the Jurchen language text on the stele of the Yongningsi Temple at Nuergan during the Ming] (1982), in which he provides a historical background to the discovery and decipherment of this stele, and gives a new and detailed study on 362 words in the text. His study is based on the editions of Amma Yaichiro, Osada Natsuki, Luo Fuyi and Zhong Minyan, Na Senbo and Jin Qicong. Unfortunately, the printing of this article leaves much to be desired: four pages of handwritten notes have been photographically reproduced to fit on one page, and the result is practically illegible.
68
Ill. 19. The mantra Q~ ma~i padme h~ in Chinese, Mongol, Tibetan and Jurchen (Tyr stele)
69
(9). The Zhao Yong da jiangjun inscription
According to Jin Qicong, "Nuzhen wenzi yanjiu gaikuang" [An outline of research on the Jurchen script] (1984), an inscription of twenty one characters in Jurchen was discovered by the Archeological Work Team of Jilin province in 1980. This has been called the Zhao Yong da jiangjun tongzhi Xiongzhou dushi muke inscription [Tomb inscription of Zhao Yong, General, Sub-Prefect and Director of the Board of Revenue and Finance of Xiongzhou]. Jin Qicong, in his Nuzhenwen cidian [Jurchen Dictionary], gives the following references: "Jindai Zuochengxiang Wanyan Xiyin jiazu mu diaocha shijue baogao" [Report on preliminary investigations of the family cemetery of the Prime Minister of the Left of the Jin Dynasty, Wanyan Xiyin], by the Jilinsheng Wenwu Gongzuodui [Cultural Relics Work Team of Jilin Province], and "Jindai Zhao Yong da jiangjun tongzhi Xiongzhou dushi muM [The tomb of Zhao Yong, General, Sub-Prefect and Director of the Board of Revenue and Finance of Xiongzhou] by Mu Hongli, but no publication details are given.
Appendix: The Tsagan Obo inscription.
In 1949, Osada Natsuki, in an article "Manshugo to Joshingo" [Manchu and Jurchen] reported that a Jurchen inscription, the Tsagan Obo inscription, was discovered in 1945 in West Khuchit, Silingol, Inner Mongolia. However, in his later catalogue of materials in Jurchen, "Joshin moji to genson shiry5" [Extant historical materials on the Jurchen script], he does not mention this inscription, nor is it included in any of the standard catalogues.
70
CHAPTER SIX MISCELLANEOUS MATERIAL
(1) The Jurchen characters in the Yanzhou shanren sibu gao and the Fangshi mopu.
(2) A travel-pass (paizi) in the Jurchen script and the Jurchen characters in the Azuma kagami.
(3) Manuscript material.
(4) Jurchen seals and mirrors with inscriptions in Jurchen.
(5) Other inscriptions previously thought to be in Jurchen.
(6) Dictionaries
(7) The study of Jurchen in Korea
*
(1) The Jurchen characters in the Yanzhou shanren sibu gao and the Fangshi mopu.
These characters are reproduced below (from L. Gilbert, Dictionnaire historigue et geographigue de la Mandchourie (facing p. 71»:
L
Ill. 20. The Jurchen characters in the Yanzhou shanren sibu gao and the Fangshi mopu.
71
The Jurchen is a translation of the famous couplet "ming wang shen de, si yi xian bin" [when a wise king is heedful of virtue, foreigners from all quarters come as guests]. The Jurchen version was preserved in a collection of writings by the Ming scholar Wang Shizhen (1526-1590), on whom there is information in H.A. Giles, A Chinese Biographical Dictionary, No. 2220). His book is called Yanzhou shanren sibu gao [A draft catalogue of the books in the collection of Yanzhou Sha~ren (Wang's honorific name)]. The Jurchen characters are in the Ming edition of Wang's works, but in the Sikuguanshu edition (compiled during the Qing, between 1773 and 1782), they have been omitted. They were also preserved in the Fangshi mopu, an illustrated Collection of designs for moulding cakes of ink by Fang Yulu, published in 1588. (More information on the Fangshi mopu can
72
be found in A. Wylie, Notes on Chinese Literature, p. 117). This inscription was apparently first studied by S.W. Bushell, in his paper presented to the XIe Congres International des Orientalistes in 1898 under the title "Inscriptions in the Jurchen and other scripts". Bushell compared the characters to those in W. Grube's Die Sprache und Schrift der Juten and was able to decipher most of them. These characters were also independently studied by Ishida Mikinosuke, "Hoshi bokufu ni mieru Joshinji meimon koshaku" [An investigation of the inscription in Jurchen characters recorded in the Fangshi mopu] (1940). When this article was reprinted in Ishida's Collected Works (entitled Toa bunkashi sake [Studies in the Cultural History of East Asia](1973», Ishida added in a footnote Bushell's contibution.
This medallion has also attracted some attention because of the way the characters are juxtaposed, rather in the manner of Khitan rather than Jurchen. It is also rather similar to the characters on a travel pass discussed below, but different from the usual character-by-character style (like Chinese) of the Jurchen script of the inscriptions or the Ming Dynasty vocabularies.
(2) A travel pass (paizi) in the Jurchen script and the Jurchen characters in the Azuma kagami.
In a historical record of the early years of the Kamakura Shogunate in Japan, the Azuma kagami, there is an entry concerning a number of Koreans who arrived by boat in the year 1224. Their possessions were presented to the Court; amongst which there was a silver tablet, measuring seven cun by three cun; there were four characters inscribed on them, but none of the scholars could read them. They copied the characters, but in the course of time they became deformed and miswritten, and although they were recognised as most likely being in Jurchen as early as 1898 (by Shiratori Kurakichi in his article "Kittan Joshin Seika moji ko" [A study of the Khitan, Jurchen and Xixia scripts]), it was not possible for modern scholars to decipher them. Naito Torajiro thought he could see a character similar to the Chinese simplied form of the character wan 'ten thousand'; Inaba Iwakichi also discussed these characters in "Azuma kagami Jojikiji no shin kenkyu" [New research on the Jurchen characters in the Azuma kagami] (1932). In 1952 Murayama Shichiro published "Azuma kagami ni mieru Joshingo ni tsuite" [On the Jurchen language in the Azuma kagami], in which he deciphers the inscription as reading "jur~i gurun ni tumun
73
sen, "may the Jurchen state live ten thousand years". However, because the characters in present editions of the Azuma kagami are deformed, such attempts to identify them are unreliable.
In 1976, at excavations carried out on a site inhabited from the second half of the twelfth to the beginning of the thirteenth centuries at the present settlement of ~aigin in the Soviet Union, a silver paizi (travel pass) was excavated, with an inscription in Jurchen. It measured 22.2 cm by 6.5 cm. This find was reported in the Arxeologi~eskie Otkrytija 1976 goda [Archeological Discoveries of 1976] (1977), under the title Rabota ~aiginskogo Otrjada [Work of the ~aigin section], which also gives a photograph of the travel pass. The Jurchen inscription was studied by Liu Fengzhu, "Nuzhenzi 'Guocheng' pai kaoshi" [A study of the 'National Trust' travel pass in the Jurchen script] (1980), who reads the characters as *guo-lun-ni ha-da-un (Liu uses Chinese characters, not a romanised form), or, as the characters would be reconstructed according to G.N. Kiyose, *gurun-ni kadagun, meaning "trust of the country", that is to say, that the bearer enjoys the trust, or the confidence, of the country. Liu Fengzhu notes that these travel passes had been mentioned in Song sources; by Yuan times, they were quite common. A similar type of paizi with an inscription in Khitan has also been discovered (cf. He Xige, "Cong Jindai de jin yin pai tantao Nuzhen da, xiao zi" [A discussion on the Jurchen large and small scripts on the basis of gold and silver travel passes of the Jin Dynasty] (1980».
74
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,
Ill. 21. The paizi (travel pass) discovered at ~aigin. USSR
As mentioned above in connection with the characters in the Fangshi mopu, the arrangement of the characters on this paizi is interesting, as they are similar to the way Khitan characters are composed. Liu Fengzhu wonders if this arrangement of the characters was the (yet
75
undiscovered) difference between the Jurchen "small" and "large" characters.
(3). Manuscript material.
In recent years, two important discoveries of manuscripts with Jurchen cursive writing on them have been made, one set amongst the holdings in the Xixia script in the Institute of Oriental Studies in Leningrad, the other in the base of a stele in the "Forest of Stelae" (Beilin) in Xi'an.
Ill. 22. One of the sheets with Jurchen cursive script discovered in the Xixia holdings in Leningrad.
76
The discovery in Leningrad was made in 1968 by E.I. Ky~anov. He discovered two sheets in a non-Chinese, non-Xixia script, 15.3 cm by 16.5 cm and 14.2 cm by 16.5 cm respectively. They are written vertically, and there is a text in Chinese on the other side of the paper. On one of the fragments there is a date in Chinese: the sixteenth day of the seventh month of the seventh year of the dading period, that is, 1217. This discovery was announced in an article by D. Kara [- Gy. Kara) , E.I. Ky~anov and V.S. Starikov, "Pervaja naxodka czurczen'skix rukopisnyx tekstov na bumage" [The first discovery of Jurchen cursive writing on paper) (1969). Although it has proven impossible to decipher these sheets, the authors have been able to identify 34 out of the 113 characters in the text as being Jurchen.
The material discovered in Xi'an, the Nuzhen zishu, has been discussed above.
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Ill. 23. Another example of Jurchen cursive script discovered in Leningrad.
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77
There are many examples of Jurchen handwritten characters preserved on the walls of the Bai Ta Pagoda (also known as the Wanbu Huayanjing Pagoda) in Huhehot, Inner Mongolia. They seem to be the comments, notes and autographs of various Jurchen travellers. The script is very cursive and almost illegible, and not many of the characters can be deciphered; they are, however, demonstrably Jurchen. Examples can be found in the frontispiece to Jin and Jin, Nuzhen yuyan wenzi yan11u [Research on the Jurchen Language and Script). There are also several references in Chinese sources (Liu Fengzhu, "Qidan, Nuzhen wenzi jianjie" [A brief introduction to the Khitan and Jurchen scripts) (1980), Jin Qicong, NUzhenwen cidian [Jurchen Dictionary), Appendix, p. 16) to handwritten materials discovered in the Ke-you-zhong-qi (Khorchin West Central Banner) Du-er-ji Commune and the Ke-you-qian-qi (Khorchin West Forward Banner), Wu-lan-mao-du Commune in Jilin; research is said to be in progress, but as far as I have been able to discover, no articles on these materials have been published yet.
(4). Jurchen seals and mirrors with inscriptions in Jurchen.
There have been five seals (and one seal character) with Jurchen script discovered so far; there have also been three bronze mirrors discovered with a few Jurchen characters written on them. These, together with a couple of miscellaneous items, are listed below.
(1) The Kechenshan mouke seal: this was discovered in 1916, in Helong county, Jilin. It has six Chinese characters (Ke-chen-shan mou-ke yin), meaning "the seal of the mou-ke of Kechenshan". (A mouke was an official in charge of one hundred households; ~ L. Gilbert, Dictionnaire historigue et geographigue de la Mandchourie, p. 649). On the back of the seal is written in Chinese "manufactured by the Board of Rites (Li bu) in the tenth month of the eighteenth year of the dading period" (1178). On the side there are thirteen Jurchen characters, part of which seems to be a transcription of the Chinese. The only mention of this seal seems to be in Toriyama Ki'ichi, Mansen bunka shikan [The Cultural History of Manchuria and Korea), pp. 166-168 note 6, who records the Jurchen characters. This information was repeated in Amma Yaichiro, Joshimbun kinsekishi k5 [A Study of Inscriptions in the Jurchen script), who says that this seal was discovered by a farmer, but is now lost. Japanese Sources say it was discovered in Kando, Korea; recent Chinese catalogues say it was discovered in Helong county, Jilin, now part of the Korean Nationality Autonomous Region.
78
(2) The Yigaidagehe mouke seal: it is not known where or when this seal was discovered; it is reproduced in Luo Fucheng, Nuzhi yiyu [The Chinese-Jurchen Vocabulary of the Bureau of Translators). On one side of the seal there are eight Chinese characters: Yi-gai-da-ge he mou-ke yin [Seal of the mouke of Yigaidage River); on the back there is a date in Chinese: "manufactured by the Board of Rites in the eighth month of the dading period" (1179). The inscription is also reproduced in Amma Yaichiro, op. cit. p. 76. It is also reproduced in Luo Fuyi, Yin zhang gaishu [A general introduction to the study of seals) (1963), p. 103, and in Luo Fuyi, Nuzhenwen yin )1 [A collection of seals in the Jurchen script) (unpublished manuscript dated 1965; mentioned in Jin and Jin QQ. cit. p. 49).
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Ill. 24. The Yigaidage river mouke seal.
79
(3) The Hetouhulunhe mouke seal: this is now in the Tianjin Museum. It was also made by the Board of Rites in 1179. On the seal there are nine Chinese characters and six Jurchen characters. It is said to be recorded in the unpublished manuscript by Luo Fuyi mentioned above.
(4) The Hezhouhaiman mouke seal: this is also in the Tianjin Museum, with the same inscription indicating that it was manufactured in 1179 by the Board of Rites. There are eight Jurchen characters on it; these are also said to be recorded in Luo Fuyi, QQ. cit.
(5) The Jiahunshan mouke seal: this is held in the National Palace Musuem, Beijing. Also issued in 1179 by the Board of Rites. One one side are the Chinese characters Jia-hun-shan mou-ke yin [Seal of the mouke of Jiahun Mountain) and seven characters in Jurchen. Also said to be recorded in Luo Fuyi, QQ. cit.
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Ill. 25. The seal of the mouke of Jiahun mountain.
80
(6) The Xianping-fu mouke guan ZaO-]1ng [Mirror of the mouke of Xianping district]. This is a bronze mirror. On one side it has six Chinese characters and another symbol, which is believed to be the Jurchen seal-character of the official. It is reproduced in Jin and Jin QQ. cit. p. 39.
Ill. 26. The characters on the Xianping-fu mouke mirror.
(7) The Kewei meng'an tong-jing [Mirror of the meng'an of Kewei]. (A meng'an was an official in charge of one thousand households). The only reference to this seems to be in Jin and Jin, QQ. cit. pp. 39-40. There is a line of Jurchen characters along the side, only four of which are still legible; they seem to mean "the meng'an of Kewei".
(8) The Shou-dai wen tong-jing [Engraved bronze mirror with ribbon attached]. This was discovered in Mishan county, Heilongjiang, in 1974, and is now held by the Heilongjiang Cultural Relics Archeological Work Team. On the side of the mirror there are nine Jurchen and four Chinese characters; the Chinese shows that the mirror had come from Changchun. The characters seem to have been added afterwards, not at the time of the making of the mirror; this is also the case with (7) above.
81
(9) In an article "Heilongjiang pan Suibin Zhongxing gu cheng he Jindai mu-qun" [The ancient city near Zhongxing Commune, Suibin County, on the banks of the Heilongjiang River, and a group of graves from the Jin Dynasty" (1977), by the Cultural Relics and Archeological Work Team of Heilongjiang Province, there is a reproduction of a bronze seal. There is no mention of this seal in the article, but Jin and Jin QQ. cit. p. 40 have included it as being an example of a Jurchen "seal character". It is basically the same as the seal character on the mirror (No. 6) above.
Ill. 27. A Jurchen seal character.
(10) On the title page of Jin Qicong's Nuzhenwen cidian [Jurchen Dictionary] there is a handwritten seal character (hua-ya), which Jin said was written by a Jurchen. He does not give a source for it.
Ill. 28. A Jurchen cursive seal character (hua ya)
82
(5) Other inscriptions previously thought to be in Jurchen.
There are several inscriptions identified in various sources as being in Jurchen, which are now known to be in Xixia, Khitan, or at least of doubtful provenance. The first of these was the Xixia inscription on the Wall of the Juyongguan, one of the passes in the Great Wall not far from Beijing. A. Wylie, "On an ancient Buddhist inscription at Keu-yung Kwan in North China" (1860) thought that a script unknown to him in this multilingual inscription was Jurchen; he was corrected by G. Deveria, "L'ecriture du Royaume de Si-hia ou Tangout" (1901). Another example of mistaken identity was that of the Da Jin huangdi dutong jinglue langjun xing ji inscription, which has been discussed above.
The characters on two bronze mirrors held in Korea, which are identified in the Chosen kinseki soran [General Inventory of Inscriptions in Korea] as being Jurchen, have now been identified as being Khitan (cf. K. Wittfogel and C.S. F~ng, QQ. cit. p. 245 and Tamura and Kobayashi, Keiryo pp. 267-268). The bronze seal, reproduced in Imanishi Shunju, "Joshinji doin" [A bronze seal in the Jurchen script] and included in Amma Yaichiro's corpus of Jurchen inscriptions, is regarded by Yan Wanzhang "Jinxi Xigushan chutu Qidanwen muzhi yanjiu" [Research on the epitaph in Khitan script excavated at Xigushan, Jinxi](1957) as being an example of the Khitan small script, and by Toyoda Goro, "Kittan reiji ko: Joshin mOJ~ no genryu" [The Khitan large script - the origin of the Jurchen script] (1963) and "An analysis of the Major Ch'i-tan characters" (1964) as being an example of the Khitan large script. Yan Wan zhang also refers to a seal held in the Dongbei bowuguan (Northeastern China Museum), the inscription on which was previously thought to be in Jurchen, but which is similar to those on the mirror published by Imanishi Shunju. For other seals in this script, cf. Li Yuchun, "Liangke Qidanwen tongyin" [Two new official seals with Khitan script] (1959) and Li Yiyou, "Nei-Menggu chutu gudai guanyin de xin ziliao" [New material on official seals from ancient times excavated in Inner Mongolia] (1961). Similarly, Luo Fuyi, Yin zhang gaishu [A general introduction to the study of seals) (1963) reproduces a seal which he gives as an example of the Jurchen seal script; later he gives an almost identical seal which he says is an example of the Khitan seal script; it would seem that both are Khitan.
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A seal in Khitan script; the two characters on the left appear to be identical to those on the seal thought to be in the Jurchen script
83
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An example of a seal thought to be in Jurchen script, but more likely an example of Khitan script
Ill. 29. A Khitan seal (previously thought to be in Jurchen)
84
Of far greater interest is an inscription presented in an article by Y. Rin~en, "M~langes arch~ologiques: les inscriptions sur pierre et les plaques d'or ornamentees du Harnais de Tonyoucouc" , (1958-59) in which he gives a photograph of an inscription and the following note: "Dans le territoire du Moner sumun, Kentei ayimay, sur la roche Bitigtu qanan en montagne Salbar ayula, il y a une inscription hieroglyphique inconnue. Elle contient quatre lignes verticales du texte, dont la derniere est la date: jour du cinquieme mois de la dixieme annee du regne de ... Les caracteres "jour", "cinquieme". "mois" et "dixieme" sont similaires aux caracteres chinois. L'hieroglyphe significant "an" est similaire au meme caractere de l'ecriture Jurcen. Les deux caracteres au commencement de la derniere ligne donnent la devise du regne d'un empereur Jur~en ou kitan. Sur le roche Bieigtu qanan au cote droit de cette inscription il y a quelques emblemes vieux-turcs et trois caracteres en ecriture inconnue. M. Batuvcir, le mandghouriste excellent et membre du Comite des Sciences, supposa que l'inscription eut et~ ecrite en caracteres kitan. 11 est interessant de mentionner qu'a l'Est, non tres loin de cet endroit, il y a les ruines de deux villes des Kitans".
85
Ill. 30. The inscription on B'~' t ~ ~g u qanan, at Kentei ayimay.
86
In a later article, "Les dessigns pictographiques et les inscriptions sur les rochers et sur les steles en Mongolie" (1968), he reproduced the script of that inscription, with the note "The rock with Jurchid inscriptions at Bichigtu Khanan in Muren Sumun, Khentei Aimak". It seems, however, that it is more likely that this is another example of the Khitan "large script". If we examine the date, it is striking that the first two characters ~ ~~ are very similar to the first two characters of the Xigushan inscription; these are written ~~ by Yan Wan zhang and ~~ by Toyoda Goro, and corresponds to Chinese da'an. The character after this is the Chinese for 'ten', and also occurs in this form in the Xugushan and the Gu taishi mingshi bei inscription. The character following this also occurs in that form in both inscriptions, and has been shown to correspond to Chinese nian 'year'. The last three characters are the same as Chinese, and are also found in the Khitan inscriptions mentioned above. Seeing the da'an reign period of the Jin Dynasty lasted only five years, this must correspond to the da'an reign period of the Liao (1085-1094). The date on this inscription can then be determined as the fifth month of the tenth year of the da'an period (1094), and
the script provisionally script".
(if the classified
inscription is genuine) can be as an example of the Khitan "large
(6). Dictionaries.
There is only one dictionary of Jurchen characters available, the Nuzhenwen cidian of Jin Qicong (1984). This is a major work, an essential tool for further research in Jurchen. Jin has collected over 700 Jurchen characters, from all the inscriptions mentioned above as well as the Hua-Yi ~ and the laiwen (petitions). Under each entry he gives the number of the character in Grube's Die Sprache und Schrift der Jucen and Kiyose's A Study of the Jurchen Language and Script; the inscriptions in which the character occurs, including variants; the origin of the character, together with its source (if it is a Khitan character); the reconstruction of the pronunciation of the character, according to the Chinese transcription in the Hua-Yi yiyu; the reconstruction in Jin Guangping and Jin Qicong, NUzhen yuyan wenzi yanjiu [Research on the Jurchen Language and
87
Script]; the reconstruction in Yamaji Hiroaki's various works; Kiyose's reconstruction; Grube's reconstruction and the reconstructions proposed in various articles by L. Ligeti. This is followed by the meaning or meanings of the character, then by a complete listing of where the character occurs in inscriptions (with sources clearly indicated), and in which compound words or expressions it occurs in the Hua-Yi yiyu, all with romanised reconstructions according to the system proposed in Jin and Jin, QQ. cit., and translations in Chinese. The characters are arranged according to a type of stroke direction and number of strokes system, common in dictionaries of Chinese simplified characters, but adapted to Jurchen. There is an index of the romanised forms; an appendix listing various grammatical suffixes and a bibliography.
In this bibliography, Jin mentions another dictionary, by Sun Jinji, entitled Nuzhenwen zidian, which was published by the Academy of Social Sciences of Liaoning in 1980 in mimeograph form. The etymological study of Jurchen characters by Yamaji Hiroaki, Joshin mOl~ se~l~ kenkyu [Research on the Structure of Jurchen Characters], (1958, reprinted 1980) could also be considered a dictionary of sorts. L. Ligeti finished his article "Note preliminaire sur le dechiffrement des "petits caracteres" joutchen" (1950) on a hopeful note: "J'envisage de publier, entre autres, un vocabulaire des 'petits caracteres' joutchen actuellement connues, accompagnes de leurs vraies le~ons, ainsi que tous les mots ou ces caracteres sont attestes". In 1986, Professor Ligeti wrote " Recemment, grace a 1 'encouragement de M. Herbert Franke, j'ai repris mon ancien travail, je l'ai mis au point et je compte le publier sous peu". (Private communication). Professor Ligeti died in 1987, but it is to be hoped that his work on Jurchen may yet be published. It should also be mentioned that Professor Nishida Tatsuo has announced a study of the Jurchen Hua-Yi yiyu in his series of studies on those vocabularies, of which the Tibetan and BUrmese studies have already appeared. This work has found its way into some bibliographies, but as far as I am aware, has not yet been formally published.
(7). The study of the Jurchen language in Korea.
The study of Jurchen in Korea is the subject of an article by Ogura Shimpei, "Chosen ni okeru Kittan oyobi Joshin gogaku" [The study of the Khitan and Jurchen languages in Korea", (1917) which was later incorporated in his book Chosen gogaku shi [A history of Korean linguistics] (1964).
88
Hiu Lie, in his book draws heavily on explanatory notes.
Die Mandschu-Sprachkunde in Korea (1972) this material, and adds some useful
The first mention of the Jurchen language and script in Korean records is in the Kory~-sa, which records that in the year 1225 a deserter from the Eastern Jurchens arrived in Korea, and as he knew both Chinese and the "small characters", he was sent to the capital to teach there. In 1276 a State Interpreters and Translators Bureau was established, mainly for the study of Chinese. There seems to be some confusion as to whether Jurchen was taught in this institution or not. Hiu Lie, op.cit. p.17 says: "In der Ko-ry~ Zeit gab es im Jahre 1276 staatliche Ubersetzung- und Dolmetscherburos T'ong-mun-guan, in denen Fremdsprachen wie die chinesische Sprache, die Sprache der Kitan, der Sprache der Jur~en, die mongolische Sprache und die japanische Sprache unterrichtet wurden ... Aber in Wirklichkeit scheint hauptsachlich die chinesische Sprache in T'ong-mu~-guan unterrichtet worden zu sein". He gives as a reference Ogura, QQ. cit. p. 664, who says: " ... sore wa moppara Kango nomi 0
gakushu shita mono rashiku, Joshingo sono ta no gengo ni kanshite wa sukoshi mo genkyu shite inai" [it seems that Chinese only was studied there, there does not seem to be the slightest mention of Jurchen or other languages]. Hiu Lie also gives a reference to Yi Py~ng-do, Kuksa taegwan [An outline of National History] (1957) p. 309, but here Yi gives only a passing reference to such organisations as the T'ong-mun-gwan and the Sa-y~k-w~n, in which the languages of the countries around Korea, such as Chinese, Khitan, Jurchen, Mongol and Japanese were studied. The Sa-y~k-w~n was established in 1393, initially only for the study of Chinese, but records in the Ky~ng-guk-tae-chon indicate that four languages were studied there. Various items in another historical record, the Yi-cho shil-Iok show that during the reign of King Se-chong (1419-1450), Jurchen was studied as a regular foreign language in the Sa-y~k-w~n.
According to the T'ong-mun-guan-chi, there were fourteen textbooks in use for teaching Jurchen, of which nine were lost and the remaining five translated into Manchu in 1639; the versions in the Jurchen script have all been lost. The titles of the textbooks used were (1) Qian zi wen; (2) Bing shu; (3) Xiao er lun; (4) San sui er; (5) Zi-shi-wei; (6) Ba sui er; (7) Juhua; (8) Qi sui er; (9) Chounan; (10) Shi er zhu guo; (11) Guichou; (12) Wuzi; (13) Sunzi and (14) Taigong shang shu. These are all well-known Chinese books, except for (7) Juhua (or Quhua), (9) Chounan and (11) Guichou. Ogura suggests that Juhua/Quhua is from Manchu gekhu 'bird' and that Chounan is from Manchu gunan 'a three year old ox'. M. Courant, Bibliographie coreenne Vol. I p. 84 suggests for Guichou "titre probablement transcrit du
89
mantchou gudju 'corde, etai' ou kutchu 'ami, camarade' (1)".
In his article "Deux tablettes de T'ai-tsong des Ts'ing", L. Ligeti has the following remarks on the study of Jurchen in Korea: "Bien plus, avec la chute des Kin, la litterature jou-tchen a simplement cesse d'exister et, sous les Ming, les Chinois eurent beau faire revivre les petits caracteres jou-tchen, une nouvelle litterature jou-tchen, pour modeste qu'elle fut, n'arriva pas a se former. En Coree, it en fut tout autrement. Dans ce pays on avait en 1469, reorganise Ie Bureau des Traducteurs pour y enseigner les langues chinoise, mongole, japonaise et jou-tchen; ... Or, en Coree, on enseignait Ie jou-tchen au moins depuis Ie XVe siecle, en m~me temps, on avait traduit certains ouvrages chinois en jou-tchen. Avec l'evenement de la dynastie mandchoue et avec l'introduction de la langue mandchoue ecrite, on n'a pas mis de cote les anciennes traductions jou-tchen, mais en 1es corrigeant, on les a transformees en bons textes mandchous. Malheureusement aucune de ces anciennes traductions jou-tchen ne nous est parvenue ... "
Lee Ki-moon, "Mongolian loan-words in Middle Korean" notes that there are many personal and place names of Jurchen origin in the Yong-bi-~-ch'~n-ga, on which he was planning an article.
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CHAPTER SEVEN THE HUA-YI YIYU
(1) The Bureau of Translators vocabulary
(2) The Bureau of Interpreters vocabulary
*
(1) The Bureau of Translators Vocabulary
The Jurchen language was studied in China during the Ming Dynasty, both in the Bureau of Translators (Si yi guan) and the Bureau of Interpreters (Hui tong guan). These institutions have been studied by F. Hirth, "The Chinese Oriental College" (1887); by G. Deveria, "Histoire du College des Interpretes a Pekin" (1896); by E. Denison Ross, "New Light on the History of the Chinese Oriental College" (1910) (cf. the revue by P. Pe11iot (1909», by Haneda Toru, "Si Yi Guan Zen [On the Si yi guan] (1928) (cf. the revue by Pelliot, "Bibliographie: "Sseu-yi-kouan tso" (1929); again by P. Pelliot in Appendix III of his work on "Le tl6Ja et Ie Sayyid ?ussein de l'Histoire des Ming" (1929), by Kanda Kiichir6, "Min no Shiyakkan ni tsuite" [On the Bureau of Translators of the Ming] (1932), and by N. Wild, "Materials for the Study of the Ssu I Kuan (Bureau of Translators)" (1945). The Bureau of Translators was concerned with the written languages, and the Bureau of Interpreters with the spoken languages. Several manuscripts of the Jurchen texts used in both institutions are extant.
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~~ - t :!" -ff-~ ~ ~ 11 'ti ~ .Jk t'l ~ ~ ~, -f10 i~ ,<!", !ft-'l 1 )!-L;
..:h :?ii ',,- it - :t ~ ,
1-' -1-~ ti -lJ \¥ (iJ j~
~- -\3 'f ----- ~J1l2- /'-,-
Ill. 31. A page from the "glossary" (za zi) from the Hua-Yi yiyu of the Bureau of Translators
92
The vocabularies of the Bureau of Translators were the first to be brought to the attention of European scholars by J.M. Amiot in 1789. A set acquired by J. Edkins and now in the British Museum (according to R.K. Douglas, Supplementary Catalogue of Chinese Books in the British Museum (1904)) did not contain a Jurchen section. In 1887, F. Hirth announced the discovery of a complete set of the vocabularies of the Bureau of Translators, which was acquired by the Konigliche Bibliothek in Berlin. The Jurchen vocabulary and documents in this manuscript (which was in Jurchen script, with a Chinese transcription of the script and a Chinese translation) were studied by W. Grube, Die Sprache und Schrift der Ju~en (1896) . Although some progress had been made by some scholars, serious study of the language and script was not possible until the discovery of this bilingual glossary and its publication by Grube. Grube's edition is divided into four parts: (1) the Jurchen-Chinese vocabulary, copied by Grube from the manuscript. This is divided into three columns: the word or expression in Jurchen script, the pronunciation of these characters in Chinese transcription and the meaning. Each item is numbered, from 1 to 871; (2) an index to the characters in the Jurchen script, arranged according to the number of strokes in the character; (3) an alphabetical index of the Jurchen characters, according to Grube's "reconstruction" (which is no more than a transcription of the Ming Dynasty Chinese according to a non-identified non-standard late Qing dialect in an idiosyncratic romanisation) and (4) a Jurchen-German glossary, in which each word is transliterated, translated (according to the Chinese version) and, in as many cases as possible, the Manchu equivalent given. Where appropriate, reference is made to the Jurchen vocabulary appended to the History of the Jin Dynasty, as listed in the preface to A. Wylie, Translation of the Ts'ing wan k'e-mung, a Chinese Grammar of the Manchu Tartar Language (1855). Sometimes Mongol or Chinese equivalents are suggested. As an appendix, Grube added twenty laiwen ("petitions"), with transcriptions, translations and notes. These "petitions" were usually addressed to the Emperor, asking for a rise in salary, promotion and so on. They are of unknown provenance and little linguistic value, as they are purely word for word translations of the Chinese, with no regard for Jurchen word order or grammar. Cf. W. Grube, op. cit. " Die dem Glossar beigefugten Ju~en-Texte beweisen, wie ich bereits in meiner "Note preliminaire" hervorhob, dass ihr Verfasser der Sprache vollig fremd gegenuberstand und sich darauf beschrankt hat, die ihm vorliegenden zwanzig chinesischen Texte mit Hulfe des Glossars Wort fur Wort und unter Beibehaltung der chinesischen Wortstellung zu ubersetzen ... Auch werden die Worte in Texte ohne Beruchsichtigung ihrer grammatischen Function, stets nur in derjenigen Form verwendet, in welcher sie zufa11ig im Glossar citirt sind. Es kann daher dreist
93
behauptet werden, dass ein des Chinesischen unkundiger Ju~en jene Texte uberhaupt nicht verstanden hatte·. N. Wild, in his "Materials for the Study of the ssa I Kuan (Bureau of Translators)" (1945) has similar comments. On the nature of these documents, P. Pe11iot, in his "Le H6Ja et Ie Sayyid ~ussein de l'Histoire des Ming" (1929), comm~nts •... ceci ne veut pas dire d'ailleurs que les textes en ecritures etrangeres soient des documents originaux; on a vu plus haut qu'ils etaient Ie plus souvant refaits mecaniquement d'apres les vocabu1aires par les gens ignorant en realite les regles essentielles des langues dont il etaient censes s'occuper. Ces pseudo-versions peuvent avoir ete preparees au moment meme pour ~tre presentees a l'Empereur; il est moins probable, mais non exclu, que, dans certains cas, nous ayons affaire a des exercises d'ecole de dates indeterminees·.
1- it t.. J. i}. {j l!t '/V , ., • Jtkkt l,dr ii •. V~ ~J.... A.-
x.. it- 1.:. " .:{ f::. I L ~~~~"-" i_ ~ ." .f ~ fs 1.:. !~ A it. f-- I-~Ai'f
f- y.. t'J f- t b ~ fg 1. {/j ~, t 1j- It 1:.. !, H ~ 7~ l~ .f. t t.- d. {;- ,t. .Ift t 1: JJ- . it L t ' .. If f ;;;- £. JJI . 0 :J... F..... 'I'-..
~F...fttf--l 1 'f/J 1; kft.Jl...~t III lA l!) i ;;~I>j 'J; i J'u,rL .) 1.JS2. it ?'j.Lt-if.i... -*r 0 1~ I). 1- f,- It k-H1 k!o k 1; {} U· tJ ~ ¥'J -K: t f; J1. 1i +- la ;L f~ ~ ,t k. 'J .. if ·f t ~ if. i Jt. it !f- .b: '*~ -;- f ~< If: It-A::-- -~. k ,'n :t I .1
-K..i1. t ,e.--!' k <b
Ill. 32. One of the "petitions· (laiwen) from the Bureau of Translators (copied by Luo Fucheng)
94
The publication of Grube's book prompted two articles suggesting further Manchu or Mongol cognates of words which Grube had left unidentified: a review by W. Bang (1896), who suggested five, and an article by E.R. von Zach, "Einige weitere Nachtrage zum Ju~en-Deutschen Glossar Prof. Grube's" (1897), who suggested some forty other possible cognates.
Apart from the "Berlin manuscript" from which Grube worked, there were three other manuscript copies of the Bureau of Translators Jurchen vocabulary extant: (1) the TOYo bunko manuscript, (2) the Naikaku bunko manuscript (which contains only petitions and no glossary); and (3) the manuscript in the personal collection of Ke Shaomin (which closely resembles the TOYo bunko manuscript). In 1933, Luo Fucheng published a handwritten copy of the Hua-Yi yiyu with a much larger collection of petitions than those presented by Grube, culled from the other manuscripts, and in 1940 Ishida Mikinosuke published "Gurube-bon Ka-I yakugo ho-i" [A supplement to Grube's Hua-Yi yiyu] , in which he was able to add forty-six more vocabulary items to Grube's glossary, which had been preserved in the manuscripts in Japan but were missing from the Berlin text. Nevertheless, Grube's work remained until very recently the principal source of our knowledge of Jurchen, and was widely used in attempts to decipher various inscriptions in Jurchen, as well as in comparative studies between Jurchen and Manchu or other Tungus languages. After its publication, as L. Ligeti has noted, "les recherches sur l'ecriture et la langue joutchen ont connu une longue periode d'eclipse ce qu'on ne saurait regretter assez", a statement which is generally true of Jurchen studies in the West, but not in China, Japan or Korea. It was not until the publication of G.N. Kiyose's "A Study of the Jurchen Language and Script - Reconstruction and Decipherment" (1977) that a full scale revision of Grube's work was possible. Consulting the various other manuscripts mentioned above, and taking into account the many revisions and additions to Grube's work, Kiyose has produced the definitive edition of the Bureau of Translators vocabulary. Most importantly, he has reconstructed the Jurchen words in the vocabulary, not only on the basis of the Chinese transcription, as Grube had done, but has attempted to provide credible readings for the Jurchen characters in terms of Jurchen phonology, at least as far as their probable readings in the Ming Dynasty were. Kiyose has not attempted the task of reconstructing the original readings of the characters, those in use during the Jin Dynasty when the script was created, but his Ming Dynasty reconstructions will form an essential basis for this important task. Kiyose's work also includes an annotated edition of all the laiwen available, collected from all the manuscripts mentioned above, as well as important bibliographies and indices.
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Another important recent work on the Bureau of Translators Jurchen vocabulary and the laiwen is by He Xige, "Nuzhenguan za-zi, laiwen yanjiu" [Research on the vocabulary and the petitions of the Jurchen Bureau of Translators] (1983). He Xige's study differs from Kiyose's in several ways: he compares the various editions of the vocabulary in great detail, and notes discrepancies; he lists and studies every word in the vocabulary individually, given the Jurchen script form, the transcription in Chinese, a romanised form of the Chinese characters (representing Ming pronunciation), the Manchu equivalent (when available) (which Kiyose does not provide), various philological notes and supplementary notes, which refer to variants in the form of the character as recorded in various inscriptions, or other Chinese transcriptions of the Jurchen word in question in various Chinese historical works. In his study of the laiwen, too, He Xige has annotated them thoroughly, pointing out errors in word order, miswritten characters and grammatical mistakes (which abound), and gives interlinear transcriptions and Chinese translations of the texts. Kiyose gives the Jurchen and Chinese texts and an interlinear transcription and translation , and translates the texts into English, but does not provide the grammatical and philological commentary. He Xige does not study the pronunciation of the individual Jurchen characters; that task has been left to his colleague Dao Erji, in his "Nlizhen yuyin chutan" [Preliminary study of the phonology of Jurchen] (1983). This is a study of each individual character; the reconstructions of Grube, Kiyose and Jin Guangping and Jin Qicong are noted and compared, and suggested readings given for each Jurchen character. Again, however, Dao Erji confines himself to the readings of these characters in Ming Dynasty Jurchen. These two studies (both originally theses written under the superv~s~on of Jin Qicong) have been published in book form, under the title Nuzhen yiyu yanjiu [Research on the Jurchen Hua-Yi yiyu] (1983).
The studies on the Bureau of Translators' Hua-Yi ~ by Kiyose, Dao Erji and He Xige may be said to be the culmination of studies on this text, and will form the basis for any further study. Professor Nishida Tatsuo has announced a study on the Jurchen section of the Hua-Yi yiyu in his series of studies on this set of vocabularies, of which the Tibetan (Xifan), Burmese, Toso and Lolo (Yi) vocabularies have already appeared. As far as I know the study on Jurchen has not yet been formally published.
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(2) The Bureau of Interpreters' vocabulary
The vocabularies of the Bureau of Interpreters (the Hui tong guan) were first brought to the attention of European scholars by E. Denison Ross, in his article "New Light on the History of the Chinese Oriental College, and a 16th Century Vocabulary of the Luchuan Language" (1910), though Denison Ross thought that the vocabularies he had discovered in the Morrison Collection of the University College, London, were from the Bureau of Translators. He was corrected by H. Maspero, in his article "Etudes sur la phonetique historique de la langue annamite" (1912). This collection does not contain a Jurchen vocabulary. In 1912 L. Aurousseau announced that he had acquired a complete set of these vocabularies, including one in Jurchen. This set came from the collection of Yang Shoujing, who had obtained it, handcopied by a Japanese, in Japan. When P. Pelliot saw it before 1929, it still contained a Jurchen version (cf. Le ijo]a ... p. 284 n. 367). According to Fukushima Kunimichi, Nihon yakugo [The Japanese Hua-Yi yiyu] (1968), these manuscripts are still in Hanoi, but lack the Jurchen and Korean sections.
There are several other sets of these vocabularies, some of which, such as the ShOkokan text (destroyed in Japan during World War II) and the text in the personal collection of Inaba Iwakichi, also do not contain a Jurchen vocabulary. There are two other sets, however, which do contain such vocabularies: (1) The Awanokuni bunko text: this was destroyed by fire in 1950, but photographs of it are preserved in the Department of Linguistics at Kyoto University and (2) the Seikado bunko text. In several catalogues of materials in Jurchen, two other manuscripts are said to exist: (1) that in the Seisai shojaku ko (1823) by Kondo Morishige, and (2) that in the Ikoku shomoku gaishu (1820) by Matsuzawa Rosen. Both these books, however, are annotated catalogues and comment on books, but do not reproduce them. According to Fukushima Kunimichi, 2£. cit. p. 228, the manuscript referred to in the Seisai shojaku k6 refers to the Seikado bunko copy, and that in the Ikoku shomoku gaishu refers to the Awanokuni bunko copy. Ishida Mikinosuke, "Joshingo kenkyu no shin shiryo" [New material for research on the Jurchen language] (1931), also refers to a copy held in the private library of Inaba Iwakichi, which he thought also contained a Jurchen section. However, in a note to a later article "Iwayuru heishubon Ka-I yakugo no Dattankan yakugo" [On the so-called C-type Hua-Yi yiyu of the Mongol section of the Bureau of Interpreters] (1973) he corrected this.
The Seikado text was published by Ishida Mikinosuke in the article mentioned above, "Joshingo kenkyu no shin shiry6"
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[New material for research on the Jurchen language]; Ishida prefaced the text with a long study listed all available inscriptions in Jurchen and other Hua-Yi yiyu manuscripts (with and without Jurchen sections), with long bibliographical references. The publication of this article prompted a study by Watanabe KuntarO, "Joshingo no shin kenkyu" , [New Research on the Jurchen Language] (1935), in which he identified a large number of words in this text with their Manchu equivalents.
