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11. Th Nabata an : Trav ller b tw en Lit tyl

t phan

lntr du tion

abatacan cud1c , both m the field of Mchaeology and h1 wry, ha Ye expanded in the last decade . Evidence for ch1s come from the increasing number o exhibition and publication devoted to the subject.1 HoweYcr, there are still many unan \\Wed que uon includmg derail of chronology and general interpretation. 2 The aim of thi chapter, therefore, 1 to reporr on the current race of re carch in mosr of the categoric u uall) dealt

with withm abatacan culture and eo propose omc general rhou�ht ab ut the development of abataean

rt and culture. A pcopl� called abat ean arc fir t mention d in

3 1 2 BC. (Diodoru 1 9.94. 1 ; 95. 1 -97.6) . D1odoru, writ­ing m rhe fir t century BC, de ·cnb an attempt by Athenaio , a general of Anngono Monophthalmo , one of th ucce, or of Alexander the Great, to conquer the abataean . H 1 mo t pr bably ref. r­nng ro H1eronymo of Kard1a, who as a hi. corian participated in thl c mpaign and wa , therefore, an eyew1cne · of th1· fir t rep rred contact between the l abataean nnd rh H lleni tic world. A the

abatae m app r ndy did n t ha\'e an · hi ton gra­phy of th ir own, we are--other than partial infor­mation given by mscription -·trongly dependent on the picture of them a drawn by Greek· and Roman . Th fir t account of 3 1 2 dep1ct the abataean a both nomads and kilful tradt!r betwe�::n outh Arabia and the yro-Phoemcian coa t. The descnpnon con­tain all the typ1cal characren ttc of nomad , including law orb1ddmg them ro build hou e ·, cultivate plant , practi e agriculture, and · on. Th ir behaviour, while eng ging the Greek troop and their mercenarie I i characren neatly nomadic: the ·left b hmd the1r good· • nd amih , on a rocky tronghold and were on their wa · to an annual meeting where they conducted trade and other bu me . Thi i a typical non- ·edcntary feature that can be witnes · J in more or 1 •.· the ·amc a hion e\· n tod.\y on market day in Arab >illagc ,

bnngm� together the nomad from the surrounding area to exchange thc1r good . 3 pedal attention i. given to 1odoru�· mention of th' rocky str nghold

367

with only one en il dcfcn 1hle acce · . Th1 description would 1r Umm al-Biyara, one of the haractcri tic rn k. urroundmg the City of Pctra. ome st.holar claim that a - da' and Bu. ayra would 1t l-�>rrer the geographical de. ription and di ranee the t Diodorus gl\'e�.4

ome holar believe that D10doru ' de cription m, · not reflect the abataean of 3 1 2 BC hut rather a collection of copoi u cd by Greeks and Roman in gl!n­eral to de· rib' JL rant people not well known to them. HoweYer, rhi p ition mvolve- at lea t two :eriou problem concerning the hi r ry and the archaeology of the abataean · . The fin problem is determining \\here the abataean were before 3 1 2 B<... Pre ent arl:hacologiC, I ev1dence do not upport the pres­enc of the abataean · m central or uthern Jordan, where the text eem to lo ate them, at uch an early d re. Formerly, the theory of a material conunlllcy between Edomitc and , abataean \\a occa ·10nrtlly upported but recently ha· lo t mo t of w attraction,

mainly bee u e there 1 no archaeolo 1cal evidence from exc:nati n or urvey .5 hi there£. re, :eem. that the 1 abataean · were not an indigenou population of the ·e areas ut irn1mgrated around the middle of the fir t millennium BC. Recent rud1e ba · d on hi -roncal and lmgUI tic evidence fa\·our north or norrh­ca r Arabia rarher than outh Arabia a· the1r pia e of origin.6

The conJ problem mvolve tracing rhe · abaraean after 3 1 2 &... Although rh en: are

h1 roncal ource making clear that they have to l-e l cared m central and outh Jordan (01odoru 3.42.5, 3 .43 .4-5; 2 face. 5. ; l 1acc. 5.25; 9.35; Jo ephu , Ant. 1 2 . . 3), there .s em to be almo r no m:uerial eviden c that could be as igned to the abataean ·

during the third and econd centurie BC . It i · onlv c. 1 BC. that marenal culture idenrift d

a· abatacan a pp ar . 7 There are me older tlnJ ,

esp dally from Petra, reponed and connected with the abaraean I ft,r example, ramp d amphorae hand!

and occa ionally bl. k gla:ed pottery. However, in me · t cas · these fmd are apparently intru iv and are, there­tore:, nor of value.

h�:ur� 11.1. Pia m and p.1imd poncry of rh•• � l (c. fir t h.1lf llf llr t century BC) (draw m�:, hy • chmid). \:ale I :1.

69

Stephan G. Schmid

. .

. . · - .

\

\

Figure 11.2. Reconstruction of possible temporary 'tent-house' installation using the carvings on top of as-Sela' (drawing by S. Schmid).

use, as well as the eye -catching rock-cut tomb fa�ades of Petra (see below) . When we try to understand the fact that the Nabataeans appear to have lived in central and southern Jordan from the time of their presumed immigration, that is, in the middle of the first millennium BC, or from their first mention in 3 1 2 BC at the latest, until the introduction of their mate­rial culture, as described above, without leaving any traces for at least 200 years, one explanation seems best.

As we have seen, Oiodorus's description depicts the Nabataeans as nomads or semi-nomads. If so, then the Nabataeans would have had almost no need for a 'nor­mal' material culture. Of course, during the entire span of this nomadic period there may have been other cat­egories of material culture such as textiles, for exam­ple carpets and the like, or wooden tools and idols that are not preserved.2l The absence of other cate­gories can easily be explained by their nomadic lifestyle . For instance, nomads do not produce pottery sim­ply because they are never long enough in one place where clay sources, water for the production of pottery, and wood for firing are available in large quantities. 22 In this case, our evidence would suggest that their

370

settlement took place around 1 00 BC when they were forced to create a more permanent infrastructure in order to remain competitive in trade. The end of the second/beginning of the first century BC was marked by the decline of the Seleucid dynasty. This led to a power vacuum in the Syro-Phoenician area. This, in turn, led also to the rise of the Hasmoneans and other local powers, on the one hand, 23 and to an increase of Ptolemaic long-distance trade, due mostly to the dis­covery of the direct sea route from South Arabia to India, on the other. 24 Both events may have encouraged the Nabataeans to start settling on a more permanent basis in order to fill partially the gap left by the Seleucids and to challenge the Ptolemies in long-distance trade. 25 It was also during this time that historical sources report the Nabataeans as being increasingly involved in supra-regional conflicts with their neighbours. Around 93 BC the Nabataean king Obodas I defeated the Hasmonean Alexander Jannaeus.26 The battle of Motho (c. 84 BC) between the Nabataeans and the Seleucids deserves special mention: it is not entirely clear who won the battle but the Seleucid king Anti­ochus XII died. 27 This resulted in the temporary takeover of Damascus by the Nabataeans under king

rct.l 1112 • n I ha I an impor unt inllucnc on the

re, unn of 1 , hat�u:. n t m. • •. a' indtcmcll tl n:, liKe nh: f the llr,r ubataean �.;om were truck m

D. ma cu� . Th · pn!,unk I uh:rm:ntof thc \1b r, l'lln' then le I

to the crcauon t I thctr mm ·n. I cultur�. But 'l there \ 11 1 imnw liate 1 reccdin lo-ll matcri�•l culture,

the , \ .mtcan dill the I<) ical thin •. Th · · oncnred

1, 1 rchit rur.1l remain < f thi carlil' t ph, c of abat can cui mcnt 'Ire pn: end knt wn. It i pc •

iblc that the former nt mad ... continu�.:d li\'ing for il \\hi le in tent hcfnrc they rarreJ buildin� hou e ..

r. t� r e. ·ample. . m Perra, the · lin!d in c. \'e .. 31 mce cave annor be pn.:ci dy dated. the chwnologi·

cal rd. non b'tWcen h u'e nd inh· bncd cave •� not de, r. Howc\'cr. ome mall fra ment tli P• inte I ru > iound in an e�1rly 1r r-century onrc:. ·r illu nac chat there wa' already, Juring: thi early r ge of enle­menr ; r P rra, a fnrm of 'architecture '-wh rher built or carved in the ro k i unknown-that ould be dec­or.ucd with p.1iming . 12 Wh, t a fX>''ible inrenncdiar rage bcrween nomadi m • nJ cnlcm nr would ha\'e

I k J like may b illu. trated on the top o the r< k of , • ela'. andiJ, re or rhc 'n, til n. 1 tron .. hdd' ( ee above). Ar. e\' ral pbcc� 1t a • ela', th rl.' ar nm only many huge rock- ut i. tern but al 1 car\'illg' in the.: higher n k . The e f pear ro be related ro t\\\) po t· hol a few mcrreo; in front of rh •m. , la·� th�.: car\'· ing and rhe postholcs were tt'>CU lllf rhc in-.rallation of rcmpor, ry tructurc . w.ing \\'t xlcn b ·am , re�ult· mg m a nu. ture of t nt nd hou e' (F tgurc 11.2). Tt� rhe rccon�truuion 1 roposell in Fi •Lm: l l ._ , the.: re houiJ be , ddcd )tnC kind o n ling, probably ll'in� mall wooden liml 1r other org.mi m tteriak But a

Inn • , � there , re no y tcmati ex av. tion ar 'I • ""da' (there arc, however, 1me illicit one,). tlu. imcrpre­rauon , nd pnm nl · the date uf th c ('nf\'lng mu't remain h ·r orhNi al.

A the abatacan did not produ 1.' nn · hbtl rit'l!ra­phy uf rhcir l wn, we arc rcatlv re rn · cJ m our knowl­edge of their t �incultural nr •ani::atilln. lr hould he

il

ufhcient to p< int out ti1'H cthno r<1plu -.rudie ... how that with Lhc pr< t.' · {l eulcmem a rr ngcr p ·d 1-i:arinn in term of rra k. craft n I aJminbrr,mon 1. oh •rn:d, lead m •, of om l'. to rh • er 'cHit r n diffcr­�.·nr ocial grou ' within a < ict ·. n In the curlier t<lgl.' 1 t crdcm nt there were p ·uple withm the Cl mmu­nirv th.n coukl � , 1"-:J pan-rim�.: t.:dcnt, ri:c�l f:. ·c.lU .. e rhc • were inn�Ivc�ol in I n�·di ran e camel rra I• • nd. thcrefl re, on the ro. J i1lr l Hlr i. · monrh f rhe ·car, while other wen: perm, ncm re tdcnb.H \X1tth

the mtrl lucti n n ·w mcmb oi tr.m rr, me t oi the m ·I mi ·r h d t l eh. n " rhdr cupari n

, nd ne\\ ci, I !ttTcrcmmri\ n re ulteJ.35 In part, the .. amc n b�: ncludcd in the c. 'e ( f the 1 ahat< ean�. \Vith thetr ctlniU\'e . cttlcmcr'll . l

rht•r would haw c n be ecn in rh

cert ink

Th m numentalizati n of th mat rial ultur

The chronological bas · -pottery and coins

t\, mennoned • bovc, nn d tlntte rcmam� (J(, rchitcv turc from rhe carlr period of . ah. t can culture ur­\'tve. The r�me b true for �..ulpcurc. h � "" rhar the . :1baraean , in thetr hr�t t oc o �cttlcm�.:nt and produ!.:tton of m. terial cu!turl'. adupte J on I ' · m ller' c.1tegorics, uch .1 coin.,, ttcry • nd terra ott . The

. 1hataean poncry L prohabJy the hc.:'l indiCcltOf \ 1.bangc and cnntinuiry �in e it i founJ in • bund, nee and retlc t ea ilv rcc Yni:. blc .hhi m .

Accm ing to rhb view, rhc fir t period or ph •

of . · abar, can p< w.:ry, a). reprc.cnted in Fi ure ll.l , la�t., for roughly two generation .... fmm c . I BC unul the middle of the tr r cntury fter thi., ud· !en initiation, :1 de\'eJt,pmcnt r ncd, ler�din ' ro a

di tincrive , aharncan tylc. However, c, tcrnal mtlu­en c arl' not uncommon. The c an l • b er:cd in fine -ware po t ·ry m tl e lr�t • tlr ·r cc.:nturv • wht n l'mc char. teri ti protot ·pc from the Rom n thlll·\\:tlle I

4

I 11 11 11 11 11 11 11

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5

Steplwn G. Schmid

�·. ··. ··.··· ... ··· ·. ··· · .. · .·. ·· .. · .

. '.'' ./�,

'· . -.;.?· ; _-:i·· . 3 .· . ' ,.

30/20 BC •

7

Figure l 1.3. Plain, rouletred and painted pottery of phase 2 (c. 50 BC-AD 20) (drawings by S. Schmid). Scale 1:2.