In 1929, Yamamoto Mamoru discovered a Jurchen manuscript in the Awanokuni bunko, but did not publish it until 1944 under the auspices of the Jianguo University in the Japanese supported state of Manchukuo. This was apparently pUb:ish:d in mimeograph form and must be very rare, as no ment10n 1S made of it in most bibliographical articles on Jurchen. It is mentioned, however, in the bibliography of Jin Qicong's NUzhenwen cidian [Jurchen Dictionary]. In 1943, Yamamoto Mamoru published an article "Seikado-bon Joshin yakugo koi" [A study of varients in the Seikado copy of th: Jurchen Hua-Yi yiyu] , in which he compared the two manuscr1pts, and was able to add several items to the list published by Ishida. Much later, in 1951, he also published a study comparing the Bureau of Interpreters' vocabulary, as preserved in the Seikado and Awanokuni copies, and Grube's edition of the Bureau of Translators' vocabulary. ("Joshin yakugo no kenkyu" [Research on the Jurchen Hua-Yi yiyu]). In this study, however, he only compares those items held in common by both vocabularies. An important article which compares the two sets of vocabularies is by Yi Ki-mun (Lee Ki-moon), "Chung-se Y~chin-~ Umunron y~ngu" [A Study of the Phonology of Middle Jurchen] (1958). In this he compares Jurchen words common to both vocabularies with a large number of cognates in the other Tungus languages, mainly culled from J. Benzing, Die tungusischen Sprachen: Versuch einer vergleichenden Grammatik (1956). The author also points out a few cognates of words in Grube's Die Sprache und Schrift der Ju~en which do not appear in Manchu, but which are extant in related Tungus languages. This article unfortunately teems with misprints, which diminishes its value considerably.
In 1973, Ishida republished his article on this manuscript in his collected works, Toa bunkashi soko [Studies on the Cultural History of East Asia]. In this he corrected many misprints and misreadings of characters in the first version, mainly based on Yamamoto's published comparative studies on the Seikado and Awanokuni manuscripts, as well as, of course, consulting the original manuscripts available to him. In 1940, L. Ligeti visited Tokyo and received a copy of the Awanokuni manuscript from Ishida. On his return to Europe, he prepared a transcription and translation of this text, to add to his study of the Bureau of Translators'
98
vocabulary (as published by Grube) which he had already prepared. World War II and other tasks made it impossible for him to continue that work at the time, but he began work on it again during the 1970s and 1980s. Professor Ligeti passed away before his work on this manuscript could be published, but it may yet see the light of day in his posthumous publications.
The first version of this study, prepared as a PhD thesis in 1974, was based on the edition in Ishida's Collected Works. In 1975, Professor Nishida Tatsuo kindly sent me a photocopy of the photographs of the Awanokuni manuscript mentioned above. The order of entries in Ishida's edition differs considerably from that in the Awanokuni manuscript, and is presumably based on the Seikado manuscript. It has also been possible to make several corrections to the printed version published by Ishida, but, needless to say, that edition has been invaluable in trying to decipher some of the characters and transcriptions, some of which are very unclear. The edition presented here follows the order of the Awanokuni manuscript, which has been reproduced in the appendix.
I I
I L
CHAPTER EIGHT
THE LANGUAGE OF THE SINO-JURCHEN VOCABULARY OF THE BUREAU OF INTERPRETERS
1. General Remarks
2. Transcription
3. Phonology
4. Grammar
5. Table of transcription characters
6. Conclusion
1. General remarks
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The language of this vocabulary is very close to Manchu, and to the variety of Jurchen recorded in the vocabulary of the Bureau of Translators studied by Grube. It could be regarded both as a late form of Jurchen or as a form of early Manchu - in either case it is a record of a stage of the language which is very valuable for the study of the history of Manchu, representing a form of Manchu dating long before that language was first written in Mongol script in 1599 or in the reformed Manchu script (with added diacritics) in 1632. It has not been possible to date this manuscript accurately. The traditional attribution of the Hui ~ong guan vocabularies to Mao Ruicheng, who is said to have composed them circa 1601, is no longer generally accepted. On this problem Pelliot wrote: "Mais il est certain que plusieurs, et peut-etre tous [of the vocabularies of the Bureau of Interpreters] sont plus anciens que la date que l'attribution a Mao Jouei-tcheng (circa 1601) aurait permis de supposer ... toutefois Ie type des transcriptions chinoises ne permit guere de songer a une date anterieur a environ 1500". (Le tl0ja ... p. 284). On the vocabularies of the Bureau of Translators, he wrote: "Provisoirement, je conclus que les vocabulaires du Sseu-yi-kouan des Ming, sauf Ie Siamois qui
100
est de la fin du XVIeme siecle, ont ete compiles entre 1450 et 1500, et imprimes au plus tard dans la premiere moitie du XVIeme siecle" (ibid. p. 278).
Chinese transcriptions of words from other languages are often not accurate, and a correct reconstruction of the original form of a word in Chinese transcription must rest on a good knowledge of the language represented. In the case of Jurchen, we must use earlier and later forms of what is essentially the same language to reconstruct the form of the word underlying the transcription. It is not permissable, however, to distort the evidence of the transcription in order to make a word look more like its Manchu cognate. The phonology of Jurchen is similar to that of Manchu, the chief differences being that the palatalisation of ti- > ci- and di- > ii- had not yet taken place; the Manchu si- is represented as ~i- in Jurchen; there is frequent contraction in Jurchen forms; the vowels in words which are obviously identical often do not correspond in the two languages; final -g is far less frequent in Jurchen than in Manchu, and many medial consonants, following or preceding another consonant, are dropped - or rather, are not represented in the transcription. In this study I have used the device of indicating such consonants by enclosing them in square brackets: (transcription) wu-§i; (reconstruction) *u[kl~i, cf. Manchu uksin 'armour'. Of course, the consonants indicated in square brackets were not necessarily pronounced. When the transcription was capable of indicating a consonant or consonant combination but did not, it is very difficult to decide whether the transcription is faulty or or it accurately reflects the pronunciation of that word in spoken Jurchen of the time, compared with the written Manchu of a later period. I have tried to be consistent, but have probably erred on the side of closeness to the transcription rather than closeness to the Manchu form.
The grammar of the language of the vocabulary is extremely simple, and presumably does not reflect the grammatical structure of the language accurately. Case endings are omitted more often than not (the accusative suffix, in Manchu be, which often occurs in Grube's vocabulary, does not appear at all in the vocabulary under discussion). Many features of the syntax are closer to Chinese than Manchu. The scholars of the Bureau of Interpreters, like those of the Bureau of Translators, were not well known for their competence in the languages they studied, or for their care in transcription. After all, these vocabularies had a limited aim: to be able to communicate, on a basic level, with "barbarians" on the rare occasions when this was absolutely inevitable, as when they brought tribute to the Court. Many of the expressions in the vocabulary express this use and sentiment. It is debatable how
101
accurately the langua~e recorded in this vocabulary reflects the actual language of the Jurchens. However, it is our main evidence, and must be respected as such.
2. Transcription
The transcription of the Jurchen words in this vocabulary reflects a variety of late Ming Northern Chinese, and in this can be compared to the language of the Dengyun tujing (DYTJ), a rhyme book of the early seventeenth century. The language represented in this rhyme book was studied by Lu Zhiwei ("Ji Xu Xiao chongding Sima Wen Gong Dengyun tujing" [On the Dengyun tujing of Sima Wen, revised by Xu Xiao]) (1947), and, on the basis of Lu's reconstructions, Nishida Tatsuo determined the transcription values for the characters employed in the Tibetan and Burmese vocabularies of the Bureau of Translators ("Minmatsu kango no onin taikei" [The phonological structure of the Chinese Language at the end of the Ming Dynasty] (1970». G.N. Kiyose also used Nishida's readings of the transcription characters in his A Study of the Jurchen Language and Script (1977). The transcription of Jurchen in this vocabulary, however, seems to be older than the Dengyun tujing, and in many important features seems to be closer to the Zhongyuan yinyun (ZYYY) , a rhyme book of the early fourteenth century. In this study, the reconstruction of the ZYYY is based on that given by Dong Tonghe in his Hanyu yinyunxue [Chinese Historical Phonology] (1970), which is used as the basis of the edition of the ZYYY by Xu Shiying and Liu Dezhi, Yin zhu zhongyuan yinyun [The ZYYY with phonological annotations] (1969).
The main characteristics of the Chinese transcription are:
(1) In the ZYYY, the characters ~ ,fit ' )jl , Itt~ , are reconstructed [xon, xon, ton, don], i.e. for the purposes of our transcription, hon, hon, ton, don. In the DYTJ they are reconstructed with the final -uan, as in Modern Mandarin. In the Jurchen vocabulary, however, the first readings are preferable:
j<~ ~ ~ hon-do-mo *holdo mo 'pine tree'
~ ~t~ ]ue-r-hon *]'uerhon 'twelve'
lIJ, ton-do *tondo 'loyal'
lMa~ don-di *dondi- 'to hear'
(2) In the DYTJ, the characters jl and R~ are not distinguished in pronunciation, both being sang. In the ZYYY
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they are distinguished, by Dong Tonghe as ~ and ~; by T6d6 Akiyasu ("Development of Mandarin from l4c. to 19c.") as sang and ~, but by Nishida Tatsuo as sang and ligg. In the language of the Sino-Jurchen vocabulary, the distinction is observed:
lleng-gi *senggi 'blood'
lling-ge-li *llingeri 'rat'
This also applies to characters which now end in -an, but at an earlier stage (as late as Nicolas Trigault's Xi Ru Er Mu Zi (1626» had the ending -in, e.g. ~:* in do-~in-nu, J. *dosinu 'go inl".
(3) In the DYTJ, characters such as JfL ~ ~ have the final -ung, but Lu Zhiwei and Nishida argue that the development after labials -ung > Wang > ang had already occured by that time. In the case of this vocabulary, it seems that such characters still were pronounced with a final -ung:
1t-.:~ I",,' ~::t. ;1':1 /HI
fu-fung ung-pu
*fufun *umpu
'saw' 'hill-haw'
(4) Characters used to transcribe Jurchen syllables in -~, such as q~ de, ~ he, t. ge, t ke, ;f.. me, ~ Ie, (and ~ gue, ~ hue) are reconstructed by Lu Zhiwei with the main vowel - € In this regard the language of the Jurchen vocabulary is closer to the DYTJ than to the Z¥YY, in which such syllables are reconstructed with final diphthongs.
(5) Characters such as fi ~ n which in Modern Mandarin end in -ou, are reconstructed by Lu Zhiwei as ending in -au. This value corresponds to the Chinese of this vocabulary:
of the
(6) Jurchen
Z¥YY)
1~ IJ hau-li *heuli 'stomach'
~71 nau-u *neu'u 'younger
sister'
t:7 dau *deu 'younger .:J... brother'
The Chinese dialect used in the transcription differs from Modern Mandarin (as do the DYTJ and in that velars preceding had not yet been L
103
palatalised. The characters Jt ii ~ ElfL ~ are pronounced ki, gi, hi, hia, gia and not gi, .i.!, xi, xia, jia as in Modern Mandarin.
(7) In Modern Mandarin -0 occurs only after bilabials; in front of velars it is in complementary distribution with -~ and in front of dentals and retroflexes with -uo. In the transcription syllables with end in -uo in Modern Mandarin are used to transcribe Jurchen syllables in -0:
~ {f- do
~ 10 (ro)
. ). --'l- ho 10
(8) The change from -0 to -e after velars had apparently not taken place:
~~..J ti-ko *tiko 'cock'
(9) At the time of the ZYYY, the characters ~ ,)l p, ,were pronounced lli ~i Ii. By the time of the DYTJ,
the -i had already retracted to -i. In the transcriptions the value found in the ZYYY is still valid:
A IZ. han-~i *hanci 'near'
TL 1 ....... u-H *u[k]iH ' armour'
C1 ak- r i-ha *jiha 'unit of '''' a money'
(10) The character transcription had the value (Hanyu shigao [Outline History p. 129, the change from these is a very late one."
~ , now read rong, in the yun(g). According to Wang Li of the Chinese Language]
[j-] to [~-l in words such as
7G t u-yun(g) 'nine'
(11) Characters .!:- ( [~] ) from nz- are transcribe z-
in Modern Mandarin which begin with used occasionally. Presumably they
*mu~ile 'heart'
fu-H 'to shave'
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17Q.~ A hu-zu 'to bow'
:t~ M. e-ze *eze 'head of household'
In Manchu these words are mujilen, fusi-, huju- and ejen. J. mu~ile and eze appear in Grube's vocabulary as mehfmail-zih-lan (-poh) = *mezilan and oh-zan *ezan. Kiyose reconstructs *me]ilen and *e]en, Jin Qicong reconstructs *med3ilan and *ed3en. On these words K. Menges, "Die Sprache der ~ur~en", p. 250 says "in beiden Fallen durfte es sich urn altes ~ (i.e. [d3]) handeln, das vorhanden war, ehe im Man3u und Nanaj die sekundare Palatalisation eingetreten ist".
(12) The character ~ occurs occasionally. It seems to have had the value niu. The change -iu > -Q appears not to have occurred until the beginning of the seventeenth century.
read fi: (13) The characters ~F and
~F ~j fi-la
* frR fi-sa
are apparently
*fila 'plate'
*fisa 'back'
(14) There is no trace of a final -~, nor of any glottal stop.
3. Phonology
From a study of the transcription of each word, after comparing it to cognate words in the Vocabulary of the Bureau of Translators, Manchu and Sibe, it is generally possible to suggest a reconstruction of the original form of each word, with varying degrees of accuracy and probability. The reconsructions suggested in many cases seem to be fairly reliable, but those in other cases, especially where there do not seem to be any cognates in Manchu, or where the text is corrupt or incorrect, are possibly not. A general phonological system runs through the text, however, and from this it is possible to reconstruct the phonological system of the variety of Jurchen in this text. In this section, the L
105
suggested reconstructed phonological system is compared to standard written Manchu.
It is convenient to discuss the phonemes of Jurchen according to the following groups:
Position of articulation:
(1) velar k g h (')
(2) dental t d
(3) labial (p) b f
Manner of articulation:
(4) nasals m n (ng)
(5) sibilants s ~ (z) (z)
(6) affricates(ts) ~ (dz) '" J
(7) liquids r 1
Vowels, semivowels and diphthongs:
(8) semi vowels y w
(9) vowels a e i 0 u
(10) diphthong au (00)
The provisionally transcriptions.
phonemes in brackets are uncommon, but must be set up to account for some of the
(1) Velars {k{, {g{, {hI, (')
Initially and intervocalically, J. {~{ corresponds to M. {~{:
kubu duka buraki
kubun duka buraki
'cotton' 'door' 'dust'
In syllable-final position, when it occurs before t d s S ~ it is not shown in the transcription, and must be provided on the basis of comparison with Manchu:
106
a[klta muri akta morin 'gelding' fu[klto fokto 'shirt' su[kldun sukdun 'breath' de[klde- dekde- 'rise' o[kldo- okdo- 'meet' !H[klse sikse 'yesterday' u[kl Si uksin 'armour' fa[klH faksi 'artisan' ma[kl!H- maksi- 'dance' fU[klcu- fekce- ' jump'
In some words, J. I gl corresponds to M. l'!sl; in others J. l'!sl corresponds to M. Ig/:
sugu suku 'skin' ergu eriku 'broom' halagu halaku 'trousers' tirgu cirku 'pillow' aligu alikil 'dish' serkun serguwen 'cool' boloko bolgo 'clean'
J. 1&1 occurs initially and intervocalically, where it corresponds to M. 1&1:
except
galla geti-gida guSi agu tugi
It does perhaps
consonants.
gasan gece-gida gasin aga tugi
not appear in as an allophone
'village' 'freeze' 'spear' 'thirty' 'rain' 'cloud'
syllable final position, of l'!sl before voiced
J. Ihl appears initially and intervocalically, and corresponds, generally, to M. Ih/:
ha!H hasi 'eggplant' ]uhe juhe 'ice' hudai§a- hudasa- 'sell'
but: harhi hargi 'mustard'
In some words, Ihl has to be provided on the basis of the Manchu form: L
107
bit[hle bithe 'writing'
but: betie(bet[hlie?) bethe 'foot'
1&1 and Ihl occur in Manchu after lEI and III in many words, the Jurchen form of which seems to have dropped the Igl or Ihl - at least in so far as the transcription is concerned: in such words the Igl or Ihl can be supplied in square brackets; it is quite possible, however, in the spoken Jurchen of the time, that they were not pronounced.
sara (sar[gla?) yara (yar[hla?)
fulian (ful[glian?)
sargan ~
'wife' 'leopard'
fulgiyan 'red' (cf. G. fuh-lah-kiang)
ila (il[hla?) ilha 'flower' (cf. G. yih-leh-lah)
horo (hor[h]o? horho 'pigpen' halan (hal[hlan?) halhan 'plough' hudara (hudar[gla?) kfidargan 'crupper'
(cf.G.huh-tih-lah)
This contrasts with other words, in which both the lEI and the Igl or Ihl are clearly shown in the transcription:
Sirg~ sirga 'roebuck' turha turga 'thin' derhi derhi 'mat' farhun farhun 'dark' tirgu cirku 'pillow' merhe merhe 'bamboo comb' narhun narhfin 'fine' derhue derhuwe 'fly'
In the word u[llgia 'pig' , the III has to be inferred; this contrasts with a word like *talkia 'lightning' , in which the -lk- is denoted in the transcription by -rk- .
In quite a few words there is a vowel noted in the transcription between lEI or III and l'!sl, Igl or Ihl in the Jurchen form which does not exist in the Manchu form:
guluha 'boot'
108
silihi foroku
silhi forko
'liver' 'spinning wheel'
This is presumably an accurate transcription, the Manchu forms being contracted. In this regard compare also:
amha 'father-in-law' namuki namki 'drawer' umuha umgan 'marrow' nomoho nomhon 'good, kind' (cf. G. nen[nunJ-muh-huo, Kiyose nonmuho, Jin non-mu-xo, Mongol nomugan)
Note however:
eriku banuhun
'broom' 'lazy'
In several words the Igl or Ihl of Manchu is shown in the transcription as an intervocalic hiatus:
halu'u halhun 'hot' (cL Mongol ga1ayun)
dilu'a j ilgan 'voice' tu1u'u tulhun 'dark' 5010'0 Solho 'Korea' bu'u buhu 'deer'
(cL Mongol buV&
Particularly interesting are the words:
~eu'un ~un « *siun < *sigun) 'sun'
neu'u non (cf. G. nieh-hun-wen, Kiyose niyohun, Jin naxun
'younger sister')
In a few words, the Igl preserved in the Manchu form is missing from the Jurchen form:
.,. ~ do
2. Dentals III I!!I
'road, way' 'blind man'
It I and Idl occur initially and intervocalically. A very import~nt cont~ast with Manchu is the occurance of these initials before IiI. Jurchen Itil usually corresponds to M. ci and Jurchen Idil to Manchu ii. The reverse is not
109
necessarily the case: Jurchen also possessed I~I and III. Examples:
&1:.-:
talkia talkiyan 'lightning' tanggu tanggfi 'hundred' tugi tugi 'cloud' tondo tondo 'loyal' tifa cifa 'mud' tirgu cirku 'pillow' tiko coko 'cock' tihe cihe 'louse' huti hucin 'well' nietie- niyece- 'patch' huetie kuwecihe 'pigeon' da da 'root' de den 'high' deli delun 'mane' dehi dehi 'forty' dirami jiramin 'thick' diha jaha 'boat' dibehun jibehun 'blanket' fadira fajiran 'wall' dondi- donji- 'hear'
Sometimes J. III corresponds to M. I!!I:
ute (u[n]te) hatu
undehen hadu-
'board' 'sickle'
There is one case of J. Idi-I corresponding to M.
ulu dida- uju gida- 'to hang'
let the head
and one case of J. Ida-I corresponding to M. ~-
danC'u jancuhun 'sweet'
3. Labials I'QI, I if (Q)
I'QI occurs initially, intervocalically and between other consonants. Initially and intervocalically it generally corresponds to Manchu 'Q:
bahabanhu beri
bahabanuhun bed
'get' 'lazy' 'bow' (n)
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bila{bil[h]a) bilha 'throat' bosu boso 'cloth' dobi dobi 'fox' kubu kubun 'cotton'
Before other consonants, however, and sometimes intervocalically, the b in the Manchu form is represented by an "intervocalic hiatus" followed by I~I or IQI, or a diphthong in -au in the Jurchen form:
he'udee'u~i
heuli
sulaufi'u
sau he'ute
Note too:
tuyuhe
hebdeebci hefeli kabeli)
sulabu-
sabu habta
ebi-
tubihe
'discuss' 'rib' 'stomach' (cf. Mong.
'let free' (cf. G. fei-pun 'lamp'
'shoes' 'saddle-flap"; cf. G. hei-puh-t'eh
'to be full (after food) 'vegetable'
It may be that the 'a-puh-hah[ka] Kiyose *abka;
form *agua for 'sky' (G. Jin *abxa) can be explained
*abuha > *auha > *agua.
In two words, -bsu in the Manchu form is transcribed in Jurchen as [-tsu]:
datsu {dabsu?) dabsun 'salt' hitsu {hibsu?) hibsu 'honey'
Iii in Jurchen corresponds to f in Manchu:
fa fa 'window' fahun fehun 'liver' fisa fisa 'back' fumo femen 'lips' funH fulcin 'cheek'
1£1 appears in a few words; if the transcription is accurate, these might represent a few survivors of the time before the change from £- (which is well documented for Jin Dynasty Jurchen) took place:
'hill-haw' 'lungs'
upu apuha tipa/tiba sapa/saba
ofoho abdaha cifa sabka
'plough' 'leaf' 'mud' 'chopsticks'
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upu 'lungs', upu 'plough' and apuha 'leaf' are all written in transcription with the character ~~. , which seems to have only one reading, ~; it is also used in the word umpu 'hill-haw'. Both tipa/tiba 'mud' and sapa/saba 'chopsticks' are written with the characters {I' , which is given the readings ba or £!.
4. Nasals I~/, I"QI ("Qg)
I~I occurs initially, intervocalically and in syllable-final position before labials:
rna mafa meire meihe miho muke
In Translators, and Manchu:
some words initial I~I
niehe (cf. G. mieh-heij niekuru-
muwa 'coarse' mafa 'grandfather' meiren 'shoulder' meihe 'snake' mihan ' small pig' muke 'water'
in the Vocabulary of the Bureau of corresponds to "Q- in both Jurchen
niyehe 'duck' Kiyose miyehe, Jin mie-xa);
niyakara~ 'kneel' (cf. G. mieh-k'u-luj Kiyose miyaku;Jin mie-xa-ly)
I~I in syllable final position is represented in the transcription by -"Q or -"Qg:
ang-ba *amba amba 'big, great'
The word transcribed yang-di and glossed 'evening' corresponds to Manchu yamji, and can be reconstructed *yamdij this is a case of ~ preceding a dental and being transcribed by -"Qg.
In Manchu, the consonant clusters -mh- and -mkoccur. In Jurchen, such words are shown in the transcription as ~ and -muk-:
amuha 'father-in-law'
112
namuki nomuho
Presumably uncontracted ones.
the
namki nomhon
Jurchen
'drawer' 'good, kind'
forms are earlier,
I~I occurs initially, intervocalically and in syllable-final position. It is the only consonant that appears at the end of a word. Compared to Manchu, however, the occurance of -~ in this position is not so frequent:
~ na 'earth' nei- nei- 'open' nimuha nimaha 'fish' honi honin 'sheep' indahu indahun 'dog' ., inle- inje- 'laugh' narhun narhun 'fine' su[k]dun sukdun 'breath'
In in Manchu, Jurchen:
several words, I~I appears internally in a word but is not indicated in the transcription for
ute (u[n]te1} undehen 'board' u~e (u[n]C'e1l unce 'tail' huta (hu[n]ta1} huntahan 'cup' otso (0[n]ts01} onco 'wide' nisu (ni[n]su1l nincuhun 'smelly'
In the word *imanggi 'snow', the initial n- of the Manchu form nimanggi is missing (Cf. Kiyose *imagi, Jin *ima-ngL
Iggl does not appear as a phoneme in Jurchen, but as an allophone of I~I before velars:
an-ge-mu hen-ke
*anggemu *hengke
'saddle' 'melon'
Iggl is usually (but not consistently) indicated by the use Chinese transcription syllables in ~ The reverse is not necessarily the case: Chinese syllables in ~ or -ng are used to transcribe Jurchen -m, -n or -gg, the allophonic variety of Inl (in syllable-final po;ition) being determined by the position of articulation of the consonant following. The only exception to this seems to be the word yamdi- 'to become evening' and its derivatives.
There are Those which ended pronounced that way
several Chinese words used in Jurchen. in -ng in Chinese were presumably in Jurchen, but -ng in word final
113
position seems to have occured only in such non-Jurchen words.
5. Sibilants 12-.1, 12-.1, (~), (~).
12-.1 occurs initially and intervocalically, and generally corresponds to Manchu 12-.1, except before -i.
~ sa- 'to know' sa~a saca 'helmet' serkun serguwen 'cool' sufa sufan 'elephant' sugi sogi 'vegetable' vasa vasa 'eye'
Not·, however: hinda- sinda- 'put'
Before -i, according was pronounced in-Jurchen I!/. the transcription, of course. ~ur~en", p. 250,) notes "Die durchweg zu -~i- palatalisiert Palatalisation."
to the transcription, M. 12-.1 This may be a peculiarity of
K. Menges ("Die Sprache der Lautgruppe -si- im ~ur~en
zu sein; das Man~u hat keine
~Hi sisi 'hazelnut' Hri sirin 'bronze' guSi gasin 'thirty' uHha usiha 'star' d[h]a asiha 'small'
I!I also occurs before other vowels:
~an !Ian 'ear' sahuru !\ahurun 'cold' lie ~eri 'spring' (water) lIomi ~umin 'deep'
In some cases, Jurchen 12..1 corresponds to Manchu 12-.1; in others Manchu 12..1 corresponds to Jurchen /2../:
!\unj'a sunja 'five' ~enggi senggi 'blood' §an(g}~a san~a 'wood-fungus' lIa suwan 'egret' ~Siha susiha 'whip'
When follows a consonant, the transcription
114
deals with the situation in one of two ways:
(1) the consonant preceding the -s- is not indicated:
u[k]1H rna [kJH-
uksin maksi-
• armour' 'dance'
(2) sometimes a transcription character with an affricate initial is used to represent -ks-, -bs-:
datsu (dabsu?) hitsu (hibsu?) satseha (sakseha?)
y la]a-
dabsun hibsu saksaha laksa-
'salt' 'honey' 'small bird' 'break'
I~I (pronounced [dz]) may have occured in the pronunciation of certain Chinese loanwords, such as *waze 'tile',*lingze 'damask'. The status of I!I is much more problematical: there seems to be no way to account for the transcription of certain words than to presume the value of I!I for consonants corresponding to IiI and I~I in Manchu. This is even more the case when those same words are transcribed in the Bureau of Translators' vocabulary with I!/:
hu~u- huju- 'bow' , cf. Grube huh-zu-lah
cantura- canjura- 'salute' muhle muj ilen 'heart' cf. Grube
meh[mei]-~ih-lan fuH- fusi- 'shave' ~ ejen 'head of the
household' , cf. Grube oh-~an
y
a~a 'sister in law' aze
6. Affricates ID, I II (~), (dz)
III Generally
correspond to versa:
uci ice ca~ari )iha lalu
v U]U bUlan jakun
speaking, the Jurchen affricates I~I and Manchu ~ and i, but not necessarily vice
uce 'door' ice 'new' cacari 'tent' j iha 'unit of money' jalu 'full' uju 'head' bujan 'forest' jakun 'eight'
Note however: e!lehe nu!H
ecike necin
'uncle' 'harmony'
115
It is hard to determine whether the affricates Itsl and Idzl which appear in the transcriptions reflect the pronunciation of Jurchen, or the inadequacies of the transcription. I~I appears in a few words, e.g. otso M. onco 'wide', and in words which have, in Manchu, consonant combinations such as -bs- and -ks-, which have been discussed above. Idzl occurs only in the word hadza, Manchu hasaha 'scissors', cf. Grube hah-tsi-hah, Kiyose hajiha, Jin xa-si-xa.
7. Liquids III 1£1.
III occurs initially, intervocalically and syllable-final position:
in
lefu loho ali
lefu loho alin
In syllable-final position, represented by -£- in the transcription:
herme (helme?) garma (galma?) tarmagi (talmagi?) tarkia (talkia?)
helmen galman talman talkiyan
'bear' 'dagger' 'mountain'
sometimes it is
'shadow' 'mosquito' 'frost' 'lightning'
Sometimes -1- has to be supplied on the basis of the Manchu equivalent:
go[l]mi golmin 'long' u[l]gia ulgiyan 'pig' gu[l]mahun gillmahun 'hare'
Sometimes it is represented by a transcription syllable ending in -no In such cases it is difficult to decide between III and Igl as representing the original form:
fun~i/ful~i
hondo/holdo fulcin holdon
'cheek' 'pine tree'
1£1 occurs intervocalically and in syllable-final position before velars. It does not occur initially:
'horse'
116
ori beri llirga tirgu narhun
orin beri sirga cirku narhQn
'twenty' 'bow' 'roebuck' 'pillow' 'fine'
Other combinations of lEI with lSI and Igl have been dealt with above, in connection with velars.
Final -ri of some Manchu words is missing in the Jurchen form:
lie rule mede
Both intervocalically:
yafa yadahun Vasa yaha wah un --.-v-we1.1U weihe baya beye
In the diphthongs are syllable: bai-ya,
~eri juleri mederi
'spring' (water) 'in front of' 'sea'
8. Semivowels Iyl, I~I
Iyl and I~I
yafan yadahun Vasa yaha wahun weijun weihe bayan beye
occur initially
'garden' 'poor' 'eye' 'poor' 'smelly' 'stork' 'horn' 'rich' 'body'
and
transcription, characters ending in -ai, -ei generally used before Iyl in the next bei-ye, sai-yin and so on.
The Manchu diphthongs -iya-, -iye-, -uwa-, -uweare often contracted in the Jurchen forms:
ya~iimiha fulifucata-ma suyan husigu funhe
yacihiyaimiyaha feliyefucihiyatuwamuwa suwayan huwe~eku funiyehe
'sneeze' 'insect' 'walk, go' 'cough' 'look at' 'course' 'yellow' 'flat iron' 'hair'
1
117
9. Vowels I~I I~-' IiI IQI I~I (au)
The vowels in Jurchen words, generally speaking, correspond to the same vowels in Manchu; there are, however, many exceptions for every vowel. Jurchen I~I often corresponds to Manchu 101, but there is no definite rule. Long vowels are not indicated in the transcription, except for M. 1001, which is occasionally denoted in the transcriptio~by means of a Chinese syllable ending in -ao; I have transcribed this as au, and it may well represent an intermediary stage between *agu > *a'u > *au >~. The transcription is inconsistent, however: hao-sa *hau~a 'paper' (Manchu hoo~an) but bo *bo 'house' (M. boo), mo *mo, (M. moo) 'tree'. There is no distinction made between Manchu I~I and IQI.
J. a = M. a
J. a I M. a
J. e M. e
J. elM. e
J. i M. i
J. i I M. i
J. 0 M. 0
J. 0 I M. 0
ara fa
agu anggemu falangga
ehe v-Jure hendu elenggu mete-
ice indahu ilan
ilenggi getideli guifi
fo moda
ara fa
aga enggemu falanggil
fehun
edun elu
eihen juru hundu ulenggu mute-
ice indahiln ilan
ilenggu gecedelun guifun
orin orho
fe mudan
'chaff' 'window'
'rain' 'saddle' 'palm' (of the hand)
'liver'
'wind' 'leek'
'ass' 'pair' 'hunchback' 'navel' 'complete'
'new' 'dog' 'three'
'tongue' 'freeze' 'mane'
'finger-ring'
'twenty' 'grass'
'old' 'bend' (of a river)
'lip (s) ,
118
J. u M. u ure- ure- 'ripe' uia usin 'field' usiha usiha 'star'
J. u M. U ahun ahem 'elder brother'
indahu indahun 'dog'
J. U # M. u agu aga 'rain' fu[kl1H- feksi- 'run' nimuha nimaha 'fish' ulla- wa~a- 'scratch' muri- mari- 'return' sungu- songgo- 'weep' diu j io 'comel' fumo femen • lip (s) • umi- omi- 'drink' muri morin 'horse'
4. Grammar
Since this vocabulary is composed of individuals and short phrases. with no connected text. it does not contain suitable material for a full study of the grammar of Jurchen. However. parallels to most of the simple grammatical features of Manchu can be found.
Verbal endings:
(1) -bi (-mbi}
(2) -ral-re
(3) -hal-hel-ho
(4) -me
(5) -~i
The form in -bi (-mbi from the assimilation of a base form in -n + -bi) corresponds to the "dictionary form" of the verb. On this form Denis Sinor writes: "les dictionnaires et grammaires mandjoues indigenes enregistrent les verbes sous une form en -mbi. qU'aucuns considerent comme
119
l'equivalent d'un infinitif et d'autres comme un signe du present. Or. en fait. cette forme ne situe pas dans Ie temps Ie proces exprime par Ie verbe ... On peut dire que la forme en -mbi enonce un proces. en general. sans y apporter aucune precision" .
The form in -ra/-re (depending on original vowel harmony) is usually regarded as the "imperfective aspect" (or the "imperfective participle") of the verb. and the form in -ha/-he/-ho as the "perfective aspect" (or the "perfective participle"). On these forms Sinor writes: "l'aspect inaccompli du verbe mandjou est forme moyennant Ie suffixe -ra (-re. -ro). Dans les grammaires europeenes cette forme est. en general. designee comme celIe du futuro En realite. la encore. nous sommes en presence d'une adjective qui. a l'instar de la forme en -ha. determine un concept en lui attribuant une action. Seulement cette action determinante est encore en cours au moment de son enonce: taire ihan 'un boeuf labourant· ... yabure niyalma 'un homme "allant". un voyageur' .
verb form
The form in -me is a gerund. used after the first when two actions are performed simulaneously. and the
in -~i is used to denote the conditional. Some examples:
-bi
-mbi
rna [kl Si-bi efi-bi inJe-bi gele-bi fuca-bi
beyi-mbi fu[klcu-mbi nime-mbi ara-mbi tari-mbi
'to 'to 'to 'to 'to
'to 'to 'to 'to 'to
dance' play' laugh' fear' cough'
love' jump' ache'
do. to cultivate'
-ra/-re u§i tari-re iha 'a ploughing
de-re buraki 'flying dust'
u[kllli bu-re fa[kl~i 'armourer'
adu au-re fa[kl§i . launderer'
muke goti-ha
bie lalu-ha
'the water has receded' 'the moon has become full'
make'
ox'
120
tugi nei-he
sokto-ho
golo-ho
1!e'un tuhe-he
edu de[k]de-he
'the clouds have dispersed'
'become drunk (intoxicated)
'frighteneq'
'the sun has set'
'the wind has risen'
~i[k]se dobori agu-ha 'last night it rained'
There are also some irregular forms in -ka/-ke, e.g.:
bie r e-ke 'the moon has been eclipsed'
-me muke amba, sere fuli-me baharakua
'the water is high, the carts cannot get through' (lit. going, are not able to get through)
e[r]gi amu1!i sai muri tede-me diu
'from now on you must bring in good horses as tribute' (lit. bringing in (as tribute) come (imp.»
agu akua-~i, ordo do~inu
'if there is no rain, go to the court'
hufurun de, dule-ci manga
'the bridge is high, if you want to cross it, it will be difficult'
There is also a form in -resebi, which is probably the imperfective participle followed by -sebi, corresponding to Manchu -sembi. It seems to mean 'it is about to', e.g.
121
agua imangi-resembi 'it's going to snow'; tugi uJe agu-resebi 'the clouds are dense, it's going to rain'. An optative form in -ki, meaning 'I would like', appears in the expression nure gaiki 'ask for wine', i.e. 'I would like to ask for wine' .
The imperative form of the verb:
vasa dere vasa
is generally
nei au nicu
expressed by the base
'open the eyes I' 'wash the face I' 'close the eyesl'
Several verbs, however, have imperatives in -su:
gaisu alisu fulisu
'want I , 'waitl' 'walk I ,
Some have imperative forms in -nu:
u~inu 'go upl' wa~inu 'go down I , do1'linu 'go inl'
Note also: j'efu 'eatl' (M. jefu) diu 'cornel' (M. j io)
The negative imperative is formed with the word ume followed by the verb in the imperfective aspect:
ume nie[l]ma uli duri-re 'do not steal other people's propertyl'
ume fuca- ra 'do not cough I ' ume u!'l[h]un to-ra 'to not look upwards' muri ume ehe lafa-ra'when you return you
must not do anything badl'
Negation of a declarative sentence is expressed by using the word akua (M. aku) following the word it negates:
agu akua
After verbs, it follows and is contracted to -kua:
gairakua direkua sarakua
the
'there is
imperfect
'doesn't 'doesn't 'doesn't
no rain'
participle,
want' come' know'
122
There are very few examples of nominal declensional suffixes in this vocabulary. There are some in -i, the genitive form corresponding to Manchu -i:
ba-i uli bo-i nie[l]ma
'local products' 'member of a family'
There are also some in corresponding to Manchu -de:
lu-de fuli-mbi
-de, locative forms
It accusative innumerable Manchu, but
he~e wa[r]ge-de
is interesting to forms, corresponding occasions when this
in this vocabulary they
'to walk along the road'
'under the city walls'
note that there are no to Manchu -be. There are suffix would be used in are simply omitted.
There are occasional examples of subordinate clauses introduced with the particle de ('as, when'):
agua fudasu-he de bude 'he who opposes Heaven perishes'
agua da-ha de go[l]mi 'he who obeys Heaven prospers'
bie de[k]de-he de do§inu 'when the moon rises, go to court'
***
Jurchen
a
ai
an
5. TABLE OF CHARACTERS USED
IN THE TRANSCRIPTION
~DJ bie ~'J ~
bing I )( 3
~ r.:-,
i~ * bo
an (g) lP bu 1P 4-(~$') 4
ao Mz 1 ~a ~;jm
ba /\(:t/\) 2 «ao tJ 5
bai n- ~e n:x. ban if ~i :fF~(il-)6
be ~ 1a C'ie tJJ :>/:.
l~ bei A co
bi /~, C'u ±, C'un %
123
1. Used to transcribe au, e.g. au- 'to wash'. The form corresponds to the long Manchu vowel 00.
2. The Mandarin, ba and following words:
character 1/~ has two readings in Modern ~. In the vocabulary it is used in the
words: abdaha,
'army' .
*yaC<i7 cognate.
:tt<:J/\ sa-ba *sab[k]a? 'chopsticks' (cf. Manchu sabka, Mongol sabgaj
Grube sah-pen-hah, Kiyose sabunha, Jin sa-bun-xa)
1{;f;-'- ti-ba!ti-pa *tiba!tipa 'mud' (cf. Manchu cifa)
3. Used only to transcribe the Chinese expression bingbu yamen 'Board of War'.
4. The character ;$' is used in the following ~~}m'~ a-bu-ha!a-pu-ha *abuhaj 'leaf', Manchu
Grube a-puh-hah; Kiyose abuha, Jin abuxa. 7LUfJ' u-bu!u-pu *upu? 'lungs' Manchu ufuhu
5. Used to transcribe cau, as in Jurchen ~auha
6. The character ill is only used in the word 'be careful', for which there appears to be no Manchu
124
da ~ fan }L
dai A 7 fan(g) j"5z
dan (g) 't fi HI' de {~ fo fRo den(g)-"i 1)J fu lk 'J; (i,fi) (Cf .4)
deu a ;.( fun )1 10
di fr'J fun (g)J!\,
dien 1ii] 8 ga 01- 11
diu -t;;
do J~~ gai !£
..mt
ge i¥ don "krit gi -+
c:2
du ~ft gia 110 tp
dui f1 gian(g) t dun :r¥~ dun(g)Jz I
gin 1: gin(g}~f 12
dza ~! 9 giu i e ~ go @.X
~ en IGO gu t.~ eu r;:z gua ;ft~ ji.~
fa ~
7. This character is used only in transcribing the Chinese word ~~ which has two pronunciations, dafu and daifu 'high official'I'doctor'. It occurs also in the word da-na-ra/dai-na-ra *da(i)nara- 'to argue'; for which no
cognate appears to be in Manchu.
8. Used 'lightning' .
9. Used *hadza 'scissors',
to transcribe dien, e.g. a[k]dien
only to transcribe 0,* h ha-dza, cf. Manchu hasaha and Grube hah-tsi-hah.
10. NB fun, not fen.
11. One must rely on Manchu to distinguish ~, ha and ka.
12. Used only to transcribe the Chinese word ~ 'period of time'.
gue ~ 13
gui ~t gun ) fl ;f"tt ha tr?;-
hai ~
han ;t hao tt.r 15
he .rw. ,
hen i5%.
hen(g) ;tt hi ~lh hia aFi.1 hian(g) t 16
hin M: hin(g) ~
ho 1 ~i;
hon n~ hu 11
IL:.l
hue ~.
hui [£]
hun(g) ~*
i
in
}a
Jan
Jan(g)
Je
Jen
Ji v JO
~J
]un(g) 0/ 17
ka t& 18
ke ~
125
13. This character only appears in the word *kungueri muri (or: *kungg(u)ori muri) 'buff-coloured
horse'; cf. Manchu konggoro morin. On the basis of ~ =
hue, and ~ appearing in the same rhyme in the Dengyun tujing and elsewhere, one would expect the reading gue forrn9.
On comparison with the Manchu form, however, perhaps gQ is preferable.
14. Cf. the comments for note 11 above.
15. Used to transcribe hau, e.g. *hau~a 'paper' (M.
*hoo~an) .
16. Only used to transcribe the Chinese word l' xiang 'incense'.
17. Only used to transcribe the Chinese word *Jung 'bell'.
18. Cf. comments in notes 11 and 14 above.
126
ki t mei lZi kia t5' men (? ){~~ 20
ko ~! men(g)1~ 1) 21
ku 1; mi ~
kun(g)tHLJ19 min(g)ip
-I- t mo ~ la %'1 ne 1't 22
.... Ian t! nei rtl lan(g)tt~ neu j, Ie l!J ni 1* iii. iti-ti')22
lei t nia (? ).:t~ 22
len(g)/~ A\.
nian ,(:,.>
li fJ ~ :iz.~'J nie 1~
lian(g) ~ nio ?t lin ;j-;J- niu 1t:
lun 1~ niu 4 23
rna J4 no JJ~ 24
man(g) it nu t/.x.
'JI me 'x.'
19. Used only in the word discussed in note 13 above.
20. Possibly mun? It only occurs in the word *lli~irnen da, 'a type of plant', for which I have not been able to find a plausible cognate in Manchu.
21. Possibly mun(g)? Perhaps men(g) is preferable; it is used in the word *menggu 'silver', cf. M. menggun. Note however that Sibe has two forms, me~ and mUBuN.