3 7 2

and igdh:ua pottery ar • , Jnptcd, hut nnly t ·mpormil (Figure l l . 3.6- ) .�'� The main shapes, primanly open drinking bowl and plate , probahl • u-.ed for eating, of the e ond half of the fir t entury B< <tnd the begm­ning of the hr t ccntllt") -\D, arc 111 mo�t ea c developed vcnon of rhc tmnal vc . •I (lf the earlier pha. c ·• hut .,hnwing ·h, rper form .mJ thmnen\ <liL (Figure l l .3. I , 2). However, there L a Jcct tvc hangc m the dec­oranvc pattern ar{ und 5 BC.. The 'lmplc !me. of rhc fir t pha e , re replaci!d b� tloral mmtf,, c�rc tall • row of leave· and fine hmh , a ro. the mncr body of the vc. el {Figure 1 1 . 3.3) . ne of the chnracten -tic of the. e h mh i. the ah cncc ot ,\ foor or an) other randmg devtc . there arc almo t no tands iound m

. 'abacae, n potter), tht mean that -.uch painted h \ I were held in the hand when bemg filled. Tht 1 <1 ckar mdtcanon of thetr functi m a dnnkmg bnwl . a C<ln be cen m reek pottet") t ·res a well. for m -ran e 111 the c, e of rhyw. In general term , the spccrrum f J 'abat. e, n me ware c vcr a pect of Jail� life wdl. There 1 a huge qu, nmy of plate and drinking howl� (.1bour 7Sq,o) and a mallcr, hut ri!prc: .... entarive, quan­lit)' o fla k ·, jug-. and other h, p' that wc:r u eJ f r �er\ing and et mge (Figure 1 1 .3.5 ) . Of cour c, cooking pot. and other \'C el that were u cd for the prepara­tton and rorage f o mu t he added to thc:-.e fnmL llf'table ware'.

The ea ·tonal adoption of torcign pottery .,hape al o lead to one of the characteri tic change in the decor, ri n of abataean bowl . round 25 BC a flat howl with ·rcpped wall 1 mtrudu ed into the p r­tCI")' pe trum. It i'> clear!� b rrc wed rom Ir- nian or M!! p tamian protot pc , where du torm wa alrcJd ' c mmon or l!nturie . m e thi addtuon w the ves el w 11 m J it dif tcult to apply the radwl dt:: o­ratk n , hown in Fi ure 1 1 .3. , the de orati\'c -y­tem chang mto oncenrn all 1 applied floral moriv (Figure 1 1 . . 5 ) . Inter!:! tingly, even' hen the rep ed wall di appear aft \l ear·later, the concenrnc d cora­tion remain . A further de vel pment ·ee ·an incre. ing horror vacw f the ainter , t")'ing to cover ompletely the ve el' b d 'with increa ingly m ll r m tif: , ·uch a d t', 'eyl! �. mall le. v , and ) on (Fiaure I 1 .3 .5 right; f. el w Figure 1 1 .2 ) . Thi:. eh. racreri tic de ·

orati n, n Ion er in the bright r d f the carlt r pamt· mg, but in rather browni h and vi let col ur 1 mark the turning of the centurie , that i 1 about the fir t 3 ·ear of Areca I I reign (9 BC-AD 4 ) .

A ob er eJ, abataean p ttet")1 of the c nd half of the fir t century BC i quite en itive to what c uld be

alle 1 'international fa hi n'.lt h w at the amc time,

37

nc,·errhclc-. , the first rend en i '· tt ward a Jt tmcttvc abataean rylc.

'mtthu feature� can he< b. •rved m 'ahat<Jean tltn mintmg. n the o ea ton of the ahat. can ' fir t reported h h with the we tern world m J 2 Bl,

iodoru report· that the , bataean were u tng' •r­ian' h:tter-;. Tlw. certamly mean that they were '' nr­ing m ramat , the lmg�w [ran u nf the enure car Ea-.r at the ttme. The fa t that thctr ftr-,r com hear

reek tn�cnpnL>n' underline. htl\\. strong anJ complete must have been the uJJen m put of Helleni t1 culture at the rime nf thc:tr ettlcment. There: ore. the m r remarkable rep to\\ ,uJ a typt a! a ha wean com minting 1 certainly the changt:: from re ·k ro Ara­mai legends, already lunng the fir t •ntut") &.. The internaritlnal omponcnt, h m·e\'er, ts �hown b · the ·r ·le of the eo m_, \:spc ialh the r< rrran 1f abatacan kmg . For 111'-Wncc, the coms of rera-. IV (9 BC AD 4 ) ·h< \\ the kmg\ head m a style mul, r w cc n­temporary Roman com-.. although he wear the tra­ditional 1 abatoe< n hatrcur \\'tth long curl· at the neck.41 A turther tgn of a ert, in Romani:ation m

a ataean coinage ma · be .een b\ the fact that from the year l + 1 BC on, coin of l )da HI and Arcta · IV show the kmg rowned wl[h a (laurd?) wreath. Earltl:f all rhc · ,tbatacan kmg were hown cxclu tvcly Jiademed acct rding to the cu tom· f Hcllem ne kmg ·. l:xx.la liJ mmted eo m wtth both type of portratb Junng the la r 1\'C · ar of hi· retgn,42 a. did rcta I for the f1r t (I ur ear· of ht retgn:n Howe\'cr, att r 5 BC Nabataean king· are �h wn exclu-tvely with the wreath n thetr coin·.

Alth ugh the chronologi al m tden e 1 rather tnking, it 1. difficult ro de tdc whetl1\:r or nor the

nbovc-Je nb ·d ituanon ma be more than ju t fa h­i n: the year fr m 1 4 1 - 1 ,9 BC ''ere marked · .n inren ·e tru 7gle between the a ataean and Herod the reat.44 Au u tu con i tcntly ·upported Herod with one ex e ti n, namely, \! hen the al at. can 'pnme mini ter' llaio made him believe that Herod haJ been the aggre ·or.45 There(! re, the overall itu­ation for th abataean m tht· onfltct \ a rather unc m(i nable during th la t · • r f hoJa Ill and the early reign of Areca I , b au e Rome wa · on the ide rheir je\ · h ppon n . The iwarion \ a ob d

th, t Augu tu wa apparently thinking about donat­ing the abamean kingdom to Her d. It t atd that only the c ntinuing problem within Herod' famil kept Au u tu from d ing 0 ephu , Ant. 1 . I .9 [ 53 -55]). n idering their imation, tt mu t have ecmed ppropriare r the < acae. n kmg ro how

teplwn G.

Architecture: house and temples

R trery and coin mintmo, there£< re, c l arly how th re pti n of intemati nal fa ·hion n th n hand and the devel pment r ' rd , di tinct abataean cyle on the th r. Th m t triking feature in abaca an mat rial culture f the late fir t century BC and rh early fir r century AD, h w er, i the tendenc t ward m n­umenralizati n. A m nti ned abov , rher are hardly

o archit cture and 'Culpture in the . A ain, a in the ea of tt ry an

coin , w witn udd n b ginning of the e care­god a parently fal ling in rh la t quarter of rh fir t century BC, " ith an additional r in the arly year

f Areta I . Ir i from thi p ri that th fir t h u e o far exca­

vated at Petr date.46 Fr m example pre ently known, it bee me cl ar that there i a kind f o ial differen­tiati n a h u e c learly diffi r in iz n rnamenta­ti n. If we try t trace ba k the tru tur and groun plan of the early h u we wim a phenomen n imilar to that of the earli ·t a ata an p ttery and

coin . Her gain, th r are tr ng in icati n that th abata an were in pired by rh curr m type f (l re)

Hell ni ti h u e in the ar Ea t. One of th m t

column re n t in rh centre f rh h u e but rath r pu hed toward the periphery. Th · , a -. ell a rh n t

374

I! mid

maller r m , ma th ori inal , acaean c ntribution t th ir

hou rype .4 How ver, v ry promin nt example like the famou ilia t B re I (I taly) r omc hou e fr m P rg. m n h w that even in uch the c urt-ard uld be J cntr red. 49 In g neral term , it eem ·

that livin in Peer. Jurin rh earl imperial year w · n r much different fr m !if, in the big c ntrc of the ea rem M diterr n • n r the ear Ea t. ·o

On f the b t example f thi may b the hug Jwellin rec ntl inve tig ted on the uthern t rrace

f az-Z ntur (Fi ure 1 1.5). 51 I t p iti n c cring the entire natur I tcrr ce, and thu ffi ring a plendid vie'

v r the uburb and rh r ' f r ck-cut fa�adc of th ntire uthern part f Petra, bring to mind th rich h u f Del r Eph u . 52 Be id it impre ive architt:ctural remain , thi d\J elling will ec me fam u fir t all h eau e f it im ri r dec rati n, p cially the w 11 painting . B £, re raking a c l er I k at the painting it h uld be memi n d that they c me from th l " er I vel of th hou e, that i , the gr und floor. But a rh h u e i built partiall into rh natural lope, the ground fl r in m p rrs become the ub true­cure for the upp r fl r. Th r {J re, mo t r m f the up er fl or would pr abl have belonged eo a pl ndid rece ti n area. Thi i upporte by th find u h a par f very fine m aic fl r bel nging to the fir t fl r!53 F r the time b in , we can only imagine what the upper fl r may have looked like, but the fin from the r und fl r m re than c m en ate for thi lack. Wi l l-pre rved wall painting were found (Fi ure 1 1.6) in r m I (cf. the plan Figure 1 1.5). Th painting illu -trace illu i ni tic rchitecture imilar t the rucc dec­orati n fr m the Qa r al-Bim (cf. below) and are to pe off by a ec rati n in the (! rm of the -called ma onry cyle. 54 R m 6 contained a rear m a f richly de -

orated tucc fragment that nee eo ered the entire area. Th emic lumn with floral elem n and gilded pain tin a well a the fragment fa m u lded dentil c r­nic with painting in the (! rm of fine tendril illu trate the hi h l i in tand rd f the villa f z-Zantur. Rela­tive t the h u e' date, a fragment f paint d p nery f pha e Ja v a found in ne f the tuc fr gmenr , chu giving a termintts posr quem f c . 0 2 (! r the ntire dec rati n. 55 Thi ate, t ether with thef ct th t dif­ferent ryl o wall paintin w r a arently u ed in eh building, al n with rh o-called ma nry56 and ec nd Pomp iian (Figure 1 1 .6) tyl , at a time \ hen

eh wer b th no longer in u e in rh main centre , may eem a pr blem. H wever, imilar out-of-fa hi n

lem nt w r b erved in uch pr minent mlding'

\ �� \\ \ aa / _.-·<> r, / �� t',.O.If \t..w.< �q..,. \\t D�.._D T.n-iyye AI / .

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tgurc l 1.4. Map of the crty of Pctra (taken from Blue GuiJc Jordan, by Robcrt Smith@ A & C Black (Publishers I Lunncd; Rolhn anJ Strectly 1996: 212)

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Figure 11.5. chematic plan of the abaraean villa on the outh lope of az-Zantur, Petra (drawing by B. Kolb).

a the palace of Herod the Great. 57 According to the overall picture obtained from Nabataean art in thi gen­

ral p riod, it eem we hould grant the Nabataean enough cultural auton my to have deliberately elected uch feature , rather than labelling them provincial

retard . 58

To draw conclu ion about the cultural heritage of a p pulation in general, it may not be a good idea to begin with their cultic buildings, becau e the e may very well contain ome pecial characteri tic that are

376

related to religiou purpo e . o far, we have een how the general development of abataean mate­rial culture in the area f coin , pottery and private architecture eem to follow ome general rule or model . The ea e of temple i , however, omewhat pecial.

Like the fir t private dwelling , the fLr t built temple do not eem to appear before the late fir t century BC. There i , however, another a pect ofNabataean religion that may find it fir t manife ration omewhat earlier.

The abataeans: 11·avellers between Life cyles

Figure 1 1 .6. Perra, abataean villa on az-Z, nwr outh terrace. Painting n walls CIA in room I (cf. Figure 1 1 .5), rcpre cnting illu ioni tiC archirecwrc topped off by o-calle I ma onry ryle (photo by 0. Jaeggi, courre y of B. K I b).

Figure 1 1 .7 . Petra, offering place on top ofZib Awf, a-called High

Place (photo by . Schmid).

377

The abata an wer known t war hip their a cl on -called high place that c uld be 1 ated n any nat­

ural le ation. In fact, their principal deity-Ou are r Du hara, 'th one fr m hara'-owe hi name to a

mountain u region. 59 E peciall at Petra, many true­tu re ha e b n f; und on the top f aim t e ery rock. Thi h w an active religiou life and the w r hip f god in a kind f natural etting.60 The cructure u u lly con i t f a kind of altar, a ci tern and an entire

y rem of water ba in and channel , probably relat d t a procedure, that i , the pouring of a liquid uch a wine, water r the blood of animal offered t the deity. One f the be t-pre er ed example of thi pe ­cific a pect of abaca an religi n i located on top of Zib Atuf (Figure 11. 7) .