22. nie and ni. cf. M, ne~en. nia, nie, ni Manchu form. I
This character is also used to transcribe nia, It occurs in the word nie-~e *n(i)ece 'level', Whether this character is to be interpreted as
or ne must to a large degree depend on the have tended to use nie when in doubt, as this
most accurately reflects the transcription.
23. Used only in the word niu-nie-ha *niunieha 'goose', cf. Manchu niongniyaha.
24. NB: not na.
127
0 #t-1};~ H ~ -r- k., ~in :fR
/;j, 26
fB -s- IL!...' §o ~~
sa j.l& ~u '~'¥ t.::e
sai t ~un IJI~
san tx ta tflt/!..) 27
san(g) *- tai 1-..
sao :J'~ tan (g) ;~
se * te -:\:,' 'a..:..
sen(g) 1~ ti ~:t~~r so t# ~t. tiao JYI:... 28
su Ii t tie 'Ni suan t to t j-f.I1e)29
sun(g) ~ ton lIJ sa ,ivy tsai Ii 30
llan(g) ,'t;J tse >~~
!Ie /t ~t tso :ti
25. Used only in the word suan-ko *suanko(7) 'key' .
There does not seem to be a cognate in Manchu for this word.
26. NB. not ~en.
27. This character has the "reading pronunciation" to. It is only used in the word for fire, *ta, cf. Manchu tuwa. However, the word 'to look at' is written with 1~ which could only be interpreted as *to, cf. however Manchu tuwa-. The word for 'rough' is written with ~ ,so *ma, M. muwa.
28. Used in the word transcribed tiao-lu-neng-gi, so *tiaoru-nengi 'the day after tomorrow'. Manchu, however, has a short vowel: coro.
tailor,
29. Cf the comments in note 27 above.
30. Used only to transcribe the Chinese word for *tsaifung.
128
tsu 11i tu -it. tui i! 31
tun (g),Faj @~
u 7L
un }~);. 32
un(g) ~i 33
wa ,*~. h,
wan(g) ;1-
wei ;t
ya -4 (il)33
yan(g) f 1J • 4<-
ye ~ :w. yo .f:7 yu L
yun(g) t ze -f :}l 34
ze tR:., H B
ZU l\. ito
31. Perhaps tei? Used in the word tui-fu *tuifu 'crutch, walking stick',~. M. teifun.
32. NB. not wen, weng.
6 above. 33. Used only in the word *yaci 'careful'. Cf. note
34. Used to transcribe Chinese + -zi.
*****
129
CONCLUSION
The Dengyun tU11ng is dated 1606. The transcription used in this vocabulary seems to be considerably earlier than this. The nature of the Chinese transcription lends weight to the supposition that this vocabulary dates from the first half of the sixteenth century.
The general phonological structure of the variety of Chinese used for transcribing this text is fairly clear. Its inadequacy for transcribing accurately gives rise to a number of uncertainties in regard to the correct reconstruction of many words, for example:
(1) • The character ~ is used to transcribe words, of which the
~ . niye-, ni-Manchu cognates have n1ya-, or ne:
nie-ma *nie[l]ma cf. M. niyalma 'man'
nie-he *niehe cf. M. niyehe 'duck'
nie-Iu *nieru cf. M. niru 'arrow'
nie-ce *niece cf. M. necin 'level'
(2) There are syllables available in -an, -ien, -ang or -iang, but none in -ian. To transcribe Jurchen syllables in -ian (M. -iyan) it was necessary to use Chinese syllables ending in -ien or -iang:
a-dien *a[k]dien cf. M. akjan 'lighting'
sa-ha-liang *sahalian cf. M.sahaliyan'black'
(3) Jurchen words ending in a vowel or -g. To transcribe syllables in -n, Chinese syllables in -g or -gg were used more or less indiscriminately. Internally, the -g or -gg was assimilated to the initial consonant of the next syllable, becoming -n- before dentals and finally, -m- before labials and -gg- before velars:
i-Ian(g) *ilan 'three'
den(g)-de *dende- 'to divide'
an(g)-ba *amba 'big, great'
an(g)-ha *angga 'mouth'
130
Note in the case of *dende- there was no syllable den in Chinese which could have been used.
(4) The character o~ ha was used to transcribe Jurchen ha, ~ or ka:
sa-ha-lian(g) *sahalian 'black'
*duka 'door'
*gala- 'to become clear'
(5) Chinese syllables such as la, ~,lo were used to or ra, Ie or re, 10 or ro transcribe Jurchen syllables la
etc:
ge-le-bi *gele- 'to fear'
mu-li *muri 'horse'
di-li *dili 'anger' (M. j ili)
de-Ie *dere 'face'
Liquids at the end of a syllable were either noted by transcribing -r- or -1-, or were simply omitted:
o-r-ho *orho 'grass'
ta-r-kia *talkia 'lightning'
*u[l]gia 'pig' (M. ulgiyan)
Sometimes syllables in -g seem to have been used for the purpose of transcribing Jurchen -1 at the end of a syllable:
hon-do-mo
fun-~i
*hondo/holdo mo 'pine tree' (cf. Manchu holdon) *funci/ful~i 'cheek' (cf. Manchu fulci)
*an~u/al~u 'gold'
(6) -s- at the end of a syllable was noted by the character
ta-s-ha
note however:
su-s-ha
*tasha 'tiger' (M. tasha)
*susha 'leg', cf. M. suksaha 'thigh'
131
(7) Long vowels were not noted. Words which have a long 00
in Manchu are transcribed by using Chinese syllables in -ao; I have transcribed these as diphthongs rather than long
vowels:
hao-~a *hau~a 'paper' (M. hoosan)
Manchu words in 00 were not always transcribed in such a way, however:
bo *bo 'house' (M. boo)
mo *mo 'tree' (M. moo)
Other ambiguities and various possible interpretations of a particular transcription are more conveniently discussed in the section on the phonology of Jurchen, or as part of the main text.
*****
132
CHAPTER NINE
THE SINO-JURCHEN VOCABULARY OF THE
BUREAU OF INTERPRETERS
Explanation of symbols
[A] the text according to the Awanokuni manuscript
[C] transcription of the Chinese entry and translation into English
[T] transcription of the Jurchen entry according to the Chinese characters
[*] reconstruction of the Jurchen word or expression
[G] the cognate word in the Bureau of Translators' vocabulary, according to W. Grube, Die Sprache und Schrift der Ju~en (and the number given in Grube's book)
[K] the cognate word in the Bureau of Translators' vocabulary, according to G.N. Kiyose, A Study of the Jurchen Language and Script (the numbers in Kiyose are the same as those of Grube)
[M] the cognate word in standard written Manchu, according to E. Hauer, HandwBrterbuch der Mandschusprache. J. Norman, ~ Concise Manchu-English Lexicon has also been consulted
[S]
[N]
the cognate word in modern spoken Manchu (Sibe) according to Yamamoto Kengo, A Classified Dictionary of Spoken Manchu. Where two forms are recorded, they are dialectal varieties; cf. the Introduction of Yamamoto's book for details. In the present work, ~ has been used for the inverted ~ (a) of the original book.
notes on the ent-y, including references to other entries in which basic information on the words constituting that entry may be found
*****
133
134
1
2
3
SECTION ONE - THE SKY
[A] 7:::. • frO] A:', [C) tian 'sky, heaven' [T] a-gua [G) 'a-puh-hah[ka]-i (1) [K] abkai [M] abka [S] 'af~qaa
[N] -i in Grube and Kiyose is a genitive suffix
[A] rifD .~ 1; z. [C] yun 'cloud' [T] tu-gi [G) t'uh-kih (6) [K] tugi [M] tugi [S] tiuxi
[A] rn • jJa]"6
[C) yu 'rain' [T] a-gu [G) 'a-hah[ka] (8) [K] aga [M] aga [S] 'ahaa
4
*agua
5
6 *agu
[A]
[C) [T] [G) [K] [M] [S]
[N]
[A]
[C) [T] [G) [K] [M] [S] [N]
[A]
[C) [T] [G) [K] [M] [S] [N]
lei 'thunder' a-dien 'a-tien (7)
akdiyan akjan 'ah~jaN, 'a'ujaN, 'aMjuN
*a[k]dien
The transcription *arkldien could equally be *a[k]dian, as there was presumably no phonemic distinction between -ian and -ien. The Manchu form akjan obviously derives from an earlier form *a[k]dian.
B· ri 'sun' seu-un !leu-wen (20) !lun sun ?Jun, suN in Grube, ri is transcribed yih-neng-gi, i.e. *inenggi, which means 'day'. [G) 20 is yin, a mistake for ~ .
yue 'moon' bie-a pih-'a (4) biya biya biaa
*bie'a
the word for 'moon' is generally given in this text as *bie; this word could also be transcribed *bia, but this is departing from the transcription
135
136 137
! 7L!f::.r% r®
~ Iif=?
7 [AJ 11 [AJ fEtr- El7
[CJ xing 'star' [C) lu 'dew' [TJ u-H-ha *uiHha [T] H-Iei *!Hlei [GJ woh- !Hh-hah (12) [G) Hh-Ieh-wen (10) [KJ o!liha [K] Hleun [M] usiha [M] no cognate. cf. [5 ] 'usihaa silenggi 'dew'
[N] G. 10 has ~ih-Ieh-hoh
m ·~tt~ [hah] , but hoh is a
8 [AJ ~ mistake for wen
[CJ shuang 'frost' .h;: 1!1 [TJ se-mang-gi *semanggi 12 [A] ~.
[GJ seh-ma-kih (9)
[KJ saimagi [C) qi 'breath' [MJ no cognate. cf. [T] su-dung *su[k]dun
silenggi 'dew' [M] sukdun [5] suv~duN, suvuduN
9 [AJ )¥.\ ~~ 'wind' Jrt A i
[C] feng 13 [A] • t's'/L [T] e-du *edu [G] 'oh-tu-wen (5 ) [C] yin 'dark' [K] edun [T] tu-Iu-u *tulu'u [MJ edun [G] t'uh-Iu-wen (27) [5 ] 'uduN
r!JJ [K] tulhun
[N] the text has [M] tulhun
not AR Cf. 26.
rif;I r~'~ 14 [A] ~ ~ t.f . {raJ fil "# {t- ,;;f czE--
10 [A] 11,. (;J [C] he tianli 'in accordance
[C] bao 'hail' with the principles of [T] bo-nio *bonio heaven' [G] puh-nen[nun] (16) [T] a-gua-i-do-Io-da-ha *agua-i dora [KJ bonon daha [M] bono [M] dora 'way' [5 ] boni [N] 1-gen-14-48 [N] The Awanokuni text has cf. 110
bo-nio-gi (t: ) ; but in entry (99) bao is translated as bonio; in the 5eikad6 manuscript (as edited by Ishida) this entry is given as bo-nio.
138
15
16
17
18
19
[A]
[e] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5 ] [N]
[A]
[e] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
[A]
[e] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
[A]
[e] [T] [M]
[A]
[e] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
qing 'clear' ha-1a-ha hah-1eh-hah (28) [abka] garha ga1a-Ga1~m~
the -ha suffix is the perfective participle form.
wu 'fog' ta-r-ma-gi t'ah-ma-kih (18) tamagi talman tal~m~N
*gala-ha
*talmagi
yan 'mist, smoke' §ang-gia *sanggia ~ang-kiang (13) ~angiyan ~anggiyan 'smoke, white' siau~N 'smoke'
hong 'rainbow' Jue-Ie-mo no cognate
hun 'dark, dusk' fa-r-hung fah-li-kien (609) farigiyen farhun far~huN
*juelemo
*farhun
20
21
22
23
24
[A]
[C] [T] [M] [5]
[A]
[C] [T] [N]
[A]
[e]
[T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
[A]
[e] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
[N]
[A]
[e] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5] [N]
ying 'shadow' he-r-me *helme helmen xel~m~N
tian shang 'in the sky' a-gua-de-Ie *agua dele 1-158
dian 'lightning'
ta-r-kia t'ah-li-kiang (2) talgiyan talkiyan talixiaN
tian xia 'under heaven'
*talkia
a-gua-fu-Ji-Ie *agua fu;ile fuh-ci-Ieh 'under' (595) fuJile fej ile fejerexi 'below' fejeresi 'under' 1-23
tian bian 'horizon' a-gua-Je-~i ~e-~'e (612) Je~e jecen jec~N 'frontier' 1-24
*agua je~i
139
140
25 [A]
[C]
[T]
[G] [K] [M] [5 ] [G] [K] [M] [5]
26 [A]
[C)
[T]
[M] [5] [N]
27 [A]
[C]
[T] [M] [5 ] [N]
xue xia tian leng 'it is snowing, the weather is cold' i-mang-gi-tu-he-he a-gua-~a-hu-Iu
t'uh-woh[wah]-hei (687) tuwehei tuhe- 'fall down' tuxt!!'mt!!', tuxumt!!' y ih-ma-kih (17) imagi nimanggi nimaI)t!!'
feng si jian 'the wind is like an arrow'
*imanggi tuhe-he agua !:ahuru
e-du-nie-lu-ge-se *edu nieru gese
gese 'to be like' gese 9-580-26
tian you wu 'there is fog in the sky'
a-gua-ta-r-ma-gi-bi *agua talmagi-bi talma-talt!!'mne'me' the -bi shows this is a verbar-form, corresponding approximately to the infinitive 'to be foggy' l-l6-bi
28
29
30
[A]
[C]
[T]
[M] [5]
[N]
[A]
[C]
[T]
[G] [K] [M] [5] [N]
[A]
[C]
[T]
[N]
141
ni tian zhe wang , he who opposes heaven perishes'
a-gua-fu-da-su-he-bu-de *agua fudasuhe de bude
fudasihun 'go against' f~das~huN, f~da~ihuN,
fudas~huN
this is an example of a subordinate clause introduced by the particle de (as, when). For examples of this construction in Manchu, cf. E. Haenisch, Mandschu Grammatik, p. 65 l-28-de-812
yue ming ru zhou 'the moon is so bright it looks like daytime'
bie-ge-tie-i-neng-gi-ge-se *bie getie inenggi gese
yih-neng-gi (3)
inengi inenggi 'day' in~IJ~ 6-71-29-26
tian yao xia xue 'it's going to snow'
a-gua-i-mang-gi-le-se-bi *agua imanggi-
the form in -resebi is probably the imperfective participle followed by sebi, corresponding to Manchu sembi. It seems to mean 'to be about to ... cf. 47, 67 l-9-resebi
resebi
142
31
32
33
34
[A]
[C] [T] [M] [S] [N]
[A]
[C) [T] [N]
[A]
[C)
[T]
[M] [S] [N]
[A]
[C) [T] [N]
tian gao 'the sky is high' a-gua-de *agua de den 'high' deN 1-31
tian qing , the sky is clear' a-gua-ha-la-ha *agua gala-ha 1-15-ha
wu yu jin chao 'if there is no rain, go to court'
a-gu-a-kua-~i-o-r-do-do-~in-nu
dosi- 'go in, enter' dioSim~
*agu akua-ci ordo do~inu
the form in -nu is imperative, cf. Manchu dosinu the form in -ci is conditional. akua is a negative form (cf. Manchu aku) In the Seikado text, there are two -Q- between the -~iand the -£-, but not in the Awanokuni text, which is obviously correct. 3-neg-cond-547-33
tian yin 'the sky is dark' a-gua-tu-lu-lu *agua tulu'u 1-13
35
36
37
38
39
L
143
tian xiao 'day breaks'
[A]
[C) [T] [M] [S] [N]
a-gua-ge-r-ke *agua gerke
[A]
gere- 'to break' of day ger~m~
the form in -ke is an irregular form of the perfective participle 1-35
[C) tianqi re 'the weather is
[T] [N]
[A]
[C)
[T]
[N]
[A]
[C) [T] [N]
[A]
[C)
[T] [M]
[N]
hot' a-gua-ha-1u in 276 below, 'hot' is given as *halu'u 1-276
tian shang you yun 'there are clouds in the sky'
a-gua-de-le-tu-gi-bi
on -bi, cf. the comments under 27 above 1-21-2-bi
tian wan 'it's late' a-gua-yang-di-ha 1-275-ha
tian han 'the weather is dry'
a-gua-hia-li-ha cf. hiyaribu- 'to wither up from a drought' 1-39-ha
*agua halu
*agua dele tugi-bi
*agua yamdi-ha
*agua hiari-ha
144
40
41
42
43
44
[A]
[C]
[T]
[N]
[A]
[C]
[T] [M]
[N]
[A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5] [N]
[A]
[C]
[T] [M]
[5] [N]
[A]
[C] [T] [N]
kuang feng da you chen 'when the wind is strong, [it raises] a lot of dust ang-ba-e-du-bu-Ia-ki-bi
1153-26-145-bi
ji tian 'to sacrifice to heaven'
*amba edu buraki-bi
a-gua-Ju-he *agua ]uhe juge- 'to offer sacrifices to the Big Dipper at night' 1-41
tian zhi 'heaven knows' a-gua-sa-Ia *agua sa-ra sah-hi (353) sahi sa-sam~
the -ra is a sign of the imperfective participle. 1-42
cai yun 'multicoloured clouds'
ha-~i-tu-gi *ha~i tugi hacin 'kind, sort' hacingga 'kinds of, various, different' haciN, haciIJ~
43-2
jing tian 'respect heaven' a-gua-tu-ki *agua tuki 1-777
45
46
47
48
49
[A]
[C]
[N]
[A]
[C] [T] [M] [5] [N]
[A]
[C]
[T] [N]
[A]
[C]
[T]
[G] [K] [M]
[5] [N]
[A]
[C] [T] [N]
yun zhe 'clouds cover [the sky]'
2-124-he
yun kai 'clouds tu-gi-nei-he nei- 'to open' lime 2-46-he
tian yao xia yu
disperse'
'it's going to rain' a-gua-a-gu-Ie-se-bi The Awanokuni text has
in the Chinese entry. 1-3-resebi
shun tian zhe chang 'he who obeys heaven prospers' a-gua-da-ha-ha-de go-r-mi t'ah-hah 'be obedient' taha daha 'to follow, to be
obedient' daMm~
1-48-ha-de-149
ri luo 'the sun sets' §eu-un-tu-he-he 5-25-he
145
*tugi huedi-he
*tugi nei-he
*agua agu-resebi
*agua daha-ha de golmi
*~e'un tuhe-he
146
50
51
52
53
54
[A)
[e) [T) [G) [K) [M) (5) [N)
[A)
[e)
[T) [N)
[A)
[e)
[T) [N)
[A)
[e)
[T)
[N)
[A]
[e]
[T] [N]
ri chu 'the sun rises' !!eu-un-tu-ti-he t'uh-t'i-mei (25) tutimei tuci-tiucim~ 5-50-he
ri duan '[the time of] the sun is short'
*~e'un tuti-he
~eu-un-fo-ho-lo *~e'un foholo 5-150
ri chang '[the time of] the sun is long
~eu-un-go-mi *se'un go[lJmi 5-149
yue luo shi jin chao 'attend court when the moon has set'
bie-tu-he-le-e-ri 0- r-do-do- !Hn-nu 6-25-re-271-547-33
tianqi leng 'the weather is cold'
*bie tuhe-re eri ordo dosi-nu
a-gua-!!a-hu-lu *agua sahuru 1-277 cf. 25 above
55
57
58
59
[A]
[e]
[T] [N]
[A]
[e]
[T) [G) [K] [M] (5) [N]
[A)
[e] [T) [N]
[A]
[e) [T] [N]
[A]
[e)
[T]
147
ri xie '[the rays of] the sun [are] slanting
seu-un-mi-Jo *§e'un miJo cf. Manchu miosoro-'to become crooked or bent, to become askew' 5-55
ri zhong 'the sun is at its highest'
seu-un-i-neng-gi-fo *se'un inenggi fo fuh-wan-to 'time' (81) fondo fon foN the -to (-do) in G. and K. 81 is a locative suffix. The word ~ would derive from a Jin form *QQ1gl, which appears to be a borrowing from Khitan.
ri ying 'shadow of the sun' seu-un-he-r-me *se'un helme 5-20
ri gao 'the sun is high' seu-un-de *se'un de 5-31
tianqi feng 'it's getting windy'
a-gua-e-du-de-de-he *agua edu de[kJde-he
[N] 1-26-113-he
148
60
61
62
63
[AJ
[e]
[T] [N]
[A]
[e]
[T]
[N]
[A]
[e] [T] [N]
[A]
[e]
[T] [N]
xing man tian 'stars fill the sky'
u-~i-ha-a-gua-Ja-Iu 7-1-65
yun kai ri chu 'the clouds disperse and the sun comes out'
tu-gi-nei-he-~eu-un tu-ti-he 2-46-he-5-S0-he
ri zhao 'the sun shines'
*usiha agua ]'alu
*tugi nei-he, ~e'un tuti-he
~eu-un-~eu-cu-ha *se'un ~e'ucu-ha there does not seem to be a cognate for se'ucu-in Manchu. It is derived from se'un. S-62-ha
yue chu 'the moon has risen' bie-tu-ti-he *bie tuti-he the past participle form of tuti- in Manchu ends in -ke (tucike), as does the past participle of tuhe- (tuheke). However, as the transcription could have indicated -ke but has still used -he i~such words, I have retained this form in the recon-struction. 6-50-he
64
65
66
67
68
[AJ
[e) [TJ [NJ
[A)
[eJ [TJ [GJ [KJ [MJ [5J [NJ
[AJ
[e)
[T)
[NJ
[AJ
[eJ
[TJ
[G) [K) [M) [5J [N)
[AJ
[eJ
[T) [M) (5) [N)
149
yue luo 'the moon has set' bie-tu-he-he *bie tuhe-he 6-25-he
yue man 'the moon is full" bie-ja-la-ha *bie 5ala-ha ~ah-Iu-hah (726) Jaluha jalu-jaluu 6-65-ha
yun wu man shan 'clouds and mists fill the mountains'
tu-gi-ta-r-ma-gi a-li-Ja-Iu
*tugi talmagi ali jalu
2-16-130-65
mi yun yu yu 'the clouds are dense - it's about to rain'
tu-gi-u-Je-a-gu-Ie-se-bi *tugi ule agu-resebi
wuh-~e 'heavy' (396,699) uJee ujen 'uj~N
2-67-3-resebi
yue yuan 'the moon is round'
bie-mu-li-e muheliyen 'round' mux~liN, muxuliN 6-68
*bie muli'e
150
69
70
71
72
[A]
[e)
[T] [M] [N]
[A]
[e)
[T] [N]
[A]
[e)
[T] [G) [K] [M]
[S]
[N]
[A]
[e]
[T]
[M]
yue que 'the moon is waning'
bie-e-tse cf. edele- 'to wane' 6-69
yue xie 'the [rays of the moon are slanting'
*bie etse
bie-mi-Jo *bie miJo 6-55
yue ming 'the moon is bright'
bie-ge-tie *bie getie cf. ken-kien 'bright'(608) gengiyen cf. genggiyen 'bright',
getuken 'clear, distinct' gi9iN 'light-coloured,
bright-coloured', get~xuk~N 'distinct' 6-71
lian ri you yu 'there is rain day after day'
i-neng-gi-nao(?)-a-gu-bi *inenggi nao agu-bi
no cognate for *nao. H. Franke suggests that
r~~ nao might be a mistake
forf}~ lan, and *inenggilan
a previously unrecorded form parallel with written Manchu biyalame 'months long, for months on end'.
73
74
75
76
77
78
[A]
[e) [T] [M] [N]
[A]
[e) [T] [N]
[A]
[e)
[T] [N]
[A]
[e)
[T] [N]
[A]
[e)
[T] [M] [S] [N]
[A]
[e)
[T]
151
lei xiang 'thunder roars' a-dien-gun-bi *a[k]dien gu-mbi guwe- 'to sound, resound' 4-73-mbi
yue hei 'the moon is dark' bie-fa-r-hung *bie farhun 6-19
lei da-le 'there has been a thunderclap'
a-dien-du-he *a[kldien du-he 4-810-he
yue ying 'shadow of the moon'
bie-he-r-me *bie helme 6-20
yue shi 'eclipse of the moon'
bie-Je-ke *bie Je-ke biya je-biaa jem~ cf. 1017 ~- 'to eat'. The -ke is an irregular past participle form, cf. Manchu jeke
zuo ye xia yu 'last night it rained'
si-se-do-bo-li-a-gu-ha *~i[k)se dobori agu-ha
[N] 280-273-3-ha
152
79
80
81
82
83
[A]
[e)
[T] [N]
[A]
[e)
[T] [M] [5] [N]
[A]
[e)
[T]
[N]
[A]
[e)
[T] [N]
[A]
[e)
[T] [G) [K] [M] [N]
yue zhao 'the moon is shining'
bie-§eu-cu-ha 6-62-ha
yue jin 'the moon has waned'
bie-o-di-ha waji- 'to finish' vajeme, vajime 6-80-ha
you yu mian chao 'if there is rain, it is not necessary to go to court a-gu-~i-o-r-do do-§in-da-kua
3-~i-547-33-kua (neg.)
yu buzhu 'the rain won't stop'
*bie §eu~u-ha
*bie odi-ha
*agu-ci ordo do~indakua
a-gu-ung-de-kua *agu unde-kua 3-93
xing duo 'there are many stars'
u-§i-ha-ang-ba-la 'an-pan-lah (668, 724) amban amba 7-83
*uHha ambala
84
85
86
87
88
89
[A]
[e) [T] [M] [N]
[A]
[e) [T] [G) [K] [M] [N]
[A]
[e) [T] [M] [5] [N]
[A]
[e) [T] [N]
[A]
[e) [T] [N]
[A]
[e) [T] [N]
153
xing xi 'stars are rare' u-§i-ha-se-li *usiha seri seri 'rare' 7-84
xing shao 'stars are few' u-si-ha-o-so *usiha oso woh[wah]suh-wan (669) oson osohon 7-85
feng xi 'the wind has ceased' e-du-na-ha-ha *edu naka-ha naka- to cease, give up naqeme 26-86-ha
xing luo 'stars have fallen' u-si-ha-tu-he-he *usiha tuhe-he 7-25-he
da feng 'big wind' ang-ba-e-du 1153-26
lei pi 'thunderclap' a-dien-du-bi 4-810-bi cf. 75
*amba edu
*a[k)dien du-bi
154
90
91
92
93
94
95
[AJ
[CJ [TJ [NJ
[AJ
[CJ [TJ [NJ
[A]
[C) [T] [MJ [5J
[AJ
[CJ [TJ [NJ
[AJ
[CJ [TJ [NJ
[AJ
[CJ
[T] [N]
da yu 'big rain' ang-ba-a-gu 1153-3
chun feng 'spring wind'
*amba agu
nie-nie-li-e-du *nienieri edu 265-26
feng chui 'the wind blows' e-du-fu-Ieng-bi *edu fule-mbi fulgiye- 'to blow' filixim~
yu zhu 'the rain stops' a-gu-ung-ku *agu ungku cf. 82 undekua
3-82
feng lai 'the wind comes' e-du-di-bi *edu di-bi 26-758-bi
feng leng 'the wind is cold'
e-du-!la-hu-ru 26-277
*edu §ahuru
96
97
98
99
[A]
[C) [T] [M]
[5] [NJ
[AJ
[CJ [T] [N]
[A]
[C) [T] [N]
[AJ
[C) [T] [N]
100 [A]
[C) [T] [N]
101 [AJ
[CJ [TJ [N]
wu yu 'there is no rain' a-gu-a-gua *agu akua cf. akfr 'to be non-existent'; neg. suffix cf. 'aqu 3-96
hao feng 'good wind' sai-in-e-du this word could also be transcribed savin or sai'in 694-26
hao yu 'good rain'
*sain edu
sai-in-a-gu *sain agu 694-3
155
bao xia 'it's hailing' bo-nio-tu-he-bi 10-25-bi
*bonio tuhe-bi
xiao yu 'small rain' a-~a-a-gu 1154-3
you yu 'it is raining' a-gu-bi 3-bi
*a~[h]a agu
*agu-bi
156
102 [A]
[e]
[T] [N]
103 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
104 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
105 [A]
[e]
[T] [N]
106 [A]
[e]
[T] [N]
107 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [5] [N]
wu san 'the fog has dispersed'
ta-r-ma-gi-nei-he 16-46-he
xia xue 'it is snowing'
*talmagi nei-he
i-mang-gi-tu-he-bi *imanggi tuhe-bi 9-25-bi
yan duo 'much mist' ~ang-gia-ang-ba-Ia 17-83
lu gan 'the dew has dried up'
*sanggia ambala
si-Iei-o-Io-ho *~ilei oloho 11-235
ri shi 'eclipse of the sun'
~eu'un-Je-ke *~e'un ie-ke 5-77
lu shi 'the dew is wet' §i-Iei-u-§i-he *~ilei u~ihe usihi 'to get wet' 'usixE! 'wet' 12-107
108 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
109 [A]
[e]
[T] [N]
110 [A]
[e]
[T] [N]
111 [A]
[e] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
112 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
113 [A]
[e]
[T] [G] [K] [M] [5] rNl
157
yan chu 'mist has risen' §ang-gia-tu-ti-he *§anggia tuti-he 17-50-he
yan xi 'the mist has disappeared'
~ang-gia-na-ha-ha
17-86-ha
tian 1i 'principles of heaven'
*!fanggia naka-ha
a-gua-da-ha *agua daha the Jurchen means 'to follow Heaven' 1-48
bing 'ice' Ju-he *]uhe ~u-hei (15) Juhe juhe juxee, juxuu
ming xing 'bright star' ge-tie-u-~i-ha *getie u~iha 71-7
feng qi 'a wind has risen'
e-du-de-de-he t'eh-ye-mei (392) teyemei
*edu de[kJde-he
dekde- 'to float, to rise' dex~dE!m~ 26-113-he
158
ll4 [A]
[e]
[T] [N]
ll5 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
ll6 [A]
ll7
[e]
[T] [N]
[A]
[e]
[T] [N]
ll8 [A]
[e]
[T] [M]
[N]
feng xiang 'the wind is [e] howling' [T]
e-du-gun-bi *edu gu-mbi [M] 26-73-mbi [5]
xue bao 'the snow is thin' i-mang-gi-nie-ke-ye *imanggi neke[llie 9-152
xue da 'there is a lot of snow'
i-mang-gi-ang-ba 9-ll53
xue hou 'the snow is thick'
i-mang-gi-di-la-mi In the 5eikado manuscript, there is
E?/5 -lang- between the
-gi- and the -di-, but this is not there in the Awanokuni ms., and should be omitted.
xue xiao 'the snow has melted'
i-mang-gi-ung-ke we- 'to melt', pp. wengke this may be the same word as in 82 and 93 9-118
*imanggi amba
*imanggi dirami
*imanggi ungke
[N]
120 [A]
121
[e]
[T] [M]
[5] [N]
[A]
[e] [T] [N]
122 [A]
[e]
[T] [N]
123 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
124 [A]
[e]
[T] [M]
[N]
bei dou xing 'The Dipper' na-da-u-§i-ha *nada u~iha nadan usiha nad~N 'u!lihaa lit. 'seven stars' ll15-7
159
wu shou 'the fog has receded'
ta-r-ma-gi-he-te-he hete- 'to fold, to
tuck up, to recede (of fog)
*talmagi hete-he
xetem~ 16-120-he
yan qi 'the mist has ~ang-gia-de-de-he 17-223-he
risen' *§anggia de[k]de-he
yan san 'the mist has dispersed'
sang-gia-nei-he 17-46-he
tian he 'the Milky Way'
*~anggia nei-he
a-gua-i-bi-la *agua-i bira 1-i (gen.)-137
yan zhao 'the mist has covered [ ... ]'
§ang-gia-hue-di-he *sanggia huedi-he huweje- 'to screen off,
to cover' 17-124-he
160
125 [A)
[C)
[T) [N)
126 [A)
yan shou 'the mist has receded'
sang-gia-he-te-he l7-l20-he
[C) shui dong 'the water has frozen'
*~anggia hete-he
[T) mu-ke-ge-ti-he *muke get i-he [G) koh-t'i-leh (96) [K) getile [M) gece- 'to freeze' [5) gec~m~
[N) l3l-l26-he
127 [A)
[C) dou 'The Dipper" [T) na-da [------) *nada [u~ihal [N) cf. 119. It would seem
that u~iha has been mistakenly omitted from this entry
128 [A)
[C) yue shang jin chao 'when the moon rises, go into the court'
[T) bie-de-de-he *bie de[kJde-he de-o-r-do-do-~in-nu de ordo dosinu
[N) 6-ll3-he-de-547-33
129 [A)
[C) [T) [G) [K) [M) [5 ) [N)
130 [A)
[C) [T) [G) [K) [M) (5)
131 [A)
[C) [T) [G) [K) [M) [5)
132 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K) [M] [5]
161
SECTION TWO - GEOGRAPHY
5..L 7L %'1 jiang 'river' u-la *ula wuh-lah (49) ula ula 'ulaa cf. bira (137) below; ula is a large river, bira a smaller river.
..ljo fliiJ fJ
shan 'mountain' a-Ii *aIi 'a-Ii-yin (39) alin aIin 'aliN
7K 0 ~,-t
shui 'water' mu-ke *muke muh (51) mu muke mukee, mukuu
/6 . 7L ,',
shi 'stone' u-he *uhe woh-hei (52) wehe wehe vehee
162
133 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
134 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
135 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
136 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5] [N]
13 7 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
~, 1.1. lu 'road' Ju ~u-wuh (57) Jugu jugun joMN
j ing 'well' (n.) hu-ti hi-llih (56)
hiH hucin qociN
qiang 'wall' fa-di-la fah-tah-'an (64) fadan fajiran fajerll!MN
cheng 'city wall' he-ce hei-c'e-ni (33) heceni hecen keci:!N the -ni in G. and K. is a gen. suffix
he 'river' bi-la pih-'a (40) bira bira biraa
*fadira
*bira
138 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
139 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [M] [5]
140 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
141 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
142 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [5] [N]
hai 'sea' me-de meh-t'eh-'oh-lin (46) meterin mederi mederi, muduri
di 'land' na nah (37) na naa
i ·1B~
tu 'earth' be-ho puh-huo (38) boiho boihon biohl'lN, biohuN
tian 'field' u-!li wu-~ih-yin (50) ullin usin 'uSiN
~ • -tJ 1-1-'1~ /J'ra] It:' /\ IlfJ
qiao 'bridge'
*mede
*na
*beho
*ulH
hu-fu-lun *hufurun no cognate cf. kur~v~, kuruvu the Chinese transcription could also represent a form *hufulun; I have opted for the form with -£- on the basis of the Sibe forms
163
J
164
143 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
144 [A]
[e] [T] [M]
145 [A]
[e] [T] [G] [K] [M] [N]
146 [A]
[e] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
147 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [5]
quanshui 'spring water' ~e-i-mu-ke *~e-i muke 233-i-131
sha 'sand' Jo-r-o *]oro no cognate. cf. ~urga 'snow blown by the wind; blowing sand'. The transcription is unusual for a form *Joro (for which one would have expected Jo-lo); perhaps we have here a form like *Ior[lf]Q
chen 'dust' bu-la-ki puh-leh-k'i (59) bureki buraki the form given in Kiyose is dureki, but this is an obvious misprint
hui 'ash' fu-1eng-gi fuh-leh-kih (65) fulegi fu1enggi fili9i
qian 'shallow' mi-~a
micihiyan micaN, miciaN
*buraki
*fulenggi
*mica
148 [A]
[e] [T] [M]
[5] [N]
149 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
150 [A]
[e] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
151 [A]
[e] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
jin 'close' ja-ha-la *jakara no cognate. Cf. jakan 'just now, not long, recently' cf. jai 'next, following' in the absence of an obvious cognate in M or 5, it is impossible to decide whether the second syllable should be ha, ka or ~, or the third syllable ra or la
chang 'long' go-mi *go[l]mi kuo-mi-kih (690) golmigi golmin Gol~miN
duan 'short' fo-ho-lo fuh-huo-lo (691) foholo foholon fiohel~N, fiohuluN
hou 'thick' di-la-mi tih-lah-mei diramei j iramin j irame
*foholo
*dirami
165
166
152 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5] [N]
153 [A]
[C) [T] [G) [K] [M] [5]
154 [A]
[C) [T] [G) [K] [M] [5]
155 [A]
[C) [T] [G) [K] [M] [5]
bao 'thin' nie-ke-ye nan-k'oh-hong (693) nankehun nekeliyen niNk~N, niNkiN it would be possible on the basis of the Chinese transcription to reconstruct *nie for the first syllable of this word; I have opted for *ne- on the basis of Manchu
shen 'deep' so-mi ~u-mi-kih (695) ~umigi
!lumin ?;umiN, sumiN
cun 'village' ha-!la hah-h (42) gah ga~an gas~N 'countryside'
yuan 'far' go-lo kuo-lo-woh (701) goroo goro Gore
*neke[l]ie
156 [A]
[C)
[T] [M]
[N]
157 [A]
[C)
[T] [N]
158 [A]
[C)
[T] [M] [N]
159 [A]
[C]
[T] [M] [N]
160 [A]
[C)
[T] [N]
shan di 'the mountain is low'
a-li-bu-ti cf. but en 'the foot
of a mountain' cf. 162 130-156
shan gao 'the mountain is high'
a-li-de 130-31
shan shang 'on the mountain'
a-li-de-le dele 'on top of' 130-158
shan xia 'under the mountain'
a-li-wa-ge-de cf. wargi 'under' -de is loco suffix 130-159
shan shen 'the mountain is deep'
167
*ali buti
*ali de
*ali dele
*ali wa[r)ge-de
a-li-~o-mi *ali somi 130-153
168
161 [A]
[C)
[T] [N]
162 [A]
[C)
[T] [N]
163 [A]
[C)
[T] [M]
[5] [N]
164 [A]
[C)
[T] [N]
165 [A]
[C)
[T]
[N]
166 [A]
[C)
[T] [N]
shan zhong 'in the middle of the mountain' a-1i-du-1in-ba *ali du1imba 130-1148
shan jiao 'foot of the mountain'
a-li-be-tie cf. 156 130-889
shan ding 'peak of the mountain'
a-1i-ning-gu ninggu 'on top of,
over, above' nuguu, niu~uu, niguu 130-163
shui shen 'the water is deep'
*a1i betie
*a1i ninggu
mu-ke-~o-mi *muke somi 131-154
167 [A]
[C)
[T] [N]
168 [A]
[C)
[T] [M]
[5] [N]
169 [A]
[C)
[T] [M] [N]
170 [A]
[C)
[T] [N]
171 [A] shan bian 'side of the mountain'
a-li-Je-~e *a1i re~e [C)
130-24
shui qing 'the water is clear'
mu-ke-ge-tie *muke getie 131-72
[T] [N]
172 [A]
[C)
[T] [M] [N]
shui qian 'the water is shallow'
169
mu-ke-mi-~a *muke mica 131-148
shui zhang 'the water has risen'
mu-ke-bi-sa-ha bisa- 'to overflow,
to flood' bisaN 'flood' 131-168-ha
shui hun 'the water is muddy'
mu-ke-fa-ha-1a faha1a 'muddy, turbid' 131-169
shui 1uo 'the water has fallen'
mu-ke-na-ha-ha 131-87-ha
shui chu 'water has come out'
mu-ke-tu-ti-he 131-51-he
shui kuan 'the water is wide'
mu-ke-o-tso onco 'wide' 131-172
*muke bisa-ha
*muke faha1a
*muke naka-ha
*muke tuti-he
*muke o[nJtso
170
173 [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
174 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [5] [N]
175 [A]
[C]
[T]
[M]
[N]
176 [A]
[C]
[T]
qing shan 'green mountain'
nien-gia-a-li 1099-130
shui liu 'water flows' mu-ke-e-in-bi eye- 'to flow' 'e'ime this could be written *eyi-mbi. 131-174-mbi
shui yan-le tian 'water has submerged the fields' mu-ke-u-~i-u-la-ha
ulga- (old form ulha-) 'to wet, to dampen, to dip in liquid' l3l-141-175-ha
shui yan-le cheng 'water has submerged the city walls' mu-ke-he-~e-u-la-ha
*niengia ali
*muke e'i-mbi
*muke ulH ul[hJa-ha
*muke hece ul[hJa-ha
[N] l3l-136-176-ha
177 [AJ
[C]
[TJ [NJ
jiang xin 'in the middle [lit. 'heart'] of the river' u-la-du-lin-ba *ula dulimba 129-1148
178 [AJ
[CJ
[TJ [NJ
179 [AJ
[C]
[TJ [N]
180 [A]
[CJ
[TJ [MJ [NJ
181 [A]
[C] [TJ [N]
182 [AJ
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [NJ
183 [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
jiang bian 'the side of the river'
u-la-Je-ci *ula re~i 129-24
he kuo 'the river is wide'
171
bi-la-o-tso *bira o[nJtso 137-172
he zhai 'the river is narrow'
bi-la-i-se-hung isheliyen 'narrow' 137-180
da he 'big river' ang-ba-bi-la 1153-137
cu sha 'rough sand' y
ma-Jo-r-o ma-rh (671) mar muwa 182-144
jiang kuo 'the river is wide'
*bira isehun
*amba bira
*ma Joro
u-la-o-tso *ula o[nJtso 129-179
172
184 [A)
[e)
[T) [N)
185 [A)
[e) [T) [N)
186 [A)
[e) [T) [N)
187 [A)
[e) [T) [G) [K) [M) [5) [N)
188 [A)
[e) [T) [N)
189 [A)
[e) [T) [M) [5 ) [N)
jiang zhai 'the river is narrow'
u-1a-i-se-hung 129-180
xiao he 'small river' a-~a-bi-1a 1154-137
da jiang 'big river'
*u1a isehun
*a1l(h)a bira
ang-ba-u-1a *amba ula 1153-129
xi sha 'fine sand' na-r-hung-Jo-r-o nah-rh-hung (672) narhun narhun nad!huN 187-144
-+7 S _GI /'- /f]. ~p 1'- ILJ ~.,
da shi 'big stone' ang-ba-u-he 1153-132
sui shi 'broken stones'
*narhun loro
*amba uhe
bu-ya-u-he *buya uhe buya 'small,scant' buyaa 'petty' 189-132
190 [A)
[e) [T) [N)
191 [A)
[e)
[T) [N)
192 [A)
[e) [T) [G) [K) [M) (5) [N)
193 [A]
[e) [T) [N)
194 [A]
[e)
[T) [N)
195 [A]
[e) [T) [G) [K) [M) (5) [N)
shi qiao 'stone bridge' u-he-hu-fu-Iun *uhe hufurun 132-142
ban qiao 'bridge made of boards'
173
u-te-hu-fu-Iun *u[n]te hufurun 546-142
xin qiao 'new bridge' i-~e-hu-fu-Iun yih-e'e-kih (626,666) icegi ice 'ieee 192-142
shi lu 'stone road' u-he-Ju 132-133
shi sha 'stones [and) sand'
u-he-Jo-r-o 132-144
11 ~ • /',# 1:J /,,-+' 1~ S~ 1F,I.!.' A ~
jiu qiao 'old bridge' fo-hu-fu-Iun fuh-'oh-yin (667) fuwei fe fee 195-142
*ice hufurun
*uhe ]U
*uhe lora
*fo hufurun
174
196 [A]
[e]
[T] [M] [5] [N]
197 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
198 [A]
[e]
[T] [M]
[5] [N]
199 [A]
[e]
[T] [M] [5] [N]
200 [A]
[e]
[T] [N]
lu jin 'the road is close'
Ju-han-ci hanci 'near' haNci 133-196
06 a . 7t .JYci" 'p) \ 1£
da lu 'big road' ang-ba-Ju 1153-133
*lu han~i
*amba JU
guo qiao 'crossed over the bridge'
hu-fu-Iun-du-Ie-ke *hufurun dule-ke dule- 'to go by, to
pass through' dul~me, dulume 198-142-ke
du jiang 'to cross a river by boat'
di-ha-do-un-bi doo- 'to cross over' da'ume 614-228-mbi
kai tian 'to open up the fields'
u-H-nei-bi 141-46-bi
*diha dO'u-mbi
*uH nei-bi
201 [A]
[e]
[T]
[M] [N]
202 [A]
[e)
[T] [N)
203 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
204 [A)
[e]
[T] [M] [5] [N]
205 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
zou lu 'to walk along the road'
Ju-de-fu-Iun(lin)-bi
feliye- 'to walk' -de is a sign of the locative The Awanokuni text
/,-6. has /fffJ -lun- here,
the 5eikado text1Y,K
-lin- .
It would seem that -lin- is correct, cf. 207 *fuli-
fen tian 'to divide a field'
u-H-deng-de-bi 141-801-bi
lu yuan 'the road is far'
175
*lu-de fulu-mbi (fuli-mbi? )
*uH dende-bi
Ju-go-Io *lu goro 133-155
lu ping 'the road is level'
Ju-nie-~e necin neciN 133-204
ni lu 'mud road' ti-pa(ba)-Ju 261-133
*]u nece
*tipa/tiba ]U j
176
206 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
207 [A]
[e]
[T]
[M] [N]
208 [A]
[e]
[T] [M]
[N]
209 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [S] [N]
210 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
~
~*!-) EfJ " 7C.l/J~, 7L ~
shou tian 'ripe field' u-Ie-he-u-!H 1028-141
*ure-he ul!i
shui da, che xingbude 'the water is big [=high] the vehicles cannot go [through] , mu-ke-ang-ba-se-Je *muke amba, sere fu-li-he-ba-ha-Ia-kua fuli-he baha-rakua baha- 'to be able' 131-1153-603-he-201-rakua
shang yu lu 'go along the road leading to the imperial palace'
hi-r-Ie-u-si-nu *hirle usinu no cognate for *hirle *u~i, cf. wesi- 'to mount, to ascend' note irr. imperative in -nu, cf. M. wesinu.
guo yuan 'fruit garden' tu-yu-he-ya-fa *tuyuhe yafa yafan yaf~h~N
347-209
cai yuan 'vegetable garden' su-gi-ya-fa *sugi yafa 353-209
211 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
212 [A]
[e]
[T] [M] [5] [N]
213 [A]
[e]
[T] [M]
[5]
214 [A]
[e]
[T] [M] [N]
215 [A]
[e] [T] [M]
216 [A]
[e]
[T] [N]
177
hua yuan 'flower garden' i-Ia-ya-fa *il[hja yafa 346-209
zhong tian "to cultivate a field'
u-si-ta-lin-bi *usi tali-mbi tari-tiarim~ 'to sow, plant' 141-212-mbi
ban tu 'to move earth, soil'
be-ho-tu-ki *beho tuki tukiye- 'raise, lift' boihon 'soil,earth, dirt' boiMN, boihuN
he ni "to mix mud [for plaster]'
be-ho-sui *beho sui sui- 'to mix' 213-214
shihui 'lime' do-ho doho
kan chang 'to guard the city walls'
he-ce-to-bi 136-807-bi
*hece to-bi
j
178
217 [A]
[C]
[T] [M]
[N]
218 [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
219 [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
220 [A]
[C]
[T] [M] [N]
221 [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
222 [A]
shang cheng 'to climb the city walls'
he-~e-te-de *he~e te(klde cf. dekde- 'to float, to rise' (7) 136-217
cheng wai 'outside the city walls'
he-~e-tu-Iu-ge-de *hece tulu[rlge-de 136-1152-de (loc.)
cheng Ii 'inside the city walls'
he-ce-do-Io 136-1151
cheng xia 'under the
*he~e dolo
city walls' he-ce-wa-ge-de *he~e wa[rlge-de wargi 'under' 136-220-de (loc.)
cheng gao 'the city walls are high'
he-~e-de *hece de 136-31
[C] chu cheng 'went out from the city walls'
[T] he-~e-tu-ti-he *hece tuti-he [N] 136-50-he
223 [A]
[C]
[T] [M] [N]
224 [A]
[C]
[T]
[N]
225 [A]
[C]
[T]
[M] [N]
226 [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
xia yu 1u 'go down from the road leading to the imperial palace'
179
hi-r-1e-wa-si-nu *hir1e wa~i-nu wasi- to go down note irr. imp. in -nu, cf. Manchu wasinu. 208-223
yu lu shang bu yao zuo 'do not sit on the road leading to the imperial palace'
hi-r-Ie-do-Io-u-me-te-re
208-1151-neg.-770-re
wanli changcheng 'the ten-thousand Ii long wall: the Great Wall
*hir1e dolo ume te-re
tu-me-ba-go-mi-he-~e *tume ba go[IJmi
ba 'a Chinese mile, Ii' 1129-225-149-136
du mu qiao 'a bridge made from a single board'
hece
e-mu-mo-hu-fu-Iun *emu mo hufurun 1109-352-142
180
227 [A]
[C]
[TJ
[G] [K] [M] [5 ] [N]
228 [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
229 [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
230 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [N]
231 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [5] [N]
qiao gao nan guo 'the bridge is high; if you want to get across it, it will be difficult .'
hu-fu-lun-de du-le-~i-mang-ha mang-hah[ka] (702) manga mangga mage the -~i suffix is a sign of the conditional gerund 142-31-198-227
du jiang 'to cross over a river'
*hufurun de. dule-~i mangga
u-la-do-un-bi *ula do'u-mbi 129-199-mbi
shui yan 'water has overflowed'
mu-ke-u-la-ha *muke ula-ha 131-175-ha
shan yan 'cliff' a-li-ha-da hada 'cliff, crag' 130-230
ku shui 'bitter water' go-l!io-mu-ke gosihon Gos~huN
231-131
*ali hada
*go/lo muke
232 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5] [N]
233 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5] [N]
234 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
235 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [5] [N]
236 [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
shan lin 'mountain forest' a-li-bu-Iang *ali bUlan cah-puh (= puh-~ah) (47) Jabu?/buJa? bujan bujaN 130-232
shan quan 'mountain spring' a-li-~e *a1i ~e ~e-'oh (48) !jere l!ieri seri, seri 130-233
shan she 'mountain hut' a-li-bo *ali bo 130-525
lu gan 'the road is dry' ]u-o-ho-Io *lu oholo olho 'ol~h~, 'ol~h~N, 'ol~huN
133-235
cheng men 'gate in a city wall'
he-ce-du-ha 136-557
*hece duka
181
182
237 [A)
[C)
[T) [M)
[N)
238 [A)
[C)
[T) [N)
239 [A)
[C)
[T) [M) [5) [N)
240 [A)
[C)
[T] [M) [N)
241 [A)
[C)
[T) [M) [5) [N)
shui tui 'the water has receded'
mu-ke-go-ti-ha goci- 'to fall (of
water) , 131-237-ha
*muke goti-ha
huang cheng 'Imperial City'
o-r-do-he-ce *ordo hece 547-136
shui ji 'water is rushing'
mu-ke-ha-ta hatan 'hasty' hat~N
131-239
he wan 'bend in a river'
bi-Ia-mo-da mudan 'bend' 137-240
c4z ' 9 A ' h. If Ji"'a~Y.i.*:, • -1.1- 7L -A:. ••• ,
lu shi 'the road is wet'
Ju-u-sI-he usihi- 'to be wet' 'usixe 133-241
*muke hata
*bira moda
*]U uHhe
242 [A)
[C) [T] [M) [N]
243 [A)
[C) [T) [N)
244 [A)
[C)
[T] [N]
245 [A)
[C) [T) [N)
246 [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
247 [A]
[C]
[T] [M] [N]
huang tian 'barren field' u-Iang-ha-u-~i *u1angga u~i no cognate 242-141
shan 1u 'mountain road' a-li-Ju *ali Iu 130-133
huang qiang 'wall around Imperial City"
o-r-do-he-~e *ordo he~e 547-136. Same as 238
gao qiang 'high walls' de-he-~e *de he~e 31-136
qiang dao 'the wall has fallen down'
183
he-~e-tu-he-he *hece tuhe-he 136-25-he
zhu qiang 'to build a wall'
he-~e-du-bi du- 'to beat, hit' 137-247-bi
*hece du-bi
I 'I "
J
184
248 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [5] [N]
249 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [N]
250 [A]
[e]
[T] [G] [K] [M] [5] [N]
251 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
252 [A]
[e]
[T] [N]
253 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
fei chen 'flying dust' de-Ie-bu-Ia-ki deye- 'to fly' de'im~, diem~ 248-re-145
*de-re buraki
duan qiao 'broken bridge' hu-fu-Iun-Ia-Ja-ha *hufurun 1aJa-ha cf. laksa- 'to break' 142-249-ha
sangyuan 'mulberry-tree garden'
i-ma-Ia-ya-fa *imala yafa yin-ma-Iah (108) inmala nimalan 'mulberry' nimaleN 250-209
cun dian 'village shop' ha-~a-hu-da-~a-bo *gasa huda~a bo 154-698-525
jing shen 'the well is deep'
hu-ti-~o-mi
134-153
da jing 'big well' ang-ba-hu-ti 1153-134
*huti ~omi
*amba huti
254 [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
255 [A]
[e]
[T] [N]
256 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
257 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
258 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
259 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
260 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
185
tian shui jing 'sweet water well'
dang-cu-mu-ke-hu-ti 1021-131-134
*dan~u muke huti
bian qiang 'side of city wall'
Je-~i-he-~e 24-136
qian he 'shallow river' mi-~a-bi-Ia *mica bira 147-137
hai shen 'the sea is deep' me-de-so-mi *mede ~omi 138-153
gao qiao 'high bridge' de-hu-fu-Iun 31-142
ping qiao 'level bridge'
*de hufurun
nie-ce-hu-fu-Iun *nece hufurun 204-142
tu qiao 'earth bridge' be-ho-hu-fu-Iun 140-142
*beho hufurun
186 187
261 [A] ;~ y}/ . :J~ ;j} \ *J t ~
[C] ni sha 'mud [and] sand' [T] ti-pa[ba]-jo-r-o *ti2altiba " loro SECTION THREE TIME AND SEASONS [M] cifahan 'viscous mud,
mud used as plaster' [N] 261-144
265 [A] 1:- . :J:f;j'f.f.
262 [A] t }'J,l' 4~Y-1 *~ ~.Jt [C] chun ' spring' [T] nie-nie-li *nienieri
[C] chen sha 'dust [and] sand' [T] bu-Ia-ki-Jo-r-o *bulaki v loro
[G] nieh-nieh-'oh-lin (73) [K] niyeniyen erin
[N] 145-144 [M] niyengniyeri [S] ni'ia~~ni'iari
263 [A] k il . 11;.';1- t ~ ~~t 266 [A] I· ;;1.!I
[C] hui chen 'ash [and] dust' [T] fu-Ieng-gi-bu-Ia-ki *fulenggi buraki [N] 146-145
[C] xia 'summer' [T] Juang-li *luanri [G] cu-'a 'oh-lin (74)
264 [A] Ai *. 7L .,. :t,;tJl [C] shi j ing 'stone well'
[K] juwa erin [M] juwari [S] j iuari
. '/ C
S [T] u-he-hu-ti *uhe huti [N] 132-134 267 [A] #- . t, ltl !l.
[C] qiu 'autumn' [T] bo-Io-ri
-c c ~ )
*bolori ~ [G] puh-Io-'oh-lin (75) [K] bolo erin [M] bolori [S] bolori
268 [A] ~. itt! [C] dong 'winter' [T] tu-e-li *tu'eri [G] t'uh-'oh-'oh-lin (76) [K] tuwe erin [M] tuweri [S] tiuri
188 189
\
~ 269 [A] 1t. 274 [A] ~. **7L ::t:
[e] nian 'year' [e) han 'cold'
[T] se *se [T] H-mu-wu *~imu'u
[G) seh-koh (82) [M] no cognate
[K] sege [N] In the Awanokuni text
[M] se this entry is written
[5] see [N] M. ~, 5. see refer ~;t7L lH-mu-wu ,
to years of age but in the 5eikado text
270 [A] "* ~p . 01;-~ *;ft !H-mu-kej
[e] j ie 'season, festival' in 338 and 345, this
[T] ha-H *halH word is also written
[G] hah-~'eng-yin (80) H-mu-ke. The word
[K] ha~in 'term' for 'hot' in no. 276
[M] cf. hacin 'the fifteenth day of the first month; is written ha-Iu-u, the lantern festival' so *halu'u, parallel
with *~imu'u. ef. M. ~ahuran 'to be cold'
271 [A] e% • .'t~JJ i [e) shi 'time' 275 [A] fli . *1 ~ erg--[T] e-li *eri [M] erin [e) wan 'evening' d [5] 'eriN (here: 'it has become c:
evening' ) ~
If''t)U! [T] yang-di-ha *yamdi-ha
~ 272 [A] [G) yen-tih-hung (98) [K] yamdihun
[e) zao 'early' [M] yamji 'evening' (here :morning) yamji- 'to become evening'
[T] ti-ma-li *timari [5] yam~ji
[M] cimari 'morning' [5] cimad! 'tomorrow' -i-tI.. ~'~'JL 276 [A] .
'\\ .
273 [A] ~ '1t~'j] [e] re 'hot' [T] ha-Iu-u *halu'u
[e) ye 'night' [G) hah-Iu-wen (92)
[T] do-bo-li *dobori [K] hal gun
[G) to-Io-woh (78) [M] halhlm
[K] dorowo [5] haahuN
[M] dobori [N] in 344 and 1007,
[5] diovere this word is written ha-Iu, so *halu or *hal[h]u
190
277 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5] [N]
278 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
279 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
[N]
280 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [5]
281 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [5]
leng 'cold' h-hu-lu cf. ~en-wen (91) ~ingun
l!ahurun sahuruN, sahuruN the G. and K. forms are related to M. singkeyen 'chilly'
ming ri 'tomorrow' ti-ma-ha-neng-gi cimaha inenggi
chen 'morning' bu-da-e-li buda 'rice, food' (cf. 1008) eri 'time' (cf. 271) the expression literally means 'food time'
zuo ri 'yesterday' H-se-neng-gi sikse cik~see, cek~see
jin ri 'today' e-neng-gi enenggi enege
*l!ahuru
*timahanenggi
*buda eri
*H [k) senenggi
*enenggi
282 [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
283 [A]
[C]
[T] [M] [5]
284 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M]
[5]
285 [A]
[C]
[T] [M] [5] [N]
191
chu yue 'the moon has risen'
bie-a-tu-ti-he *bie'a tuti-he note the transcription bie-a, so *bie'a or perhaps *bi'a (though the transcription could have represented such a form as bi-a or bi-ya. Presumably this is the stressed form of the word; usually it is *bie. 6-50-he
hou ri 'the day after tomorrow'
tiao-lu-neng-gi coro ciort~
jin nian 'this year' e-Ie-a-nie 'a-nieh (70) aniya ere 'this' aniya 'erE!
'year' 'this'
'ani 'year'
qian ri 'the day before yesterday'
ta-neng-gi cananggi cianeIJll!, cane!)~ note the unusual development ta > ca
*tiaorunenggi
*ere anie
*tanenggi
192 193
286 [A] ti!if . j4t l JrOJ -t~ 291 [A] i-!f' 7t ~ }TO] 1!f.
[C) hou nian 'year after [C) qu nian 'last year'
next' [T] du-~a-a-nie *du~a anie
[T] tiao-lu-a-nie *tiaoru anie [M] duleke aniya [N] 283-284 [N] perhaps -C!a- is a
mistake? H. Franke (1982) suggests *du~a might
t Jj . 11 lJJ~j 287 [A] represent a form related to M. tuci-;
[C) qian yue 'the month 'to exit, to go out,
before last' to depart, to leave'.
[T] Ju-le-bie *]ule bie In this case the J. [M] cf. julesi, juleri form might be a calque
'before' based on the Chinese
[N] 287-6 expression.
..><:...h -t+ 288 [A] ft'J :.If- • ~ jIiiJ4:f 292 [A] -~. $~ :t fIiiJ :1~
[C) qian nian 'the year [C) yi nian 'one year'
before last' [T] e-mu-a-nie *emu anie
[T] ta-a-nie *ta anie [N] 1109-284
[M] cE- ca- in cala, cargi, canenggi etc. 4- 1t- . ff rtF;- fIOJ 1~ [N] 288-284 293 [A]
[C) qian nian 'one
289 [A] BJ31f • #11 iT Ji] :J ~ thousand years' [T] ming-ha-a-nie *mingga anie
[C] ming nian 'next year' [N] 1128-284
[T] i-su-a-nie *is[h]u anie [M] ishun aniya
s1f· 1 t'liJ b trDJ :tIY [N] 289-284 294 [A]
11 if . 1.fb /fii) 4!f [C] bai nian 'one hundred
290 [A] years' [T] tang-gu-a-nie *tanggu anie
[C] jiu nian 'years gone [N] 1127-284
by' [T] fo-a-nie *fo anie l' 1f- • ~ II OJ :t'i! [N] 196-284 295 [A]
[C) shi nian 'ten years' [T]
.. *]'uan anie Juang-a-nie [N] 1118-284
196
309 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [N]
310 [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
311 [A]
[C]
[T] [M]
[S] [N]
312 [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
313 [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
banyue 'half month' du-Iu-a-bie *dulu'a bie dulga 'half, half-filled' 309-6
ye chang 'the night is long'
do-bo-li-go-mi *dobori go[l]mi 273-150
ji ye 'how many nights/several nights'
u-hia-hu-do-bo-ri no cognate cf. udu 'how many' cf. 'udu cf. 312 311-273
j i ri 'how many days/several days'
u-hia-hu-neng-gi note contracted form of *inenngi 'day' 311-29
zhuang zhong 'to strike a bell'
Jung-dung-bi 562-810-mbi
*uhiahu dobori
*uhiahu nenggi
*Jung du-mbi
314 [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
315 [A]
[C]
[T] [M]
[N]
316 [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
317 [A]
[C)
[T] [N]
318 [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
319 [A]
[C)
[T] [N]
fa lei 'to beat a drum'
tung-ke-du-bi 562-810-bi
yi geng 'the first watch of the night'
e-mu-ging-fo ging 'night-watch' ( < Chinese) 1109-315-56
er geng 'the second watch of the night'
]ue-ging-fo 1110-315-56
san geng 'the third watch of the night'
i-lang-ging-fo 1111-315-56
si geng 'the fourth watch of the night'
du-in-ging-fo 1112-315-56
wu geng 'the fifth watch of the night'
sun-Ja-ging-fo 1113- 315- 56
197
*tungke du-bi
*emu ging fo
*lue ging fo
*ilan ging fo
*du'in ging fo
*sunj'a ging fo
198
320 [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
321 [A]
[C]
[T] [G]
[K] [M] [5]
322 [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
323 [A]
[C]
[T] [M]
[N]
324 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
chuyi ri 'the first day of the month'
i-~e-neng-gi
192-29
shiwu ri 'fifteenth day of the month'
to-fu-neng-gi t'oh-puh-huan yih-neng-kih (86) tobohon inengi tofohon inenggi tofeh~N, tofuhuN
ershi ri 'twentieth day (of the month)'
o-li-neng-gi 1119-29
sanshi ri 'thirtieth day (of the month)'
Ja-ha-neng-gi jaka 'intermediate
space, gap, interstice'
this refers to the last day of the month in the lunar calendar
zi shi 'II pm - 1 am'
*i~e nenggi
*tofu nenggi
*ori nenggi
*laka nenggi
sing-ge-li-e-li *singgeri eri 416-271
325 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
326 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
327 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
328 [A]
[C) [T] [N]
329 [A]
[C) [T] [N]
330 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [N]
chou shi 'I pm - 3 am' i-ha-e-li 412-271
yin shi '3 am - 5 am' ta-s-ha-e-li 407-271
199
*iha eri
*tasha eri
mao shi '5 am - 7 am' gu-ma-hung-e-li 420-271
*gu[l)mahun eri
chen shi '7 am - 9 am' mu-du-li-e-li 406-271
si shi '9 am - 11 am' mei-he-e-li 425-271
wu shi 'II am - 1 pm'
*muduri eri
*meihe eri
i-neng-[gi]-e-li *inenggi eri cf. inenngi dulin 'noon' -gi- is missing from the Awanokuni text, but is supplied here on the basis of the 5eikado text, as well as many examples in other entries 29-271
200
331 [A]
[C) [T] [M]
332 [A]
[C) [T] [N]
333 [A]
[C) [T] [N]
334 [A]
[C) [T] [N]
335 [A]
336
[C) [T] [N]
[A]
[C)
[T] [N]
wei shi ' 1 pm - 3 pm' i-mu-a-e-li imahu 'ibex' (Hauer);
*imu'a eri
'wild sheep' (Gabelenz); 'goral (Naemorhedus goral)' (Norman); cf. Mongol ima~~ 'goat'. (Cf. Ligeti, "Les inscriptions de Tyr ... " p. 11)
331-271
shen shi '3 pm - 5 pm' mo-nio-e-li 424-271
you shi '5 pm - 7 pm' ti-ko-e-li 421-271
xu shi '7 pm - 9 pm' in-da-hu-e-li 413-271
hai shi '9 pm - 11 pm' u-gia-e-li 414-271
ye duan 'the night is short'
do-bo-1i-fo-ho-10 274-151
*monio eri
*tiko eri
*indahu eri
*u[lJgia eri
*dobori foholo I
t
337 [A]
[C)
[T] [M] [5] [N]
338 [A]
[C) [T] [N]
339 [A]
[C) [T] [N]
340 [A]
341
[C) [T] [G) [K] [M] [N]
[A]
[C)
[T]
1ian ri 'one day after another; days on end; day after day'
201
e-se-neng-gi *ese nenggi ese 'these' 'est!! 337-29
chun han 'spring cold' nie-nie-li-si-mu-ke cf. form *~imuke with *~imu'u (274) above 265-274
xin nian 'new year' i-~e-a-nie 192-284
chun nuan 'spring warmth'
*nienieri ~imuke
*ice anie
nie-nie-li-du-lu-u *nienieri dulu'u tu-lu-ken (94) dulgun no cognate 265-340
xia ri chang 'the summer days are long'
Juang-li-~eu-un-go-mi *luanri /fe'un go[lJmi
[N] 266-5-149
202
342 [A]
[C]
[T]
qiu feng qi 'in autumn, the wind rises'
bo-lo-li-e-du-de-de-he *bolori edu de[kJde-he
[N] 267-26-113-he
343 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [S] [N]
344 [A]
345
[C] [T] [N]
[A]
[C) [T]
[N]
qiu liang 'autumn cool' bo-lo-li-se-r-[kung] *bolori serkun serguwen ~er~xuN, ser~xuN
there is no -kung in the Awanokuni text, but is supplied here on the basis of the Seikado text
xia re 'summer heat' Juang-li-ha-lu note the shortened form of *halu, cf. 276 above *halu'u
dong han 'winter cold' tu-e-li-si-mu-ke
the Awanokuni text
has 4-: :1,7L !H-bu-wu,
-bu- presumably being a
mistake for ;t. -mu-; the
Seikado text has ~;j;.. 7L
*luanri halu
*tu'eri !Hmu'u (Hmuke?)
~i-mu-wu; cf. the comments
on this word (274, 338) above.
SECTION FOUR - FLOWERS AND TREES
346 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [S]
347 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
348 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M]
[S]
349 [A]
[C) [T] [G] [K] [M] [N]
hua 'flower' i-la yih-leh-hah (118) ilha ilha 'il~aa
guo 'fruit' tu-yu-he t'uh-woh-hei (124,125) tuwehe tubihe tiuf~xi, tiuv~xii
Ii 'pear' H-lu 1lih-lu (ll2) §ilu ~ulhe
~ul~xee, sul~xee, suluxuu
Ii 'plum' fu-yo [fu]-yoh-moh (107) foyo mo foyoro 'plum' G. 107 reads ~uen-yohmoh; ~uen is a transcription error for fu
203
*il [hJa
*tuyuhe
*!Hl[hJu
204
350 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
351 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5] [N]
352 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
353 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
354 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [5]
zao 'date' zao-r < Chinese
xing 'apricot' gui kuei-fah-lah (110) guwifala7/guilafa7 guilehe gulixH in G. 110, fah and lah may be inverted, in view of the M. form. The J. form seems truncated; it appears in this form also in entry 388
mu 'tree' mo moh [muh] (117)
mo moo moo
cai 'vegetable' su-gi so-kih (524) sogi sogi !;iog~, siogi
J1ucai 'scallion' se-ku-le sengkule sem~k~lt'!
*sekule
355 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [5]
356 [A]
[C]
[T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
357 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [5]
358 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [5] [N]
359 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
cong 'leek' e-lu elu 'ulu
gua 'melon'
hen-ke hei-k'oh (131) heke (henke?) hengke keNkee, xeNkee
qie 'eggplant' ha-!H hasi hasH
dou 'bean' tu-li turi tiurH in the Awanokuni text, the second character is -gi, but the form in -Ii appears in entry 404 and is correct, based on the M. form
mi 'uncooked rice' be-Ie puh-leh (530) bule bele bele
205
*hengke
206 207
360 [A] 1;(.~ ,:it;. rpa s . //\ 364 [A] *9P tit . 1£ .~, t [e] dao 'rice [ still in [e] liu shu 'willow tree'
the field]' [T] su-he-mo *suhe mo
[T] hung-pa *hungpa? [M] suhai moo 'tamarisk' [M] handu 'rice-plant' [N] perhaps the character -I+- ~ 1.~, .::..p.!! is a mistake 365 [A] ~ -kt, •
-!t-[e] mogu 'mushroom'
361 [A] ~ -1;'- [T] fihe *fihe [M] no cognate
[e] gen 'root' [T] da *da [G] tah (120) 366 [A] *4' ~¥ [K] da [M] da [e] mu'er 'wood fungus' [S] daa [T] liang-~a *san~a
[M] san~a
362 [A] t • {J' iiI ~ ifi of;-367 [A] ;f~ ~t . -t] i-I\.:., 8
[e] ye 'leaf' [T] a-pu-ha *apuha? [e] hetao 'walnut' [G] 'a-puh-hah (119) [T] hu-~u *hu~u
[K] abuha [G] huh-!lu (129)
[M] abdaha [K] huliu [S] af~h~ [M] husiha 'wild walnut' [N] the character ~ifj is
read ~, however 368 [A] *'4't . ~, 11 it may represent bu here, as the [e] songzi 'pine kernel' phoneme [p] is [T] hu-li *huri very rare, even [G] huh-li (127)
non-existent in [K] hud Jurchen of the [M] had Ming period.
369 [A] ~. ~Ii . "J-X t.1p 363 [A] iR . a1' t crt
[e] putao 'grape'
[e] zhi 'branch' [T] mo-Z:o-o *mo~o'o
[T] ha-r-ha *garga [G] meh-/:'uh (130)
[M] gargan [K] mecu
[S] Gar~h~n I [M] mucu I
I [N] the final -£ may
represent a long i vowel, or may be
L a mistake
208
370 [A]
[C) [T]
[G) [K] [M]
371 [A]
[C)
[T] [N]
[M]
372 [A]
[C)
[T] [G] [K] [M] [S] [N]
373 [A]
[C) [T] [M]
zhenzi 'hazelnut' H-H
Hh-lHh (128) H!!i sisi
shandinger 'a type of plant'
§i-la *sira Franke (1982)points out that shandinger might be the same word as
I.Li -ft( shand ian
(Morohashi Vol 4 207/11; 215/1) 'a plant from
which a blue dye is obtained, similar to indigo' . Franke suggests siraca, 'Chinese boxthorn; a yellow dye made from the rotten bark of the tree Quercus bungeana (Norman)
yu shu 'elm' hai-la-mo hai-lah (109) haila hailan hialiN 372-353
qiaomai 'buckwheat' me-Ie mere
*haila mo
*mere
374 [A]
[C) [T] [G) [K] [M]
375 [A]
[C)
[T] [G) [K] [M] [N]
376 [A]
[C) [T] [G) [K] [M] [S]
377 [A]
[C) [T] [N]
378 [A]
[C) [T] [M] [N]
luobo 'turnip' nien-mu-Ju nieh-~u (132) niyaJu no cognate
song shu 'pine tree' hon-do-mo huo-to-moh (104) holdo mo holdon 375-352
cao 'grass' o-r-ho woh-rh-huo (116) orho orho 'or~h~
hong hua 'red flower' fu-liang-i-ha 1100-346
j iecai 'mustard' ha-r-hi-su-gi hargi 378-353
209
*nienmuJu
*hondo/holdo mo
*orho
*ful[g]ian il[h]a
*harhi sugi
210 211
379 [AJ 7L D;f -t ' 4ilPd.1l 384 [A] 1ft. ~lt, if!z it ~ [C] wuweizi 'type of medicine' [C] huai shu 'locust tree'
[the seeds of the schizandra (so~hora ja~onica)
chinensis - used as a tonic] [T] go-lo-mo *goro mo [M] goro 'a tree of the
[T] mi-su-hu-!la *misu hu~a 50~hora family' [M] misu hllsiha [N] 384-352
... ~5L A:~ ~~. ~·ll ~ 380 [A] J.....~. 385 [A]
./
[C] rensheng 'ginseng' [C] Ii mu 'chestnut tree' [T] o-r-do-da *ordoda [T] hu-~a-mo *hu~a mo [M] ordoda [M] ho.siha 'wild walnut' [N] cf. orho 'grass' 376 [N] cf. 368 hullu
da 'root' 361 385-352
381 [A] ,tfys 1t . i l' 386 [A] *~ ~ . 7C j; .'f,
[C] mianhua 'cotton' [T] ku-bu *kubu [C] j ie guo 'to bear fruit' [M] kubun [T] u-li-he *uri-he [5 ] kuvuN
~~ [M] ure- 'to become ripe'
[N] the text has [5] 'ur~m~, 'urum~
not :#p ~' 'ifJ' 387 [A] J..; ~ $~ • 3N ~
382 [A] lffl ~ . * * 1r~i-[C] shanlihong 'hill-haw'
[C] xi xin 'type of [T] ung-pu *um~u
plant (asarum [M] umpu sieboldi)
[T] H-!li-men-da *H~imen da -i-1t . 71Ft:} [M] no cognate 388 [A]
[N] ~i~imen is possibly from Chinese xi xin; [C] xing hua 'apricot da means 'root' . blossoms' (cf. 361) [T] gui-i-Ia *gui il[h]a
[N] 351-346 383 [A] .:tAl.. . t~ J \. i~ l
[C] donggua 'type of melon' 389 [A] B~,*I1 '1f~l (benincasa cerifera)
[T] ang-ba-hen-ke *amba hengke [C] baiyangshu 'poplar' [N] the J. is literally [T] fa-ha-mo *fa[l]ha mo
'big melon' [M] fulha 1153-356 [N] 389-352
1
212
390 [A]
[C)
[T] [N]
391 [A]
[C) [T] [M]
392 [A]
[C) [T] [M] [N]
393 [A]
[C) [T] [M] [S] [N]
394 [A]
[C) [T] [M] [N]
shu zhi 'branch [of a tree]'
mo-ha-r-ha 352-363
tanshu 'sandlewood tree'
*mo garga
gin-de-he-mo *gindehe mo cf. ayan gintehe 'a tree with green bark, small leaves and fine wood --good for making bows and knife handles' (Norman). Franke (1982)points out that the sandlewood tree does not grow in Manchuria, and here the term tanshu must refer to some other kind of tree
woju cai 'lettuce' na-mo-su-gi namu 392-353
xiao mi 'millet' 3e-be-Ie je jee bele 393-359
xian cai 'spinach' fi-Ieng-su-gi fiyelen 394-353
*namo sugi
*le bele
*filen sugi
395 [A]
[C)
[T] [M] [N]
396 [A]
[C)
[T] [N]
397 [A]
[C)
[T] [M]
[N]
398 [A]
[C)
[T] [M] [N]
399 [A]
[C)
[T] [N]
xian cai 'pickled vegetables'
na-sa-su-gi nasan 395-353
wang gua [= huang gua] , cucumber'
su-yang-hen-ke 1101-356
ku gua 'bitter melon' (a small, yellow gourd) li-wa-hen-ke lugiya hengke 'bitter melon (Momordica charantia) '(Norman) 397-356
huang mi 'yellow rice; coarse rice'
fi-se-be-Ie fisihe 398-359
lin ji mi 'rice kept in a granary'
gua-ni-be-Ie guan < Chinese. The J. expresssion means 'the official's rice'
213
*nasa sugi
*suyan hengke
*liwa hengke
*fise bele
*guan-i bele
214 215
400 [A] ~ 1£ • * ,~, 1J t'l [C] li hua 'pear blossom' [T] H-lu-i-la *Hl[hlu ilrhl a [N] 348-346 SECTION FIVE BIRDS AND ANIMALS
1-/ -++- ~. 1J 11-1j 401 [A] ,-<' 1(, •
~a . 1\~}J 406 [A] [C] song hua 'pine blossoms' [T] hu-li-i-la *huri il[h]a [C] long 'dragon' [N] 368-346 [T] mu-du-li *muduri
[G] muh-tu-rh (135)
-:. 1$--<f [K] mudur 402 [A] i:rJ;t~ . ~ 1- [M] muduri
[S] muduri [C] shu gen 'root of a tree' [T] mo-da *mo da [N] 352-361 407 [A] Jt . a EB 01:-ILJ \:1 I~ r.z
. "= 'It 'jJ 18 t -:t [C] hu 'tiger'
403 [A] ytif- *' . '£ "'f" t7 [T] ta-s-ha *tasha [G] t'ah-si-hah (136)
[C] hai cai 'edible seaweed' [K] tasha [T] me-de-su-gi *mede sugi [M] tasha [N] 138-353 [S] tas~h~
404 [A] lR·~tlJJ 408 [A] -t . 11ft [C] huang dou 'soya bean' [C] xiang 'elephant' [T] su-yang-tu-ri *suyan turi [T] su-fa *sufa [N] 1101-358 [G] su-fah (140)
[M] sufan
fi . JTiiJ·M [S] suvaN, sufaN
405 [A]
409 r. -'( 1:-[C] kang 'chaff' [A] .~-G' ,~. ~ [T] a-la *ara [M] ara [C] tuo 'camel'
[T] te-mu-ge *temuge [G] t'eh-'oh (137) [K] temge [M] temen [S] tem~N
[N] cf. Mongol temegen
216 217
410 [A) ,,~ . ;1\;1] 415 [A) 1m . ~± [C) rna 'horse' [C) mao 'cat' [T) mu-li *muri [T) ha-~u *ha~u? lka~u? [G) mu-1in (138) [H) cf. kesike [K) morin [5) cf. ke1l~kee, keSikee [5) moriN
4- ·ftat' 416 [A) ~ . fj~$-7J
411 [A)
[C) shu 'rat' [C) niu 'ox' [T) Sing-ge-li *Hnggeri [T) i-ha *iha [G) §en-koh (149) [G) wei-han (143) [K) Hnge [K) ihan [H) singgeri [H) ihan [5) Siger~, siIJ~ri [5) 'ihaN
.f 7;0 417 [A) t· 7rp7[,
412 [A) • ~~)2, [C) 1u 'deer'
[C) yang 'sheep' [T) bu-u *bu'u [T) ho-ni *honi [G) puh-ku (146) [G) huo-ni (144) [K) bugu [K) honi [H) buhu [H) honin [5) boM [5) honiN [N) cf. Hongol bU1r!:!
.1('. @A~ :ir.. *~a;3' 413 [A) o It..;' 418 [A) ~, .
[C) quan 'dog' [C) zhang 'roebuck' [T) in-da-hu *indahu [T) H-r-ha *Hrga [G) yin-tah-hung (147) [G) H-rh-hah (154) [K) indahun [K) lHrha [H) indahtm [H) sirga [5) yon~huN, 'in~huN
17S . JL E? 419 [A) 1~ ·11
414 [A)
[C) pao ' species of roe' [C) zhu 'pig' [T) giu *giu [T) u-gia *u[l)gia [H) gio 'roe deer' [G) wuh-li-yen (162) [K) uliyan [H) ulgiyan [5) v~l~giaN
[N) in G. 162, ,'f -hei-has been amended to .!. -li-.
218 219
420 [A] t· -Itt iii ~ 425 [A] . ii~\7f $'Z . . ...
[e] tu 'hare' [e] she 'snake' [T] gu-ma-hung *gu [ 1 lmahun [T] mei-he *meihe [G] ku-lu-ma-hai (150) [G] mei-hei (165) [K] gulmahai [K] meihe [M] gGlmahun [M] meihe [5] Gul~mahuN [5] me'ix~ [N] the G. and K. forms
may be in the
*'~'7L genitive. 426 [A] ~.
¥~ . #.>.~ [e) bao 'leopard' 421 [A] B ~ , [T] ~i-lu-u *!Hlu 'u
[M] silun 'lynx' [e] ji 'chicken, cock' [N] cf. Mongol [T] ti-ko *tiko silUgUsUn [G] t'i-huo (161) [K] tiko [M] coko 427 [A] :e.1t1.±~ [5] coqoo
[e] chong 'insect'
~ . 4j~ a?;-[T] i-mi-ha *imiha
422 [A] [G] wuh-mieh-hah (166) [K] umiyaha
[e] e 'goose' [M] imiyaha, umiyaha [T] niu-nie-ha *niunieha [5] imah~; nimahi! 'worm' [G] nen[nun]-nieh-hah (159) [K] niyonniyaha
-:tt- l:K jl.J 1&.. [M] niongniyaha 428 [A] ~~~, . [5] niu~t!niah~
[e] yan ' swallow'
Ell,~ • :J'f ~. [T] !H-bie-hu *!Hbiehu
423 [A] [G] sih-pieh-hung (183) [K] Hbihun
[e] ya 'duck' [M] sibirgan 'speckled [T] nie-he *niehe swallow' [G] mieh-hei (160) cibin 'swallow' [K] miyehe [5] cf. civaqeN ' swallow' [M] niyehe [5] 'iixe
424 [A] ~1i . llt [e] hou 'monkey' [T] monio *monio [G] moh-nen[nun] (152) [M] monio [5] moni
220
429 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5] [N]
430 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [5]
431 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5] [N]
que 'small bird' se-~e-[hei]
~ih-~'i-hei (158) lHnhei cecike cicikee the G and K forms are perhaps in the genitive. The transcription seems to be missing a -he; cf. 469
ying 'hawk' gia-hu giyahun giahuN
yu 'fish' ni-mu-ha li-wah-hah (163) liwaha (limaha ? ) nimaha nim~haa
the character read -wah- by Grube can also be read -mo-or -ma-, which is the basis of Kiyose's reconstruction.
*se~e(he)
*giahu
*nimuha
432 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [N]
433 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [N]
434 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M]
435 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
shizi 'lion' a-fi-a *afi'a 'a-fei (139) afi no cognate W. Fuchs (1976)suggested that this word might be connected with some form of the name "Africa"; its derivation, and possible cognates in other languages, however, remains obscure.
qilin 'unicorn' a-sa-Iang *a[r]salan cf. arsalan 'lion' it is possible that there is some confusion between this and the previous entry; the fact remains, however, that in the Bureau of Translators' voabulary, the word for 'lion' is also given as *afi
diaoshu 'sable' se-ke seh-koh (191) seke seke
huang shu 'weasel' so-lo-hi solohi
*seke
*solohi
221
222 223
436 [A) J~l . ~,rr, 441 [A) it· 7L'~'-t.7 El fLo.'
[e) Hi 'donkey' [e) qingshu 'squirrel' [T) e-he *ehe [T) u-Iu-hu *uluhu [G) 'oh-hen (141) [M) ulhu [K) eihen [M) eihen
~/A\;11. • 1- '}Z.' [5) 'e'ix~N 442 [A)
,rw,,~ . :tR~ 4 ~ -;f:..iJ [e) huH 'fox'
437 [A) [T) do-bi *dobi [G) to-li-pih/to-pih-li (153)
[e) hei rna 'black horse' [K) doribi [T) sa-ha-1iang-mu-li *saha1ian muri [M) dobi [N) 1103-410 [S) diovi
[N) Grube suggested
i~l' 7L~~ that the order of
438 [A) -li- and -pih- may have been inverted,
[e) yinshu 'ermine' and suggested the [T) u-nie *unie cognate M. dobiri [N) cf. Mongol Une 'polecat' 'an animal that
resembles a fox that
i fR. • t{: Ri-lft can climb trees' 439 [A)
L.", . Jfn 1l.' [e) fen shu 'mole' 443 [A) ,~~, [T) mu-tu-sing-ge-1i *mu[k]tu singgeri [M) muktun [e) xiong 'bear' [N) 439-416 [T) le-fu *lefu
[G) leh-fu (145)
,,~f 7- • ?It ~5z. [K) lefu
440 [A) [M) lefu [S) leH!