Concerning the temple , a in all th other a p et of mat rial culture in e tigated o far, we witne a udden fl wering. The fir t huge building eem to

appear ut f nowhere, that is, we do not ee any mall predece sor but the development eem to tart

directly with uch large ·cale building a Qa r al-Bint at Petra (Figure 11.8a.6) .6 1 Re earch on abataean temple i progre ing but, to date, it i difficult to draw an overall picture.62 At an early cage in the hi tory

f abataean re earch, temple w re roughly divided into two group , a northern and a outhern one, a they are grouped in Figure 11.8a and b. Recently, a much clearer differentiation i propo ed and future re earch may change that picture.63

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The Nabataeans: Travellers between Lifestyles

A common feature of most typical Nabataean tem­ples (Figure 1 1 .8a) is the fact that they are more square than rectangular as are, for instance, Greek and Roman ones. This is especially true for the innermost part of the building, the cella, that in some cases is even wider than it is long (Figure 1 1 .8a.3 , 4, 6, 8) , although it is sometimes subdivided into smaller units.64 A further non-Greek or Roman characteristic is a kind of podium, the so-called motab, in the temple (Figure 1 1 .8a.5 , 7 - 10) . This may b e connected to the preference of the Nabataeans to worship their gods on the tops of moun­tains, as illustrated by the so - called high places (above) . In fact, the temple of Khirbat at-Tannur, situated on the top of a steep hill, without any other related struc­ture , is a kind of built high place. The aspect of the elevated platform for religious purposes may, therefore, stand behind the podia in the above -mentioned tem­ples. This aspect appears even clearer at Qasr al-Bint at Petra (Figure 1 1 .8a.6) where on both sides at the rear steps lead to real platforms. Although we do not know how the cult was practised in Nabataean temples, the steps leading to platforms or even onto the top of the building readily recall much older Mesopotamian tem­ples. In fact , Strabo states that the Nabataeans 'worship the sun, building an altar on the top of the house, and pouring libations on it daily and burning frankincense' (Strabo, Geogr. 1 6 .4 . 2 7 ) . Such installations in private houses are yet to be found, but the practice described by Strabo is well confirmed by the structures at high places and at Qasr al-Bint.

As mentioned above, Syrian and Mesopotamian forerunners have been suggested to explain the above.65 Recently, however, other possible prototypes for Nabataean temples have been discussed. Begin­ning with the aspect of the 'shrine in a shrine', that is, a smaller structure within a larger one, as is best demonstrated at Qasr al-Get and in Wadi Ramm (Figure 1 1 .8a.5 , 1 0 ) , but elsewhere as well, Egyptian and, more specifically, Ptolemaic temples are compared to the Nabataean ones.66 We may mention here that many Egyptian temples, both from Pharaonic times and the Hellenistic period, have stairs and huge ramps lead­ing to the roof (cf. Figure 1 1 .9.c, d) .

Before returning to the possible Egyptian influence on Nabataean temples, the other main group, that is, the so- called northern group (Figure 1 1 .8b) . In con­trast to the southern group, these temples show a much stronger long-rectangular ground plan. A fur­ther characteristic in most cases are huge courtyards with porticoes in front of the temple proper. That the geographical subdivision is rather artificial is shown

379

by the recently investigated 'South Temple' at Petra (Figure 1 1 .9 .a , b) , belonging rather to this group than to the former.67 Mainly for the latter group, prototypes from Syria have been cited so far. One may also add that the strong tendency to emphasize the building's front by huge steps (Figure 1 1 .8b.5) and courtyards in front of the temple is a typical Roman feature . Indeed, most of the parallels quoted from Syria already date from a time of considerable Roman influence in the Near East.68 Since the above -mentioned theory about Ptolemaic influence on Nabataean temples seems to be presently en vogue , we may add a few more thoughts on the subject. The large courtyard surrounded by por­ticoes in front of the temple and the general installa­tion of the temple building itself in a huge architectural complex can easily be found in almost every Egyptian temple from the Ptolemaic period, for example, the one from Edfu (Figure 1 1 .9.c, d) .69

Since the development of Ptolemaic temples follows a strong pharaonic tradition, it has nothing in common with Nabataean cult buildings. Therefore, we should be careful about pointing out too strong a connection between them. However, it is worth mentioning that all characteristics of Nabataean temples, that is, the corridor or passageway in the inner building, the steps leading to a platform or to the roof, and the court­yard in front of the temple, can be found in proto­types from Hellenistic Egypt. In general, the manifold influence from Ptolemaic Egypt, especially on the huge tomb fa�ades of Nabataean Petra (see below) , shows that a cultural interchange existed, regardless of the economic and political differences and quarrels.

Not only Egyptian, but also possible South Arabian influences have been suggested for Nabataean temples. 70 Since then, more work on these monu­ments has been done and, indeed, there are common features, such as the tripartite backside of the build­ings, the inner courtyard (Figure 1 1 . 10.a , b) , the additional shrine (Figure 1 1 . 1 0.b) , and the general quadratic aspect (Figure 1 1 . 1 O.c) . The problem with the South Arabian temples as possible prototypes is mainly a chronological one, since they are dated c. 700 and in the seventh century BC71 and are therefore considerably earlier than the Nabataean ones. However, there is evidence in some cases for their use until the fourth century BC and there are also considerably later buildings in the same tradition.

As for the dating of the Nabataean temples con­sidered so far, in most cases the situation is far from clear. However, it seems that a significant number of these buildings were constructed at the end of the

rchit tural lpture

th

2

Tlte abata ans: Tra ellers between Lifest le

Figure 1 1 . 1 2 . Pet , relief lab with repre en tau n a veiled mu e or odde (?) ph to . hm1d).

Stephan G. chmid

Figure 1 1 . 1 3 . Petra, relief lab with cupid holding a garland (photo by S. eh mid) .

Figure 1 1 . 1 4 . Peua, relief slab with a winged female torso (Nike?) (photo by S. Schmid).

Tomb fa�ades

For the modern vtsttor, the mo t eye-catching monuments of the ancient abataean capital of Petra are without doubt the large tomb fas;ades hewn out of red sandstone. They can be roughly divided into two groups: 'more oriental' and

384

'more Hellenistic-western'. 87 Their attraction certainly existed in antiquity as well, maybe even in a more force­ful way, because they were most probably once covered with painted stucco and, therefore, must have offered a very spectacular sight.88

The date of most of the tomb fas;ades of Petra is difficult to establish. Such is only possible on the

The abataeans: Travellers between Ufesryles

Figure 1 1 . 1 5 . Pe[ra, relief lab from Wadi Mu a with a medallion

f a god ( /) (ph ro by . chmid) .

ba i of tyli tic compari n ince only very few are dared by in cription . The only other place where

abataean tomb fa�ade occur, Hegra in audi Arabia, offers a much better chronological frame, a inscrip­tion date many of the e monument . Unfortunately, at Hegra only the imple monuments occur and, there­fore, the huge two- or more- torey, richly decorated monuments like al-Khazna Faraoun (Figure 1 1 . 1 6) or ad-Oayr (Figure 1 1 .33) remain omewhat enigmatic. An attempt i made here to e tablish a chronological equence for the tomb fa�ade as well as placing them

in the context of abataean material culture. In di cus ions on Nabataean tomb fa�ade , one of

the earlie t monuments, the now de troyed tomb of Hamrath at Souweida, although it Nabataean ori­gin may be doubtful, is usually not considered.89 On the ba i of present evidence, this rectangular mon­ument, divided by semicolumns and adorned with weapon relief: , should be dated to the early first cen­tury BC, and it may very well be that such monument

385

Figure 1 1 . 1 6. Pcrra, AJ-Khazna Faraoun (phom by . chmid).

provide the mi ing link to the Helleni tic world in abataean epulchral architecture. For in ranee, on

the i land of Rhode , everal monument how imi­lar characteri tic .90 An example of the ame rectan­gular con truction n a tepped ba e, ubdivided by emicolumn , is een in the -called Ptolemaion in the

Rhodini park .91 A the mo t probable reconstruction of it upper part i a repped pyramid, it becomes clear that the 'Ptolemai n' tands in the tradition of uch monu­ments a the Mausoleum at Halikarna sos.92 This may al o be the explanation for the tomb of Hamrath and other imilar construction . They repre ent a mixture between traditional funeral architectural element and a trong Greek influence.93 Another funeral monument from Rhode even show further parallel to the tomb of Hamrath a it was originally decorated with weapon relief: very similar to the ones from Souweida.94

Several other monument from Petra, although not as pectacular as the huge main fa<;ades and, there­fore, not as often considered, belong to the same cat­egory of eclectic monument , a Zayadine ha pointed out.95 Recent inve tigations at Jara h show that uch

r phan G chmid

3 6

peer o a I wer, m iv tor y, with nly a in le entrance, c mbin d w1th an upper t rey w1th everal " md w

nd mtercolumnia. Further, the iti n of th figu-rative dec rati ns how a tonishing c rre pond n e , althou h at ' l ra al-Amir th li n are not pia ed

n the t p of the pedimen . Of pec1al intere t for our further con 1derati n t a particular feature ( th

a r ai-'Abd. The nure building " a pla ed in n arti­fi ial lake, acce ibl onl y a path fr m the Ea t . 1 The lake w filled b water from ource on th 1 pe

urroun ing the buildin nd br u ht undergT und to two fountain , in th form f panther , on the ea t id f eh pal ce, I e to 1 northea tern c rner, and

on the we r ide, clo e to it north we t rn orn r. I09 Thereft re, the wh le monum nt w uld have had the a pect f a hip fl atin in a lake that wa filled b i 1£. 1 10 Th · make tt a g eo m par on £, r the lux· ury hip of Pc lemy IV, the thalamego , whtch \ ill be d" cu d bel w. An affiltauon to lexan ria i al

i the c. 0-2

The Nabataeans: Travellers between Lifestyles

Figure 1 1 . 1 7 . 'Iraq al-Amir (near 'Amman) , Qasr al-'Abd (photo by S. Schmid) .

while a semicircular balcony occupied the upper terrace with additional rooms at the back. One is especially struck by the similarity of the lower and middle terraces with the composition of al-Khazna when seen from the front, 1 16 proving again the connection between al-Khazna and (late) Hellenistic palace architecture.

Additional information may be gained from the description of the thalamegos, the famous riverboat of Ptolemy IV (Figure 1 1 . 18) . 1 1 7 On the one hand, the recent discoveries in Macedonia make clear that the ship was strongly related to Macedonian luxury architecture. 1 18 On the other hand, it offers a few astonishing parallels for the fa�ade of al-Khazna. We must first mention the general aspect of the fa�ade with its propylon, flanked on both sides by colonnaded two-storied porticoes, which seems to be, according to the description, almost the same. 1 19 However, the most striking point is the mention of a tholoid temple (monopteros) of Aphrodite on the upper floor, flanked by dining rooms and bearing a marble statue of the god­dess, and, therefore, very similar to the statue of a god­dess, probably Isis-Tyche, in the tholos of al-Khazna. 1 20

If we imagine a section through the boat at the posi­tion of the tholos of Aphrodite, we would have exactly the fa�ade of al-Khazna. 1 2 1 The description of details, such as capitals decorated with ivory and gold 1 22 and columns inlaid with precious Indian stones, 123 may very well be realistic and representative of Hellenis­tic palace architecture. This may also be seen in similar

387

representations on the wall paintings at the triclinium in Oplontis or at the oecus of the Casa del Labirinto in Pompeii. 1 24

In the light of recent discoveries in as-Siq at Petra, it is worth returning to the general aspect of al-Khazna once again. During cleaning and excavation works in as-Siq, much additional information on the water sup­ply of ancient Petra was gained. Although not yet exca­vated, the square in front of the monument deserves special attention. The excavators of as-Siq, Bellwald and Keller, strongly suggest that the different water supplies leading towards the city's centre formed an artificial lake or pool just in front of al-Khazna. If this hypothesis is correct, the overall aspect of al-Khazna would be almost the same as that of the luxury ship of Ptolemy IV or of the Qasr al-'Abd, floating in an artificial lake. For the visitor stepping out of as-Siq, the huge fa�ade reflected in the lake would have created the same impression.