[e) luozi 'mule' [T] lao-sa *laosa ffi ,"fA • flo];tf * 1] [G) lao-sah (142) 444 [A] [K] losa [M] losa [e) shan rna 'gelding' [S] los~ [T] a-ta-mu-li *a[k]ta muri [N] Hauer gives loose as [G) 'a-tah mu-lin (168)
an old form of lose, [K) akda morin and lose as an old [M] akta morin form of losa [S] 'aql!t~ moriN
[N) 444-410
L
224
445 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [N]
446 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M]
[S] [N]
447 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
448 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [N]
449 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
luo ma 'mule' geu-mu-li *geu mori geo (morin) 'mare' note the difference in meaning between the ~ and J.words
er ma 'stallion' a-Ja-la-mu-li *aiara muri 'a-~i-rh mu-lin (170) aJir morin ajirgan/ajirhan 'a male horse, donkey, camel or dog' (Norman) 'aj~r~haN, 'ajir~haN
on the basis of the MIS forms, perhaps one could reconstruct *ajar[h]a
ye zhu 'wild boar' ai-da aidahan
chi ma 'reddish horse' j'e-r-de-mu-li jerde 'sorrel horse' 448-410
ma ju 'foal'
*aida
*]erde mud
u-r-ha *urha/ulha cf. unahan 'colt, foal' Franke (1982) suggests ulha' livestock, domestic animal'
450 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
[N]
451 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
452 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M]
453 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
454 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M]
225
zong zhu 'boar' ta-ma-u-[gia] *tama u[lJgia taman 'castrated swine,
hog' (Norman) the Chinese term is a rare one, now a dialect term meaning 'boar'. The -gia is missing from the Awanokuni text, but is in the Seikad6 text 450-414
bai ma 'white horse' ~ang-gia-mu-li *sanggia muri 1102-410
tian e 'swan' ha-lu hah-rh-wen (185) garun garu
huang niu 'yellow ox' su-yang-i-ha 1101-411
lusi 'egret' §a su-'an (181) suwan suwan
*suyan iha
226
455 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
456 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
457 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5] [N]
458 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [5] [N]
tun zhu 'small pig' me-he-u-gia mehe 'a spayed sow' mehejen ' a sow' mehele jui 'piglet' mehen 'a sow that has not yet farrowed' (Norman). mehe is glossed 'a spayed cow', an obvious misprint 455-414
luci 'cormorant' ha-sa-ha gftwasihiya 'eastern
egret'
xianhao 'crane' bu-Ie-he puh-Ieh-hei (182) bulehei bulehen buluxu the G. and K. forms may be in the genitive
ji ti 'the cock crows'
*mehe u[lJgia
*gasaha
*bulehe
ti-ko-hu-lan-bi *tiko hula-mbi hula- 'to cry out loud' hulam~
458-421-mbi
L
459 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M]
460 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
[N]
461 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [N]
462 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
463 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
haiqing 'gerfalcon' lH-mu-ko §en-k'o-'an (187) !§inkoan cf. !§ongkon
qingzhuang 'heron'
*§imuko
wa-!§a *wa~a
cf. wakan 'night heron' wasiha 'claw, talon'
perhaps -§a is a mistake
xiqiao 'magpie' sa-tse-ha saksaha perhaps the -tserepresents a form -ks-
banjiu 'dove' a-lin-hu-tie 130-484
zhiguan 'stork' wei-ju weijun
*satseha
*alin hutie
*wei]u
227
228
464 [A]
[C] [T] [G]
[K] [M]
465 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
466 [A]
[C) [T] [G) [K] [M] [5]
467 [A]
[C) [T] [G)
[K] [M] [5]
468 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
yagu 'turtle-dove' hui-ho-lo *huiholo hoei-huo-lo (184) guwiholo no cognate. Franke (1982) suggests kokoli 'the name of a small bird that resembles the woodstock' (Norman)
anchun 'quail' mu-llu mu~u
gui 'tortoise' ai-u-ma 'a-yu-ma (164) aihuma aihuma 'a'ihum!!
wuya 'crow' ha-ha hah-hah (157) gaha gaha Gah!!
yaoying 'kite' fi-le hiyebele 'black-eared
kite' ; fiyelen 'yellow-beaked
young birds'
*mu~u
*ai'uma
*file
1
469 [A]
470
[C) [T] [M] [N]
[A]
[C) [T] [M]
471 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [5]
472 [A]
[C) [T] [M] [5] [N]
473 [A]
[C) [T] [M] [5]
huang que 'golden gui-li-se-~e-he gulin cecike 469-429
pangxie 'crab' i-~u-he
no cognate
luoyi 'ant' i-r-hue yerhuwe yur~'imah~
zhizhu 'spide r' he-ming helmehen xem~x!!n
the 5eikado text
has -%- -gQ for the
second syllable, but this is an obviously miswritten character; the Awanokuni text
is correct
R· shi 'louse' ti-he cihe cixee
229
oriole' *guili se~ehe
*H:uhe
*irhue
*he[llmin
*tihe
230
474 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [N]
475 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [5]
476 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [5]
477 [A]
[e] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
478 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [5]
hudie 'butterfly' ge-po cf. gefehe another example of a possible remnant of [I!] in Jin Jurchen, if the transcription is correct
wenchong 'mosquito' ha-r-ma galman GaH!m~n
cangying 'fly' de-r-hue derhuwe dur~vee, duruvuu
j iao 'horn' wei-he wuh-ye-hei (602) uyehe weihe, uihe viixl1!
ti 'hoof' fa-ta fatha fat~h~, fatt1!q~
*galma
*derhue
*weihe
*fat[hla
479 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [5]
480 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [5]
481 [A]
[e] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5] [N]
482 [A]
[e] [T] [M]
483 [A] [e] [T] [M]
484 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [5]
zong 'mane' de-Ii *deli delun deH!N, duluN
wei 'tail' u-ce *u[nl~e uncehen 'uNcix~N, 'uNciuxiuN, 'iuNciuxiuN
mao 'hair' fun-he *funhe fen-yih-li-hei (493, 515) funirhei funiyehe fenix~ the G. and K. forms may be in the genitive
qingting 'dragonfly' fo-lo-gu no cognate
t::b 0 rb:4. /.- i 0 :IiR:. :J.ia}\, • -1i- 'ii! " cuzhi 'cricket' gu-Iu-Ji gurjen
gezi 'pigeon' hu-tie kuwecihe gucixee
*fologu
*guruJi
*hutie
231
232
485 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
486 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
[N]
487 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
488 [A]
[C] [T]
[N]
long gua 'whirlwind' mu-du-ri-Ia-ki-ha *muduri laki-ha the Chinese expression literally means 'dragon hangs [down]', 'the dragon has descended' etc. For J. *laki, cf. M. lakiya-'to hang'. Franke (1982) points out that long gua is a literary allusion to an atmospheric phenomenon which describes thunderstorm cloud formations or a whirlwind. The source is the Bishu luhua by Ye Mengde of the Song.
muxiang 'female elephant' e-mi-Ie-su-fa *emile sufa cf. emile 'the female of
birds' 486-408
hu xiao 'the tiger roars' ta-s-ha-hu-Ian-bi *tasha hula-mbi 407-458
long xi shui 'watersprout' mu-du-ri-mu-ke-go-ti-bi *muduri muke
goti-bi the Chinese lit. means 'the dragon plays with water'. Franke (1982) also points out that this must be another type of atmospheric phenomenon, such as a watersprout. Cf. M. goci- (def. 7) 'to appear, to come out (of a rainbow)' (Norman)
489 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [N]
490 [A]
[C] [T] [G]
[M]
[N]
491 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
492 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [5] [N]
233
gongxiang 'male elephant' a-mi-Ia-su-fa *amila sufa amila 'the male of fowl' as in the case of *emile (486), in Manchu this word seems to be restricted to birds. Either in Jurchen its use was broader, or this is a mistaken usage
zhan rna 'warhorse' so-li-1a-mu-ri *sori-ra muri cf. so-li-tu-man (455,484) 'to fight' cf. sori- 'to kick (of horses); to paw the ground, to jump around'; cf. also sorin den 'running with the chest high (of horses)' 490-ra-410
hu yao 'tiger bites' ta-s-ha-ung-bi 407-1055-mbi
gengniu 'ploughing ox'
*tasha u-mbi
u-§i-ta-1i-Ie-i-ha *u~i tari-re iha tari- 'to till, to plough' tiarimt!! 141-re-411
234
493 [A]
[e]
[T] [M]
[N]
494 [A]
[e]
[T]
[M]
[N]
495 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
496 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
497 [A]
[e] [T] [M]
yinhe ma 'horse with silver coloured hair'
kung-go-li-mu-li *kunggori muri konggoro morin 'Isabella
coloured; an Isabella horse'
the character transcribed here -gQ- should have been read -gue-, in which case we would have *konggueri for this word.
hongsha ma 'horse with red and sand-coloured hair'
fu-liang-bo-lo-mu-Ii *ful[glian boro
boro 'grey' burulu 'a horse having mixed red and white hair' 1100-494-410
feng gou 'mad dog'
mori
e-du-Ie-he-in-da-hu *edule-he indahu cf. comments under 710 710-4l3
ma si 'the horse neighs' mu-li-hu-Ian-bi *muri hula-mbi 410-458-mbi
xiao gou 'small dog' nie-ha niyahan
*nieha
498 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [5] [N]
499 [A]
[e] [T] [M]
500 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [N]
501 [A]
[e]
[T] [M] [N]
502 [A]
[e]
[T]
[N]
503 [A]
[e] [T] [G] [M] [5]
xiao zhu 'small pig' a-1!a-mi-ho mihan mihaN 1154-498
yinghuochong 'glow-worm'
235
*as[h]a miho
Ju-1!in-po(?) *lu/limpo? juciba 'firefly'
jieyang 'wether' a-ta-la-ho-ni aktala- 'to castrate' 500-412
huang yang 'Mongolian gazelle'
ie-Ii jeren cf. Mongol Jegere
daimei mao 'tortoiseshell [colour] cat'
su-yang-i-Ia-ha-~u
1101-346-415
jinqian bao 'leopard' ya-r-ha ya-Iah (148) yarha yarehe
*a[kltala honi
*suyan il [h] a ha~ulkai::u
*yarha
236
504 [A]
[C)
[T]
[N]
505 [A]
[C) [T] [N]
506 [A]
[C) [T] [M]
507 [A]
[C) [T] [M] [N]
508 [A]
[C) [T] [M]
509 [A]
[C) [T] [M]
[N]
lUmao gui 'green-haired tortoise'
nien-gia-fun-he-ai-u-ma *niengia funhe ai'uma
1099-481-466
huang ying 'yellow hawk' su-yan-gia-hu *suyan giahu 1101-340
ye mao 'wild cat' u-~e-hi uj irhi
nian yu 'catfish' la-ha-ni-mu-ha laha 507-431
diao ying 'falcon' gu-di no cognate. Franke (1982) suggests huksen 'a type of falcon kept in the house'
milu 'the tailed deer' Jo-lo-bu-u jolo buhll 'doe,
female deer' 509-417
*u~ehi
*laha nimuha
*]010 bu'u
510 [A]
[C) [T] [M]
511 [A]
[C) [T] [G) [K] [M] [S]
512 [A]
[C) [T] [M] [N]
513 [A]
[C) [T] [M]
514 [A]
[C) [T] [M] [S]
515 [A]
[C) [T] [M]
bianfu 'bat' e-Ju-me no cognate
ye ji 'pheasant' u-lu-ma wuh-lu-wuh-ma (188) ulguma u1hfuna 'ol~h~m~, 'ol~hum~
hali 'clam' ta-hu-da tahura in the light of the M. form, perhaps -da is a mistake for -la
liyu 'carp' tu-~e-ni-mu-ha no cognate
weishu 'hedgehog' sengge sengge se9~
xia 'shrimp' hi-te no cognate
237
*e)'ume
*ul[h]uma
*tahuda
*tu~e nimuha
*sengge
238 239
516 [A] ~* t ~p 522 [A] 1'gip -t 1~ , IJoJ ~f ji'ii] ~:t:
[e] mifeng 'bee' [e] shizi mao 'lion-cat' [T] sui-lang *sui1an (a type of cat of the [M] suilan Angora or Persian [5] siuliaa variety)
[T] a-fi-ha-~u *afi ha~ulkaC'u
:(!. :a-;r ~ [N] 432-415 517 [A]
[e] yuanyang 'mandarin duck' 523 [A] '4' t.~ , P"Ti! tVg ~ [T] gu-ya-hung *guyahun [G] gu-ya-huh (180) [e] gong j i 'cock' [K] guyahu [T] a-mi-la-ti-ko *amila tiko [M] guyahu [N] 489-421
518 [A] t J . ~ ,z"<;t tf1 ~ 'l.±.~ ,". 524 [A] -ffi- f.~ . t~i1ltJ ~ ~ [e] xiangya 'ivory' [e] mu ji 'hen' [T] su-fa-wei-he *sufa weihe [G] su-fah wei-hei (582) [T] e-mi-le-ti-ko *emile tiko [K] sufa weihe [N] 486-421 [N] 408-477
519 [A] fj6,~ . P1---~' ;1-<tJ
[e] fei rna 'fat horse' [T] ta-1u-mu-li *ta:)..[h]u mud [N] in entry 719, 'fat'
is given as *taru'u 719-410
520 [A] ft.~ . 1t ~w ~:f. j] [e] shou rna 'thin horse' [T] tu-r-ha-mu-li *turha muri [N] 709-410
1~ o{ . ;< ~ /' 521 [A] [l;J ~'- //,. ~~ I \4' o II..:.. //.
[e] gou yao 'the dog bites' [T] in-da-hu-ung-bi *indahu u-mbi [N] 413-1045-mbi
240
525 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [S]
526 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [S]
527 [A]
SECTION SIX BUILDINGS
fang 'house' bo boo boo
men 'door' u-~i
uce 'ucii
fang yang 'eaves'
*bo
[C] [T] [M]
bo-si-hi-mu-ha *bo sihi muha
528 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
[N]
529 [A]
sihin 'eaves (of a house) mohon 'end'
wa fang 'tiled house' wa-ze-bo wase 'tile' wase boo 'house with
a tiled roof' *waze < Chinese 528-525
[C] cao fang 'thatched house'
*waze bo
[T] o-r-ho-bo *orho bo [N] 376-525
530 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
531 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [S] [N]
532 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
533 [A]
534
[C] [T] [M] [T]
[A]
[C] [T] [N]
535 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
ma fang 'stable' mu-1i-bo 410-525
zhu juan 'pigsty' u-gia-ho-lo horho 'stable' hod!h~N
414-531
niu 1an 'cattle-shed' i-ha-ho-ro 412-532
lin she 'nearby hut' han-~i-bo hansi 'near' 533-525
yanglan 'sheep-pen' ho-ni-ho-lo 412-531
tuo 'large tie beams' tai-u cf. 536 below
241
*muri bo
*u[l]gia hor[h]o
*iha hor[h]o
*han~i bo
*honi hor[h]o
*tai'u
242
536 [A]
[e] [T] [G] [K] [M] [N]
537 [A]
[e] [T] [M]
538 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [5] [N]
539 [A]
[e] [T]
[M] [5]
liang 'beam [of a house]' tai-fu *taifu t'ai-pen (207) taibun taibu the 5eikado text, here and in the previous five entries, is corrupt, and the present entries are based on the Awanokuni text. Particularly in 535 and 536, however, there still seems to be some corruption or confusion. Perhaps the -fu in this entry should we -wu, which is what we would expect, given the relationship M. intervocalic -b- = J. -w-
chuan 'beam, rafter' so son
*so
gai fang 'to build a house' bo-a-lan-bi *bo ara-mbi ara- 'to make, to do' 'ar~m~
525-538-mbi
ta 'pagoda' su-bu-an
subarhan suvad~h~N
*subu'an (*subu[r][h]an?)
540 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [N]
541 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
542 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [5]
543 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [5]
544 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
545 [A]
[e] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
zhe fang 'demolish a house' bo-e-feng-bi *bo efe-mbi efule- 'to destroy' 525-540-mbi
xin fang 'new house' i-~e-bo *ice bo 192-525
zao huo 'stove, furnace' Ju-u *]U'U jun juN
yantong 'chimney' hu-lang hulan hulaN
baozi 'screen' fang-~a
perhaps this is the same word as entry 608 'flag', *fanta
chuang 'window' fa fah-'a (209) faa fa faa
*hulan
*fan~a
*fa
243
244
546 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
547 [A]
[C]
[T] [M] [N]
548 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [5] [N]
549 [A]
[C]
[T]
[M]
[N]
550 [A]
[C]
[T]
[N]
ban 'board' u-te undehen
huang dian 'imperial palace'
o-r-do-ha-an-bo ordo 'palace, court' 547-653-525
xiu fang 'repair a house'
*u[n]te
*ordo ha'an bo
bo-da-sa-bi *bo dasa-bi dasa-das~m~
525-548-bi
guanfang buxu zuojian 'it is not permitted to run around in official residences'
gua-ni-bo-u-me-ha-sa-la
hasa- 'to hurry, to be in a rush'
guan < Chinese 549-i-(gen.)-525-neg.-ra
men chuang buxu shaohui 'it is not permitted to burn doors and windows'
*guan-i bo ume hasa-ra
u-~i-fa-u-me-de-di-le *uci fa ume dedi-re
526-545-neg.-1042-re
551 [A]
[C]
[T] [M]
[N]
552 [A]
553
[C] [T] [M] [5] [N]
[A]
[C] [T] [N]
554 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [N]
555 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [5]
jijian fang 'a house with several rooms' or 'how many rooms?'
mu-gian-bo *mu gian bo giyan 'measure word for
rooms and buildings' < Chinese
Chinese ii can mean 'several' or 'how many'. In entries 311 and 312, ii is translated as *uhiahu in Jurchen. 'How much' in Manchu is udu; I cannot find a Manchu cognate for either *mu or *uhiahu
libu yamen 'Board of Rites' li-bu-ha-fa *li bu hafa hafan 'official, officer' hav~N li bu < Chinese
of War'
245
bingbu yamen 'Board bing-bu-ha-fa *bing bu hafa bing bu < Chinese 553-552
jilong 'chicken cage' ti-ko-!!o-lo !Ioro 421-554
kang 'brick-bed, kang' na-ha nahan nah~N 'underfloor
heating flue'
*tiko !!oro
*naha
246
556 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
557 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [S] [N]
558 [A]
[C]
[T] [M]
[N]
559 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
560 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [S]
guan yi 'post-house' guan-i < Chinese
da men 'main gate' ang-ba-du-ha tu-hah[ka] (201) duka duka duqaa 1153-557
yimen 'the middle gate of a yamen'
*guan i
*amba duka
~i-de-ki-du-ha *~ideki duka cf. siden 'space, interval, interstice' 558-557
jiaomen 'side gate' da-ba-ki-du-ka dalbaki 'on the side'
zhu 'pillar' tu-la t'uh-lah (208) tura tura turaa 'post'
*da[l)baki duka
SECTION SEVEN TOOLS AND UTENSILS
561 [A]
[C] [T] [S]
562 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [S]
563 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [S]
564 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [M] [S]
zhong 'bell' Jung jugE!
gu 'drum' tung-ke t'ung-k'en (256) tunken tungken tuNkeN
zhi 'paper' hao-~a
hao-~a (222) hausa hoo~an
hosiN, ha'usaN 'paper offerings used in ancestor worship ritual'
mo 'ink' be-he poh-hei (223) behe bexee
247
*tungke
*hao~a
248
565 [A]
[C)
[T] [G) [K] [M] [5] [N]
566 [A]
[C) [T] [G) [K] [N]
567 [AJ
[C) [T] [GJ [K] [M] [5]
568 [A]
[CJ [T] [GJ [KJ [MJ [NJ
bi 'pen, writing instrument'
fi fei (224) fi fi fii J. *fi < Jin. *£i
~ < Chinese --f
yan 'ink-slab' se seh[saiJ (225) se
bi
the Manchu word for 'ink-slab' is yuwan, < Ch. van. Franke (1982) suggests J.
*se < Ch. ~ shi 'stone'
zhuo 'table' de-Ie t'eh-'oh (238) tere dere derE!
deng 'bench' mu-Iang muh-Iah (239) mulan mulan the second char. in G. 239 is -lah, which Kiyose has amended to -Ian on the basis of the Jurchen characters used
*fi
*se
*dere
*mulan
569 [AJ
[C) [T] [G) [K] [M] [5]
570 [A]
[C) [TJ [G) [K] [M] [5]
571 [AJ
[C) [T] [M] [N]
572 [A]
[C) [T] [M] [5J [N]
573 [A]
[C) [T] [GJ [K] [M] [5]
wan 'bowl' mo-Io moh-Io (246) moro moro mor~
die 'plate' fi-Ia fei-Iah (243) fila fila Hlaa
penzi 'basin' fun-ze fengse both J and M forms < Chinese penzi In the 5eikado text, this word is written pen instead of penzi
zhu 'chopsticks' sa-ba sabka saf~q~
-ba could also be read -~, but I have opted for -ba on the basis of the M. form
guo 'cooking pot' mu-~e muh-sien (244) mu1l'en mucen meceN
249
*moro
*Hla
*funze
*sab[kJa
250 251
-j- ,8 f 75· 1811 574 [A] '1r '/~ 579 [A]
[C] hu 'pot, jug' [C] gong 'bow' (n) [T] tang-ping *tampin [T] be-li *beri [M] tamp in [G] poh-li (236) [N] both J and M forms [K] beri
[M] beri < Ch. ~ ~t tanping [5 ] berii
-tt -t-++ ~ . jEf. ,~, 575 [A] •• D~ 580 [A] fl'J
[C] qiang 'spear' [C] jian 'arrow' [T] gi-da *gida [T] nie-1u *niru [G] kih-tah (234) [G] ni-1u (237) [K] gida [K] niru [M] gida [M] niru [5] gidaa [5] niur~, yur~
[N] it would also be possible to recon-
576 [A] J] ~~ struct *nieru, but I have opted for
[C] dao 'knife' *niru on the basis [T] hue-iii *huelH of the G and M forms [M] huwesi [5] kuHi
·f.lJJ ~ 581 [A] tl' 577 [A]
~ . :J~9.. 'J... [C] jing 'mirror' .m2.
[T] me-1e-ku *me1eku? [C] kui 'helmet' [G] puh-1ung[nung]-k'u (251)
[T] sa-~a *saca [K] bu1unku [G] sah-~'a (232) [M] bu1eku [K) sa~a [5] bu1uNku, bu1~ku [M] saca [N] note the similarity of
the 5ibe to those found in G and K . The character
578 [A) E¥ . 7L *-- ~ might be a mistake
[C) j ia 'armour' ~
[T] u-lii *u[k)H 582 [A] 'M ~~t [G) wuh-l:'eng-yin (233) [K) uk~in [C] jian 'scissors' [M) uksin [T] ha-dza *hadza?
[5) 'ux~siN [G] hah-tsl-hah (252) [K] haJ'iha [M] has aha [5] has~h~
[N] perhaps a form *ha][h]a is possible
252 253
583 [A] M .llll.. [Iii] t.J 6 589 [A]
-6..h. ~lunJ -1TfJ X- tff{
[e] pan 'dish' [e] yao 'key'
[T] a-Ii-gu *aIigu [T] son-ko *sonko
[G] 'a-li-k'u (242) [M] no cognate [K] aliku Franke (1982) suggests
[M] aliku M. su- 'to untie, to unhitch'
584 [A] j'ffl. • 1G t 590 [A] ,*~ . ~%
[e] ping 'bottle, vase' [T] hua-ping *huaping [e] xian 'thread'
[T] tung-gu *tunggu
[N] < eh. 11:. #~ huaping [G] t'oh-kuo (250) [K] togo/tongo [M] tonggo
585 [A] ~.~-~, [5 ] tOI)~
[e] fu 'axe' b- IP [T] su-he *suhe 591 [A] ~t . 7L '.£'
[M] suhe [5] suxee, suxuu [e] zhen 'needle'
[T] u-me *u r lJme
U [G] wuh-lu-meh (249)
586 [A] . 11:-' _~, [K] ulme [M] ulme
[e] ju 'saw' (n) [5] 'unuu
[T] fu-fung *fufun [M] fufun Ir!. ,~, t If 592 [A] ~-t ..:t. ' "- ~/
587 [A] m· Tu~ [e] bizi 'fine-toothed comb'
[e] qiao 'shovel' [T] me-r-he *merhe
[T] u-tu *u[ljtu [M] merhe
[M] cf. uldefun 'a large [5 ] med!x~
hoe made of wood'
593 [A] :tiL T . iJ- S"]1A-'
588 [A] t~ . 3J 57z 1i [e] shuzi 'comb'
[e] suo 'lock' [T] i-di-fu *idifu
[T] ya-iH-gu *ya[k]!Hgu [G] yih-rh-tih-hung (549)
[M] yaksiku 'bolt of [K] irdihun
a door' [M] ijifun
254
594 [A]
[C) [T] [M] [5 ]
595 [A]
[C) [T] [G) [K] [M] [5]
596 [A]
[C) [T] [M] [5]
597 [A]
[C) [T] [G) [K] [M]
598 [A]
[C) [T] [M]
[N]
xizi 'mat' de-r-hi derhi dirixi
zhentou 'pillow' ti-r-gu t'i-Ieh-k'u (550) tireku cirku cunuku, cunuku
tong 'bucket' hu-niu hunio xuni
shan 'fan' fu-se-gu fuh-seh-gu fushegu fusheku
lihua 'plough' u-pu[fu]-ha-Iang ofoho 'ploughshare' halhan 'ploughshare' the character -fucould be read -pu-, but I have opted for -fu- on the basis of the Manchu form
*derhi
*tirgu
*huniu
*fusfh]egu
*ufu hal[h)an
599 [A]
[C) [T] [M]
[N]
600 [A]
[C) [T] [M]
601 [A]
[C) [T] [M] [5]
602 [A]
[C) [T] [M]
603 [A]
[C)
[T] [G) [K] [M] [5]
604 [A]
[C) [T] [M]
majiangsheng 'bridle' mu-li-ya-r-fu *muri yarfu yarfun 'a long leather cord attached to the headstall or bridle, tether' (Norman) 410-599
chi 'spoon' sa-fi saifi
zhou 'broom' e-r-gu eriku 'ir~k~
bo 'winnowing fan' fi-u fiyoo
che 'vehicle' se-je seh-ce (253) sej'e sejen sejElN
wang 'net' i-Ie ile
*safi
*fi'u
*ile
255
256 257
605 [A] M-. ':it.'~ 'f.z • Yl\~ 610 [A] li~ . ~,~jlJ [C) ling 'small bell' [C] qiu 'crupper' [T] hung-go *hunggo [T] hu-da-la *hudar[g]a [M] honggon [G] huh-tih-lah (228) [5] hOIJEiN [K] hudila
[M] kudargan
606 [A] ill, . /ft.' n-611 [A] 1-$ t . Yl-
[C] sheng 'string, rope' [T] fu-ta *futa [C] tizi 'ladder' [M] futa [T] wang *wan [5] fEitaa [M] wan
[5] vaN
607 [A] ~r . 1L, 11:.' 612 [A] ]1! • ~r-q :t t
[C] deng 'stirrup' [T] tu-fu *tufu [C] ti 'drawer' [G) t'uh-fu (231) [T] na-mu-ki *namuki [K] tufu [M] namki [M) tufun
613 [A] 'l:fu 6i . *:z lfJ 1;;] tz-' ~. fL~
./ - ~ Ie.' a 608 [A]
[C] jiuzhong 'wine-cup' [C) qi 'flag' [T] nu-le-hu-ta *nure hu[n]ta [T] fan-~a *fan~a [M] huntahan 'cup, mug, [G] fan-nah-rh (220) glass' [K] fannar [N] 1007-613 [M] no cognate. cf.
fangse 'pennant' -' EtJ~ 614 [A] f.H}'
< Ch. ~~ t fanzi [C] chuan 'boat'
Cf also 544 [T] di-ha *diha [G] tih-hai (254)
*6 \f1 "\,' [K] dihai
609 [A] _~" TL. '<.:,,' [M] jaha [N] G. and J. are in
[C) chan 'saddle-flap' the gen. form [T] he-u-te *he'ute [G) hei-puh-t'eh (227) [K] hebte [M] habta 'the wing of a
saddle'
258
615 [A)
[e)
[T) [M) [N)
616 [A)
[e) [T) [G) [K) [M) [S)
617 [A]
[e) [T] [M)
618 [A)
[e) [T) [N]
619 [A)
[e) [T) [M)
620 [A)
[e] [T) [G] [K) [M)
banxiang 'a chest made of boards'
u-te-siang-ze undehen 'board' J. *siangze < eh. xiangzi
yaodao 'dagger' lo-ho lo-huo (235) loho loho 10M
lian dao 'sickle' ha-tu hadufun 'sickle'; hadu- 'to cut with
a sickle'
niuche 'ox-cart' i-ha-se-Je 411-603
anzuo 'saddle-cushion' saofu soforo
zhangfang 'tent' ~a-~a-li ~ah-~'ah-li (214) Ja~ili cacari
*u[njte siangze
*loho
*hatu
*iha sere
*saufu
621 [A)
[e) [T) [G)
[K) [M) [S)
622 [A)
[e)
[T) [G] [K) [M) [S) [N)
623 [A)
[e] [T] [M)
624 [A)
[e)
[T) [M) [S] [N)
625 [A)
[e) [T) [G) [K) [M] [S] [N)
liantou 'bridle' ha-da-la t'a-ta (229) (7)
tada (7)
hadala had~l~, qad~l~ 'bit
'of harness)'
ma'anzi 'saddle (for
259
*hadala
horses) , mu-li-an-ge-mu 'en-koh-mai (226) engemer
*muri anggemu
enggemu 'em~IJ~ 410-622
dudai 'girth' 0-10 olon
macao 'trough (for horses) ,
mu-li-hu-H huju xujuN 410-624
bianzi 'whip' su-~i-ha su-~ih-kai (230) suHgai susiha
*010
*muri hu~i
*su~iha
susihaa, siusihaa, susihaa the G. and K. forms may be in the genitive.
260
626 [A]
[e) [T] [M] [5]
627 [A]
[e)
[T]
[N]
628 [A]
[e) [T] [N]
629 [A]
[e) [T] [N]
630 [A]
[e)
[T]
[N]
631 [A]
[e) [T] [M] [5] [N]
gou 'hook' go-ho gohon GoM
tuhaobi 'rabbit's hair brush: a fine writing brush'
gu-ma-hung-fun-he-fi
420-481-565
jin kui 'golden helmet'
*gu [11mahun funhe fi
an-~u-sa-~a *an~u sa~a 1064-577
chao zhong 'palace bell' o-r-do-Jung *ordo lung 547-561
genggu 'drum for marking each two hour period'
ging-du-Ie-tung-ke *ging du-re
315-810-re-561
jiutan 'jug for wine' nu-Ie-ma-Iu malu mal~
1007-631
tungke
*nure malu
1
632 [A]
[e) [T] [M] [N]
633 [A]
[e) [T] [G)
[K] [M]
634 [A]
[e)
[T] [M]
[N]
635 [A]
[e) [T] [M] [5]
636 [A]
[e) [T] [M] [N]
ciwan 'porcelain bowl' tu-hu-lu cf. tomoro -hu- is possibly a mistake for a char. read -mo-
dengtai 'lampstand' fi-u-Ia-gu cf. fei-pen (247)
'lamp' fibun cf. hiyabun 'lantern' hiyabulaku 'a lantern rack'
geyang pan 'dish for cutting sheep(meat) ,
261
*tuhuru
*fi'ulagu
ho-ni-fi-ta-a-li-gu *honi fita aligu faita- 'to cut,
to slice' 412-634-583
fangche 'spinning wheel' fo-Io-gu *forogu forko forequ 'well pulley'
yingfu 'chowry, fly whisk' de-r-hue-bo-do *derhue bode cf. derhuwe ba~aku Franke (1982) suggests bodo- 'to drive animals to a pre-destined place' 476-636
262
637 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [5] [N]
638 [A]
[C]
[T] [M]
[N]
639 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
[N]
640 [A]
[C]
[T] [M]
yuwang 'fish net' ni-mu-ha-a-su asu 'as~
431-637
pipa '~ (a musical instrument similar to a lute)'
*nimuha asu
ku-lu *kuru cf. huru 'a mouth-harp made of cows horn and bamboo' cf. Mongol ~¥ur, guur
'balalaika, guitar' cf. Ligeti, "Anciens elements", p. 235.
da wei wang sa-ha-da-i-le cf. sahada- 'to hunt
in autumn' 639-604
huqin 'hugin (a Chinese stringed instrument)'
*sahada ile
ki-Ja-li *kiJari/kiJali? no cognate. Manchu for hugin is onggocon < Mongol ong¥oca 'boat'
641 [A)
[C]
[T] [M]
642 [A]
[C]
[T] [M] [N]
643 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
644 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
645 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
646 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
beiluo 'beiluo (a military musical instrument)'
bu-Iu-dun-bi *burudu-mbi burde- 'to blow on a
conch, to sound advance or retreat on a conch'
suona 'suona (a trumpet-like wind instrument)'
ya-r-hi *yarhi-no cognate in the 5eikado text, this word is written ya-hu-hi
yundou 'flat iron' hu-!li-gu huwe~eku
tie kui 'iron helmet' se-Ie-sa-ta 1077-577
pi jia 'hide armour' su-gu-u-iH 894-578
tie jia 'iron armour' se-Ie-u-!li 1077-578
*hu~igu
*sele sata
*sugu u[k]H
*sele u[k]H
263
264
647 [A]
[C) [T] [N]
648 [A]
[C) [T] [N]
649 [A]
[C) [T] [N]
650 [A]
[C)
[T] [M] [5]
651 [A]
[C) [T] [N]
652 [A]
[C) [T) [N)
huo jian 'iron arrow' ta-nie-lu 1012-580
tie suo 'iron lock' se-le-ya-iH-gu 1077-588
tong suo 'bronze lock' iH-li-ya-iH-gu 1066-588
zhuzhang 'walking stick, crutch'
*ta niru
*sele ya[kJiHgu
*!Hri ya [k) iHgu
tui-fu *tuifu teifun te'ifuN
tong gu 'bronze drum' H-li-tung-ke 1066-562
yusan 'umbrella' a-gu-san J. san < Chinese 3-652
*iHri tungke
*agu san
653 [A)
[C) [T) [G) [K) [M) [5) [N)
654 [A]
[C) [T] [G) [K) [M]
655 [A)
[C) [T) [G) [K] [M] [5) [N]
5ECTION EIGHT PEOPLE
huangdi 'emperor' ha-an han-'an-ni (272) haganni han haaN cf. Mongol ~yan the G. and K. forms are in the genitive
guan 'official' bei-le pei-leh (277) beile beiH!
da ren 'important man' ang-ba-nie-ma nieh-rh-ma (331) niyarma niyalma na9~ it is difficult to determine whether an -[r)- or an -[1)(or neither) should be inserted here. 1153-655
265
*ha'an
*beile
*amba nie[lJma
266 267
656 [A] ~. -t' 1!- 'L::' 660 [A] ~' flaJ4-~
[C] min 'people' [C] gong 'father-in-law' [T] i-te *i[l]te [T] a-mu-ha * amuh a [G] yih-t'eh-'oh (288,297) [M] amha
[K] itege [5] 'am~he'
[M] cf. irgen [5] cf. 'ir~x~N 1· ~~.~, [N] Ligeti ("Note preliminaire", 661 [A]
p. 222) reconstructs ilde for the Grube form, on the [e] po 'mother-in-law' basis of Nanai elda [T] e-mu-he *emuhe
[M] emhe
-++ [5] 'em~x~
657 [A] ~~ EJ • ~~l'J~m-
[e] toumu 'chief, leader' 662 [A] X-. flO} fl-i-[T] da-ha-la-nie-ma *dahala nie[l]ma [M] cf. da 'head, chief, [e] fu 'father'
master, sovereign. This [T] a-ma *ama word may be related to [G] 'a-min (282)
M. dahala- 'to escort' [K] amin
[N] 657-655 [M] ama [5] 'am~
658 [A] ~,/~,~,* ~ ·l 663 [A] -&J- •
[e] li 'clerk' [T] bi-te-H *bit[h]e Si [e] mu 'mother'
[N] J. *H < eh. ~ shi [T] e-me *eme 1094-658 [M] cf. eniye
[5 ] cf. 'eni, 'eni'ee
659 [A] f· -W3~ 664 [A] 91...; • iIiiJ ~
[e] jun 'army' [T] ~ao-ha *cauha [e] xiong 'elder brother' [G] c'ao-hah (296) [T] a-hung *ahun [K] cauha [G] 'a-hun-wen (286)
[M] cooha 'soldier' [K] ahun [5] cuah~ [M] ahun
[N] perhaps the Chinese [5 ] cf. 'ahuNduu 'brother' entry should read
'i-- junren 'soldier' ,
which would more suit the context and the M. equivalent
L
268
665 [A]
[e) [T] [G) [K] [M] [5]
666 [A]
[e) [T] [M] [5]
667 [A]
[e) [T] [G) [K] [M] p5]
668 [A]
[e) [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
669 [A]
[e) [T] [M] [5] [N]
di 'younger brother' deu teu-wuh-wen (287) degun dec duu
jie 'elder sister' ge-ge gege gexee
mei 'younger sister' neu-u nieh-hun-wen (291) niyohun non nuN
sun 'grandchild' o-mo-Io woh-moh-Io (285) omolo omolo 'om~H~
nil 'girl' sa-Ian-jui sargan jui saMNj i 669-671
*neu'u
*omolo
*sar[g]an lui
670 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [5]
671 [A]
[e) [T] [G)
[K]
[M]
[5]
[N]
672 [A]
[e) [T] [G) [K] [M] [5]
673 [A]
[e) [T] [M] [5]
674 [A]
[e) [T] [M] [5] [N]
qiong 'poor' ya-da-hung yadahun yad~h~N
er 'son' ha-ha-j'ui hah-hah-ai (298) ~ui-yih (294) hahai Juwii haha 'man, male' jui 'child' hahe jii the ~ and K.forms are in the genitive
chou 'ugly' eu-sung 'oh-wu (716) eru cf. ersun cf. 'er~suN
jun 'handsome' ho-Jo hojo 'healthy, fine' hojEl
deng 'wait' a-li-su aliya'ialime ~ is an imperative suffix
269
*yadahun
*haha lui
*eusun
*ali-su
270 271
675 [A] 1~ . ~ 680 [A) !i.~ . fTiiJ~,
[e] ni 'you' [e) sao 'sister-in-law'
[T] IH *H [T) a-ze *ate
[M] si [M) a:!!a 'elder brother's
[5] Hi wife' [S) 'as~, 'as€!
676 [A] ~. /JoG ' 681 [A) tx: k %~ t'f.
[e] wo 'I, me' [T] bi *bi [e) shufu 'uncle' (father's
[G] cf. mih-ni (853) younger brother)
[K] mini [T) e-se-he *esehe
[M] bi 'I' [M] ecike
mini 'mine' [5] bE, mini [N] the G. and K. forms 682 [A) tt~ ~i tij":]
are in the genitive [e) niixu 'son-in-law' [T) ho-di *hodi
677 [A] 1e )t . ~li~ [G) huo-tih-woh (289) [K) hodiyo
[e] bofu 'uncle' (father's [M) hojihon
elder brother) [S) hocehuN, hocuhuN
[T] sa-da *sa[k]da [M] cf. sakda 'old'
~-lit-. ~r:tJ!r~' t $~ ::t .if.. 683 [A]
678 [A] 16#' _~, ~,~9..~ [e) jiwnu 'aunt' (wife of mother's brother)
[e] bomu 'aunt' (wife of [T) na-ha-~u-e-mu-le *nakacu emule
father's elder [N] 684-661
brother' [T] he-he-sa-da *hehe sa[k]da [M] hehe 'woman, female' [5] xexl! [N] 678-677
684 [A) w~'m~± 679 [A] ~t -Ii}- • 7L :f.. 1: [e] mujiu 'uncle' (maternal
[e] shenmu 'aunt' (wife of uncle)
father's younger [T] na-ha-~u *nakaC'u
brother) [M] nakcu
[T] u-he-me *uheme [N) d. Ligeti, "Anciens
[M] uhume elements" p. 235
272
685 [A]
[C]
[T] [G] [K] [M]
686 [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
687 [A]
[C]
[T] [M]
688 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [N]
689 [A]
[C]
[T] [G] [K] [M] [5] [N]
qinjia 'a relation by marriage'
sa-du sah-tu-kai (683) sadugai sadun
jia ren 'one of the family; a domestic'
bo-i-nie-ma 525-j:.<gen) -655
xiaojiu 'brother-in-law' (wife's elder brother)
*sadu
*bo-i nie[l]ma
meye *meye meye
beiyou 'young, small' a-1\a asihan cf. 1154
jiazhang 'head of the family'
*a!l(h]a
e-~e *e~e 'oh-~an-ni (792) eJenni ejen 'ej~N
the G.and K. forms are
in the genitive.
690 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5] [N]
691 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
692 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [S] [N]
693 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
694 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
273
nubei 'slave' a-ha *aha 'a-hah-'ai (338) ahai aha 'ah~ 'servant' the G. and K. forms are in the genitive
laoshi 'honest' ton-do *tondo t'uan-to (407) tondo tondo toNd~ 'straight, honest'
laoren 'old man' sa-da-nie-ma sakda 'old' sah~d~
692-655 cf. 677
shaoren 'young man' a-lla-nie-ma 1154(688)-655
haoren 'good man' sai-in-nie-ma sai-yin (696) sain sain 694-655
*sa[k]da nie(l]ma
*a!l(hJa nie[IJma
*sa'in nie[l]ma
274
695 [A]
[e] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5] [N]
696 [A]
697
[e] [T] [M]
[N]
[A]
[e] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5] [N]
698 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [N]
699 [A]
[e] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5] [N]
fu ren 'rich man' bai-ya-nie-ma poh-yang (pai-yang) bayan
*baya nie[l]ma (346)
bayan ba'iN 695-655
fanren 'opponent, rebel' fu-da-su-nie-ma *fudasu nie[l]ma fudasi 'recalcitrant, rebellious, obstinate' 696-655
dai ren 'evil man' e-he-nie-ma 'oh-hei-poh nieh-rh-ma ehebe niyarma ehe niyalma 'ex~ 'evil, wicked' G. -poh and K. -be are accusative suffixes 697-655
shangren 'merchant' hu-da-§a-nie-ma huda~a- 'to trade' 698-655
zei ren 'thief'
*ehe nie[lJma (337)
*huda~a nie[lJma
hu-lu-ha-nie-ma *huluha nie[l]ma hu-lah-hai-nieh-rh-ma (336) hulahai niyarma hulha 'thief' hul~haa the G. and K. forms might be in the genitive 699-655
700 [A]
701
[e] [T] [N]
[A]
[e] [T] [M]
[N]
702 [A]
703
[e] [T] [M] [5] [N]
[A]
[e) [T] [N]
704 [A]
[e) [T] [M]
705 [A]
[e) [T] [N]
yinjiang 'silversmith' meng-gu-fa-~i 1065-747
en ren 'benefactor' bai-li-nie-ma baili 'grace, favour,
charm' 701-655
ranjiang 'dyer' i-~e-fa-H ice- 'to dye' , icim~ 702-747
tongjiang 'bronzesmith' H-li-fa-H 1066-747
mazi 'pockmarked person'
275
*menggu fa[kJH
*baili nie[lJma
*i~e fa[kJH
*Hri fa[kJH
bie-tu *bietu cf. biyataha 'a scar on the head, a spot on the head where the hair is sparse; cf. also fiyatun 'scar, blemish, spot'
changzi 'a tall man' bei-ye-de-nie-ma *beye de nie[lJma 887-31-655
276
706 [A]
[C) [T] [M] [N]
707 [A]
[C) [T] [N]
708 [A]
[C) [T] [M] [5]
709 [A]
[C) [T] [G) [K] [M]
710 [A]
[C) [T] [M]
[N]
maojiang 'hat-maker' ma-hi-Ia-a-Ia-fa-~i *mahila ara fa[kJ~i ara- 'to make, to do' 972-706-747
xijiang 'tinsmith' to-ho-Io-fa-~i 1068-747
longzi 'deaf person' du-tu dutu dutu
shouzi 'thin person'
*toholo fa[kJH
*dutu
tu-r-ha *turha t'uh-hah (519) turha turga, (old form: turha)
fengzi 'mad person' e-du-Ie-he cf. edule- 'to catch cold' < edu 'wind' cf. 495 'mad dog' J. *edule-he indahu. It seems that in Jurchen *edule- had the connotation 'to go mad'. The Chinese entry is written with
the character)~
feng, without rad. 104; perhaps this is some kind of a calque, or perhaps a mistake.
*edule-he
711 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [5] [N]
712 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [5]
713 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
714 [A]
[C)
[T] [M] [5] [N]
715 [A]
[C) [T] [N]
716 [A]
[C)
[T] [N]
xiazi 'blind person' do do go dohe is -gQ missing?
yazi 'dumb person' he-Ie hele xel~
chizi 'fool, idiot' yu-tu yoto
er ge 'second [eldest] brother'
Ja-ti-a-hung jacin j iaci 714-664
da ge 'eldest brother' ang-ba-a-hung 1153-664
er jie 'second [eldest] sister'
*do
*lati ahun
*amba ahun
Ja-ti-ge-ge *Yati gege 714-666
277
278
717 [A]
[C]
[T] [M]
[5]
718 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
719 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
720 [A]
[C]
[T]
[M]
[N]
721 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
qingbao 'thoughtless, frivolous'
wei-hu-ku weihuken 'light;
not serious, frivolous'
cf. ve'ixuk~N 'light; mild (of flavour)'
jinshen 'careful' ya-ti no cognate
fei 'fat' ta-lu-u t'ah-wen (518) tagun tarhun tar~huN
taozijiang 'maker of belts'
u-mu-su-du-le-fa-~i
umiyesun 'belt, girdle, sash'
du- 'to beat' 720-810-re-747
chou 'to be sad' !Ii-na-bi ~en-nah-lah (375) ~innala
sinagala- 'to mourn' cf. ~in~haN 'mourning'
*weihuku
*taru'u
*umusu du-re fa[k]H
*!lina-bi
722 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
723 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [5]
724 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
725 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
[5]
726 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5] [N]
shi 'yes' i-nu yih-na (706) ina inu 'iN 'too, also'
shua 'to play' e-fi-bi efi-, ifim~
qi 'rise' i-li yih-lih-pen (424) ilibun ili-, iimll! , 'ilam~
chi 'late' gui-da-ha goida- 'to last for
a long time, to endure
Go'idamll! 'to take a long time'
zi 'child'
*inu
*efi-bi
*ili
*guida-ha
Jui *jui cui-yih (294) Juwii jui jii the G. and K. forms may be in the genitive
279
282
736 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [N]
737 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
738 [A]
[C]
[T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
wanshua 'to play' sui-bi-e-fi-bi efi- 'to play' this entry is curious. the expression wanshua is normally written
'l. - flf, .Y/L it and means 'to
play, to sport with, to romp' (Mt.7010.a); in this expression,
J7L is interchangeable
wi th ~~ ~~ wan
usually means 'obstinate, wayward, stupid, corrupt, greedy, covetous' (Mt); in Manchu there is a series of words beginning with sui- with this general meaning (cf. Norman pp. 250-251) The usual meaning of M. sui-mbi is 'to mix' which does not seem to be appropriate here
jixing 'quick-tempered'
*sui-bi efi-bi
ha-ta-di-li *hata dili hatan 'furious, violent,
impetuous' j Hi 'anger'
cishan 'kind, charitable, benevolent, good'
no-mu-ho *nomuho nen[nun]-muh-huo (340) nonmuho nomhon nom~huN 'well-mannered'
739 [A]
[C]
[T] [G] [K] [N]
740 [A]
[C]
[T] [G]
[K] [M]
[N]
741 [A]
[C] [T]
[G]
huangdi wansui 'may the Emperor live for ten thousand years'
283
ha-an-tu-me-se *ha'an tume se cf. t'u-man seh-koh (866) tuman sege 653-1129-269
huangdi hongfu 'Emperor's great happiness'
ha-an-~o-mi-hu-tu-li *ha'an ~omi huturi cf. ['an-pan-lah] huh-t'uh-rh (803) [amban(la)] hutur huturi 'good luck,
good fortune' 653-153-740
chou, xi 'sad, happy' H-na-bi u-lu-Ju-bi ~en-nah-lah (375) woh-wen-ce-leh (372, 374)
*Sina-bi *ur[g)u!u-bi
[K] ~innala
[M]
[N]
742 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
743 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
urgunjere sinagan 'mourning' urgunje- 'to be happy' 721-741
kangkai 'generous' Jen-du-le no cognate
shan ren 'good man' no-mu-ho-nie-ma 738-655
*)endule
*nomuho nie[lJma
284
744 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
745 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [N]
746 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
747 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [S] [N]
748 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
jianzha 'crafty, cunning' e-~e-Ja-li *e~e Jali cf. eitere- 'to deceive,
to defraud' jalingga 'cunning'
yi ren 'doctor' dai-fu-nie-ma daifu
*daifu nie[llma
daifu < Chinese 1'\..J;: daifu
bu shi 'no, not' o-ha *oka cf. aku 'particle of negation; there is not, there are not'; cf. also waka 'sentence particle that negates nominal predicates: is not, are not'
jiangren 'artisan' fa-IH-nie-ma faksi fahl:!H, faq~H 747-655
eren 'evil man' (7) go-su-nie-ma cf. gosi- 'to love, to feel compassion for'
*fa[kl~i nie[l]ma
*gosu nie[llma
[N] perhaps Chinese fl. ~ is
a mistake for ir ai
748-655
749 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
750 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
751 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
752 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
753 [A]
[C] [T]
[N]
caifeng 'tailor' tsai-fung < Chinese
ruanruo 'weak' u-[bu]-lu-hu The Awanokuni text
has 7L ~- for the
first character; the Seikado text
has .:t-. bu-. There
does not seem to be any cognate in Manchu for either form
tuozi 'hunchback' heng-du hundu
pijiang 'tanner' su-gu-fa-H 894-747
jiajiang 'armourer' u-lli-du-le-fa-/Ii
578-810-re-747
285
*tsaifung
*uluhu/buluku7
*hendu
*sugu fa[klH
*u[kllH du-re fa[kllH
286
754 [A]
[C]
[T] [M]
[N]
755 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
756 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
757 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [S]
quechuner 'a person with a harelip'
fu-mu-e-tse Manchu for 'harelip' is omcoko. For J. *etse, cf. esen 'slanting, oblique 906-754
xibaijiang 'launderer'
*fumu etse
a-du-ao-le-fa-~i *adu ao-re fa[kl~i 962-931-re-747
nishuijiang 'plasterer' be-ho-fa-~i *beho fa[kl~i 213-747
tuzi 'bald person' ho-to hoto hoti!
*hoto
SECTION NINE ACTIONS OF PEOPLE
758 [A]
lai 'come' [C] [T] [G) [K] [M] [S] [N]
diu *diu
759 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [S]
760 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [S]
761 [A]
tih-wen (712) digun ji-jime this is the imperative form; cf. M. jio (an irregular imperative)
qu 'go' ge-nie koh-nieh-hei (713) genehei gene-gen~me'
gui 'kneel' nie-ku-lu mieh-k'u-lu (466) miyakuru niyakurayaqure'm~
[C] bai 'bow' (v)
*genie
*niekuru
[T] hen-ki-le *hengkile (G] k'ang-k'oh-leh-mei (751) [K] kankelemei [M] hengkile- 'to kowtow' (S] xeNkile'm~
287
288
762 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M]
763 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
764 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M]
[N]
765 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
[N]
766 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
jugong 'bow' (v) hu-zu huh-tu-Iah (750) huJula huju-
shang ci 'reward' hng-si < Chinese
J1n gong 'offer tribute'
*Ilangsi
te-de-me *tede-me t'eh-t'eh-puh-ma (482) tetebuma cf. dekdebu- causative of dekde- 'to rise' perhaps this word could be reconstructed *te[kJde-
yan yan 'to feast' ba-la-bi cf. bara- 'to mix together'; barabu-to mix, to mix among, to mingle together Manchu for 'to feast' is sarila- Perhaps ba- here is a mistake
j ian 'see'
*bara-bi
a-ca *ata hah-c'ah-pieh (352) hacabi aca- 'to meet, to join' 'aceme
1
767 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M]
[N]
768 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M]
[5]
769 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
770 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
771 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
fang wu 'local products' ba-i-u-li *ba-i uli wuh-li-yin (580) ulin ba 'place' ulin 'goods, property, possessions, wealth' 767-1:.- 767
hui 'return' mu-li *muri muh-t'ah-pen (378,379) mutabun mari- 'to come back,
to go back' marime
shui 'sleep' de-du *dedu t'eh-tu-Ieh (355) tedure dedu- 'to lie down' dudum~
zuo 'sit' te *te t'eh-pieh (423) tebi te-tem~
xiao 'laugh' in-Ie-hi yin-ce (461) inJe inje-'iNjim~, 'iNj~m~
*inje-bi
289
290
772 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
773 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M]
774 [A]
[C] [T] [G]
[K] [M] [5D]
775 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
776 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5] [N]
ku 'cry, weep' sung-gu-bi sang-kuo-lu (460) sangoru songgo-sOIJ~me'
shuo 'speak, talk' hen-du hen-tu-lu (467) henduru hendu-
wen 'ask' fo-ni mai-fan-~u fan-cu-mai (444) fanJ'umai fonj i-fioNj im~
pa 'fear' ge-le-bi koh-leh-leh (370, 371) gelere gele-gelem~
Jf~ .. l~fr a~
ting 'listen' don-di tuan-di-sun (351, 354) dondisun donj i-dioNj im~
*sunggu-bi
*hendu
*gele-bi
*dondi
Ligeti "Note preliminaire" suggests *doldi- for the G. form
777 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [5]
778 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M]
779 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M]
780 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M]
[5]
781 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K]
[M]
j ing 'respect' tu-ki tukiye-cf. tiukim~ gisur~m~ 'to speak repectfully toward'
he 'harmony' nu-~i *nu~i nu-Uh-yin (432) nuHn necin 'peaceful, quiet'
dao 'arrive' i-U-ha yih-~ih-mai (380, 381) Himai isi-
xiu 'shame' gi-li-cu-ke kih-lu-~'uh (345) girucu girucun 'shame' giruke 'shameful' giricuN, gicik~, gicuku
mang 'busy' eu-Hn-bi 'oh-wuh-lu (362, 363) egur
ebse- 'to hurry, to hasten, to be busy'
*B'i-ha
*giri~uke
*eu~i-mbi
291
292
782 [A]
[e] [T] [G) [K] [M) [5]
783 [A]
[e]
[T) [M) [5]
784 [A]
[e] [T] [G) [K] [M]
785 [A)
[e] [T] (G] (K) [M] (5]
786 (A]
[e] [T] [G] (K] [M) [5]
ai 'love' bei-yin-bi pei-ye-mei (385) beyemei buye-buy~m~, bey~m~
shuixing 'wake up, awake'
ge-te-he geteget~m~
nao 'angry, offended' fu-hin-bi fei-hi-lah (373, 386) feshila fuhiye- 'to get angry'
tao 'ask for' bai-Si poh-/len (415) baHin bai-biam~
*beyi-mbi
*gete-he
*fuhi-mbi
*baHi
zui 'drunk, intoxicated' su-to-ho *su[klto-ho so-t'o-huo (445) soktoho sokto soq~t~m~, soh~t~me, soqHum~
787 (AJ
[e J (T] [N]
788 [A]
[e) [T] [M] [N]
789 [A]
[e) [T] [G) [K] [M] [5] [N]
790 [A]
[e) [T] [G] [K] [M) (5) [M)
791 [A)
(e) [T) [G) [K) [M)
tui 'return' mu-Ii same as 768
zou 'walk' fu-li-su feIiye--su : imperative form
yao 'want' gai-su hah-~ah-lu (440) gaJaru gai- 'to take' Giam~ -su: imperative form
j in 'enter' do-Un-diu to-flen (413) dosin dosi- 'to enter' dioSim~
-diu is an irr. imper. form of di- 'to come'; cf. M. jio
dong 'move' a-~ing-gia 'a-~'ih-tu-lu (447) a~iduru
acinggiya
293
*fuli-su
*gai-su
*doUndiu
*a~inggia
294
792 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [5]
793 [A]
[e] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5] [N]
794 [A]
[e] [T] [M]
795 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [5]
796 [A]
[e] [T] [M]
797 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [N]
zhu 'live at, reside' ta-ha-su cf. te- 'to live' teme
*tahasu
shi 'send' ta-ku-ha t'ah-k'u-Iah-hai takurahai
*taku[ra]-ha (376,377)
takura-taqureme, taqurume on the basis of the G, K, M and 5 forms, perhaps -[raJ- should be inserted into this word
che 'pull, drag, haul' go-ti goci-
wu 'dance' ma-iH-bi makiH-mah~~im~, maq~sime
cheng 'to complete' me-te-he mute-
tou 'steal' hu-Iu-ha hulha-cf. 699
*ma[k]H-bi
*mete-he
*hulaha
798 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [5]
799 [A]
[e] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
800 [A]
[e) [T] [M] [5]
801 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [5] [N]
802 [A]
[e] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
803 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [5]
de 'get, obtain' ba-ha baha-bah~m~
mai 'buy' u-da 'ai-wan-tu-mei (417) aiwandumei uda-'uncam~ Giam~
tiao 'jump' fu-~u
fekcefekum~
fen 'divide' deng-de-~e
dendecedeNd~m~
cf. 877
qiang 'snatch' du-li-Ie tao-li-mei (457) daulimei duri-diuim~ 'to rob'
j ie 'lend' Jue-u juwen bujuN bum~
295
*uda
*fu[kJ~u
*dende~e
*dure-re
*lue'u
296 297
"* /..,' rJR. tm
17' h 804 [A] ~ . .'J~ ;r. 810 [A]
[C) mai 'sell' (e) da 'beat, hit' [T] ung-~a *unca (T] du *du (M] unca- (G) tu-ku-mei (464) (S] 'uNcam~ bum~ (K] dugumei
(M] du- (now written
~/F1 .~ tu-)
805 (A] , , t~ """- ~ x 811 (A] ¥. ,d5i~
(e) yu 'give' [T] bu *bu (e) zhuona 'sieze' (M] bu- (T] Ja-fa-ha *,afa-ha [S] bum~ (G) l!ah-fah-pieh (365)
(K] Jafabi If!!! t~
(M] jafa-806 (A] l£... • (S] jaf~m~
[C) huan 'return, give back' 812 (A] 9{.' 4\J:.. .If.,
(T] tao-da *taoda (M] tooda- (e) si 'die' (S] tod~m~, todum~ (T] bU-r':i-he *bu~i-he
(G) puh-~'e-hei (389)
..fi . ;j£ a&-(M] buce-
807 [A] (S] bece'm~
(e) kan 'look at'
fiI ft. . iF 1t ~ t4-(T] to-ha *to-ha 813 (A] (M] tuwa-(S] taam~ (e) qingyuan 'willing'
(T] i-ni-ti-ha *ini tiha
k ~j~" (M] ciha 'willing' 808 (A] ::}t-. ini cihai 'under his
own strength' (e) buyao 'do'nt want' (S] ciha'i 'at will, freely, (T] gai-la-kua *gai-rakua as one wishes' (N] J. *-rakua cf.
M. -raku 1f~ t1 . if- iJ 814 (A] II..!.!.'
809 [A] ~ . 1-f ti-V ~ [e) landuo 'lazy' (T] ban-hu *banhu
(e) sheng 'be born' (M] banuhun (T] ban-di-ha *bandi-ha (S] ban~huN (G) pan-tih-hai (388) (K] bandihai (M] banj i-(S] baNjim~, banj~m~ I
I
i..
298
815 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [5] [N]
816 [A]
[ CJ
[T] [N]
817 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [N]
818 [A]
[C]
[T] [G] [K] [M]
jiuxing 'become sober' nu-1e-su-bu-ha subu-suvum~
1007-815
~o fh· t.:!X Ii:.. he quan 'make
harmonious' nu-IH cf. 778
pao ma 'race horses' mu-li-fu-H-Ie feks i- 'gallop' 410-817-re
sisha 'slaughter one another, in battle; a melee'
*nure subu-ha
*nuS'i
*muri fu[kJiH-re
su-li-bi *suri-bi so-li-tu-man (455, 484) soriduman cf. sori- 'to be in disorder, to be confused'; sorindu'to be in total disarray, to be crisscrossed'
819 [A]
820
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [N]
[A]
[C] [T] [M]
821 [A]
[C]
[T] [M]
[5] [N]
822 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
823 [A]
[C)
[T] [N)
dawei 'hunt' (v) sa-ha-da-bi sah-tah-mei (481) sahadamei sahada-Kiyose points out that the first char. in the J. script version of this word should be read *saha, even though the Ch. transcription is the single char. sa, and has reconstructed the word accordingly
shangyi 'discuss' he-u-de hebte-
qiang lu 'to capture'
dao-li-ha duri- 'steal, snatch
away from' diurim~
cf. 802 *duri-
ci 'take leave' ge-nie-he cf. 759
chenguai 'rebuke' fu-hin-bi cf. 784
299
*sahada-bi
*he'ude
i'dauri-ha
*gene-he
*fuhi-mbi
300 301
824 [A] 1'~~ '~'~'~GJ~1' 829 [A] l! . 14 €G ,~"
[e] bu xianliang 'not [C] song 'send'
virtuous' [T] ban-di-he *bandi-he
[T] tung-me-a-kua *tungme akua [M] benji-
[N] no cognate M. for eh. xianliang & is mergen
830 [A] . ~'~Y< J. *akua = M. aku (negative: there is [e] ying 'welcome'
not, there is none) [T] o-do-ho *o[k]do-ho [N] same as 825
825 [A] :]t. ~'~ ~,/tJ 831 [A] . H~~t [e] j ie , meet' [T] o-do *o[k]do [C] wu yong 'useless'
[M] okdo- [T] bai-ta-kua *baita-kua
[S] oh~d~m~, oh~dum~, [M] baitakt1
o'udume
832 [A] 111: . tri;- n I~' 826 [AJ f.X $':] 1) 1t.~ IG' [e] cui 'urge'
[e] nu 'anger, angry' [M] ha-ti-bi *hati-bi
[T] di-li-tu-ti *dili tuti [M] hacihiya-
[M] j ili [S] jili oilL • ~ JJ ,If., ~ sj b 6 [N] *tuti cf. 50 833 [A] 1\ " , .:L. 0. ~ I:J'
~. i&J:t n [e] huan 'call, summon'
827 [AJ [T] su-li-me-ha-di-ha *suri-me gadi-ha [M] suri' 'to cry, shout,
[e] jing 'frightened' scream'
[T] go-lo-ho *golo-ho gaj i- 'to bring hither'
[M] golo-[S] gel~mE! Gol~m1! 'to be -1'1~fl/~' palpitating with fear' 834 [A]
[e] zheng 'struggle' :3
828 [AJ ¥ , 1B IZ1 I~' [T] hen-je-bi *hen] e [helle-bi
[M] Franke (1982) suggests
[e] xun 'search, look for' et. M. elJ'e- 'to
[T] be-in-bi *be'i-mbi oppose, to resist,
[M] bai-defy'
1
302
835 [AJ
[e J
[T] [M]
836 [A]
[e]
[T] [M]
837 [A]
[e] [T] [M]
838 [A]
[e] [T] [M]
839 [AJ
[e] [T] [MJ
quan jie 'mediate, exhort to peace'
ta-fu-la-ha tafula- 'warn,
dissuade from, advise against'
bu cheng qi 'will not become a useful person'
hua-~a-la-kua huwa~a- 'increase,
develop, grow, thrive, flourish, get on well, prosper, succeed
zuo yi 'bow, salute'
*tafula-ha
*hua~a-rakua
cang-zu-la *~anzura canjura- 'to greet by
holding joined hands up at face level and bowing slightly'
daying 'agree' da-na-la no cognate
EB J2.. • .1-1-' -t 8 f. 1.'1, IG'.!! '1,,-'f:LO't-'
siliang 'consider' fu-nie- J an-bi funiyagan 'judgement,
reasoning faculty, discernment'
*dana-ra
*funie r a-mbi
840 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
841 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [5J [N]
842 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [5]
843 [A]
[e] [T]
[M]
[N]
844 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [N]
845 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
303
bu lai 'don't come' di-le-kua *di-rekua 758-rekua 'neg. imper.'
du ji '[stomach] hungry' heu-li-u-lun-bi *heuli uru-mbi uru- 'hungry' 'urun~m~, 'urunum~
893-841
xiaode 'know, understand' u-r-hi-he *ulhi-he ulhi 'understand' 'ulixim~
zixi wen 'ask in detail' da-hu-da-hu-fo-ni-su *dahu dahu
dahu- 'to do once more, over and over'
843-774-su (imper.)
nalai-le 'brought' go-di-ha gaji- 'bring' cf. 833 *gadi-844-ha
bu zhidao 'don't know' sa-la-kua 42-rakua
foni-su
*godi-ha
*sa-rakua
304
846 [A]
[C]
[T] [M]
[5]
847 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
[N]
848 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [T] [M] [5 ]
buyao zhe deng 'do not act like this'
u-me-u-ta-la ume 'verb used for
negating imperatives (stands before the imperfect participle)'
utala 'so much (many) as this'
*ume utala
uttu 'thus, like this, so' 'utu 'in this way'
yiqi zou 'go together' e-mu-de-fu-li-su emu 'one' de 'locative particle' J. *emu-de 'at one altogether'(?) fuli-su cf. 201 In both Awanokuni and 5eikado texts, the Ch. version reads 'yiqi
deng' - ;t§ ~ ( 'wait
together'), a scribal error probably influenced by 846
jiaodao 'teach' ta-ti t'ah-t'i-puh-lu (805) tatiburu taci- 'learn' tacim~
*emu-de fuli-su
*tati
849 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
[5] [N]
850 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M]
[5]
851 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
852 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
zao qi 'get up early' e-r-de-ye *erde ye erde 'early' cf. ili- 'to get up' cf. iim~ 'to get up' 5. ilam~ M. ili-
meng 'dream' to-Ii-hi *tolihi t'oh-hing (356) tolgin tolgi- 'to dream' tolgin 'dream' (old form: tolhi-) tioloxiN, tioloxin~m~
qing jiu 'ask for wine' nu-le-gai-ki *nure gai-ki -ki = optative form 1007-789
jin rna 'bring in horses' mu-li-te-te *muri tete 410-764 cf. form J. *tete-/ *te[klte- as distinct from *tede-/*te[k]dein 764, but similar to the G.! K. form (cf. K. *tetebuma)
305
306
853 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
854 [A]
[C]
[T] [M]
855 [A]
[C] [T) [G) [K) [M) [N)
fang xin 'do not worry' mei-Ie-hin-da *meile hinda the M. equivalent is mujilen sinda-; a lit. translation of the Ch. fang xin (lit.) 'put down your heart'. The J. word for 'heart' is given in 942 as *mu~ile, but in 941 (Ch. zhi xin 'to know one's heart' as *meile sa-bi. Perhaps *meile is a contracted form of *mu~ile? M. meiren means 'shoulder' and does not seem to be related.
zhunbei 'prepare, make preparations'
ta-hia-fi-a-li-su *tahia-fi ali-su dagila- 'to prepare,
to get ready' -fi is the past participial suffix ali- 'receive, take' -su is an irr. imper. suffix
manman zou 'go slowly' nu-ha-fu-li-su nu-han (454) nuhan
*nuha fuli-su
nuhan 'at ease, easygoing' 8SS-201-su (cf. 847)
, I
1
856 [A)
[e)
[T) [N)
857 [A]
[e)
[T]
[M]
[N]
858 [A)
[e)
[T]
[N]
chaoting zhong shang 'the court will reward you well'
ha-an-u-je-sang-si 653-67-763
huiqu buxu zuo dai 'when you return you must not do anything bad'
mu-li-u-me-e-he Ja-fa-la jafa- 'assume, enter
on, apply oneself to, take up'
ehe 'evil, wicked' (697) 768-846-697-857
niannian J~n gong 'bring
307
*ha'an uTe ~angsi
*muri ume ehe jafa-ra
in tribute every year' a-nie-a-nie-de-te-me-diu *anie anie de
tede-me diu 284-284-de[loc.part.] 764-me[gerund]-758[imper.)
308
859 [A]
[C]
[T]
[M]
[N]
860 [A]
[C]
[T]
[N]
J1n hou jin hao rna lai 'from now on bring in good horses'
e-gi-a-mu-~i-sai
mu-li-te-de-me-diu J. *e[r]gi amusi = M. ereci amasi 'from here on' in the Chinese text,
,~ ma 'horse' is
written l:t gao 'high';
a scribal error 859-694-410-764-me-758
bu xu fanbian 'you must not violate the border'
u-me-Je-~i-ba-de dao-li-la *re~i ba-de is lit. 'in the area of the border'; ba = place; -de 'loco suffix'
The Seikad6 text here (according to Ishida) has bianfan; the Awonokuni fanbian, which is correct.
*e[r]gi amu~i sai muri tede-me diu
*ume Je~i ba-de dauri-ra
I L....
309
861 [A]
[C] haosheng paizhe 'line
[T] [M]
up well' sai-ha-Je-r-me-i-li *saika ]erme iIi
[N]
862 [A]
[C]
saikan 'nicely' jergile- 'to be in order, to be arranged according to rank' perhaps the transcription is at fault here 861-724
bu xu shuo hua 'you are not allowed to talk'
[T] [M] [S] [M]
u-me-gi-su-Ie *ume gisure
863 [A]
[C]
[T]
[N]
864 [A]
gisure-gisur~m~
846-862
bu yao dong shen 'you must not move your body'
u-me-bei-ye-a-~ing-gia-Ia
846-887-791-ra
[C) haosheng xing Ii 'perform the ceremony well'
*ume beye a~inggia-ra
[T] sai-ha-do-lo-da-ha *saika doro daha [M] doro 'rite, ritual'
daha- 'obey, follow' [N] 861-864-864
310
865 [A]
[e]
[N]
866 [A]
[e]
[T]
[M]
[N]
867 [A]
bu yao duo ren caiwu 'do not steal other people's property'
u-me-nie-ma-i *ume nie[l]ma-i u-li-du-li-le duri-re 846-655-i[gen.]-767-802-re
bu xu duo yao jiu rou 'do not want too much wine and meat'
u-me-fu-tse-nu-le ya-H-gai-la no cognate for *futse; M. for 'too much' is dabali. Franke (1982) suggests M. fusen, glossed in Hauer as 'Fortpflanzung, Zuchtung, Vermehrung' and in Norman
as 'propagation' 846-866-1007-9l7-789-ra
*ume futse nure yaH gai-ra
[e) fadu lihai 'the laws are
[T]
[M]
[N]
severe' do-lo-ti-ta-mang-ha *doro ti[k]ta
doro 'right way, moral' ciktan 'relationship, natural law, principle' 867-227
mangga
868 [A]
[e]
[T] [M] [N]
869 [A]
[e)
[T] [M] [N]
870 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
871 [A]
[e]
[T] [N]
311
bu yao wang shang kan 'do not look upwards'
u-me-u-sun-to-la *ume us[h]un to-ra wesihun 'upwards' 846-868-807-ra
bu yao tai tou do not lift your head'
u-iu-u-me-tu-ku-si *uJu ume tuku-~i tukiye- 'to lift up' perhaps -si is a mistake, one might expect -la; cf. however Manchu tukiyeshun 'looking up, facing upwards' 880-846-869
buyao kesou 'do not cough' u-me-fu-ca-la *ume fu~a-ra
846-957-ra
haosheng guishun chaoting 'submit properly to the throne'
sai-kan-ha-an-da-ha *saikan ha'an daha In the SeikadO text, -kan- is omitted 861-653-864 (cf. 14)
312
872 [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
873 [A]
[C]
[T]
[N]
874 [A]
875
[C]
[T]
[N]
[A]
[C]
[T] [N]
zhaojiu zuo maimai 'do business as before'
fo-i-ge-se-hu-da-~a *fo-i gese huda~a 195-i[gen.]-26-698
J~nr~ J~n fan zi 'today offer barbarian [native] writing'
e-neng-gi-bi-te do-lan-bi 281-1094-790-mbi
koutou shi koutou 'when it is time to kowtow, kowtow'
hen-ki-le-~i-hen-ki-le
this construction is presumably based on Chinese. Franke (1982) suggests that -§i might be the same as Manchu -ci, the conditional gerund suffix 761-874
qilai shi qilai 'when it is time to rise, rise'
*enenggi bit[h]e dola-mbi
*hengikle-si hengkile
i-li-~i-i-li *ili-~i iIi cf. comments 874 724-874 I
L
876 [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
877 [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
878 [A]
[C]
[T]
[M] [N]
879 [A]
[C]
[T]
[N]
313
jugong shi jugong 'when it is time to bow, bow'
hu-~u-§i-hu-tu *hutu-§i huzu 762-874
fen san xia cheng 'disperse according to the set procedure'
hia-ceng-deng-de-ce *hia ceng dende~e J. *hia ceng < Ch. xia cheng 'in accordance with a set procedure' 877-801
jinri lingshang 'today you will be rewarded'
e-neng-gi-§ang-si a-lin-bi
ali- to accept, receive 281-763-878
mingri xie en 'tomorrow you will give thanks [for the kindnesses bestowed on you]'
ti-me-ha-neng-gi hen-ki-le the J. expression is lit. 'tomorrow you will kowtow'
*enenggi ~angsi ali-mbi
*timaha nenggi hengkile
314 315
884 [A] P - Pp~
[C) kou 'mouth' SECTION TEN - PARTS OF THE BODY [T] ang-ha *angga
[G) 'an-hah[ka] (494) [K] amga
~~ 7L 11. [M] angga
880 [A] . [S] 'a9~
[C) tou 'head' i J};,t1 [T] u-Ju *ufu 885 [A]
[G) wuh-~u (492) [K]
v [C) she 'tongue' uJu [M] uju [T] i-leng-gi *ilenggi [S] 'uju [G) yih-leng-ku (499)
[K] ilengu [M] ilenggu
881 [A] [j ~ili [S] , ile9~' , il9i
[C) mu 'eye' ~-[T] ya-sa *yasa 886 [A] i~.,
[G) ya-H (496) [K] yaH [C) chi 'teeth' [M] yasa [T] wei-he *weihe [S] yas~ [G) we-hei (495)
[K] weihe [M] weihe
882 [A] 4- .J/ /Ci] [S] viix~
[C) er 'ear' ~. :1/,:. ~
[T] sang *san 887 [A] FJ "j~ [G) ~a-hah (497) [K] saa [C) shen 'body' [M] !lan [T] bei-ye *beye [S] saN, saN [G) pei-ye (490)
[K] beye
8 r;y-x [M] beye 883 [A] !t. /, Cl [S] be'i
[C] bi 'nose' J. [T] sung-gi *sunggi 888 [A] [l~<fj [G] suang-kih (501) [K] songi [C) shou 'hand' [M] songgiha 'tip of [T] ha-la *gala
the nose' [G) hah[ka]-lah (504) [M] gala [S] Gal~
I
1
316
889 [A]
[e] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5] [N]
890 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
891 [A]
[e] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
892 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [5]
893 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [5]
jiao 'foot' be-tie *betie puh-tih-hei (505) budihe bethe bet~x~, beU!k~
in view of the G. and M. forms, perhaps a reconstruction *bet[h]ie or *bet[hle is possible
fa 'hair' fun-he cf. 481
mian 'face' de-Ie t'eh-'oh (491) tee dere den!!
xin 'heart' nie-ma niyaman niam~m
fu 'stomach' heu-Ii hefeli, hefeliye kev~l~, xev~H~
*funhe
*niema
*heuIi
r
1.
894 [A]
[e] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5] [N]
895 [A]
[e] [T] [G]
[K] [M] [5 ]
[N]
896 [A]
[e]
[T] [M] [5]
pi 'skin' su-gi [=gu] su-ku (514) sugu suku soq~
the transcription
char. ~ -gi
must be a mistake
for 1i -&!!;
c. f. 645, 752 as well as the G. and M. forms
gu 'bone' gi-lang-gi kih-po-kih kih-lang-kih (510) girangi giranggi giraIJ~
the char. ~>t.Q2
in G. 510 should be
naohou 'back part of the head'
hu-da hoto 'cranium' hot~
317
*giranggi
318 319
~~ f;r, . ;t-1~~ ~~ ~ !,
.jR~ 897 [A] 902 [A] j~ .
[e] yanzhu 'pupil [of [e] xu 'whiskers'
the eye]' [T] sa- [ *sa[ ]?
[T] ya-sa-fa-ha *yasa faha [M] salu
[M] yasa faha [5] sal~
[5] yasHaht! [N] perhaps -lu is missing from the transcription
898 [A] )§ -t, . 1~ >{,
[e] meimao 903 [A] ie: f 1~~ 'eyebrow' Fl
[T] fa-ta *fata [G] fei-t'ah (500) [e] bei 'back'
[M] faitan [T] fi-~e[=sa] *fisa
[5] yasHa'id1:!N [G] fei-sah (503) [K] fisa [M] fisa
899 [A] 01* . 1}L,tJ [5] fisaa
[e] hou 'throat' [N] 1~Jz. -~e is a scribal
[T] bi-Ia *bil[h]a [M] bilha error for ;jR~ -sa
[5] biH!haa
900 [A] ~!t, . )]/:.. 904 [A] W· ;~l
[e] sai 'cheek' [e] xiong 'chest'
[T] fun-~i *fun~i [T] tung-ge *tungge
[M] fulcin [G] t'ung-'oh (502)
[5] filiciN [K] tunge
[N] as in similar cases, [M] tunggun
it is difficult to [5] tU9l=!N
decide between *fun~i and *ful~i
905 [A] f1f . ~ /t1;
901 [A] ~L . ~b% [e] qi 'navel' [T] e-Ieng-gu *elenggu
[e] ru 'breast' [M] ulenggu
[T] gu-gu ~ [5 ] 'ulu9u
[G] huh-hun (541) [K] huhun O~ 8r:&~1 [M] huhun
906 [A] Cp - p ~ r::D ,
[5] xuxuN [e] kouchun 'lips' [T] ang-ha-fu-mo *angga fumo
r
[G] fuh-muh (498) [K] fumu
L [M] femen [5] fem1:!N
320 321
907 [A] ~~ ~ Tl.J.R. 913 [A] fl~~:L - t~· I~ 1 i 11
[C) xie 'ribs' [C) tuidu 'calf [of the [T] e-u-~i *e'u~i leg)' [M] ebci [T) su-s -ha-heu-li *susha heuli [5] 'ef~ci [N) 916-893
908 [A] ~t- . ?r. ~ 914 [A) J~ Ejl - ftj:~ ~
[C] yao 'waist' [C] zhij ia ' fingernail ' [T] do-e *do'e [T) hi-ta-hung *hitahun [M] darama, dara [M) hitah(ln [5] dar~m~ [S) kiat~huN
909 [A) Ai -?it ~ 915 [A) fftp~ . 1s 1t t ~ ~" [C) xi 'knee' [C) j iaoguai 'shin' [T] bu-hi *buhi [T) be-tie-sai-ha-da *betie saihada [M] buhi [M) saihada
[N) 889-915
910 [A] ~. tit llJ !~.~ 916 [A) Ai! . [C) jian 'shoulder' [T) mei-re *meire [C) tui 'leg' [M] meiren [T) su-s -ha *susha [5] miriN [M) suksaha 'thigh'
911 [A] 1 ~F . ~ jfJ~J r~ 917 [A) m ~1J
[C) shoujie 'knuckles' [C) rou 'flesh, meat'
[T] ha-Ia-Ja-Ia *gala Jala [T) ya-Ii *yaIi
[M) jalan [G) ya-Ii (511, 521)
[5] jal~N [K) yaIi
[N] 888-911 [M] yaIi [5] yaIi
912 [A] 1 j§ ~5}j 'R 1--j:t -.!t. • 0-< i;;f.l I;, 918 [A] fJfP fif.<. . is,-pl> f!
[C] shouzhi 'finger' [T] ha-Ia-~in-mu-hun *gala !linmuhun [C) jiaogen 'heel'
[M) simhun [T] be-tie-gui *betie gui
[S) siumuxuN [M] guye
[N) 888-912 [N) 889-918
322
323
919 [A] ftlt . ~~ .. :It 924 [A) ~t (-:q
x. j ",
[C) gan 'liver' [T] fa-hung *fahun [C) han 'sweet'
[T] nei *nei [M] fahun [M) nei [5 ] fahuN [5 ) Iii
/
~1' ,lil,.A. 7G;tiJ'f;-
920 [A] L!1Z.. •
925 [A] flllL . [C) xue 'blood'
[C) sui 'marrow [of [T] ~eng-gi *~enggi
bone) , [G) seh-kih (512) [T] u-mu-ha *umuha
[K] segi [M) umgan (old form: [M] senggi
[5] Si9~ umhan) [5 ] 'um~haN
[A] AA . frt oi' 926 [A] 11 ~ ,~
921 • /C..~
[C) chang , intestines' [C) Ii 'strength' [T] du-ha *duha [T) hu-su *husu [G) tu-hah (507) [G] huh-sun (513) [K] duha [M] hOsun [M] duha
[5 ] duhaa [5] husuN
922 [A] Arj7 • 7L ;,~' 927 [A] #Lf~ 7C 1i jJ. ~9
[C] shu tou 'comb the hair' [C) fei 'lung' [T] u-Ju-i-di *U]U idi [T] u-pu[?] *upu [M] ij i-[M] ufuhu
[5] 'ufux [N] 880-927
[N] the char. 1jfj has 928 [A] t -:f~ • TL, i1 1;:t{-;~
the reading £!!, but in view of the M. [C] guangtou 'bald head'
[T] u-j'u-gi-ta-hung *U]U gitahun and 5. equivalents, [M] gincihiyan 'smooth, it would seem to
even, glazed' be read here fu [N] 880-928
923 [A] Ali . ~1J4 929 [A] (7) i}~ • ILdi /, P 1: ?: fEI -'" 7) _ .. , ,_ ""
[C) dan ' gall-bladder' [T] Si-Ii-hi *Silihi [C] liu tou 'to let one's
hair grow long' [G) !Hh-li-hi (516)
r
[T] u-Ju-fun-he-su-Iao *ulu funhe sulau [K] !Hlihi [M] sulabu- 'to let free [M] silhi
I [as of hair]' [5] Silixi
L [N] 880-481-929
324 325
930 (A) f-It~ §~ • :tm 0J 936 [A] 1; h * 1tJf, l ;~ '. p),:R' :t. .... ,. 13/';1: 1lJ-.
(e) kai yan 'open the eyes' [e] tan qi 'sigh' (v) [T) ya-sa-nei *yasa nei [T) se-die-le-~in-bi *sediele!H-mbi (N) 881-46 [M] sej ile-
[5] sej iH!m~
931 (A] ~l;tM 1tln~ ~*Pj . JZ,l 937 [A)
(e) xi lian 'wash the face' (T) de-Ie-au *dere au [e] tHen 'sneeze' (v) [M) obo- 'to wash' [T] ya-~i-me *ya~i-me (5) 'ov~m!!, 'ovum~ [M] yacihiya-(N) 891-931 [5) yacixiam~
932 (A] ?rt~ 0 • rpr1;Pi 938 [A] ~ ~h. .. 6lg *'1 l1u 1£.. ~" (e) kai kou 'open the mouth' [e] chu lei 'weep' [T) ang-ha-nei *angga nei [T] di-la-me-tu-ti-he *dila-me tuti-he (N) 884-46 (M] j ila- 'to feel
pity for'
M flllt . ~-;;t~Z 1~ ~ [N] 938-me-50-he
933 (A]
[e] bi yan 'close the eyes' 939 [A] I1~ D-#i:. • 5f ::tR~ 17;.' ~/)L,' [T) ya-sa-ni-~u *yasa ni~u (M) nicu- 'to close the [e] yan tiao 'eye twitches'
eyes' [T] ya-sa-fu-~un-bi *yasa fu[k]cu-mbi (N] 881-993 [M] fekce- 'to jump'
[5) fekumE!