Thus, we have demonstrated that al-Khazna Faraoun at Petra stands in a proper Hellenistic tra­dition, reflecting truly the palace architecture of the Hellenistic East. However, this is of no importance for a precise dating because Hellenistic elements could be conserved for quite a long time, especially in the East. 1 25

Comparisons using the ornamental motifs of al-Khazna may be more promising. The floral orna­ments of the capitals of al- Khazna (Figure 1 1 . 1 9)

replu.m . c/unid

f1gur 1 1 . 1 . The nverboat (thalamegos) o Pt I my IV (after 1el en 1 994: fig. 7 1 ).

and the very imilar capital from th area roun Qa r ai�Bint (Figure 1 1 . 20) are u uall compared with tho of the Ara Pac· in R me. 1 26 HO\ ever, a do r I k h w that th tendril of the Ara Pac · are finer and intertwined in a complex ' ay, 117 while the floral

rnament f al�Khazna and ar und Qa r ai�Bint are more fl h and traight in th ir compo ition and how a de p r relief. Better compari on are offered

b the painted tendril fr m oecu.s 1 3 in the h u e f ugu tu n the Palatine hill and ornament in tucco from the upper floor of th am hou e, ated

t c. 30 BC r immediately fterP In general, late repu lican Roman monument come do er to the ornamen fr m al�Khazna, uch a the ornamental decoration of a general' burial monument from the Via Appia, dating to c. 5 BC, may ho' . 1 29 The ame cyli tic characteristic can be found on e ral

tendril fragment from P rgamon, which can b date b tween c. 50 BC and the ery early imperial year . 130 Indee , relation between Petra and Pergam n h a e al o been uppo d on the ba is f fragmen of frieze from Petra that h w garland and weapon . 1 3 1

We may therefore conclude that ai�Khazna Faraoun wa built in the econd half, pr bably in the third quar� ter of the fir t century BC, that is, about the a me time that mo t of the above�mentioned Roman wall were painted. As the architectural decoration f al�Khazna (e.g. the capital ) hav do parallel from the area around Qa r al�Bint, we again have an indication that in the late fir t century BC manifold building activitie

3

took pia in Petra (cf. l \! ) • In thi context, it ha to tr d that de rati n in tucc h win br � k n and rounded p dim nt very imilar t mo t f the m numem referred t o far, inclu in al�Khazna, · applied on the exterior outh wall of Qa r ai�Binr. 132

If we ar in mind that a dat in th late fir t cen� tury BC wa convincingly prop ed 6 r that buil ing, we would again have a g confinnati n ft r the dat of ai�Khazna. 1 3 To thi , we can add the broken pediment with figurati e d coration (Figure l l . l l ) an thu we have, m re r le , the c ntem rary appearance of thi particular architectural feature in three area : t mb fa�ad , tucco ecoration, and free� tanding monu� ment , all dated to the late fir t century BC.

Fol lowing general m el of e olution, it is believed that the impler fa�ad , howing tronger 'oriental' influence , a in Figure 1 1 .2 1 , would be older than the richly decorated 'we tern' one like ai�Khazna. After e tabli hing a more r le preci e date for al�Khazna, we h uld return to the dating of th impler monument . The in cription of the Hegra

necro li have air ady e n mentioned. carting with an inscription of the year l BC/AD, the in cription date a numb r of uch 'oriental' monuments to the ntire fir t century AD. 1 34 Another chronological indication is given by the theatre of Petra. A the theatre wa built mo t proba ly in the fir t century AD and a the in tallation of it cavea de tr yed everal of the e impler tomb , they w re clearly cut into the rock

before the con truction of the theatre. 1 35 The re ult

Tlte abaweans: Travellers between Ufe. 1 le

F1gure 1 1 . 1 . Petra, Al-Khazna Fara un: three-quarter column· and quarter p1l. ter- pital fr m rhe lower t rey (photo b . chm•d).

Figure 1 1 .20. Petra, tendril capital fr m the area r und Qa r 1-Bint (photo by . chm1d).

of this h rt tour d 'horizon i rather obering: there is no g d rea n to b li e that th impler 'orien­tal' fat;a would redate uch manum nt a al­Khazna r the t mb of Hamr th. They could, at be t, b concern rary. Th re(! re, we wime again a udden appearance f a new' categ ry f abataean material culture, clearly adopting H 11 ni tic element .

3 9

Preliminary conclusions

The vidence 1· red in th pre iou ecti n how that toward the end of the fir t century BC and the v ry beginning of th fir t c ncury AD, abata an material culture pa e to a rage of monumencal­ization. Hou e , rempl , rock-cut romb fat;ade , and

cephan G. chmid

Figure I I . Z l . Petra, row f tomb fa�d outh of the theatre (photo by S. hmid).

architecwral decoration are uddenly and pr minentl introduce into the repertoire of abataean artists and craftsmen. A with the udden beginning of the ear­lie t remain of Nabataean material culture, coin and pottery, around 1 00 BC, one i urpri ed by the dynamic evolution. At lea t for modem cholar , it e ms that the e miJ tone could be related to an overall orga· nization, ince in both ea e the udden developments eem to come out of nowhere, that i , without any pre­

ceding 'te t pha e'. Ju t a th fir t pottery and coins fit perfectly into the Helleni tic koine of the ear East, the ame is true for the hou e , the temple , and the tomb

fac;ade . In mo t ea es, however, it i more difficult to int out direct prototype . The ame cenario appear ag in in the general

development of the city of Petra. For the building on the colonnaded treet leading al ng Wadi Mu a (no. 1

on Figure 1 1 .4), a wel l a for th impr i e pavement f a - iq, including the water channel and dams, a

date in the late fir t century BC can e e tabli hed. 1 36

Thi how that the entire city wa indeed ubject to a c n truction m and mu t have e n a huge build­ing ite ft r year , if n t d cade , until Qa r ai-Bint, the temple of the win ed li n , the ' uth Temple', and

n were fini hed. Th am em to e true for mall r etclement . The fir t building pha e f th a ata an

t m pie at Wadi Ram m is ated t aroun the turn of the

39

era and there, too, we ee that at about the am time the entire infra tructur become rather monumental, including ophisticated water channel , ome of them till in sint. 137 Mayb even thi factor of monumental­

ization of public pace can be con idered in relation to the adoption of a kind ofNear Ea tern Helleni tic koine, becau e it i precisely thi a pect that mark Helleni tic citie , e pecially in Asia Minor. 1 3

As indicate , there i ome occa ional Roman influ­ence, for instance in the field of ttery produc· rion (Figure 1 1 . 3.6- ) , but al o mo t pr babl in the political atliterations of ome of the relief-decorated monumen in the centre of B tra (Figure 1 1 . 1 1 ,

1 1 . 1 3) . The tronger Roman influence appear with the taking over of the leucid empire by Pompey in 6 BC and of Ptolemaic Egypt y Octavian in 30 BC and his attempt to contr I dir ctly I ng-di tance trade in the Arabian penin ula a r fleeced by the expedition of Aeliu Gallu . 1 39 It i clear that the increa ingly tronger R man influence in the Ea tern Mediterranean ince P mpey' campaign in the 6 f the fir t c ntury BC led al o to new cultural element in the e regi n . It i al o during the early Roman impe­rial year that hi torical urce report dir et c ntacts b tween abataean and R man . 1<W tra n t only witne the pre ence f many Roman and ther (! r­eigner in Petra b hi tim (Geogr. 1 6.4.2 1 ) , but al o

The ubauzcans. Tratdler between ufesr le

ntury AD and th nd abat an kingd m

The chronologi al basis: pottery and coins

hi n ppear .

culpture, relief and ar hitectural decorat:i n

39 1

r hire tural 1 1 . 1 9, 1 1 .2

1 1 . 1 1 - 1 1 . 1 5) , that i learl kgr und that could c lied r earl imperial,

to rh

Stephan G. Schmid

4 5

6

Figure 1 1 .22 . 1 -8: Plain, rouletted, stamped and painted pottery of phase 3a-b (c. AD 20-100) ; 9: Painted bowl of the second/third century

AD (drawings by S. Schmid). Scale 1 :2 .

392

The Nabataeans: Travellers between Lifestyles

Figure 1 1 .23. Painted bowl of phase 3a (c. AD 20-70/80) (photo by S. Schmid) .

Figure 1 1 .24. Painted bowl of phase 3b (c. AD 70/80- 100) (photo by S. Schmid).

stylistic differences from Petra. Of further interest are the reliefs from phase I l l at Khirbat at-Tannur, including the famou dolphin and grain goddesses (Figure 1 1 . 28) , which clearly show stronger styli tic differences from the earlier series of reliefs from Petra. Glueck suggested a date, without giving proof, in the early second century

393

A0. 1 50 In addition, it needs to be mentioned that all the pottery illu trated in Glueck's reports on Khirbat at-Tannur and thought to be evidence for dating belongs to our phase 3c and would, therefore, confirm a date in the early second century AD. 1 5 1 Recently, the early date for phase I I at Khirbat at-Tannur has been

i(lure 1 1 .25 . 'Amman (Mu eum) ,

, r-Tannur (phow by

bel ng t the

rruction debri of the abo -mention d tern n ate. 1 5 3 A ampl i the � inged head with fle hy face and mall curl (Figure 1 1 .29) that Zayadine id ntified a

H rme :al-Khutba . 1 54 To rhi · piece may b add d tw h ad f beard d men with - called Phrygi n h t and trongl mam ntal hair· le, ma be p inting to

yrian r M otamian influence. 1 55 The e piece , with their m what ti fl carv d (! arur , are not nl rei. ted t the lac r piece fr m Khirbat ar-T: nnur ut are als clear! different from the e rlier ·crie · fr m the , me area ( b ve, Figur · 1 l . l l - l l . l 5 ) . A thi later pha e of the temeno gate ha a m t r ba­ble tenninus post qu m f 76, thi w u ld confirm the ob ervatton · made o far. 1 56 f the cl e t parallel to the ·cyli tic feature ulpwr · fr m pha ·e l iA at Khirbar c-Tannur wa r cenrly found r Khirbat adh-Dharih (Fi ure 1 1 .26) . 1 57 Th relief lab, � ith the repr entari n o H rme /al-Khurba •, come·

94

Fi ure 1 1 .26. 'Amman (Mu cum) . architectural elemem w1rh ,

bu t of Herme /ai-Khurbay fr0m the temple at

Khirbat adh-Dhanh (pho(l) by . hm1d ) .

o cl e t the At rgati on Figure 1 1 . 2 5 in the w rk­man hip of the thick haircurl , the pr minent etting of the e e row , th indicati n f the iri , the fie h • cheek and o on, that w n pr bably nclude char it c me from the ame w rk h p. Alrh ugh n r pre­ci l dated due t it r u in a B :amine wall rh Herme fr m Khirbar adh- harih i · a very ood xam­ple f ab taean culprure of the middle r c nd half

f the fir t c ntury AD.

Th ev luti n in abat ean u lptur (I 11 w , th re(! re, th a me m del a· other cat g rie f mate­rial culture, uch a c in or p rt ry. I t tart with a naturali tic cyl , cle rly ad pt d fr m late H ll ni tic and e rly imperial e mple · (Figure l l . l l - 1 1 . 1 5 ) , developing im more ab t r t and tr nger orna­menralizing r pre mari n (Fi ure 1 1 .2 5- 1 1 .29) . Th z nith of rhi evoluti n i exemplified in the ani onic banyloi (Figure 1 1 . 3 ) . l rh ugh the xi ·red in earlier time , they too h w on id rabl devel pm m tn the latter parr f the fin century AD. 1 5 On rh rh er hand, what i Jcpi red n Figure 1 1 .25 , 1 1 . 26 and 1 1 .29 could b I ng, ccording t their cyli tic (I ature , to

The abaweun : Tnndler betu:ccn Lfe ryle

5

Fa ure 1 1 .2 . ' mm n (

phm odde

hmad).

Tomb fa ad

tephan G. chmid

Figure 1 1 .29. Petra, 'winged head', probably Herme /ai-Khutbay

(ph to by . chmid) .

The Corinthian Tomb (Figure 1 L . 32 , ec nd fr m left) i located in a pr minent place am ng a row of fa�ade n the north ide of the al-Khubtha ma if. It offer a full view f the city. The t mb' fa�ade i of intere t becau e it upp r egment i an exact replica f al-Khazna, without, how ver, the sculp­tural decor. It lower egment has eight emicolumn upportino a broken entablature. 164 Difference c n­i t of two maller entrance on the two intercolum­

nia on the left , one with a egmental pediment that i et back by two additional columns, and an archi­trave at the main entrance, bearing a tr ng re em­blance to illu ionistic architecture. In addition, there i a middle zone, an attica, with a central egm n­tal pediment, different zone of br ken miniature or dwarf entablature , columns and a final broken pediment.

The lower and middle level of the Corinthian Tomb have an almo t exact parallel in the a-called Bab a - iq triclinium just out ide Petra. 165 Thi i important ince an in cription attributed to Malichu II (AD 40/44-70) can date this tomb. 166

396

Figure 1 1 . 30. 'Amman (Mu eum), aniconic baitylos found in the

temple of the winged Lion· (Petra) , repre enring the

godde of Haiyan, n of ayibat, according to the

inscription (after Weber and Wennino 1997: fig. 1 ) .

The additional feature of the C rinthian Tomb, uch a miniature and illu ioni tic architecture, cannot

help in dating the monument, ince the feature are al o known from Helleni tic architecture. ome frag­ment of the Palazzo delle Colonne already prove the exi tence of miniature architecture in late H 11 nistic time .