934 [A) ~~t 0 • if; b1;* 11 1. [N] 881-939
[e] shu kou 'wash the mouth' 940 [A] fIe:. ~'lJ tt pf; (T] ang-ha-§i-li-hia *angga §ilihia [M) silgiya- 'to rinse out [e] fei xin 'worry, be
[the mouth with water]' distressed' (N) 884-934 [T) sui-la-~u-ha *suila~uka
[M) suilacuka 'painful,
935 [AJ $11~ . 7L 111-;t:' B distressing'
[e) ti tou 'shave the head' 941 [A] *0 Ie> . ttjf, l/J ::J~jz ',/>' [T] u-Ju-fu-Zi *U]U fuZi [M) fusi- 'to shave' [e) zhi xin 'to know one's [N) 880-935 heart [mind) ,
I (T) mei-le-sa-bi *meile sa-bi
I (N) 852-42-bi
1
326
942 [A)
[C) [T) [G) [K) [M)
[N)
943 [A)
[C) [T) [N)
944 [A)
[C) [T) [M) [S) [N)
945 [A)
[C]
[T] [M] [N]
946 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [S] [N]
xin kuan 'magnanimous' mu-~i-le-o-tso
meh[mai)-~ih-lan-[poh)
mer ilenbe
*mutile o[n)tso (506)
mujilen 'heart, mind' onco 'magnanimous' cf. 852 and 941 above the G. and K. forms are in the accusative
xin zhi 'heart is upright' mu-~i-le-ton-do *mu~ile tondo 942-691
qian shou 'hold the hand' ha-la-Ja-fa *gala lafa jafa- 'to catch hold of' jaf~m~
888-944
cha shou 'join the hands [in greeting]'
ha-la-Jao-la *gala jaula joola-888-945
pai shou 'clap the fa-lang-ha-du [galai] falangga [Gale'i] fale9-/:! 946-810
hands' *falangga du
I I
1
947 [A]
948
[C] [T] [M] [S]
[A)
[C] [T] [M) [S]
949 [A]
[C] [T] [N]
950 [A)
[C) [T) [N]
951 [A)
952
[C) [T] [G] [K) [M] [S]
[A)
[C) [T) [M) [S)
saoyang 'scratch' u-~a-bi
wa!la-vasE!mE!, vasE!mE!
xizao 'wash, bathe' eu-se ebBe-'efeSE!mE!, 'efE!sE!m~
'to swim'
tou teng 'head ache' u-ju-ni-men-bi 880-952
zhijie 'knuckles' ~in-mu-hung-Ja-la 912-911
sheng 'voice' di-lu-a tih-leh-'an (780) dilgan j ilgan j ilE!haN
If . 1~ 1f~ '0-' teng 'painful' ni-men-bi nime-nimeme
327
*u!la-bi
*uju nime-mbi
*sinmuhun ]ala
*dilu'a
*nime-mbi
328
953 [A)
[e)
[T) [M)
[5) [N)
954 [A)
[e) [T) [M) [5)
955 [A)
[e) [T) [G) [K) [M) [5)
956 [A)
[e) [T) [M) [5]
957 [A]
[e] [T] [M] [5]
biliang 'bridge of the nose'
sung-gi-tu-la tura 'pillow, post,
support' (cL 560) turaa 'post' 883-953
bikong 'nostril' sung-gi-sang-ha sangga 'cave' saI}~
xinjiao 'distressed'
*sunggi tura
*sunggi sangga
mu-zi-le-Jo-o-bi *muzile jO'o-bi ~oh-puh-wen (844) jobogun jobo-jovem~, jovum~ 'to
suffer'
tou yun 'dizzy, giddy' u-Ju-me-tu *uJu mefn]tu mentuhun 'stupid, silly' meNtuxuN
kesou 'cough' (v) fu-~a-bi fucihiyaf1!q~sam~
*fu~a-bi
L
958 [A]
[e] [T] [M]
[N]
959 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
960 [A]
[e]
[T] [N]
961 [A]
[e] [T) [N]
329
di tou 'lower the head' u-}u-di-da *u]u dida uju gida- 'to let the head hang' 880-958
jiaozhi 'toe' be-tie-~in-mu-hung 889-912
da dan 'courageous, cheeky'
U-li-hi-ang-ba both eh. and J. expressions lit. mean 'big gallbladder' 923-1153
du teng 'stomach ache' heu-li-ni-men-bi 893-952-mbi
*betie ~inmuhun
*Ulihi amba
*heuli nime-mbi
330 331
967 [A] *~ rr6' $'J 1;
[C] ku 'trousers' [T] ha-1a-gu *ha1agu SECTION ELEVEN CLOTHING [G] hah-lah-k'u (553) [K] halaku [M] halakG.
, /fOJ~~ 962 [A] ~.
[e] yi 'clothes' 968 [A] li~. ~.~. 0-& o 8. t:l [T] a-du *adu [G] hah-tu (554) [C] xue 'boot'
[T] gu-lu-ha *guluha [K] hadu [G] ku-lah-hah (546) [M] adu [K] gulaha
[M] gG.lha
963 [A] /f'p;f} . J\,."t [S] GuH!haa
[C] bushan 'shirt' 969 [A] *Jt -} . 11:.' 1J t:. [T] da-gu *dagu [N] cf. 980 [C] wazi 'socks'
[T] fu-mo-ci *fumoci [G] fuh-{:'i (556)
964 [A] 1(~ -f . 1i 111# [K] foci [M] fomoci
[C] aozi 'jacket' [T] to-lo-gan *tologan [M] no cognate 970 [A] 11 . it
'T' [C] xie 'shoe' 965 [A] 7G ill [T] sao *sau
[G] sa-pu (555) [C] daizi 'belt' [K] sabu [T] u-cie *u(:ie [M] sabu [M] u!ie [S] sav/'!
966 [A] t~ ~~~ It....:...' ....... 1".1 971 [A] s w.= A 'PEl • t. 11i [C] qun 'skirt' [C] da mao 'big hat' [T] hu-~i-ha *huHha [T] bo-lo *boro [G] huh-Hh- 'an (552) [M] boro 'hat worn [K] husigan during summer' [M] husihan
I
1
332 333
972 [A] ,1· rp~ • m. *P 1) 977 [A] 1- *~-i [C] xiao mao 'small hat' [C] chuan 'wear' [T] ma-hi-la *mahila [T] e-tu *etu [G] ma-hi-lah (547) [G] 'oh-t'uh-hung (846) [K] mahila [K] etuhun [M] mahala [M] etu-[5] mahH~ [5] 'utumE!
973 [A] *~* . 7; ~, jTD]~fY 978 [A] 1~*i . rr',"*JJ [C] mian yi 'wadded [C] dahu 'type of jacket'
clothes' [T] de-he-le *dehele [T] ku-bu-a-du *kubu adu [M] dehele 'short jacket [N] 381-962 without sleeves'
~. t1B PO ,
7G * i ;rOJ~p 974 [A] 979 [A] -f. -i'<. •
[C] duan 'satin' *su]e
[C] dan yi 'unpadded [T] su-je clothes' [G] su-~e (563) [T] u-mu-su-a-du *umu[r] su adu [K] suJe [M] emursu etuku [M] suje [N] 979-962 [5] sujii
~. t,t 980 [A] ~*~ . Ai} D ,,~'
975 [AJ [C] pi'ao 'fur-lined coat'
[C] bu 'cloth' [T] da-hu *dahu
[T] bo-su *bosu [M] dah(l [G] puh-su (559) [N] cf. entry 978 above [K] bosu [M] boso [5] bos~ 981 [A] it i; . 11;.' 11:.
~ t" . it if;/] t. ~Q} ~r [C] hanshan 'shirt' 976 [A] [T] fu-to *fu[k]to
[M] fokto [C] j ia yi 'lined
clothes' ill *' . [Iii] ~iJ jIDJ it lV.' [T] Ju-le-su-a-du *]uresu adu 982 [A]
[M] jursu (etuku) 'padded clothing, [C] feng yi 'sew clothes' clothing made of [T] a-du-a-lan-bi *adu ara-mbi two layers' [N] 962-538
[N] 976-962
1
334 335
983 [A] *<Ei" i-L~i 988 [A] ~~ " } t! [C] yi niu 'button' [e] juan 'thin silk' [T] to-ho *toho [T] do-ko *doko [M] tohon [M] doko 'lining of a [S] toh1!N garment'
[S] doqu 'id. '
984 [A] Fit;t< " {I ~ f-ff. 1f11· liFt)(1t 989 [A]
[C] tuo yi 'take off clothes' [e] zaoxie 'shoes made
[T] a-du-su *adu su of grass' [M] su- [T] o-r-ho-sao *orho sau [S] soom~ [N] 376-970
985 [A] iJfj'-R ' ~OJ l-p 15: ts I of. , 990 [A] -;- ~IQ tp 1cJ~ ·i.m~1~t
[e] bu yi 'patch clothes' [C] gaoli bu 'Korean cloth' [T] a-du-nie-tie-bi *adu nietie-bi [T] su-lo-o-bo-su *sulo'o bosu [M] niyece- [H] so-kuo (326) [5] , imecim~ [K] sogo/solg07 [N] 962-985-bi [M] solho
[S] sol1!hoo
986 [A] :fJt 1<fft • 8118 ~* ~ 1- ~~~~*- . ;;}.Tap 1J fTDJ# 991 [A] [C] bei ru 'bed quilt' [T] di-be-hung-!li-se *dibehun ~is[hJe [C] manglong yi 'dragon [G] puh-tih-hung = clothes'
tih-puh-hung (557) [T] mu-du-li-a-du *muduri adu Hh-lHh-hei (558) [N] 406-962
[K] dibohun HSihe
~*) . :t~ 1-~t~ [M] jibehun 'bedding quilt' 992 [A] sishe 'mattress quilt'
[5] j if1!xuN, j iufuxuN [C] zhan shan 'felt shirt' sis~xee, Hs~xe [T] nie-mu-r-e *niemur'e
[M] cf. nemerku 'raincoat,
t-rp·41 rainj acket' ;
987 [A] nemerhen/nemergen ' a raincoat made of
[e] shou jin 'napkin' reeds' [T] fung-ku *fungku [M] fungku
336
993 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
994 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
995 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
996 [A]
[e]
[T] [M] [S] [N]
997 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
wang jin 'netting' wang-gi-r J. *wanggir < eh.
jin ru 'brocade quilt'
*wanggir
ang-~u-la-~i-se *an~ura ~is[h]e cf. 1064 *an~u 'gold'; cf. also 998 *an~ura 998(1064)-986
guan mao 'official's hat' gua-ni-ma-hi-la *guan-i mahila *guan < eh. 995-i[gen.]-972
shudai 'type of belt worn by officials'
gua-ni-u-mu-si *guan-i umusu umiyesun nimesuN, niumusuN 995-i[gen.]-996
xi bu 'fine cloth' na-r-hung-bo-su 187-975
*narhun bosu
I
1
998 [A]
999
[e]
[T]
[G] [K] [M]
[N]
[A]
[e] [T] [M] [S] [N]
1000 [A]
[e] [T] [G] [K] [M] [S] [N]
zhi jin pao 'a long robe embroidered with gold'
ang-~u-la-ha-ge-~u-li
(ge-~u-ha-li 1)
*an~ura
ge~uhari
'an-~'un-wen-lah-hai (564) ancunlahai gecuheri 'brocade, satin
with dragons or flowers depicted on it'
the transcription reads ha-ge-~u-li (in that order); Ishida suggested the arrangement ge-~u-ha-li which, in the light of M. gecuheri, has been adopted here 994-998
zhan tiao 'felt mattress'
337
Ja-fu-~i-se *jafu ~is[hle jafu 'felt' jaf~ 'homespun carpet' 999-986
cu bu 'coarse cloth' ma-bo-su ma-rh (671) mar muwa maa 1000-975
*ma bosu
338 339
1001 [A] \JI7 ,'-5<-*11 . 1'0
[C) 1uo 'gauze, gossamer' [T] 10 *10 [G) 10 (562) SECTION TWELVE FOOD AND DRINK
[K] 10 [N] *10 < Chinese
;jfo:~ . J17t-:tI \
1007 [A) ~f!E -tt:x.llJ 1002 [A]
[C) j iu 'wine'
[C] pei jian ' shawl' [T) nu-1e *nure
[T] sa-mu-pa *samupa [G) nu-1ieh (520)
[M] no cognate [K] nure [M] nure [S) nur~
1003 [A] ~~" Jl [C] sha 'gauze' 1008 [A] 1~ . ~~ [T] !!a *!!a [G] !!a (561) [C) fan '[uncooked)
[K] §a rice'
[M] §a [T) bu-da *buda
[S] ~a [G) puh-tu-kuai (523) [K) budgai [M) buda
~1,l 1004 [A] il· ". -,- [5) b~daa
[C) ling 'damask' ~. iiI! [T] ling-ze *lingze 1009 [A]
[N] *lingze < Chinese [C) j iang 'sauce' [T) mi-su *misu
.~, 1005 [A) fr+ Tfo [G) yih-suh-wen (528) [K) isgun
[C] ma bu 'hempen fabric' [M) misun 'soya sauce'
[T) 30-do *Jodo (5) misuN 'fermented
[M] jodon bean paste'
1006 [A) 1iA rp~ . if.:t m fp If)
[C] hu mao 'barbarian hat' [T) fa-tu-ma-hi-1a *fatu mahi1a [M) cf. fadu 'bag, pouch' [N) 1006-973
340 341
1010 d Ji-.11L 1015 [A] if· 1-~JL [A] ..IlIL •
[e) yan 'salt' [e] zhu 'cook' (v)
[T) da-tsu *datsu [T) bu-Ju *buIu
[G) tah-puh-sun (527) [M) buju-
[K) dabsun [5] bujum~
[M) dabsun (5) daf~suN
@~. J~t [N) in light of the 1016 [A)
G. /K. and M. forms. perhaps the under- [e) suan 'sour' lying word here [T] v *lusu JU-su is *dabsun, though [M) ju!!'uhun one might expect [5) jiu~iuxuN
*dausun in Jurchen
1017 [A) ~ • iffiift.· 1011 [A) i-IB 7F:5iz. 2;
[e) shi 'eat'
[e) you 'oil' [T) Je-fu *]efu
[T) i-meng-gi *imenggi [G) ce-fuh (535)
[G) yih-men-kih (526) [K) Jefu
[K) imengi [M) je- ; jefu (imper. )
[M) imenggi. nimenggi [5) jem~
[5) nimt':!~~ [N) *J'efu is in the imperative form
1012 [A) ~ . it!., 1018 [A) ~~. *- lJJ
[e) huo 'fire' [T) ta *ta [e) tang 'soup; hot water'
[G) t'oh-wei (21) [T) !ii-Ie *1Hle
[K) tuwe [M) sile
[M] tuwa [5) silee (5) tuaa
1019 [A) ;i( . ~/i t-%
JH:: - /'J.:..
1013 [A] /f;' ~ [e) dan 'weak [in taste)'
[e) chai 'firewood' [T] ni-ta *nita
[T] mo *mo [G) nih-t'ah-pa (463)
[N) cf. 352 [K) nitaba [M) nitan
1014 [A) M·~t [e] xian 'salty' [T) ha-tu *hatu [M] hatuhlln [5] hati:!huN
344
1030 [A]
[C)
[T] [N]
1031 [A]
[C)
[T] [N]
1032 [A]
[C)
[T] [M] [N]
1033 [A]
[C) [T] [N]
1034 [A]
[C)
[T] [N]
1035 [A]
[C) [T] [N]
mikang 'rice-bran, paddy-chaff'
be-1e-a-la 359-405
ba jiu 'raise one's wine-cup [as a sign of respect]'
nU-1e-Ja-fa 1007-944
tan jiu 'be greedy for wine'
nu-1e-un-mu-hu no cognate 1007-1032
yin jiu 'drink wine' nu-1e-u-mi 1007-1047
re jiu 'hot [=warm] wine'
*bele ara
*nure lafa
*nure unmuhu
*nure umi
ha-1u-nu-1e *ha1[h]u nure 276-1007
1eng jiu 'cold wine' !:ia-hu-1u-nu-le 277-1007
*~ahuru nure
1036 [A]
[C)
[T] [N]
1037 [A]
[C) [T] [M] [5] [N]
1038 [A]
[C) [T] [M] [N]
1039 [A]
[C)
[N] [M]
1040 [A]
[C) [T] [M] [5 ] [N]
1041 [A]
[C) [T] [M] [5]
shao huo 'light a fire'
ta-de-di 1012-1042
gun shui 'boiling water'
*ta dedi
fi-se-mu-ke *fise muke fuye- 'to boil' fe'ixE! mukee perhaps -se- is a mistake for -he-1037-131
huo tan 'charcoal' ta-ya-ha yaha 1012-1038
xing 'offensive smell, especially of fish or blood' ni-su nincuhun
ge rou 'cut meat' ya-li-fi-ta faita-fiat~m~
917-cf.634
chou 'stinking' wa-hung wahun vahuN
*ta yaha
*ni [nJ su
*yali fita
*wahun
345
346 347
-;./% • f~ ~ If1 -"'. 1ft· 1042 [A] ,7C. .. ... , 1048 [A] ,Fi:!,
[e] shao 'burn' [e] JJ.an 'fry' [T] de-di-he *dedi-he [T] fi-fu *fifu [M] deij i- [M] fuifu- 'cook' (v) [S] dejim~, dijim~
't-fr . 1!1J Sfi ~! 1049 [A] .t~~ . ~ lJJ :fA± 7L 1043 [A]
[e] dian jiu 'pour a [e] ganj ing 'clean' libation of wine' [T] bol-Io-ko *boloko [T] nu-Ie-sa-u *nure sa'u [M] bolgo [M] cf. subu- 'to slake [S] boH!hl:!n, boH!huN [one's thirst]'
1044 [A] ifM· p1;-4 t c~ 1050 [A] f;;J *- . 111. f ~1J [e] wochuo 'dirty. good- [C] xiang huo 'move towards
for-nothing' the fire' [T] ha-ta-~u-ha *hata~uka [T] ta-fi-Ie *ta file [M] hatacuka [M] file- 'to warm oneself
by the fire'
pQ. • TL.. l1.J [N] 1012-1050 1045 [A]
[e] yao 'bite' 1051 [A] !,/j J:. ' 1l!!. ~/P.., Ta-~ [T] u-Ie *u-re [N] cf. 492, 521 *u-mbi [e] dian huo 'light a fire'
'to bite' [T] ta-ni-du *ta nidu [M] no cognate
..... [N] 1012-1051 1046 [A] 1': 1ili
cha 'tea' , iIffi ,w,-[C] 1052 [A] :r~ ~ . 1-e /, 4- ''/0-' [T] ~a *~a
[N] < Chinese [e] fang huo 'fire off, set fire to'
[T] ta-hin-da-bi *ta hinda-bi 1047 [A] ~. Tw& [M] sinda- 'to fire
[a gun]' [C] yin 'drink' [S] seNdam~, siNdam1! [T] u-mi *umi [N] cf. 853, where J. [M] omi- *hinda- also [S] iomim1! corresponds to
M. sinda-1012-cf. 853
350 351
1068 [A] ~. i4... /s I [C] xi 'tin' [T] to-ho-Io *toholo
SECTION THIRTEEN JEWELS AND VALUABLES [M] toholon [S] toh~H!, tohuluN
1064 [A] i:. 7t~ -r . q~ -t ~~"f 1069 [A] ~SE
[C] jin 'gold' [T] an-~u *an~u
[C] yin hu 'silver pot' [T] meng-gu-tang-pin *menggu tam~in
[G] 'an-~'uh-wen (568) [N] 1065-574 [K] an~un
[M] cf. aisin [S] cf. 'a'isiN 1070 [A] ~ . -t~ 7l [N] Ligeti, "Note ~reliminaire"
p. 225, reconstructs *al~u for G. 568
[C] yu 'jade' [T] gu-u *gu'u [G] ku-wen (569)
1065 [A] 1:~ . ~JL b [K] gun [M] gu
[C] yin 'silver' [T] meng-gu *menggu 1071 [A] 1:&.J~ tIl . Ji 1i t 111 :W, , [G] meng-ku-wen (570) [K] mengun [C] yin xiangquan 'silver [M] menggun [S] meIJuN, mUI}uN
necklace' [T] meng-gu-se-Ie-he *menggu selehe [M] cf. selhe 'the pendulous
fold of skin under a cow's 1066 [A] 1m . !J;. /J neck; dewlap; cf. selhen
'a cangue' [C] tong 'bronze' [T] !a-Ii *!Hri [G] !ah-Ii (573) [K] Hri [M] sirin
1067 [A] It J!i . ~Ft: ±. [C] zhenzhu 'pearl' [T] ni-~u *nicu [G] ning-tu-hei (572) [K] ninJuhe [M] nicuhe
352
1072 [A]
[C]
[T] [M]
[5 ] [N]
1073 [A]
[C]
[T]
[M]
[5] [N]
1074 [A]
(C]
(T] (M] [N]
jin taizhan 'gold wine-cup with saucer'
an-cu-tai-1i *ancu taili tai1i 'a saucer for a wine cup' tiali the Chinese term taizhan does not appear in dictionaries of Modern Chinese. Franke translates it 'Becher mit goldenem (bezw. silbernem) Fuss'; the translation above is based on the definition in Ciyuan (1979 revised ed.) Vol. III p. 2590, which gives as a reference a passage in the Liaoshi.
jin maoding 'golden knob on a skull-cap'
an-~u-ma-hi-la-ning-gu *an~u mahila
ninggu 'top of, above, over'
nuguu, niuguu, nivuu 1064-972-1073
jin jiezhi 'gold finger-ring'
ninggu
an-cu-gui-fi *ancu guifi guifun 1064-1074
1075 [A]
[e]
[T] [M]
[N]
1076 [A]
(C] (T] [G] (K] (M] [N]
1077 [A]
[e] [T] [G] [K] [M] [S]
1078 [A]
[e] [T] (G] (K] [M] [N]
1079 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
1080 [A]
[e] [T] [N]
353
yin erzhui 'silver earrings'
menggu suihu *menggu suihu suihu 'earrings
worn by men' 1065-1075
jin huanr 'golden ring' an-cu-hu-Iu *ancu hulu huh-Iu (548) hulu no cognate 1064-1076
tie 'iron' se-Ie seh-Ieh (574) sele sele sele
tongqian 'money' Ji-ha ci-hah (262, 575) Jiha jiha jihaa
jin xian 'golden thread'
*sele
an-cu-tung-gu *ancu tunggu 1064-590
yin zhong 'silver goblet' meng-gu-hu-ta *menggu hu[n]ta 1065-613
354
1081
1082
1083
1084
[A]
[C] [T] [N]
[A]
[C] [T] [N]
[A]
[C]
[T] [N]
[A]
[C]
[T] [N]
jin pen 'golden dish' an-~u-fun-zi
*funzi < Ch. penzi 1064-1081
*ancu funzi
jin zhong 'golden goblet' an-cu-hu-ta *ancu hu[njta 1064-613
yin taizhan 'silver winecup with saucer' meng-gu-tai-li *menggu taili 1065-1072
jin erzhui 'golden earrings'
an-cu-sui-hu 1064-1075
*ancu suihu
1085
1086
SECTION FOURTEEN WRITING
[A]
[C]
[T] [M]
[A]
[C)
[T] [G) [K] [M] [N]
chi shu 'imperial rescript'
a-r-ba cf. 1086 below
sheng zhi 'imperial decree'
*arba
a-r-wa *arwa 'a-lah-wa-kih (576) arawagi no cognate the G./K. forms are followed by the instr. suffix -&1; Jin Qicong reconstructs *alawa. It occurs
fairly often, but does not seem to have a cognate in Manchu. It is quite possible that this is a Khitan word. There is also an interesting parallel in the forms *arba and *arwa, and the forms given for 'beam', *taibu and *tai'u (535, 536)
355
356
1087 [A)
[C) [T) [G) [K) [M)
1088 [A)
[C) [T) [M) (5) [N)
1089 [A)
[C) [T) [G) [K) [M) (5)
1090 [A)
[C) [T) [G) [K) [M) (5) [N)
1091 [A)
[C) [T) [M)
yin xin 'official seal' do-Io *doro do-1o-wen (577) doron doron
du shu 'study' (v) bi-te-ta-ti taci- 'to learn' tacim~
1094-1088
6r'-, -'6+. mingzi ge-bu koh-puh gebu gebu gev~
'name'
(742, 780)
-& Ta . )I'!'"\' 1);-0 ./"""... ~ IL:l ~
wenshu 'documents' bi-te-e pih-t'eh-hei (216) bitehe bithe bit~xee
this word usually appears as *bit[h]e, cf. 1094
feng j i 'seal' (v) gi-de-he gida- 'press down'
*bit[hle tati
*bit [h]e 'e
*gide-he
I
1
1092 [A)
[C) [T) [M)
1093 [A)
[C)
[T) [M) [N)
1094 [A)
[C) [T) [N)
1095 [A)
[C) [T) [M) [N)
1096 [A)
[C)
[T) [N)
1097 [A)
[C)
[T) [N)
xie zi 'write' bi-te-a-ra 1094-538
zi cuo 'mistake in writing'
bi-te-en-de-he ende- 'make a mistake' 1094-1093
zi 'writing' bi-te cf. 1090 above
shi yin 'use a seal' do-1o-di-gia-bi cf. gide- (1091) 1089-1095
xue zi 'learn writing' bi-te-a-Ian-bi cf. 1092
kan he 'official check, official identification card, document'
357
*bit [h) e ara
*bit[h]e ende-he
*bit[h]e
*doro digia-bi
*bit[hle ara-mbi
kan-ho-bi-te *kanho bit[h)e Ligeti "Deux tab1ettes" p. 216 has a long note on this word 1097-1094
358
1098 [A]
[C) [T] [M] [S]
chang qu 'sing' u-C!u-lo ucule-'ucul~m~, 'uculum~
*u~ulo
1099
1100
1101
1102
359
SECTION FIFTEEN COLOURS
[A] i A R ,1. "fJu
[C) qing 'green, blue' [T] nien-gia *niengia [G) nen[nun]-kiang (616) [K] niyongiyan [M] niowanggiyan [S] niu!}iaN, nil}eniaN
[A] ~L • 1~'~
[C) hong 'red' [T] fu-liang *ful[g]ian [G) fuh-lah-kiang (624) [K) fulagiyan [M) fulgiyan (5) felegiaN, fuH!giaN
[A] ~.!¥ [C) huang 'yellow' [T) su-yang *suyan [G) so-kiang (618) [K) sogiyan [M] suwayan [S) suyaN, suayaN
[A) a . ~1JC1 [C) bai 'white' [T) sang-gia *sanggia [G) sang-kiang (619) [K) !!angiyan [M) !lanyan, /!langgiyan [S) ~ia9aN
360
1103
1104
1105
1106
[A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
[A]
[C] [T] [M]
[A]
[C]
[T] [N]
[A]
[C] [T] [M]
~, . :tf~u1i ~
hei 'black' sa-ha-liang sah-hah-liang (620) sahaliyan sahaliyan sahaliN, saheliaN
~. ~ t ~ ti!j Jj~' Hi 'green' bu-r-ha-bo-~o
burga (old form: burha) 'willow tree'
boco 'colour'
cai duan 'varicoloured satin'
ha-n-su-je 43-974
zi 'purple' nio-hung cf. niohon 'green' (or 'blue', in 'blue sky'); niohun 'peagreen'
[5] nioohuN 'dark green'
1107 [A]
[C] biao li 'outside and inside of a garment'
*sahalian
*burha boC':o
*ha~i sure
*niohun
[T] tuku doko *tuku doko [G] t'uh-k'o (544)
to-k'o (545) [K] tuko, doko [M] tuku 'the outside of
a garment' doko 'inside, the lining of a garment'
HOB [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
da hong 'crimson [lit: 'big red '] ang-ba-fu-liang 1153-1100
361
*amba ful [g]ian
362 363
1113 [A] li. . )//~ ~0
[C] wu 'five' [T] lIun-Ja *sunla
5ECTION 5IXTEEN NUMERAL 5 [G] sun-cah (640) [K] sunJa [M] sunja [5] suNjaa
1109 [A] . t~ ;t ~ J? '-
[C] yi 'one' 1114 [A] I, • 'I!i -1l--[T] e-mu *emu [G] 'oh-muh (636) [C] liu 'six'
[K] emu [T] ning-gu *ninggu
[M] emu [G] ning-cu (641)
[5] 'eme [K] ningu [M] ninggun [5] niuuN, niuIJuN
1110 [A] , it [N] G. 641 should be ning-ku,
as corrected by Kiyose;
[C] er 'two' *ninlu means 'sixty'
[T] v *lue (cf. 1123) Jue [G] coh (637) [K] V' Juwe [M] juwe 1115 [A] -G ifXJ ~ [5] juu
[C] qi 'seven' [T] na-da *nada
1111 [A] - ]} t!~ [G] nah-tan (642) [K] nadan
[C] san 'three' [M] nadan
[T] i-lang *ilan [5] nad~N
[G] i-Ian (638) [K] ilan [M] ilan 1116 [A] /\ . :tJ ?l [5] , ilaN
[C] ba 'eight' [T] Ja-kung *Jakun
rrg • 11 § 1112 [A] [G] ~ah-k'un (643) [K] Jakun
[C] si 'four' [M] jakun
[T] dui'in *du'in [5] jaquN
[G] tu-yin (639) [K] duin [5] du'iN
1
364
1117 [A]
1118
[C) [T] [G) [K] [M] [5]
[A]
[C) [T] [G) [K] [M] [5]
1119 [A]
[C) [T] [G) [K] [M] [5]
1120 [A]
[C) [T] [G) [K] [M) [5]
1121 [A]
[C) [T] [G) [K] [M] [5]
j iu 'nine' u-yung wuh-ye-wen (644) uyun uyun 'u'iN, 'uyuN
i' shi 'ten' Juang ~ua (645) Juwa juwan juaN
ershi 'twenty' o-li wo-lin (655) orin orin 'oriN
sanshi 'thirty' gu-H ku-~en (656) guHn gtlsin go!dN
sishi 'forty' de-hi t'eh-hi (657) tehi dehi dixi
*ori
*dehi
1122 [A]
1123
[C) [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
[A]
[C) [T] [G) [K] [M] [5]
1124 [A]
[C) [T] [G) [K] [M] [5]
1125 [A]
[C) [T] [G) [K] [M] [5]
1126 [A]
[C) [T] [G) [K] [M] [5]
wushi 'fifty' su-sai suh-sah-yih (658) susai susai susa'i
liushi 'sixty' ning-Ju ning-cu (659) ninJu ninju 'iNju
qishi 'seventy' na-da-j'u nah-tan-cu (660) nadanJu nadanju nadeNju
h, i '~'1 ~1i bashi 'eighty' Ja-kung-5u cah-k'un-cu (661) j'akunJu jakunju jaquNju
jiushi 'ninety' u-yung-Ju wuh-ye-wen-~u (662) uyunJu uyunju 'u'iNju, 'uyuNju
365
*susai
*ninlu
*nada)u
*lakun]u
*uyun)u
366
ll27 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5] [N]
ll28 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5] [N]
ll29 [A]
[C] [T] [G] [K] [M] [5]
1130 [A]
[C]
[T] [M] [N]
ll31 [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
yibai 'one hundred' e-mu-tang-gu t'ang-ku (663) tangu tanggu ta9~ ll09-ll27
yiqian 'one thousand' e-mu-ming-ha ming-kan (664) mingan minggan migaN ll09-ll28
yiwan 'ten thousand' e-mu-tu-me t'u-man (665) tuman tumen tum~N, tumuN
yifen 'one fen [unit of money]
e-mu-fun fun < Chinese
yiqian 'one gian [unit of money]
e-mu-Ji-ha ll09-1078
*emu tanggu
*emu mingga
*emu tume
*emu fun
*emu 'jiha
ll32 [A]
[C]
[T] [G] [K] [M] [5] [N]
ll33 [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
ll34 [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
ll35 [A]
[C]
[T] [N]
ll36 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [5] [N]
ll37 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [N]
yiliang 'one tael [unit of weight]
e-mu-yang *emu van yang (261) yan yan yaN < Chinese liang
yibai liang 'one hundred taels'
367
e-mu-tang-gu-yang *emu tanggu van ll09-ll27-ll32
yiqian liang 'one thousand taels'
e-mu-ming-ha-yang *emu mingga van ll09-ll28-ll32
yiwan liang 'ten thousand taels'
e-mu-tu-me-yang *emu tume van ll09-ll29-ll32
yikuai 'one piece' e-mu-fa-!!i farsi far~H
ll09-ll36
yipian 'one slice' e-mu-Ju-te no cognate ll09-ll37
*emu fa[r)lH
*emu Jute
368
1138 [A] - 1i. U*t~, lfJ [C] yidui 'one pair' [T] e-mu-Ju-le [M] juru [5] juru [N] 1109-1138
1139 [A] :li -t ~ . il tit [C] wushi liang 'fifty
taels' [T] su-sai-yang [N] 1122-1132
1140 [A] , t>;', . - ~
1:t /] tJ0 " a
[C] er qian 'two gian' [T] Jue-Ji-ha [N] 1110-1078
1141 [A] ..:.m· ;JJ.. t!P#.
[C] san liang 'three taels'
[T] i-lang-yang [N] 1111-1132
*emu Jure
*susai Van
*lue )iha
*ilan van
SECTION SEVENTEEN GENERAL
1142 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [N]
1143 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [N]
1144 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [5]
1145 [A]
[C] [T] [M]
dong 'east' ~eu-un-tu-ti-le-ge ergi 'side' the J. expression literally means ' the side where the sun rises' 5-50-re-1142
xi 'west' ~eu-un-tu-he-le-ge sun tuhere ergi lit. 'the side where the sun sets' 4-49-1142
nan 'south' Ju-le-ge julergi juH!rixi
bei 'north' fu-hi-ge no cognate
369
*~e'un tutirefr]ge
*~e'un tuhere[r]ge
*]ule[r]ge
*fuhi[r]ge
370
1146 [A]
[C] [T] [M] [5]
1147 [A]
[C) [T] [M] [5]
1148 [A]
[C] [T] [G) [K] [M] [5]
1149 [A]
[C)
[T] [M] [5]
1150 [A]
zuo 'left' ha-su hashu hasl:!huu
you 'right' i-ti ici , icii
zhong 'middle' du-lin-ba tu-li-Iah (610) dulila dulimba dioliNbaa
qian 'before, in front of'
Ju-Ie-ge julergi 'front, south' jull:!rixi
[C) hou 'back, behind'
*has[hlu
*dulimba
*lule[r]ge
[T] a-mu-Ia *amula [G) 'a-muh-1u-kai (599) [K] amurgai [M] amala 'afterwards, later'
1151 [A]
[C) [T] [G) [K] [M] [5]
nei 'in, inside' do-10 to-10 (600) dolo dolo dol~, dolu
*do10
1152 [A]
[C) [T] [G) [K] [M] [5]
1153 [A]
[C) [T] [G)
[K] [M] [5] [N]
1154 [A]
[C) [T] [M] [5]
wai 'outside' tu-lu-ge t'uh-1i-leh (601) tulile tulergi tiul~rixi, tul~rixi
da 'big'
*tulu[r]ge
ang-ba *amba 'an-pan (29) 'an-pan-Iah (668, 724) amban amba 'amI:!, 'aNbuu Kiyose points out that the form in G. 668 and 724 is a scribal error
xiao 'small' a-~a asihan 'a~ih~N, 'asl:!h~N
***
*a~[hla
371
172
able abominable accept ache
207 1044
878 949, 952
961 advise against 835 agree 28 anger 737, 826 angry 784
ant 471 antelope 501 apply oneself to 857 apricot ill, 388 araki 1029 armour
armourer army arrive arrow
artisan
as before ascend ash(es)
ask ask for (1)
ask for (2)
ask in detail assume at ease atrocious attend (court) aunt (l)
aunt (2) aunt (3)
autumn
awake axe back back (behind)
578, 645 646, 753
753 659 779
26, 580 647
700, 702 703, 706 707, 720 731,747
872 208
146, 263 1060
774 785 851 843 857 855
1044 53
678 679 683
267, 342 343 783 585 903
1150
INDI0\
back part of the head
bad (l)
bad (evil) bald bald patch bald (guangtou) barbarian barbarian hat barren basin bat bathe be (is, have)
beam bean bean-curd bear (n) bear fruit beard beat
be born become useful bed quil t bedding bee before behind beiluo bell
bell (small) belt
896 ~, 857
748 757 896 928 732
1006 242
571,1081 510 948
27, 37 101
536, 537 358, 404
1026 443 386 902
313, 314 810, 946
809 836
986, 994 986 516
1149 1150
641 313, 561
629 605
720, 965 996
belt-maker 720 bench 568 bend (in a river) 240 benefactor 701 benevolent big
738 40, 88 90, 116
181, 186 188, 197 207, 252 383, 557 655, 960
big hat bird
1108,1153 971 429 1
bitter bitter melon black blind (man) blood
1045 231 397
437,11 03 711 920
blow (wind) 92 blue-green 173,1099 boar 447
boar (castrated) 450 board 191, 546
Board of Rites Board of War boat body
boil (v) bone boot border
born (be born) bottle bow (n) bow (v) (1) bow (v) (2)
bow (salute) bowl
615 552 553
199, 614 70S, 887
863 1037
895 968
~, 255 860 809 584 579
ill, 876 ~, 874
837
569 bowl (porcelain) 632 branch ill, 390
breakfast 1059 breast 901 breath 12 brick-bed (kang) 555 bridge 142, 190
bridge of the bridle (1)
bridle (2)
bright
bring bring here bring in brocade broken (1)
broken (2) bronze
192, 198 226, 227 258, 259
260 nose 953
599 621
29, 71
112, 166 844 833 859
994, 998 189 249
649. 6')1
373
703,1066 bronze smith 703 broom 601 brother (elder) 664
714, 715
brother (younger) 665 brother-in-law 687 brush (writing) 565,627 bucket 596 buckwheat burn business busy butterfly button buy
373
550,1042 872 781 474 983 799
cage 554 calf (of the leg) 913 call 833 camel 409 can (v) 207 capture 821 careful 718 carp 513 carpenter 731 cart 618 castrate 500 castrated boar 450 cat
catfish catch hold of cattle shed cave cease ceremony chaff charcoal charitable
415, 502 522 507 944 532 954
86 864
405,1030 1038
738 charm 701 cheek 900 Cheeky 960 chen (time period) 328 clerk 658 chest chest made of
boards chestnut treE' chicken
904
615 385
333, 421 458, 523 524, 554
374
child
chimney
669, 671 726 543 735 Chinese (man)
Chinese mile (li) Chinese violin chopsticks
225 640 640 325 636
chou (time period) chowry city (walls)
clam clap clean clear (1)
clear (2)
clerk cliff close (1)
close (2)
close eyes cloth
clothes
cloud
cloudy coarse coarse rice cock
cold (1)
cold (2)
ill, 176 216, 217 218, 219 220, 221 222, 236
238 512 946
1043 15, 32 2.1:, 166
658 230 196 148 933
975, 990 997,1000 755, 962 973, 976 979, 982 984, 985 991
~, 37 45, 46 61, 66 67
169 1000
398 333, 421 458, 523
554 25, 54 95, 277
1035 274, 338 345
collect (of fog) 120
colour comb (n) (1) r nm h (n \ (7 \
125 1104
592 596
comb (v) come
come out
come up
complete conch consider cook (v) cooked (meat) cooked (rice) cooking pot cool cormorant cotton cough courageous court
cover crab crafty crag crane cranium cricket
927 94, 758
840, 859 50, 61 63, 108
171, 222 282, 938
1142 ill, 128
342 796 641 839
1015 1028
229,1008 573 343 456
381, 973 870, 957
960 33, 53 81, 128
238, 244 547
45, ill 470 744 230 457 896 896
crimson H08
cross over (1) 198, 227 cross over (2) 199, 228 crow (n) 457
crow (v) 458 crupper 610 crutch 65 0
cry (call out) 458, 48 7
49 6
cry (weep) cucumber cultivate cunning cup (goblet)
cushion cut (v) dagger damask
77 3 396 212 74 4
613,1 080 - 10 8Z
619
634,10 40 - 6Z0
100
dance dark (1)
da rk (2) date (fruit) day
day after tomorrow
day before yesterday
days on end deaf decree deep
deer
demolish dense (heavy) dew
die (v) difficult Dipper (star) dirt dirty disappear discernment discuss dish (1)
dish (2)
795 11, 34 12, 74
350 l1, 72
312, 320 321, 322 337,1022
283
285 337 708
1086 153, 160 164, 252 257, 740 !:l2, 509
1062 540
67 g, 105
107 28, 812
227, 867 119, 127
213 1044
109 839 820
583, 634 1081
disperse (open) 46, 61 102, 122
disperse (divide) 877 dissuade from 835 distressed (1) 940 distressed (2) 955 distilled liquor 1029 divide 202, 801
dizzy do
do evil do not
877 956
538, 706 1096
857 224, 549 860, 862 863, 865 866, 868
doctor document doe dog
dog (small) donkey don't want door
375
745 1090
509 334, 413 495, 521
497 ~,1063
808 ~, 550 558, 559
dove 462 down (come down) 25
drag dragon
49, 53 87, 99
103, 246 794
328, 406 485, 488 991
482 612 850
1033,1047
dragonfly drawer dream drink drinking vessel 1072
1083 drive (animals) 636 drum 314, 562
630, 651 drunk 786 dry (1) 39 dry (2) 235 duck 423 duck (Mandarin) 517 dumb 712 dusk (dark) 19 dust 40, 145
248, 262 263
dye 702 dyer 702 ear 882 early (1) 272 early (2) 849 earrings earth
east easygoir.g eat eaves eclipse
1075,1084 140, 213
260 1142
855 1017
527 Zl, 106
376
eggplant egret eight eighth eighty elder brother elder sister eldest brother elephant
eleven elm emperor
enter
357 454
304, 1116 304
1125 ~, 715
666 715
408, 486 489, 515
307 372
547, 653 739, 740 856, 871 n, 53 81, 128
790 ermine 438 escape 727 evening 39, 275
1027 evil 697 evil man 748 evil (do evil) 857 exhort to peace 835 eye 881, 930
eyebrow face faint
933, 939 898
~, 931 956
falcon 508 falcon (gerfalcon) 459 fall (1) 25, 87
99, 246
fall (2) 170 fall (of water) 237
family (cE. house) 686 728
family servant 728 fan 597 far ISS, 203 fat 519, 719
734 father 662 father-in-law 660 fear 775 feast 765 feel pity for 938 felt (n) 999
female 486 fen(unit of money) 1130 festival 270 few 85 field 141, 175
200, 202 206, 212 242
fifteenth day of the month 321
fifth watch 301 1122,1139
490 60
187, 647 997
fine hair brush 187 finger 912, 950
fifty fight fill (full) fine
fingernail finger ring fire
fire off
959 914
1074 301, 319
1012,1036 1051,1060
1113 1052
firewood 1013 first day of month 320 first month 297 fish 431, 437
507 fish net 637
five 301, 319 1113
flag 614 flat iron 643 flesh (cf. meat) 917 flood 168 flour flourish flow flower
fly (v) fly (n) fly-whisk foal fog
fnll('\'[J'
1023 836 174
211, ill 377, 388 400, 401 502
248 476 636 449
16, 27 102, 120 , /. "Po
110, 864 871
food (cf. meal) 1027 1059
fool 713 foot 162, 889
915, 918 959
foot(of mountain) (1)156 foot(of mountain) (2)162 forest 232 forty 1121 four
fourth
300, 318 1112
300 fourth watch 318 fowl (cf. chicken) fox 442 freeze frighten
126 827
frivolous 717 from now on 859 front(in front of) 1149 frost frozen fruit
8
126 209, 347
fruit, to bear 386 fry 1048 full (1) (cE. fill) 65
full (satiated) fungus (wood) fur-lined coat furious furnace gall-bladder gallop gap (in time) garden
garment gate
gauze (1) gauze (2)
gelding
66 1053
366 980 737 542
923, 960 817 323
209, 210 211, 250
1107 236, 557 558, 559
1001 1003
~, 500 generous 742 ~ (unit of time) 315
316, 317 318, 319
gerfalcon 459
get on well get up giddy ginseng girdle girl girth give give back give thanks glazed glow-worm go go (walk)
go down (1) go down (2)
goat goat (yellow) goblet
gold
golden knob on skullcap
golden oriole good (1)
377
836 849 956 380 720 669 623 80S 806 879 928 499
759, 822 202, 207
847 223
1043
331, 501 501
613 ,1080 1082
628, 998 1064,1072 1073,1074 1075,1076 1079,1081 1084
1073 469
97, 98 694, 859
good (2) 738, 743 good for nothing 1044 goose 422 grace grandfather grandson grape grass
Great Wall greedy green green-blue
701 730 668 369
376, 380 529, 989
225 1032 1104
173, 504 1099
494 216
grey guard (v) hai (time hail
period) 335 10, 99
378
half (month) hand
handsome hang (1) hang (2) happiness happy hare
harelip harmonious harmony haste, make hasty hat (big)
hat (small)
627, 890 929
309 888, 911 912, 944 945, 946
673 485 958 740 741
327, 420 627 754 816 778 549 239
972, 995 1006,1073
706 hat worn during
summer hatmaker haul (v) hawk hazel-nut head
head (of the
971 706 794
430, 505 370
869, 880 927, 928 929, 935 949, 958
family) 689 head, back part of 896 heart (1) 892 heart (2) heart (3)
heat heaven
852, 943 941, 942
955 344
1., 14 21, 23 25, 27 28, 30 31, 32 34, 35 37, 38 39, 41 42, 44 47, 48 54, 59 60
heavy hedgehog heel helmet
9.2, 856 514 918
577, 628 644
hempen fabric 1005 hen 524 heron 460 hide (d. skin) 645
hideous high
hill haw hit (d. beat)
hold honest honey hoof hook horizon horn horrible horse
hot
hot water house
how many howl (of wind) hunchback hundred
hungry hunt husband
752 1044
g, 58 157, 221 227, 258 705
387 75, 89
313, 810 944,1031 691, 943
1025 478 626
24 477
1044 410, 437 448, 451 490, 493 494, 496 519, 520 530, 622 624, 817 852, 859
36, ill 344,1034
1018 234, ill 527, 528 529, 530 540, 541 547, 548 549, 559 311, 312
114 751
294,11~ 1133
819 639 729
ice identification
document idiot imperial
111
1097 713
238, 244 547
imperial decree imperial palace imperial rescript important man
1086 547
1085 655
1151 14
1149
in in accordance with in front of in middle of
incense increase ink ink-slab
161, 177 1148 1054
836 564 566
insect 427 inside 219,1151 intermediate space 323 interpreter interstice intestines intoxicated iron
733 323 921 786
644, 646 648,1077
iron (flat iron) 643 Isabella horse 493 ivory jacket (1) jacket (2) jade join hands judgement jug (1)
jug (2)
518 964 978
1070 945 839 574 631
800, 939 jump kang key kick
(brick bed) 555
kill kind kite (bird) knee kneel knife know knuckles
589 490 818 738 468 909 760 576
42, 842 9ll, 950
ladder land last year late laugh launderer laws lazy leader leaf leave leek left leg lend leopard let free let hair grow lettuce
379
611 139 291
~, 725 771 755 867 814 657
361, 362 822 355
1146 916 803
426, 503 929 929 392
level 204, 259 Ii (Chinese mile) 225 liang (unit of
weight: cf. libation lift up light (v) lightning
tael) 1049
213, 869 1036,1051
22 like (similar) 26, 29
872 215 lime
line up 861 lined (clothes) 976 lining(of a garment)988 lion 432, 522 lip(s) 754, 906 listen live at liver local products lock
locust tree long
look at
look for louse love (1)
776 792 919 767
588, 648 649 384
52, 149 225, 310 341 216, 807
868 828 473 751
380
lower the head 958 loyal (cf. honest) 943 lung 922 lute 638 mad magnanimous magpie main door make
495. 710 942 461 557
538. 706 982,1092
1096 make harmonious 816 male (bird) 523 male (elephant) 489 man 655, 686
692, 693 694, 695 696, 697 698, 699 701, 705 735, 743 745,747 748, 865
mandarin duck 517 mane 479 many 83, 104 mao (time period) 327 marrow 925 master(of a family) 689 mat match mattress
me meat
mediate
594 802
986, 994 999 676
866, 917 1024,1028 1040,1061 1062,1063
835 medicine (type of) 379 meet (1) meet (2) melon
melt merchant middle (cf. in
middle of)
middle gate of vamen
766 825
356, 383 396, 397
ll8 698
161, 177 309,ll48
'i'iF!