167 l l lu ioni tic and fal e architectural element , even with egmental pediment imilar to tho e in Petra, can be found in Alexandrian architecture from the Hellenistic period onward . These element are u -ually thought to com from tomb from Alexan­drian cemeterie , e pecially from the Mu tafa Pa cha necropolis . 16 However, the same elements occur in mall altar and locker for tomb loculi from differ­

ent cemeterie dating from the Helleni tic period onward . 169

In general, the entire relief of the Corimhian Tomb i much flatter than that of al-Khazna and the whole monument how le three -dimen ional a peer . I t can, therefore, be concluded that it sh uld be dated

mewhat later. The best evidence for dating i pro­vided by the Corinthian capitals, being very imilar

Fi�lm: 1 1 . 3 1 . Pcrr., tl!ml!m •ate. uppl!r p.m 1 I rala-.rcr .mJ

Figure I 1 . 32 .

7

w that thi ne\ cure

ccJ lum • ltmiJ

1cry') (photo bv . hmtd).

{a)

The abuweans: Traveller berween Lfcsc le

:.:: � --- �

-11 I I :

-1

{b) {c)

----

I

:�

{d) Figure 1 1 . 34. (a) Pctra. Roman IJu�r tomb anJ rriclinium 235 (after chmidt-Cohnct 19 I : 7 fig. 1 9) ; (b) Pt le m i , Palaz;: delle Colon ne

(.frcr icl en 1 994: 1 47 fig. 7 ) ; (c) Recon rructi n of ttruvtu. 's Jes lipu n f the Greek hou e (after tel. en 1994: 1 39 tg.

72 ) ; (d) Jericho. Herod' fir r wmter palace (after tel en 1 994: 196 fig. I 5) .

f the d ad. Thi can main three-dimen ional r d b and

99

teplum . clnmd

i the la t quarter f the fir t and the beginning f the ·econd centuric AD. C nver ely, the very rich deco­rati n f ai-Khazna, c verin and fil l ing aim t every a aila le pace (Figur 1 1 . 1 6) , could very w U be par­alleled y the c ntemporary p t tery of the late fir t entury BC, \ h re we ee the am tendency t ward

a horror vacui, that i , the c mplete filling ut f pace available for d corati n. This tendency al o continue int rh very early fir t century AD (Figure 1 1 .3 . 5 on the right; 1 1 .23 ) .

A een above, a good deal of the impler tomb fa ade , hewing tronger riental influence in th form of rep on roof: , or evoking a rather tower-Like a peer, are likely to date from the fir t century D. I t would, of cour e , fi t well the gen ral picture drawn o far, pecially if we could ee an increa e of tronger Arabic elements for the later fir t century within the tomb fa�ade too. Thi would fit perfect ly with im­ilar nend in culprure or coin minting and even in pottery. Be ide the u ual tyli tic argument , there i another favourable element: logicaliy rh rich upper c la of Petra would ha e tried to occupy topographi­cally dominating place for their tomb . The be t loca­tion for uch fa�ade is undoubtedly ai-Khubtha north lope where the o-cal led kin ' tomb , the C rinthian,

Urn, and Palace, are placed (Figure 1 1 . 32; cf rh map Figure 1 1 .4) . All the e tomb clearly ho\ element of ela rate Helleni tic architecture. Mo t of the orien­talizing tomb fa�ade are located in the different wadi leading away from the city centre (cf. Figure 1 1 .4) . One i tempted to po it that they were built a the city con­tinued to grow and, therefore, nm xclu ively accord­ing to a ocial order but at lea t partially according to a relative chronological equence. 193

Renovation and annexation

Th characteri tic change in abataean art and cul­ture toward the la t quarter of the fir t century, a out· lined a ve, have been noted pre i u ly. This, along with omc h' torical reflection , led to the hypothe­i of a cultural and religi u renovatio under the la t abataean king, Rabbet l i (AD 70- 1 6) . 1 94 I t ha en ugge red that Rabb I I I , wh received the throne

name 'the one who renewe and re cued hi people', wa re p n ible for a kind of fficial programme leading away fr m the pr viou reali tic and 'we tern-oriented' repre entation of human figures tO\ ard · a tronger 'oriental' traditi n I and ab tract ic n graphy a the prominent baityloi illu trace (Figure 1 1 .30) . Indeed, it i quit triking to ee that, at l a t in ea e where

4

they can be m r or le dated, the anic nic bauyloi date to the later fir t entury. In the earlier pha · f Nabataean art, h wever, much tr ng r reali ti (! a­ture were u d in rd r t repre ent human and g d (Figure 1 1 . 1 1 - 1 1 . 1 5) . Further idence for a kind of truggle in abataean i ty about uch feature i een in the fact that in the temple of th winged li n a

kind of iconocla m, which de tr yed the earlier natu­rali tic decorati n, em t have rak n place t ward the later fir t century AD. 195

l t i , f c ur , very difficult to d cid whether the b erved change in Nabataean art, a in relief: r

architectural decoration, do indeed fal l together within a programm by Rabb l I I . The difficulti come mainly from ignorance of the exact chr nology of the fir t app arance of tronger ornamentalizing arti tic fea­ture , for instance, in the r pre entation f human and g d on relief lab (Figure 1 1 . 2 5- 1 1 .29) r balty­loi (Figure 1 1 .30) . 196 However, there may be ome rele­vant indication . A mentioned, the coin of Rabbet I l do indeed how to a great extent le naturali -tic feature in the portrait of the king than did the coin of hi predece or . Additional information can be gained from rhe painted pottery, where rhe remark­able change from naturali tic, mall- cale motif to ornamental, large- cale decoration cannot only be par­alleled with the development in other categ rie of

abataean art, but ha , above all, quite preci e date . uch pottery i found alon ide characteri ric fonn

of Ea tern igi l lata and coin of Rabbel I l . In addi­tion, abataean pmtery on ite with a g hi torical chronological terminus- uch a Ma ada-prove that thi change happened around AD 70/ 0 and, there­fore, preci ely during the early year of Rabbel I l ' reign. As the conventi nally applied term of renova­cio for the e new feature within abataean culture of the later fir t century AD ugge t , it i believed that the abataean mehov returned to their indige­nou r t with the e new artistic expr ion . Thi model demand two prerequi ite : fir t, there wa an earlier cultural and religiou background to which they could return; and econd, the intermediate-Helleni tic and R man influenced peri wa nly a uperficial

ne. 197 If we tick to the evidence, this model nec­e arily ncounter pr blems. Fir t f all, ab ut rh entire 'pre-Helleni tic' perio -not in chronol gical term but in mean of cultural a pect -we can nly gue . Th' i becau there i no written e idence that i peculiarly abaca an that would enlighten u ab ut rhe pre ed ntarized Nabataean . M reover, the arli­e t material evidence already belong t a complerel

Tlte abataeans: Traveller. bettwen Lifestyles

H 11 nized form (cf. above) . Furth r, the idea about renovatio wa related to th a· umprion that both the 'we·tern'-orient cl pr gramme in culptural decoration and other element around the turn of the era , a well a the rather 'oriental' or 'traditional' programme under Rabbel 1 1 , were imp eJ by the ruling cla , if n t by the king him elf. 19 A empha ized above, there may indeed be ome allu ion t a p litical programme in major categoric of art, uch a architectural culpture. But what about ' maller' categoric , for example, coin and pottery? A for coin miming, we can uppo a tr ng programmatic influ nee by the ruler n h w to

de ign hi portrait and n what amibute t eh e. But can we imagine Oboda I I I indicating to the Nabataean porter which form of the Roman rh in-\ a lied pot they hould produc (Figure 1 1 . 3 .6,7) ? Or did Areta IV

cho e the pecific igillata form (Figur 1 1 .3 . ) to be copied by abaraean work hop und r hi rule ? Mo t probably these ruler did not, n r did Rabbel I l d cide

n how to change the decorative pattern on painred pottery (Figur 1 1 .22 . ; 1 1 .24) . But a uch 'unimpor­tant' categoric of craft and workman hip ar not only the be t dated but a! o reflect the everyday culture of the common people, we can u e them a a re t of the model outlined above.

If we are dealing with a programme impo ed by the authoritie we would expect at lea t ome oppo ition or a contradict ry tendency omewh re. The contrary, however, i the ea e. Pott ry, coin , figurati e deco­ration, and o on ah ays eem to f, rm a unity. Thu , if we do not want to conclude that the Nabataean kingdom wa an 'Orwellian' tate, we have to po it that both tendencie di cu ed here, that i , the 'we t­ern' and the 'oriental', were not impo ed by the ruling cla s but were well ba ed in the entire population, r at lea t rh majority. A ugge t d above, the ttle­ment around 100 BC wa mo t probably the re ult of ec nomic considerations c mbined with the increa -ing vacuum of power in rh region by di inrere t and weakne of at lea t one of the fom1er upra-regional p wcr , the eleucid empire. The archaeological evi­dence a well a the t timony of rrabo i pr of that rhe new life tyl wa a complete ucce . Ar und the turning of the era , Petra wa a fl uri hing city f mon­umental public building· and lavi hly decorated re i­dence . Huge funcrary monument were con eructed or were under con truction everywhere. Thu , a general e onomic w alth and welf re can be deduccd. 199 But, early on, trab re tifi to the importation of ood (Geogr. 1 6.4.26) . !though he i referring to luxury item , thi could very well be a clue for under tandino

40 1

further d vel pmem . nomad , the abataean had been, t a great extent, elf- ufficient. ow, th y became incrca ingly depend nt on imported g J and trade. 200 A l ng a they had a wide ·election f trad­ing parmer , the abaraean would have been in a rather rrong p ition and w uld ha e been able to di.ctate price and trading condition . But with the increa ing Roman political overweight in the region, they nece arily came under economic pre ure too. Whether or not Rabbel l l , indeed, tried ro move hi capital from Petra to Bo ra, 20 1 rh entire picture how that the abataean were rruggling not only for politi­cal, but al o 6 r conomic urvi al. It eem that under the reign of Rabb l 11 agricultural activitie improved con iderably. 202 This how that the abataean tried to turn again t ward elf- ufficiency in order to bal­ance the lo in trade. We ee ther fore chat the former advantage, chat i , the better contact , and o on, with the edentariz d infra tructur and increasing pecial­ization suddenly turned into a eriou di advantage.203

A i evident from modern paraUel , it mu r have be n uch elements of ocial and economic pre ure that led

to a more 'traditional' tream within abacaean ociecy and culture, rather than an impo ed programme.204

In AD 1 06 the Roman emperor Trajan d cided to incorporate the abataean kingdom into the Roman Empire. 205 The Roman annexation of the Nabataean kingdom and the creation of the province of Arabia i generally believed to have occurred peacefully. The movements of their force how that the Roman were at lea r prepared for po ible r i ranee. ot only had the l l i Cyrenaica from Egypt and probably the VI Fer­rata from yria ent con id rable detachment into Arabia, but two additional cohortes (I Hispanorum and I Thebaeorum) were tran ferred to J udaea on the eve of the annexation. 206 Thu , the abataean were hemmed in on three side . Two afaitic in crip­tion , unfortunately undated, mention 'the year f the

abaraean war' and an eh r one report 'the year when the abataean rev I ced again t the people of Rome'.207 The e graffiti, together with the archaeo­logical evid nee, ugge t that the annexation did not occur without military confrontation. According to archae logical re ult , it eem that place lik 0 a, Moje Awad, Khirbat adh-Dharih, Dhiban and baita were de troycd in the very early econd century AD. In Petra, roo, evidence of a contemporary de rructi n wa reported n everal occa ions.10

A ho tile c mp n nt of rh Roman take ver em to be confirmed by a pa age in Ammianu [arccllinu raring th t, 'It [ the Nabataean kingdom] wa given

replum hmw

uld n t ther

m final th ught

4 2

The abataeans: Travellers between Ufestyles

with the acces ion to the abataean throne by Rabbel I I , 'the one who renewed and re cued his people', or whether Rabbet wa following an already exi ting gen­eral ueam. Intere tingly enough, it was only hortly before losing their political independence in AD 1 06 that the Nabataean had fully developed their own material culture with the la t of the e pha es.

When considering the evidence outlined above, one can conclude that Nabataean art and culture does how a comparable tripartite y rem of evolution-such can be applied to cultural development in general: a fir t phase of 'initialization'; a second phase of akme, that is, the peak of the evolution; and, finally, a third phase, already leading toward decline. However, thing eem to be more difficult in the case of the Nabataeans. The easie t case may be the pottery (cf. Figure 1 1 . 1 , 1 1 .3 , 1 1 .22) , where indeed the subdivision into three phases-with ome sub-phases-works quite well. In a first stage, the purely Hellenistic prototypes are taken over; in a econd, the first tendency to a ' local pro­duction is observed, combined with external (Roman) influence; and in the third tep, the characteristic

abataean ryle i achieved. Although of a similar gen­eral outline, other categories present different mod­els of evolution. For in ranee, in sculpture and relief we also see a first phase of complete Helleni tic style (Figures 1 1 . 1 1 - 1 1 . 1 5) , but with a chronological differ­ence of about 1 00 year compared with the first appear­ance of the Hellenistic pottery! Yet another illustration is provided by temple architecture (Figure 1 1 .8, 1 1 . 9) , where from the beginning, that is, the end of the fir t century BC, there seem to be rather strong oriental elements, mixed with other influences from the Hellenized east.

Thi may be related to the particular case of the process of settlement as observed in the case of the

abataeans. It may seem logical that in the first rage of settling down, people would not immediately start producing crafts, such as monumental architecture or sculpture that demanded a well-developed infra truc­ture and trained arti ts and craft men. But they would rather take their first steps in the field of ' mall er' car­egorie , such as coin minting or pottery production. 224

This may explain why there is an important chronolog­ical difference, although they follow the same general outline, within pottery and numismatics, on the one hand, and culpture and architecture, on the other. As for temple architecture, the impact of specific religious goals may play an important role, as stre ed above, although lacking derailed written ources this mu t remain rather mysteriou for the moment. 225

403

Intere tingly, mo t of the immediate geographical neighbour of the Nabaraean show a di.fferent model of cultural evolution. Mo t of them were settled for quite a long period, o that we find well-established local cul­tures that were increasingly influenced by Helleni tic and Roman feature , until they became more or les completely Hellenized or Romanized and, at last, were incorporated into the Roman empire.

In a search for a parallel phenomenon to that found within the abataean culture, we must leave the ear Ea t and turn toward Central A ia. There can be seen a comparable, uddenly increased input of we t­ern, that is, Helleni tic, culture that is due in these ea es to the conque t of Alexander the Great. 226 The Greek colonists established, within a very short time, a rrongly Hellenized culture, as can be seen chiefly in coins227 and pottery, 228 while in the field of architec­ture i found a large amount of local forms and shapes beside the imported Greek elements. 229 Already during the first 1 50 year or o after the founding of these Greek settlement , there are ome tendencies towards a simi­lar evolution as observed in the case of the Nabataeans. The fir t coins of the Graeco-Bactrian and Indo-Greek king show perfectly minted Greek coins with typical Hellenistic portraits of the ruler and Greek inscriptions. But around 200 BC at the latest, the fir t i sues occur with a mixed legend, that i , in Greek on one side and in local script on the other. 230 Around the middle of the econd century BC, nomad originating from regions in

present-day Turkesran and China conquered the terri­tories of most of these Greek kingdoms. 23 1 Therefore, the surviving Greek ettlements were cut off from their direct connection to Me opotamia and the Mediter­ranean and in the material culture a stronger tendency towards local elements can be observed. The coin now are consequently inscribed in local alphabets on one side and show at lea t partially non-Greek icono­graphic elements. Likewi e, pottery develop it own tyle, although there are occasionally influences from

the we t. The last remnants of these former Greek cul­tural spots in Central Asia can be een in the arts of the Kushan and the well-known Gandhara relief: , incorpo­rating both local and we tern elements. 232

Although in general terms quite similar to the lines of development in Nabataean material culture, there are ome crucial differences, mainly of a socio-political nature. The first Graeco-Bactrians were in fact Greek , imply producing their own crafts in a place far away

from their homeland . The first abataean who pro­duced their own material culture, on the contrary, were already 'at home' in central Jordan around 100 BC

\re{1lwn G · lunul

3 . e en· 4.

kn wl d m n

The author w uld ltke to thank (m alph, betic. I ud r) the llo\\ mg per on or thetr m, m (I Id pr tical

, nd intellectual help: Inch Bdlwald ( mman •rn), Zbtgnte� . Ftem. (Hel tnki ) , !tee K . Hcyn (B el) , Dame! Kcller (Amm n ha fuau en) , Bernhard Kolb (Sa ·cl) , Man m •er ( then ·. i nna) and Faw:i Za ·adtnc ( mmnn) .

l . Exhtbtt Jon · . l •c tton) : chmm-K me 1 976;

In ublt, ble Petr 1 9 ; �tbar;icn 19 I ; ( tc ro ·, le l 6; Kc: mg�weg 1 9 7; Lindner and Z •ttler

I ; Petr. und dte 'J' cihrauch tra e I 3. For publt anon on the to them, · t mau re •ar h a wit gue cnmc f the 'erm,m Arch. ologtc. l ln tinnc

4 4

5 .

6.

7 . I nd tn pre · 2 I .

1 .

• 2, 1 4 1 -42; ce . 1 - Parr evtden e, m the £, 1m1 of Hel­

l nt tic port ry and om of the rhtrd ntu!)' t f cnlement m Petra b rhat dare; but . o far no undt curbed level that pen I h. vc be n I ar d' .

cat. n . 1 -4. up. I . l J . hnHn-Korre 1 : t _ S-26.

Tlte abaweuns: Trut•ellcrs between ufe tylcs

1 2 . Wei er and C r ron 1 9 6: 26 with n. 240; Ku hnir- rein and Gitler 1 992-93.

1 3 . Me h rer 1 975 : 1 2 - 1 6, 6- 7 pi. I car. no . 5- ; chmitt-K rre and Pric 1 994: 95-96; uge 1 99 :

1 1 -32 . On the uncenaintie ab ut rhe egin­ning of the mint in Pctra , cf. chmitt-K rte 1 997: 1 1 - 1 02 and fig. I 5 .

1 4 . Knauf 1 997: 1 5 - 1 6 and n te 25 for the lder reference .

1 5 . chmid 1 995 : 637-3 , 640-4 1 , 1 996a: 1 2 7-29, 1 996b: 1 6 1 -62, 1 64, 1 6 ' 1 997b: 1 34, 200 b.

1 6. On thi phen m n n e al o chmid 1 996a: 1 30 and n re 1 7 ; Hanne rad 1 9 3 : 3 - 1 20; borh have additi nal re£, rence .

1 7 . The nly di rinctive eh racteri tic i the infr -quem imple painting. For a p ible explana­tion, ee chmid 1 996a: 1 3 and n te l -22 ; cf.

chmid 2 OOb. 1 . ucharlat and Lombard 1 9 5, 1 99 1 ; Boucharlat

and Mouton 1 993a, 1 993b; d Cardi 19 4; reven 1 994; H aerinck 1 9 3: 9 - 1 ; cf. above note 6 n the origin of rh abataean .

19 . eh mid 1 996a: 1 30-34; 200 b: 1 1 -2 L . 20. Zanoni 1 996: 3 1 1 - 1 , no . 1 and 2. 2 1 . Thi eem to be the ea e in other rather paral­

lel development from n madi m to edentari m t , a c n b een f, r th cythian· and other ; cf. b low note 1 44. A mall reflection of the e 'archaic' feature of the pre- ettlemenr culture of the Nabaraean may be een in ome t rracotta type , for example, the frequently ccurring camel and the hor e rider : Bigna ea 1 993: fi . 1 33 -3 ; Parla ea 1 997: 1 26-3 1 e pecially 1 3 -3 1 ; Parla ea 1 99 a: l 64-67 pl. 3 1 , 1 990b: 9 1 -92 fig . 26-3 7. The chron logy f abataean terracotta i till rather un ati fact ry. A fir r indication that the amel and hor e hould b rather early in dat may be

n by the fact that fr m the Late R man layer on az-Zantur only very few fragment were a ribed to the e type , while in the earlier layer they are much more prominent : Biona ea 1 996: 266- .

22 . chmid 200 1 . 23 . Wol·ki 1 999 pas im and e·pecially pp. 3- 1 1 6;

hcrwin-White and Kuhrr 1 993: 2 1 7-29; Fi chcr 1 9 0, 1 990a.

24. Drexhage l 9 : 7-9. Thc pa ag , a well a· the u e of rhe m n n wind , were known ro the ourh Arabian people f, r a longer rime, but they hid their knowledge from their rival in trade; cf. a on 1 9 9: 1 1 - 1 2 , 2 3-9 1 ; ee al o Kitchen 1 994: 22-25 on rhe date of the Periplus.

4 5

25 . Comparable phen mena, i .e . , rab crib pu hing into gap f power at the periphery of the Mediter­rane n world and creating new p litical factor and ev nrually becoming dentarized, curred

n everal cca i n in antiquity (Funke 1 996) . 26. Jo phu , Ant. 1 3 . 1 3. 5 ; War 1 .4.4; B wer ck

1 9 3: 23-24; Hammond 1 973 : 1 7 . 27 . J ephu , Ant. 1 . 1 5 . 1 ; War 1 .4 .7 ; B wer ck

1 9 3: 24-25 ; Wenning l 993b: 30-3 1 . 2 . J phu , Ant. 1 3 . 1 5 .2 ; War 1 .4. ; Bower ock

1 9 3: 25 -26; Hammond 1 973 : l .

29. Wenning 1 9 7 : 22-24; R che 1 996: 73-99. 30. tucky 1 996: 1 4- 1 7 . 3 1 . ehme 1 997a; ehme l 997b: 66-70. 32. chmid 2001 . 33 . Altorki and C le 1 9 9. 4 . Altorki and Cole 19 9: 67- 2; h wever, thi did

not exclude the amel raid r from having h u e in their home city.

35 . Altorki and C I 1 9 9: 1 0 1 - 1 02 , 20 -3 1 . The car ful analy i in rhe ea e of 'Unayzah offer h pe for recon trucring the pr c of enl mem and

cial diver ificati n m ng the abataean . On thi ubj et e Fiema 1 996.

36. On thi ee chmid 200 1 . 3 7 . A i proven by th find of abataean p tt ry

at ite uch a Ja\ f, Thaj, Hegra, Qaryat al-Fau, Gharrain, Marib, Qana and Khor Rori; n thi ee

eh mid 2000b: 1 2 7-3 1 . A thi p ttery apparently wa n t u ed a an export good, the e find point to abataean pre ence.

3 . chmid 200 1 . 39. chmid 1 996a: 1 32-33. 40. chmid 1 996a: 1 3 1 and n te 3 1 - 3 ; 2000b:

1 4 -49. 4 1 . G d picture in Tc ynb e 1 97 : 1 5 5 fig . 307, 30 . 42 . Wreath: Me horer 1 975 : 92 no . 33 , 35 , 37 , 39 ; no.

37 i interpreted by Me horer a diademed but a chmin-Korte 1 99 : 1 1 0 no . 2 1 -22 how wear a

wreath; diademed: Me horer 1 975 : 92 no . 32 , 34, 36, ; chmitt-Korce 1 99 : 1 1 1 n . 24; chmid 1 999.

4 3. Diad med: Me horer 1 97 5 : 94-96 no . 46, 4 7, 47A, 5 , 52, 55; chmitt-K n 1 990: 1 1 6- 1 7 no . 52-54; wreath: Me horer 1 975 : no . 4 -49A.

44. Jo ephu , Am. 1 5 . 10 .2 ; 1 6.9. 1 - 1 0.9; cf. Me hor r 1 975 : 32 -33 ; Millar 1 99 : 39-4 ; Bower o k 1 9 3: 49-54; Hammond 1 97 : 23-26.

45. Jo phu , Am. 1 6.9.2-3 ; on yllai ce al. o J ephu , A11t . 1 6.7 .6; K kkino 1 99 1 77-2 5 e pecially 1 2- 4.

Srephan G. chmul

46. rucky 1 996: 1 7-2 1 , 4 -49 and note 1 95 referring to lder excavation , e pecially at al-Khatute and al-Khubtha; K lb 1 997: 62-63 .

47 . Hoepfner et al. 1 999: 5 1 5 -24; Tri.imper 1 99 ; chmid in pre .

4 . A tronger oriental influence wa educed from the not o y tematic orientation of the maller unit ; ee tucky 1 996: 4 -49; Kolb 1 997 : 63. Parallel fr m Neo-A yrian and Neo-Babylonian Me opotamia how that even in uch ea es more exten ive planning u ually exi ted; ee Miglu 1 999: 2 54. The ba ic type of these Me opotamian hou e , showing one (Babylonia) or even two (A yria) inner courtyard with the different room for 'official' and private u e grouped around them, de erve pecial mention, ee Miglu 1 999: 1 33 -75 (A yria) , 1 79-2 1 3 (Babylonia) . A tempting a i t i s to con ider uch hou e a the forerunner of the

abaraean one , there are important chronologi­cal and geographical gap yet ro be filled.

49. ee the plan by Andreae 1 975 : 77 ; in the villa at Boscoreale there i -be ide the huge main peri tyle-a small one (no. 1 5) at the periphery, showing porticoes only on three ides, while the fourth one contain only emicolumns again t the wall; for Pergamon, ee Pinkwart and tamnitz 19 4: 36-42, PI . 5 1 , 5 2 .

50. Indeed, Helleni tic hou e and palaces from Nip­pur and eleucia how imilar feature : Ko e 1 996: 206 fig. 4, 208 fig. 6. A the e monuments show con iderable Helleni tic influence too, we may conclude that the hou e o far excavated at Petra simply illu crate the interprecario nabacaea of the common Hellenistic hou e type; cf. in a broader context Colledge 1 9 7. Taking into con ideration al o the remark in note 4 , it eem probable chat the oriental variant of che Helleni ric hou e gen­erally contained ome older local lement .