mind (heart) mirror mist
~. 943 581
E. 66 104. 108 109. 121 122. 124 125
mistake 1093 mix 214 mole 439 money 1078 Mongol 732 monkey 332, 424 month (cf. moon) moon ~, 29
53, 64 65, 68 69, 70 71, 74 76, 79 80, 128
297, 298 299, 300 301, 302 303, 304 305, 306 307, 308 309
morning 272, 279 1059
mosquito 475 mother 663 mother-in-law 661 mount (v) 208 mountain 66, 130
mourn mouth
156, 157 158, 159 160, 161 162, 163 165, 173 232, 233 243, 462
721 884, 906 932, 934
1055 move (1) 213 move (2) 791, 863 much (too much) 866 mud 169, 205
'"''
mu 1 e 440, 445 multicoloured ~,1105
mushroom 365 musical instrument:
piba hugin beiluo suona
mustard mutton name napkin narrow narrow-minded navel necklace needle neigh net net (for fish) net (gauze) netting new
next (year) nicely
night
nine ninety ninth no, not noise noodles noon (1) noon (2) noon meal north nose
nostril obey
obtain offensive smell offer tribute official (1) off c al (2) off c al (3)
638 640 641 642 378
1061 1089
987 180, 184
1044 905
1071 591 496
604, 639 637
1001 993
192, 320 339, 541
289 861, 320
871 78, 273
310, 311 336,1027 305,lll7
ll26 305 746
J.l., ll4 1023
56 330
1022 ll45
883, 953 954 953
48, 864 871 798
1039 764
549, 995 399, 654 552, 553
381
official check 1097 official seal 1087 oil 1011 old 195, 290
old man on top of once more
872 692
21, 158 843
one 226, 292 315,ll09
ll27,1128 ll29,l130 1131,1132 ll33,1134 1135,1136 1137,1138
one after another 337 open
opponent oppose oriole outside over again overflow
ox
ox cart padded clothing paddy chaff pagoda pain
painful pair palace palace bell palm (of hand) paper pass around pa s s ove r (1) pass over (2) pass through patch (v) peace peaceful peak
46, 62 102, 122 200, 930 932
696 28
469 218, 1152
843 175, 176
229 324, 411 453, 492 532, 618
618 976 937 539
949, 952 961 952
1138 547, 629
629 946 563
1031 199 227 198 985 835 778 163
382
pearl 1067 pen (writing
instrument) 565 pen (sheep etc.) 531
532, 534 people 656 perish 28 pheasant 511 pickled vegetables 395 pickles 395 piece pig
pig (small) pigeon pig-sty pillar pillow pine (tree) pine kernel ~ (musical
instrument) pity (v) place plant (v) plaster plate play (v) plough (n) plum pockmarked poor poplar porcelain bowl post post-house pot (cooking) pot (jug) pour (libation
of wine) prepare principles property prosper pull pupil (eye) purple qian (unit
of money) quail
1136 335, 414 450, 455 531
498 462, 484
531 560, 953
595 375
368, 401
638 938
2§2, 860 212 756 570
723, 736 492, 598
349 704 670 389 632
560, 953 556 573
~,1069
1049 854
li, 867 865
48, 836 794 897
1106
1131,1140 465
quilt 986, 994 rabbit 627
(cf. hare) race (v) 817 radish 374 rafter rain (n)
537 l, 33
47, 72 78, 81 82, 90 93, 96 98, 100
101, 652 rainbow (1) 18 rainbow (2) 488 raise rare rat
213, 869 84
324, 416 439
raw (meat) 1024 read (v) 1088 reasoning faculty 839 rebellious 696 rebuke 823 recalcitrant 696 recede 237 receive red
878 377, 494
1100,1108 red/white
hair (horse) reddish (horse) regulation relationship relation-by-
marriage repair reside respect return
reward
ribbon rib (s)
494 448 867 867
685 548 792
44, ill 768, 787 806, 857 763, 856
878 720 907
rice (uncooked) ~
393, 398 399,1030
rice (cooked) 279,1008 1053,1059
rice (in
rice (in a granary) 399
rice bran (chaff) 1030 rich 695 right 1147 ring (finger-ring) 1076 rinse out 934 ripe rise
river (1)
river (2)
road (1)
road (2)
road leading to imperial court
roar (of thunder' )
roar (of animals)
rob
robe (long) roe (type of) roebuck root
rope round rough run rush (of water) sable sacrifice to
heaven at
206, 386 59, 113
121, 128 342 123, 137 179, 180 185, 240 256 129, 177 178, 179 180, 181 183, 184 186, 228 133, 193 196, 197 201, 203 204, 205 235, 241 243
224
208, 223 224
73
487 821, 860
865 998 419 418
361, 380 402 606
68 182 788 239 434
winter solstice 41
383
saddle 622 saddle cushion 619 saddle flap 609 salt 1010 salty 1014 salute (bow) 837 sand 144, 182
187, 194 261, 262
sandlewood tree 391 sash 720, 996 satiated 1053 satin 974,1105 sauce 1109 saw (n) 586 scallion 354 scissors 582 scratch 947 screen 544 sea 138, 257
403 seal (n) 1087 seal (v) 1091,1095 search 828 season (n) 270 seaweed 403 second 714, 716 second eldest
brother 714 second eldest
sister see seize sell (1)
sell (2)
send (1)
send (2)
servant set light to set (go down)
716 766 811
251, 698 829 804 792 829 728
1052 49, 53
64 seven 119, 303
1115 seventh 303 seventy 1124 severe 867 sew (clothes) 982 shadow
shallow
20, 57 76
147, 167
384
shame shave shawl sheep
sheep-pen
780 935
1002
331. '!l1 500. 534 634.1061
534
shen (time period) shin
332 915
shine shirt shirt (felt) shoe shop short
~. 79 963, 981
992 970. 989
251 51. 150
336
shoulder 910 shovel 587 shrimp 515 si (time period) 329 sickle 621 side gate 559 sigh (v) 936 silk (thin) 988 silk (damask) 1004 silver 700,1065
1069,1071 1080.1083
silver-coloured hair (horse) 493
silversmith 700 sing 1098 sister (elder) ~. 716 sister (younger) 667 sister-in-law 680 sit six sixth sixty skin skirt skull sky
224, 770 302,1114
302 1123
645. 894 966 896
1, 14 21, 23 24, 25 27. 28 30. 31 32. 34 35, 36 37, 38 39, 41
54. 59 66. 110
123 sky (cf. heaven) slanting 55, 70
690 slave sleep slice slowly small
769 634,1137
855 100, 185 498, 688
1154 small (broken) 189 small bell 605 small bird small dog small hat small pig smell (n) smelly smoke snake snatch sneeze snow
sober socks soil soldier
429, 469 497 972
455, 498 1039 1041
17 329, 425 802, 865
937
2., 25 30, 103
115, 116 117, 118
815 969
213, 214 659
son 671 son-in-law 682 soup (hot water) 1018 sour 1016 south 1114 sow (v) 212 sow (n) 455 soya bean 404 soya sauce 1009 speak 773, 862 spear 575 spider 472 spinach 394 spinning wheel 635 spoon 600 spring (water) 143, 233 spring (season) 91, 265
338, 340 squirrel 441 ............... , ...
stallion stand
star
steal stinking stirrup stomach
stone
stop stork stove strength strike
string struggle study sty (pig-sty) submerge
submit succeed sugar summer
summon sun
~ swallow (n) swan sweet
table tael
tail
446
~, 861 875
2, 60 83, 84 87, 112
119 797, 865
1041 607
841. 893 913, 961 132, 188 189, 190 193, 194
264 82, 93
463 542 926
75. 313 810 606 834
1008 531
@' 176 229 871 836
1020 266, 341
344 833
2. 49 50. 51 52, 55 56, 57 58, 61 62, 341
1142,1143 642 428 452
254. 924 1021
567 1l.32,l133 1134,1135 1139,1141
480
385
tailol: 749 take leave 822 take off (clothes) 984 take up 857 talk 773, 862 tall tanner tea teach ten
tent tenth ten thousand
thatched house thick thief thin (1) thin (2)
thin silk third watch thirsty thirtieth day
705 752
1046 848
295, 306 1118
620 306
225, 296 739,1129
1135 529
117, 151 699, 797 115, 152 520, 709
988 299
1055
of the month 323 1120
284 717
293,1128 1133
590,1079 299, 317
1111,1141
thirty this (year) thoughtless thousand
thread three
throat thunder
tiebeams tiger
tile tiled house time (1)
time (when)
899
!±" 73 75, 89
535 326, 407 487, 491
528 528
53, 271 279, 324 325, 326 327, 328 329, 330 331, 332 333, 334 335
56, 315
386
tin tinsmith today
toe tomorrow
(day after
tomorrow) tongue
318, 319 707,1068
707 281, 873
878 959
~, 879
283 885
too much 866 tooth 518 top (on top of)158, 477
518, 886 tortoise 466, 504 tortoise-shell
(colour) 502 tree 226, 352
364, 372 375, 384 385, 390 391, 402
tribute
trough trousers turbid turnip turtle dove twelfth twelve twentieth (day
of month) twenty twitch two
ugly umbrella uncle (1) uncle (2) uncle (3) under (1) under (2)
1013 764, 852 858, 859
624 967 169 374 464 308 308
322 lll9
939 298, 316
1110,ll40 672 652 677 681 684
23 159, 220
understand 842 unicorn 433 unpadded (clothes) 979 upwards 868 urge 832 useful (person) 836
various vase vegetable
vegetable food vehicle
venison village
43 584
210, 353 378, 392 394, 395 403,1058
1058 207, ~
618 1062
154, 251 vinegar 1057 violate (border) 860 violent 737 violin (Chinese) 640 virtuous (not) 824 voice 951 wadded clothes 973 waist wait walk
walking stick wall (1) wall (2)
908 674
201, 788 855 650 135
136, 216 217, 218 219, 220 221, 222 225, 244 245, 246
walnut 367 wane (1) 80 wane (2) 69 want
warhorse warm warm oneself wash wash (bathe) wash (mouth) watch (of
the night)
water
789, 808 851, 866
490 340
1050 755, 931
948 934
315, 316 317, 318 319 126, ill 143, 164 166, 167 168, 169 170, 171 172, 174
water, boiling water, hot way weak
207, 229 231, 237 239, 254 488,1037
weak (in taste) wear
1037 1018
14 750
1019 977 435 weasel
weather (cf. sky) weep (1) 772 weep (2) 938 wei (time period) 331 welcome well (n)
well (adv)
well-cooked west wet wether whip whiskers white wide
wife wild boarwildcat wild sheep willing willow tr-ee wind
window wine
830 134, 252 253, 254 264 861, 864
871 1028 1143
107, 241 500 625 902
451,ll02 172, 179
183 729 447 506 331 813
364,ll04 26, 40 59, 86 88, 91 92, 94 95, 97
113, 114 342
545, 550 631, 815 851, 866
1007 1031,1032 1033,1035 1042,1049
wine-cup 613,1083 winnnyin'a_fAn ~n?
387
winter 268, 345 woman 678 wood (cf. tree) wood-fungus 366 worried 940 worry 940 write 1092 writing 658, 873
1090,1093 1094,1096
writing-brush 565, 627
wu (time xu (time yamen
year (1)
year (2)
period) period)
552,
330 334 553 558
284, 286 289, 290 291, 292 293, 294 295, 296 339, 858 269, 739
year after- next 286 year before last 288 years gone by 290 yeast yellow
yellow goat yes
1061 396, 404 453, 502 505,llOl
501 722
yesterday 78, 280 yin (time per-iod) 326 you 675 you (time per-iod) 333 young (cE. small) 688
1154 young man 693 younger brother 665 younger sister 667 zi (time period) 324
388
GLOSSARY
Ajia kenkyu
Aotun Liangbi
Aotun Liangbi jianyin bei
Aotun Liangbi shi
Awanokuni bunko
Azuma kagami
Ba sui er
Baijiaxing
Baishi celin
Bai ta
Bei da wang muzhi
Beiqing
Bianzheng yanjiusuo nianbao
Bing shu
Bunka
Bu sanshi yiwenzhi
Bu Yuanshi yiwenzhi
Chosen gakuho
Chounan
da'an
dading
Da Jin
Da Jin deshengtuo songbei
.5l.lm5IM-~ I 4., it{ 4lt5
f of., ~ 5g5~f %t4 ~ <£ tk31~H /Iii] iN I!JJ xlf *fit /\~.~
etd sF\'t.U s:i§-:1tJ:-..L 1. tIl. :1t::.7f
J & ~ ~ pfr ~ trx ..tt~ " .. ;t -it..
-t~ ~ ~ i- 3<. ~ . ;ht·;t~t:R.~·
tA.~.t~tfi. 111... Jji.
~'i ~ ~ 1~ ti!fJ't ~'j~
Da Jin huangdi dutong jinglue 1\. t ~j;~~*fdf.mt-e~~?JtG langjun xingji
Diela
Dong bang hak chi
Dongbei bowuguan
Dongbei congkan
i!-fJ ~~\~~.
~:il<. r~'~t'F
'~ttftJ 1
Du-er-ji
Fangshi mopu
Fang Yulu
J,\1~! 'l .;,,I
:;f F\:>.:. 0 a
1 j- ·t· Fengtian Mantie tushuguan
Fuyu
congkan 4- ~ ~;!kmJjJtn 1+J
Gengo
Gengo kenkyii
Gengo shiiroku
Getianhougong
Gu taishi mingshi bei
Guichou
Guoli Beiping tushuguan yuekan
Guoxue congkan
Guoxue jikan
Guoxue shangdui
Guoxue wenku
Ha-da-mie-er-yu
Hailong
Hailong Nuzhen guo shu moya
Hailong-xian zhi
Hamky~ng
Hei bai banyuekan
Heilongjiang wenwu congkan
Helong
Heshenmiao
Hetouhulun he
Hezhouhaiman
Hua-Yi yiyu
Huangshi nii shu
Huitong guan
Jiahunshan
Jiang Taigong shu
Jianguo daxue
Jiayu
11;, ~~
t t! t H};r;it'~ ~ ~f, 1J. L1<
ifL;z iR 'E 'Mz ~~;p ti-ii i ;t;; !i- ,.;.
~2..h+OOfnf3 fJ llB~ lflJ I~!p,t 1-'1 @,f$~ t L~PiHz~ ~~4~t
~fi ~~~1J:l-l!]t frtf Aa-~~l!r/~' ~d, .'r, § 1-Jj t y ~J~~.I.jz '1t):i-f'J ~ 0] ~t }OJ *'P $] ;iiJ ~ t,£j~~}ol tD 1ti: *tr t * ~ ~~ ~{~~1tt 'f [iJ tff ~ ~f Ll-J ..i + /,-jit: /> L, a
389
390
Jiayu xian-neng-yan-yu zhuan
Jilinsheng kaogu gongzuodui
Jilinsheng wenwu gongzuodui
Jilin waiji
Jin guoyu jie
Jinshi
Jinshi
Jin taihe timing canshi
Jiugang shibashan
Juhua
Kando
Kaogu
Kaogu xuebao
Kechenshan
Ke Shaomin
Kewei
Ke-you-qian-qi
Ke-you-zhong-qi
Khuchit
Kobe gaidai ronso
Kobe gengo gakkai h6
Kokuritsu chua hakubutsukan
Kongfuzi shu
Kongfuzi you guo zhang
Kory6-sa
kuan
Kwansan
Ky~ng-guk-tae-ch~n
Kyt'Sngwt'Sn
Lailiu
Lalin
l' ~lh" "" ~ "21< dl. '" DO 1I n~ ., bO loj
t ;:t;t1; if ~ I 11 ~ 2, 11 ~ ~ fJtJ.I--fF ~ -± 77 I ~ t1 /M,jr 0 C.
/t JJ5J H· Wf-1:!t. 0!-t
/~\t;;f:O ~ .t ~~'. ~ fu iL T J\.. J..i
e: {to
FoH ~ ;f"b l' 1;~f& ilJ~J.<
:iOY i11J ~. cp~
it To Jfj :11 :t-'f'{; 'f;r$ 'ft ,to< l-17 ~
frf r 9t 1:- ~ f :rEf' l' ~ ~{; I~ t {&
j iho @ i tf 1:: tIfj fjtJfi'S1-lR .JL 1;"+ t JL f; -T 21~~ ~I >'t JJ:: .rJ.
Laozi "* T -} r: :£0" Li Bu T", r
Liao J in Yuan sanshi guoyu j ie Lf 'i ~ ~ 1:.. ~ ttwt-
Liao Jin Yuan yiwenzhi
Liaoning daxue xuebao
Liaoning shehui kexueyuan
Lishi yanjiu
Liuhe banjieshan
Liuzi
Lunyu
Mamiya Rinzo
Mamma
Manshu gakuh6
Manshil shigaku
meng'an
Mengzi
Mingshui
Ming wang shen de,
~t;t~ ~~. & ~ .", <11 c;[1 li. T'- t. 'f' T 'fIll,
t1r-1L t itlftTt Jr. 'f {;it ~ fi. ~CJ tm ~ ~+ tiT;g*
Fe~ ~ ;ft~ ~~t ; i!J ~'tJ ~ fa ~ -;{q)jj 1: I~
1it '1i iz.+ ~ .2l<..
sR l iI1~. fl9 A -;;. -l si yi xian bin
Ming yiwenzhi, bubian,
Mombush5 kagaku kenkyu
hokoku shuroku
fubian ~~ ij. ~ ~'. *ifJ~, ~fj ~
~ :g~1' :f.+~~ft ~frx. %:JtM,
mouke
Naikaku bunko
Naito Torajir6
Neimenggu daxue xuebao
Neimenggu shehui kexue
Nihon Chugoku gakkai
Nuergan Yongningsi bei
Nlizhen jinshi timing bei
Niizhen zi shu
Niizhi da zi
Niizhi xiao zi
Niizhi zimu
Pangu shu
Penglai
Pukch't'Sng
~l. 0J ~~ -x.1f. (J;j i:-m.;J::~~
At 7; 7"'~f& rtJ t t 1:1.. t-tt'if B ;f if I!il IF'! ~x ~ i ~~% ~ -it l 1i! -t ~ -i ~'* ij-j.'"f?t tt 1. ~ i f.l ,j. '# -It .l 1=-e--If!} T -¥ .!it(. Q Ei
J*, =i\::t
391
392
Qi sui er
Qian Daxin
Qian zi wen
Qingling
Qingyuan
Quhua
Qu Peimo
Rekishi chid
Rekishi ky6iku
renyin
Sa-ydk-wlSn
Seikad6 bunko
Seikei jihCi
Seikyu gakusa
Shang shu
Shanyu shu
Shehui kexue zhanxian
shence
Shi' er zhu guo
Shigaku kenkyu
Shigaku zasshi
Shikan
Shiji
Shinagaku
Shirin
Shixue jikan
Shixue nianbao
Shizong
ShodD zenshu
shouguo
Shuazu
Shujing
Sikuquanshu
Silingol
1:, l1\t tl1;:afr
+t3z ~'Pl 1:: ;Jf-1;1L
aB "t:J5-~! J!l 'f.;t e, }! If $:~~ ±~ C'Y ~f pt 111. t>z 7l~ft, B1~
~ fr'tt .~ -iI-10)8
-li! -i1. t~~,~/tf· #-Ifr-t..:.~®
~.4l ~"t t>J;}' -'.-J: ~ "':r ~ 5/C: '
~U 1J: tG ~J1~ f:f ~U
~~if'J !J:.~1fm 1!!''i: f&1't ~!liJ
~f1L
t1 IN ~ i:-f t~ui~l!J
Si yi guan
Sizhou
S~ul taehakkyo nonmunjip
Sunbin shu
Sunzi
taihe
Taigong shu
Taizu
Telin
tianfu
T'ong-mun-guan
T'ong-mun-guan-chi
Torii Ryiiza
Tayo bunka
Tayo bunko
Tayashi kenkyG.
Uraru-Arutai gakkai
Wada Kiyoshi
Wanbu Huayanjing ta
Wang Shizhen
Wangshougong
Wanyan Xiyin
Wenlinlang
Wenxue nianbao
Wenwu
Wenxian
Wenzhongzi
Wu-lan-mao-du
Wuzi
Wu Zixu shu
Xi Han shu
Xianping fu
Xiao er lun
Xiaojing
l2'l gf(~)pg
;'f!B~Jtj
-<1 i 1Jf;tt: ~ ~1A -JJ m;! -J~, +
{t~ -i-I'-¥ /,,\ L, 8
~ "ill
11U ~ #1' t.m ~ it iili x ~'t 7c . ,~!t~~
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It *[1 !f i H'l% L1!:~
t ~ L~) i t*~4' jz ;f,;f.lk (J
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-;z fW' jz tf-t p- -.r -:t,!.C
,q ¥l1X. ar %+
11z. ~ it r!b ~l t
Jtx' f %:) + ~~~
393
394
Xiao Xiaozhong muzhi
Xigushan
Xin changzheng
Xing shu
Xing Yuren
Xin Tang shu
Xinya xuebao
Xixia
Xiyin
Xizong
xuande
Xueshe
Yang Bin
Yang Pu
Yangshulinshan
Yangzi
Yantai
Yanzhou shanren sibu gao
Yelli Yanning muzhi
Yi-cho Shil-lok
Yigaidage
Yij ing
yiqiu
Ying Li bei
Yong-bi-~-ch'~n-ga
Yongningsi
Yoshi taehakkyo sahak hoe
Youdeguan
Zhang Hui
Zhao Yong da jiangjun
tongzhi Xiongzhou
dushi muji
~ -fMJ.i
1Jr f.z lL
ij t HfI.L J.-....
lfr !fJ t jfr Q l:rw I:fu~
~} ~e. r:, "" ,I,
, /.iI:J ~1'L: '
rtf :t }~ L4 J-.. C!9 ~ i:& ~ '*" ....... J/ iT" T If -'f":f. ~hO-'
t ~~ ts:1, -# t~li~ ~~~ 2.R
11; ft, it 5{ :(-4 Bt! ~ ;t;..tf 'f FcJ ~ t.1Htj n. it I .i~
Zhongyang minzu xueyuan xue bao l' ~ f\, ~ ~ p.t .,l& Zhongyuan y inyun d7 Ii; Jz. ~ T Iif. EI !ill!
I
~
Zhubu Buxiuhong
Zi shi wei
395
*
396
AOH
BEFEO
BSOAS
II RAN
JA
JRAS
T'P
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ABBREVIATIONS
Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae
Bulletin de l'Ecole Franyaise d'Extreme Orient
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies
Izvestija Imperatorskoj Rossiskoj Akademii Nauk
Journal Asiatique
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
T'oung Pao
UAJ Ural-altaische Jahrbucher
ZVOlRAO Zapiski Vosto~nago Otdelenija Imperatorskago Russkago
Arxeologi~eskago Ob~~estva
Characters for the titles of journals in Chinese, Japanese and Korean are given in the Glossary.
I
1
Akademija Nauk SSSR (Institut Vostokovedenija) , Pismennye
pamjatniki vostoka - Istoriko-filologiceskie
issledovanija - Ezegodnik 1969. Moscow 1972
397
Akademija Nauk SSSR (Ordena Trudovogo Krasnogo Znameni
Institut Arxeologii), Arxeologiceskie otkrytija 1976
goda , pp.253-254, "Rabota Sajginskogo otrjada". Moscow
1977
Akiyama Kenz5, # u.. ~,1f!)it "Kamakura j idai ni okeru
Joshin-sen no raiko, Azuma Kagami no Joshin moji to Ka-I
yakugo no Joshin moji to no hikaku kenkyii" it:tIlT1-t'~:'~lt:[J ttt *",$I.m. - «~f~t" If) tt~5< 1- t." *~!, Hf >, ~ -ttl ~t ~ q') t:k'~' Mf ~ [The arrival of a Jurchen ship during the Kamakura
period, and a comparative study of the Jurchen
characters in the Azuma kagami and the Hua-Yi yiyu]
Rekishi chiri Vol. 65, No.1, (1935), pp. 65-74
Amiot, J.M., Memoires concernant les Chinois, Vol. XIV,
"Introduction a la connaissance des peuples qui ont ete
ou qui sont actuellement tributaires de la Chine",
Paris, 1789
Amma Yaichiro, 'i;,~ 5i - Nfl "'Daikin tokushoda shohi no
kenkyii' 0 yomu" J\t 1~ fI~fJ!t, "j;u, "'kit ¥t t !t t, [On reading "Research on the Jin Victory Stele"] (Cf.
Tamura Jitsuzo, "Daikin tokushoda ... "), T5yoshi kenkyu,
Vol. 111:6 (1938), pp. 92-94
398
---------- Joshimbun kinsekishi k5 -If.t:lt 'i-ki if" 1-~ [A
Study of Inscriptions in the Jurchen Script], Kyoto,
1943
Aurousseau, L., "Chronique: Chine", BEFEO Vol. XI (1912) pp
190-201
Austin, W.M., "The Phonemics and Morphophonemics of Manchu",
in N. Poppe, (ed.), American Studies in Altaic
Linguistics, Indiana University, Bloomington, 1962, pp.
15-22
Bang, W., Review of W. Grube, Die Sprache und Schrift der
Ju~en, in Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde der
Morgenlandes, Vol. X (1986), pp. 252-255
Benzing, J., Die tungusischen Sprachen: Versuch einer
vergleichenden Grammatik Mainz, 1956
Bushell, S.W., "Inscriptions in the Jurchen and Allied
Scripts", in Actes du Xle Congres International des
Orientalistes, Sec.V., Vol.I, pp.11-35 Paris, 1898
Cao Tingjie, t#.~, ,"Dong san sheng ditu shuo: TeEn bei
shuo", -' -=- ~-IIl~.l : ~ ;f;j..~ aJ , [On the
map of the three eastern [northeastern] provinces: on
the stele at Tyr], 1887, reprinted in Chang Shun, Jilin
tongzhi, 1891.
----------, "De sheng tuo bei shuo" , 1t,q~ ft..-o, ~>t Victory stele] and "Desheng tuo yibei ji"
[On the
[A record of the stele in memory of the victory [of
Aguda]]; originally written 1885; included in Luo Fuyi,
Manzhou jinshi zhi, 1937.
399
Chang Shun {III~ ,Jilin tongzhi 1; Uii~· [A General
Record of the Jilin Area], juan 120, "Jinshi zhi"it~Z·
[Inscriptions]; Jilin, 1891
Chavannes, E., "Note sur l'inscription joutchen de K'ien
tcheou" , T'P Vol. IX, (1908), pp. 263-265
Chen Shu i1 ~ , "Ba Jilin Da' an chu tu Qidanwen tongj ing "
[A postscript to the
bronze mirror with an inscription in the Jurchen script
excavated at Da'an, in Jilin], Wenwu, No 8, 1973, pp.
36-40
Chinggeltei, Chen Naixiong, Xing Fuli, Liu Fengzhu and Yu
BaoEn [The Khitan Script Research Group], i--R*m4- ' "*l}1$, ftp~tf, ~IJJll~ , j'llit "Guanyu Qidan xiao zi yanj iu" ,~~ t?-tA-Pt'J4i-1f1t
[Research on the Khitan small script], in Neimenggu
daxue xuebao, 1977, No 4, Special Issue on the Khitan
script.
---------- "Qidan xiao zi jiedu xin tan", JjJft'J''fM-~t.tfr1W,
[New investigations in the decipherment of the Khitan
script], Kaogu xuebao , 1978, No.3.
---------- Qidan Xiao zi yanj iu !ZJ -PH, 'f~if~ [Research
on the Khitan small script], published by Zhongguo
shehui kexueyuan chubanshe , Beijing, 1985.
Chosen Sotokufu.ffi~ ~~, 'W,iff (compiler), Chosen kinseki soran iB.H -t-tii~, ~ [A General Catalogue of Inscriptions in Korea],
1919, reprinted Tokyo 1971
400
Cong Peiyuan, J 1ij7..,il. , Song Dej in, i'r,~. i Zhao Mingqi,~ ~.~ *J
"Lun Cao Tingjie dui Yongningsi bei de yanjiu",
~~t.J!f.,f:j¥~~7-i~~-l:1t'it , [On the research of
Cao Tingjie on the Yongningsi bei inscription], Kaogu
xuebao , 1980, No.1.
Courant, M., Bibliographie Coreenne , Paris 1894
Dao Erji, J.~ "& , "Niizhen yuyin chutan"~.l~ti1lJ1gr. preliminary study of the phonology of Jurchen], in Dao
Erji and He Xige, Nuzhen yiyu yanjiu.
[A
---------- "Guanyu Niizhen da, xiao zi wenti" n~%-tt j..t. ,'J' +f/J II Neimenggu daxue xuebao, 1980, No 4, pp.41-48
Dao Erj i and He Xige to fb,* ,"Hailong Hanwen, Niizhenwen
duiyi moya zhen-wei bian" )~U~~±,-Q'l3( f1t~ Jt trl1A Jjl [A discussion on the authenticity of the Chinese-Jurchen
bilingual inscription found in Hailong], Neimenggu
shehui kexue, 1984, No.3, pp. 47-49
---------- Niizhen yiyu yanjiu ~..J ~'f~~.1;ftn [Research on
the Jurchen Hua-Yi yiyu (Vocabulary of the Bureau of
Translators)], published as a supplement to Neimenggu
daxue xuebao, 1983
Dao Erj i, Mu Hongli ** l~t~ and He Xige, "Niizhen wenzi
shiliao zhaichao" '(i 1 ~ t ~1t:jlil~' [Excerpts
from historical materials relating to the Jurchen
script], Neimenggu daxue xuebao, 1979, Vol. 3/4,
p.193ff.
401
Denison Ross, E., "New light on the history of the Oriental
College, and a 16th century vocabulary of the Luchuan
language", T'P Vol. II, No 9 (1910), pp. 689-695
Deveria, G., "Examen de la Stele de Yen-tai. Dissertation sur
les caracteres employes par les Tartares Jou-tchen.
Extraite du Houng-hue-in-yuan, traduite et annotee",
Revue de l'Extreme Orient, Vol.I, (1882), pp. 173-186
---------- "Histoire du College des Interpretes de Pekin", in
Melanges Charles de Harlez, Leyden 1896, pp. 94-102
---------- "L'ecriture du Royaume de Si-hia ou Tangout", in
Memoires presentes par divers savants a l'Academie des
Inscriptions et Belles Lettres de l'Institut de France,
ser.I, tome XI (1901), pp. 147-175
Dong Qing ~i ,"Gudai shaoshu minzu wenzi 1unzhu mulu"
1;{·t'~yt~1trt31:*~t~t~ [A catalogue of articles
and other works on the ancient scripts of the National
Minorities], in Zhongguo minzu gu wenzi, ~@~~ b ~':f: Beijing, 1982
-It ~.i Dong Tonghe .i.lijlAt11- ,Hanyu yinyunxue, )i~~U,f$ [Chinese
Historical Phonology], Taibei 1970
Douglas, R.K., Supplementary Catalogue of Chinese Books in
the British Museum, London, 1903
Duan Yiping i~ -t ,"Niizhen wenzi de chuangzaozhe: Wanyan
Xiyin",1tl~'+~t011t- '~t~~Jl [The creator
of the Jurchen script: Wanyan Xiyin], in Xin changzheng,
1981/2, pp.44-45
402
Edkins, J., "The language of the Golden Tartars", in China
Review, Vol.XXII (1897-98), pp. 674-678
Feng, Yongqian ;.JI~(t~ , "Hailong Jin, Han wen shi jindai wei
ken j1fr.~ti'~t* ~lfr.t\,·1A~'J [The inscriptions in
Jurchen and Chinese at Hailong are recent forgeries], in
Liaoning daxue xuebao, 1980, Vol. III
Franke, H., Review of Mikami Tsugio, Kinshi kenkyu III, in
T'P Vol LX (1974) pp. 182-186
---------- "Etymologische Bermerkungen zu den Vokabularen der
Jur~en Sprache" , in Florilegia Manlurica in Memoriam
Walter Fuchs, Wiesbaden 1982, pp. 7-18
---------- "Randnotizen zu einigen Worten der Khitansprache
im Licht neuerer Arbeiten', AOH Vol. XXXVI (1-3),1982,
pp. 173-182
Fuchs, W., "Remarks on a new Hua-I-I-Yu", in Bulletin of the
Catholic University of Peking, No 8 (1931), pp. 91-97
---------- "Ju~en-ManJurische Wortgleichungen", in Tractata
Altaica Denis Sinor ... Dedicata, Wiesbaden, 1976 pp.
181-188
Fukushima Kunimichi *;; t fPJ... ,Sanshu Nihon Yakugo
l~fJfifH [A Collection of Japanese and Loochoo
Vocabularies Transliterated into Chinese, Edited and
Published in China], Compiled and edited by Kyoto
daigaku kokubungakkai l tFt..~ ~ ~~1' [Society
for the Study of Japanese Language and Literature],
Kyoto, 1968
403
Gilbert, L., Dictionnaire historique et geographigue de la
Mandchourie, Hongkong 1934
Giles, H.A., A Catalogue of the Wade Collection of Chinese
and Manchu Books in the Library of the University of
Cambridge. Cambridge, 1898
Grube, W., "Note preliminaire sur la langue et l'ecriture
Joutchen" , T'P (1st series), Vol. V, (1894) pp. 334-330
---------- Die Sprache und Schrift der Ju~en. Leipzig, 1896,
reprinted Beijing 1936 and Tianjin, 1941.
---------- Vorlaufige Mittheilung tiber die bei Nikolajewsk am
Amur aufgefundenen Ju~en Inscriften. Berlin, 1896
Haenisch, E., Mandschu-Grammatik. Leipzig, 1961
Hambis, L. "Premier essai de dechiffrement de la langue
Khitan", in Comptes Rendues de l'Academie des
Inscriptions (seance du 27 mars), Paris 1953, pp.
121-134
.... .b.. ri>-tt Han Rulin .!f-l1,m /f'T\ , "Nlizhen yi ming kao" iJ: l ~l~7g [A
Study on the Transcription of the name of the Jurchens],
Studia Serica, Vol. III (1942), pp. 1-11
Cf. the resume in Monumenta Serica, Vol.XII, p. 371
Haneda Toru ~~EB¥ ,"Kittan mOJ1 no shin shiryo" ~ft5Z10> l~~ti [New material for the study of the Khitan
script], Shirin, Vol. X., No.1 (1925). Reprinted in
Haneda Hakushi shigaku rombunsho ~» ffi tft ~t$ ~ 3l: #, [Collected articles on history by Doctor Haneda], Vol.
II, pp. 420-434, Kyoto 1957
404
Harlez, C. de, "Niu-tchis et Mandchous, rapports d'origine et
de langage', JA, Vol. XI, No.2, (1888), pp. 220-249
Hauer, E., Handworterbuch der Mandschusprache. Wiesbaden
1955-1958
H 4.,,~ 79. e Xige, ~'I'7b' , "Cong Jindai de jin, yin pai tantao Nuzhen
da, xiao zi" 1tt ~1t·~'i~B.:tf'.:mt1t;t.J~ ,J. '+ [An investigation into the large and small Jurchen
scripts on the basis of gold and silver travel-passes
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1
435
Weiers, M. and Stary, G., Florilegia Manjurica: In Memoriam
Walter Fuchs, Wiesbaden, 1982
Zhao Han,~ ~Ei:J , Shi mo juan hua,-ti ·~t~:f (1618), in
Zhibuzuzhai congshu, ia=f.Jil t Vol. III, juan 6,
pp. 8b/9a
Zheng Shaozong, f~i~~. ,"Xinglong-xian Zimulinzi faxian de
Qidanwen muzhiming" , ~Jtlf ;f.l:1-:Uftl~B7.f}ft xlt1.u [An epitaph in the Khitan script discovered in Zimulinzi
village, Xinglong district], Kaogu, 1973, pp. 300-309
/,~ u., Zhong Minyan, -is.: ~ 11 , "Lishi de jianzheng - Mingdai
Nuergan Yongningsi beiwen kaoshi" ,If ~ a~ t t1'«.-881-1.' -tix ~ t >i<*"~~ ;z;f~' [Historical proof: a study of
the text on the Ming Dynasty stele at the Yongningsi
temple, Nurgan], Lishi yanjiu, 1974, No. I, pp. 142-157
Zhong Minyan, Na Senbo, A~~~ , and Jin Qicong, "Mingdai
Nuergan Yongningsi beij i j iaoshi", 8~1-\'fx t t ~t:~i" tL::t~lf [Emendations and annotations on the
Ming dynasty stone inscriptions of the Yongning
monastery at Nuergan], Kaogu xuebao, 1975, No.2, pp.
33 ff.
tb Q i'Z...j.k -+ ... f.;. 7- ~ ~ Zhong guo minzu gu wenzi yanjiuhui, ·r/~ .~~~ 0 ~ +~ff ~ m
Zhongguo minzu gu wenzi, tf lID ~ ~~ 1" ~ t , Beij ing
1982
Zhou Mi, )1) ~. , Gui xin za zhi, ~"<."4 f-#. g~ published
early fourteenth century
436
Zhou Youguang, /Ii -] fu , "Nuzhen yuwenxue de fengshuo
cheng guo - jieshao Jin Guangping, Jin Qicong NUzhen
yuyan wenzi yanj iu", it t ~t.>Z a-!] t 1i~ h)4 ~ - 1d·~ t :t:i¥ , 1'~-r~>, -cz-i H t ~ ~.6'R 1L» [A great achievement in the study of the Jurchen
language - introducing A Study of the Jurchen Language
and Script by Jin Guangping and Jin Qicong], Neimenggu
daxue xuebao, 1980, No.4, pp. 49-52
*** APPENDIX:
FACSIMILE OF THE SINO-JURCHEN DICTIONARY
WITHOUT JURCHEN SCRIPT
(AWAKUNI MS.)
437
l(
~~~tfiJ 8%M~ ~
I
I
!
438
60
J
439
;)0 85
fR ~ Jf.\-.{r :r, f/; ;r,! Jil ~ !f i ~1t -'X ~ Jb~ lfi.~.~.~:* ~
11,r: 110
'§t ~ 'fj rf{)~ )A ~t~~i:~!t ~ . ~~)!~~%.~/~~~ -·1fi:~~r~·~
t.~ . . ~ '" t