5 1 . Kolb et al. 1 997, 1 99 ; Kolb 1 997. 52 . The ame i true for the hou e on the north­

em lope of az-Zantur and on al-Khatute. From both place , an impre ive view of the city' centre i po ible. On the Ephe ian hou e , ee Lang-Auinger et al. 1 996 with an older

bibliography; imilar hou e type are reported from other area in A ia Min r too, for in ranee, from Limyra: eyer 1 993; eyer and Rasch 1 997.

53. Kolb et al. 1 99 : 26 1 fig. 5 . 54. On illu ioni tic painting from I taly and built par­

allel from the Helleni tic world, ee below note 9 1 99, 1 24.

406

5 5 . Kolb et al. 1 997: 234; on painting of pha e 3a, ee hmid 1 996b: 1 66 fig. 700 and here Figure 1 1 .23 .

56 . ee Kolb 1 997: 65 fig. 69b for the painring of the o­called ma onry ryle; cf. Rozenberg 1 996 for para­llel from Jericho; in general ee Andreou 1 989.

5 7 . Rozenberg 1 996; Fin chen 1 996: passim, e pecially 1 50.

5 . Thi i not the place to enter into detail on that ubject. A detailed publication of the e wall decoration , including the ariou interpretati e aspect , i in preparation by B. Kolb (Base!) .

59. On Du are , ee Arrian, Anab. 7 .20. 1 ; Wenning and Merklein 1 997 : e pecially l l O; Zayadine 1 990a; Gawlikow ki 1 990: 2662-65; Moursopoulo 1 990: passim, e pecially 53-54; Bower ock 1 990a; Tran Tarn Tinh 1 990; Knauf 1 990.

60. Nehme 1 997b: 1 035-36. 6 1 . On Qa r ai-Bint, e Zayadine 19 5 ; in 1 999,

IFAPO tarred new excavation on tructure in front of and be ide the temple. It is to be hoped that this will provide u with further evidence for the chronology of the monument.

62. Tholbecq 1 997, 1 998; Freyberger 1 99 ; Freyberger 1 997: 7 1 - 4.

63 . To con u l t other re earch, not nece arily related to the abataean , i normal practice. At an early rage, a rather imple model is u ually propo ed;

it i replaced at a econd tage by a very detailed differentiation; and at a third rage, it i often im­plified again to ome general outline . This is, for in ranee, what u ually happen with pottery srud­ie all over the world, the work of the pre ent writer not excluded.

64. In the ea e of the temple of al-Qa r (Figure 1 1 . a. l ) , it is not clear whether we have to recon eruct an inner ubdivi ion in the form of a wall ubdividing the rectangular building into a front and a rear part. If o, then al-Qa r would become an almo t exact parallel to Qa r al-Bint {Figure 1 1 . a.6 ) ; ee Altherr-Charon 1 977 cudy on temple with a tripartite cella.

65. Freyberger 1 99 : 6- 1 2 ; however, Freyberger tre e that the typically eclectic putting

together of different elements may be a general characteri tic of the Helleni tic Near and Middle Ea t. Thi eem in general the be t explanation for the phenomena ob erved in abataean culture a noted above in note 50 and 56 relating to private architecture.

66. Tholbecq 1 997: 10 6- , 1 99 : 24 -52 . 0ne could al o refer to the famou tent of Ptolemy II a

The Nabataeans: Travellers between Lifestyles

described by Kallixeino apud Athenaeus, Deipn. 5 . 1 96- 1 97 . There, to , a central hall, surrounded on three sides by portic e , i mentioned. Thi how that such features were quite wide pread in

Ptolemaic Egypt; on the tent see also below note 1 1 7 - 1 1 9.

67 . ee Freyberger 1998: 24; for the time being, we should be cautious in identifying the South Temple, also known a the Great Temple, as a temple. This is o since the di covery, during the 1 997 season, of a theatre-like structure within it. Even it function as a temple ha been questioned; ee Joukowsky 1 998. For the moment, it does not

seem possible to distinguish the exact chronologi­cal relation among the theatron, the 'temple' proper and the temeno .

68. On the impact of Roman architecture on Near Ea tern buildings and on interchanges between them, see trocka 1 988.

69. On Ptolemaic temple building in Egypt in gen­eral, ee Aufrere et al. 1 997: 2 1 5-6 1 ; chloz 1 994; Siegler 1 969; Arnold 1 999, especially 1 3 7 -224; for a broader view on Egyptian temples, see the con­tributions in Gundlach and Rochholz 1 994.

70. Zayadine 1 986: 248. 7 1 . On South Arabian temples in general, ee now

Schmidt 1 997-98. 72 . Freyberger 1 998: 6-7; Zayadine 1 985 : especially

248-49, 1 986: 238-48; u indeed, a Zayadine supposes, the temple of the late first century had a predeces or that could probably be dated to a gen­eration before Obodas I l l (Zayadine 1 985 : 249) , thi would be the earliest cultic building known from the abataean area and would at least fill partially the chronological gap between their set­tlement and the first monumental buildings. Other po sible early cult building are indicated by epi­graphic evidence but not much i known about the architecture related to them (Wenning 1 989: 249) .

73 . Tholbecq 1 997: 1076-77 , 1 998: 243-45. 74. Freyberger 1 998: 18- 1 9; Hammond 1 996: 5 - 1 4. 7 5 . On pottery ofpha e 2b, see Schmid 1 996b: 1 65 -68

1 73 -74. For the pottery from the outh Temple, ee Joukow ky 1 998: 3 1 3 and note 1 4. This pottery from trench 18 loci 3 and 10 (from the 1 996 sea­son) was identified by the author and the results were communicated in a letter to the excavator dated 27 January 1 997. However, in 1 997, in a trench parallel to trench 18 ( trench 46 on fig. 1 b in Joukowsky 1 998: 295) apparently pottery of a much later date was found in layers below the

407

pavement: the bowl on fig. 9 in Joukow ky 1 998: 299 belong not-as stated in the caption-to the econd style, but to pha e 3c, po t-dating AD 1 00!

If, indeed, the wrongly labelled pottery comes from below the pavement, this would be later than AD

1 00 and would, therefore, completely change the chronology of the entire building. According to a per onal communication from the excavator Oan­uary 200 1 ) , later building activities were indeed attested in that area.

76. Tushingham 1 972 : 32-33 ; the late t element from the as emblages connected to the construction of the temple would be the painted bowl ibid. fig. 2 , 59 of pha e 2c ; for a detailed analysis, ee Schmid 2000b: 1 04- 1 05 .

7 7 . On abataean culpture in general, see McKenzie 1990; Lyttelton and Blagg 1 990; McKenzie 1 988, all with additional reference .

78. Wright 1 968; McKenzie 1 988: 86-87; Freyberger 1 998: 1 5- 18 .

79 . On thi anctuary, ee Tarrier 1 990; Wenning 1 989: 250 and no. 22 .

80. Weber 1 997: 1 1 8- 1 9 fig. 1 30a; McKenzie 1 9 8: 86-87 fig. 9; Zayadine 1 986: 238-38 fig. 36; on the date of the Qasr al-Bint, ee above.

8 1 . On that, especially in connection with abataean sculpture, ee Schmid 1999 and Smith 199 1 : 223-28, in a broader context. A a matter of fact, the fir t appearance of uch clas icizing fea­ture within Hellenistic sculptures goes back to the middle or even the fir t half of the second century BC. On the famous altar from Pergamon, the baroque style, as seen within the giants on the big frieze, already occurs together with the calm and fie hy faces on the small frieze: mith 1 99 1 : 1 55 -66. From then on, prominent examples like the group with Achilles and Penthesilea show that the classicizing style continues during the entire econd and into the beginning of the first century

BC; cf. Jaeggi and Schmid 1 996: 23-24, 3 1 -33 . 82. Weber ( 1 997: 1 1 8- 1 9) points out that the

above-mentioned bust of Helios from the Qasr al- Bint i another good example, and the frag­ment on Figure 1 1 . 1 4, de pite its incomplete preservation, is of outstanding quality, both in technical terms as well as naturalistic tyling.

83 . Thi is true, for example, for such famou culp­tural group like the Laocoon or the culptures from the Sperlonga ea ve ( mith 199 1 : fig . 1 4 3 -46) . While Laocoon himself i related predominantly to the baroque style of the high

· reJJium G. Schmu.l

4.

5 .

: 6- 7 ; Lytt l t n anJ Blagg

a ere -tu re, e pcciall m c nnecti n wath the wea ns on th ame friez (triton h lding t rche ma on repr entati n f � cad n' ' eddin Amphitrite) . Tha could be un er t a eren to the abara an tr p burning the hip

f Cle patra VII that he had pr pared at a Red ea re in rd r to flee tavaan after the b ttle ar

Actium (Di Ca iu 5 1 . 7. 1 ; Plurarch, Anr. 69. 3) . 6 . The m t pr minent example- ut b far n t the

nl ne-� r th1 th man c njecture i rh lower part f the out r frieze f th ra Paci at R me, al howing a rich! e el ped fl ra and f: una refemn to Augu tu ' g I en ag ; c . n the Ara Paci below n te 1 26-27 .

7 . The t mb fa� d of the abata an m g neral, anJ the ne· fr m Petra m particular, have been treat d many time m rh hi tory f re arch. Con i e overvie\ ar given by McKenzi 19 ;

Zayadme 1 9 9; chmidt- I m t 1 9 I ; ee al rhe r t ed vcr t n m Weber and Wennin 1 997:

7-94; Fedak 19 : 1 50-57; Lyttdton 1 974: 6 1 - 3 . Th work MatthHle 1 9 1 give , g mtr ucti n a well, although m 1nt rpr ra­ta n , e pcet l ly of rh • monument treat d here, cem di acult t ub tantiatc; cf. bel w n tc I . p cial reference hould be made t rhe eldom-u ·cd work of u u · 1 9 4; th a ic work ,

e p mlly � r Jeuulcd d npt ton , by Brunn w

4

and v n ma :cw�k1 1 4: 1 7-42 and Ba hmann ec al. 1 92 1 : -2 , re ull irrcpl. cable;

hmid 2000a gi c a brief mrroJu non. The covcnng with tu co 1 con irmcd m mo t ea b the 'fi ing' h le· ull m IIU and. m rare c , b ' fragment of un · rved tucco. How p ta ul r th e d coran m could have been

IS hown by · me gilded fr, gm •n · related t th temp! of Q r ai-Bint r even t predec )r; ee Za adine 1 9 5: 240. H wever, rh n h

fragment fr m pn ate h u e al nfirm thi general picture (cf. a v ) .

9 . Brunn w and v n ma z w k i 1 9 9 : 9 - 1 0 1 ;

D nrzcr-Fe ·dy L 9 5 6: 263-65; Fedak 1 9 : 6- 7. 1 4 - 5 .

9 . In general, on Rh aan fun rary monument , e Fra er 1 977 , m tl ' deahng with m 11 r m n­um n ; Mette 1 992: 6-60; Laurcr 1 972, 1 9 ;

Fedak 1 9 : pe ially 3- 7 .

9 1 . Lauter 1 9 : 1 5 5-56; K nsr nrin ul 229-3 1 ; Lauter 1 972 : 5 5-56; Fedak 1 99 :

n the Rh ian 'park With their gron and rriclmia, e als Rtce 1 995.

92 . The bi li graphy on the Mau leum 1 legt n; a ins1ght ma b found in Jepp en 1 99 , a

w ll a m Higg 1 997 ; J nkin et al. 1 997; J ppe en 1 997· Walk r an Matthew 1 997; and \X/a well 1 997; ee al o Fedak 1 9 : 7 1 -74.

93. Lauter 19 6: 2 1 4, 1 9 : 1 56; Fedak 1 99 : 6- 7. Lautcr u te parallel fr m yrene. This w uld, of cour , fit well th often cl' cu ed Alexandrian influen e in abataean t m archarecture. n t mb fr m C renai a, e tuccht 1 975 : 1 49-92 .

94. Lauter 1 9 : 1 57 fig. l ; K n ranrinop ul · 1 973:

1 1 6 fig. 3.

95. Za adine 19 6: 2 1 7-2 1 wath referen e t imi­lar t mb • r und Jeru alem; n th e ee naco 1 99 . n imilar m num nr fr m umidia, uch a the ab. ea n funeral rchirecture come ung the penpheral lecti i m between I al tr. d1ti n and Hellena ti influence, e C arelli and Thebert 1 9 ; Rak b 1 979, 1 9 3 ; nd, m . br ader frame­w rk, amp 1 995. It mu r be ment1on d that , mall tom in the Bab a • 1 out 1de P tra i om­

plerel h wn ut of the r ck, i. . . free- tanding. F r ther ' maller' abaraean m numenr , rr n�ly

depending u n Hell n· ri influence, 'e Weber 1 997: 1 1 7- 1 .

96. eigne and Monn 1 995. 97. Brunn w and von oma :ew kt 1 904: 1 79- 6,

223-3 1 no. 62. 1ew exc. vauon b ' Bell,, aid and

The abataeans: Travellers between Life tyle

K llcr in the ·qu re in from f ai-Khazna will def­initely increa e ur knowledg n the nnec­tion between th m nument and it en ir n ; cf. b low.

9 . ee chmid 2000a; McKenzi 1 990: 5- 1 0 1 ; Weber 1 990: l O - 1 09, 220-22 cat. no . M 7- 1 1 ; Tybout 1 9 9; Lyttel ton 1 974: 1 7-25 .

99. Tyb ut 1 9 9: pas im, e pecially 2 1 5-73, 325-52 ; Fitt chen 1 976a: 544-56; although the amc auth r recently partial! m dified hi theory a ut the cultural background f ome ea tern wall painting (Fitt chen 1 996) thi d not affect hi and other reflection on what the architectural painting of the ec nd Pomp iian ryl repre ent; cf. al eh £, Id 1 975 .

lOO. Thi theory-for al-Khazna a well a for ther fa<;ade -i mainly repre ented by Matthiae 1 995, 1 994, pecially 2 4- 5, 1 99 1 , e pecially 2 59-65, 19 9, 19 .

1 0 I . Pe ce 1 9 50; Kraeling 1 962: 3- 9; Lauter 1 97 1 ; Lyttelton 1 974: 53-60; McKenzie 1 990: 75-77 ;

iel en 1 994: 1 46-52, 2 4- 6 cat . no. 22 . 1 02 . Lauter 1 97 1 : 1 5 1 - 52 ; cf. on AI xandrian capital

Pen abene 1 99 1 : 44-46 fig. 29-33; on their evolu­tion and eo m pari on in general, ee He berg 1 97 .

1 03 . Lyttelton 1 974: 5 pi . 63; Orlando 1 976: 36-3 fig. 37 .

4. ee the impre ive recon truction by Pe ce 1 950: pi. X; Lauter 1 97 1 : 1 63 fig. 1 5 . It mu t b men­tioned that all architectural elements u ed in that recon truction were actually found, at lea t partially.

l05 . Pe ce 1 950: fig. 1 3 top left; Lauter 1 97 1 : 1 72 with n. 1 1 5 .

6 . Fir t o f all Pen abene 1 993: 3- 1 47 , 1 95-2 1 6; McKenzie 1 996; chmidt-C liner 1 993; Pen abene 1 99 1 : passim, e pecially 49-55 fig. 42-62; He berg 1 97 ; Lyttelton 1 974: 40-52 .

1 07 . Will e t al. 1 99 1 ; e p ciall on the connection with the Khazna, e tucky 1 990: 26; Ni I en 1 994: 1 3 -46.

l O . Will ec al. 1 99 1 : 37 -3 with n. 1 5 7 and map 1 -4. l 09. Will et al. 1 99 1 : 2 1 1 - 1 . 1 l 0. It doe n t matter whether or not th retaining

wall for the lake were ever completed and, there ­(! re, whcth r r not the lake wa ev r fi lled. The idea ehind the in tallation i cl ar and it i thi

int that lead to further reflection. I l l . Will er al. 1 99 1 : 1 49-20 e pecially 1 67-7 ; on

the capital ee al Fi eh er 1 99 b: 7- 1 1 ; for Alexandrian parallel cf. abo e nn. 1 02 . l 06.

4 9

L 1 2 . Will et al. 1 99 1 : 277- 6; cf. n relat d architec­ture Brand 1 996; iganidou 1 996; Ni I en 1 994:

l -99; Heermann 19 6; Pandermali 1 976. 1 1 3 . etzer 1 999: 3-3 L , 1 996a, 1 990: 37-42; iel en

1 994: 1 5 5-63. 1 1 4. etz r 1 999: 2- 4, 1 996b, 1 990: 42-50; icl en

1 994: l 1 -20 . 1 1 5 . F r ter 1 996: 5 -63; icl en 1 994: 1 9-95 ,

295-96 cat. no. 2 7; Netz r 1 999: 0- 7, 1 99 1 : 1 34- 1 70, 575- .

1 1 6. ee the drawing by euer 1 99 1 : 5 3 plan 62, bear­ing in mind that the r con truction f the r f: i h p rh t ical; cf. al o iel en 1 994: 1 93 ; F er ter 1 996: 60-6 1 .

l l 7 . Athenaeu , Deipn. 5, 204d-206c; the ba ic tud i till Ca pari 1 9 1 6; cf. further rimm 1 9 1 : 1 7 ; Niel en 1 994: 1 36-3 ; Pfr mmer 1 996a: 1 77-79; Pfromm r 1 996b.

1 1 . Pfrommer 1 996b l 02- 1 04; cf. ab ve n. 1 1 2 . 1 1 9 . Cf. the drawing b Pfrommer 1 996a: 1 7 fig. 9;

Pfrommer 1 996b: 9 fig. 1 ; iel en 1 994: 1 3 7 fig. 7 1 .

1 2 . Zayadine 1 99 1 : 300-306; hmid 2000a. 1 2 1 . Cf. the drawing by Pfrommer 1 996a: 1 7 fig. l O;

Pfrommer 1 996b: 99 fig. 2 . 1 22 . Athenaeu , Deipn. 205c. 1 2 3. Athenaeu , Deipn. 205e; e pecially on the e luxury

feature ee rmann 1 996: 1 53-6 1 . 1 24 . rr cka 1 99 1 : fig . 3051 30 - l l ; for rhe e painting 1

ee al o above note 9 and 99. 1 2 5 . ee below; in general, on the ucce or of Hel­

leni m in the Ea t, ee till chlumberger 1 969; Bower ock 1 990b1 e pecially 29-40.

1 26. On the capital from Petra ee Ronczew ki 1 932 ; comparison with the Ara Paci : chmidt-Colinet 1 9 1 : 621 90-92; cf. al o Freyberger 1 997: 721 1 99 :

6-7 who-although he p inr out the imilaritie with late republican ornament -again rewrn t the compari n with the Ara Paci .

1 27 . In general on the Ara Pacis1 ee now Ca triota 1 995; cf. etti 1 9 and, for the tendril 1 auron 1 9 .

1 2 . Carettoni 1 9 3 : colour pi. 71 1 5 ; on the dar­ing 4 1 2- 1 9; the painting b long t the very late

cond ( lower fl r) and to the very early third Pompeiian cyle (' tudi lo' in th upper floor) .

1 29. Hol cher 1 9 : 363-64 cat. no. 1 99; Krau 1 976: 463-64 and fig. ; yd w 1 974: e pecially 204- lO; ee al o the very rich comparative material by chorner 1 995: 1 7-46 for rh third quarter f

the fir t century BC and 46- 5 1 £ r the early

impenal y • r ; . c • L the compari n um d by Fr ybcrgcr 1 99 : 7 and n tc 5 .

1 3 . B<"rker 1 973: 296- 300 fig . 6-9; Rum cheid 1 994: 292-94 pi . 1 1 4. 5, 6 c. r. no. 1 .2 3-24.

1 3 1 . Lyndron and Blagg 1 99 : 95, 97; c f. Fin chen ! 976b: 19 wh think that the frieze lab from Perr with reprc entari n f weap n r rather we tern oman m thetr c mpo ni n and di cu the po tbility o ea tern influence n Augu tean m c if: .

1 32 . Freybcrg r 1997: 74-76; Za adme 1 9 5 : 246-47, 1 9 6, 244-47.

1 3 3. Ir mu t mentJ ned, h wever, that the tucc d coranon could-the ret:i all ·-have

b en applied t a later ume, lth ugh rht d n c eem "' ry likely. At lea t the wall pamtmg fr m az-Zanrur (a v nn. 54-5 nd figure 1 1 .6) , wtth a well ea h hed temunu post quem fAD 2 , how that uch pedtm nt continued t be u ed

de rarive feature mto the 1r t century A.D. 1 4. On the Hegra tomb nd thetr m cnprion , eMc­

Ken:Je 1 99 : 1 1 -3 1 ; chmidr-C hnet l 9 7 , 1 9 7b. 1 35 . On the datmg f the the ere, e McKenzt 1 99 :

35 1 1 43-44. Hammond ( 1 965: 5 5-65) , the excava­t r, dare the rheane in the retgn of reta IV (9 BC- 4 ) .

l 6 . Bellwald and Keller, per. n I c mmunic ri n. 1 37 . Tholbecq 1 99 ; cf. al a ve n te 76 on Oht an;

other cttl mcnt uld I c add d. I H pfner et al. 1 999: 445-46. 1 39. tr 1 6.4.2 1 -24; Ra hke 1 97 : e p 1 11 ·

650-76; ide tham 1 9 6a: 4 -7 1 , 1 1 3-3 , 1 9 6 and 1996 (! r a gen ral vervtew; cf. further Eadt 19 9; Romam 1 996: 1 9-2 1 .

1 4 . I n the en e f mer a mg pre · nee of abatae, n m l talian rt and itie : Roch 1 9 6: 6-95, 99.

1 4 1 . Hurh 1999; Haerinck 1 99 ; Munr -Hay 1 99 1 , 1 9 4 : pectally 1 92 , 1 9 -2 I 1 996; A m Id­Btu chi 1 9 1 ; a t r 19 3 ; in gen ral term , · e Pott 1 9 1 .

1 42 . K l l r 1996; a tan u 19 3. 14 . In 1:encral, n •thian and r lated art, ee

jacob on 1 995; chiltz 1994; Z zoff 1 96. The ten­den · toward omamentalizan n can be en in an exemplary way wuhm the -called 'Rolltterc'. I t wa� fl rmerl · beh v d th t the yrhi n arrived m the Bla k a area wnhour a material cultur of their own nd carted c. kmg over and devel pm foreign pr nor pc ; cf. wck • 1 976: e ·p e t. l l · 2 -2 1 wtth the older re ercncc . A good a tht · theory 1 for a parallel to ' hat an e b ervcd

4 1

/tmid

1 44 .

1 45 .

. 1 - 1 3 . . 7-9. Inrere tm I , the

e e"' l type t eem t have cl e fl rerunner in H l lemstic type , mainly from Alexandna: Ml '1\ar :yk 1 99 : 33 -39, 34 1 fi . 1 2a, b.

14 . n Khir at t-Tannur� ec Glu ck 1 965. n pr h-Ie related ro prec chr n logt al equen ee \Vennmg 1 9 7: 77- 1 and M Kemie 1 9 .

Kader 1 996: 1 3 • 3 1 and e pectally Fr ber r 1 99 : 34-4 1 m t t n a date in the reign f Areta IV r all three pha e and, rh refore, fl r the ennre culptur I dec rati n fr m Khtrbat t-Tannur that

appear impo ible to the pre enr writer, c . al bel w n te 1 56 and 1 70.

1 49. Glucck 19 5 : 24 - 59 and ther . 1 5 . Glue k 1 965: l 3 ; cf. \Vennin 1 9 7: 77- 1 and

McKenzte 1 9 . Indeed, me of the e culprure bear me ryh ttc nd t chmcal imtlarme eo a gr up f culpture fr m the Haur. n, dared to the cc nd and thtrd centune A : tebner 1 9 2 ; Bol l l i 1 9 5 6 .

1 5 1 . lue k 1965: pi . 7 3a, 74a, 75a· . All the ther f it earlter in date-Jilu rrmed

in Dcwc and Dolph1ns corn fr m Pecra and ' mman and i · n t relat d t the temple f Khubac at-Tannur. lue k ( 1 965: 1 39 refer to u h t· tcry bemg found under the pavement f pha.c 1 1 . Ther fl r , tt w ulJ pr -date vcn the earltcr · ulpture. However, Glueck him elf n re I me of the pocrcry may have been mtru tve rom htghcr level . me there t · no mpr hen tvc tudy the ponery from Khtrb t at-Tannur rclatmg tl w la ·er and con cru cion ph a e ·, it hould b u cJ on I · wtth car a d nng c\•idcn e.

The Nabar.aeans: Travellers between Lifestyles

1 5 2 . McKenzie 1 988: passim and especially 88-89. 1 53 . McKenzie 1 990: 1 33 -34 pis. 58-59; McKenzie

1 988: 87-89. 1 54 . Zayadine 1 997: 6 1 8 no. 1 0; ee al o McKenzie

1 988: 88, 9 1 no. 4 and fig. 1 2a. 1 55 . The Departmem of Antiquities acquired one

of the heads from the art market. It proba­bly comes from Petra since a very close icono­graphic and stylistic parallel wa found there; ee Konigsweg 1 987 : 224, 227 no. 2 10; Weber 1 997: 1 16- 1 7 .

1 56. McKenzie 1 990: 36, 1 32-34 pl. 47 b-d; the dating of the temeno gate is connected with a trench dug a few metre away: Parr 1 970: especially 369-70; cf. Lyttelton and Blagg 1 990: 92, 95 ; cf. above note 1 4 1 and below note 1 70.

1 57 . Zayadine 1 997 : 6 1 8 no. 9; Villeneuve and Muhei en 1 994: 745-46 fig. 5 .

1 58 . Wenning 1 993a: 86-93; Wenning 1 989: 257 ; Hammond 1 98 1 : 1 37 -4 1 .

1 59. See, for example, the pictures in McKenzie 1 988: figs. 3, 7 .

1 60. In addition, i t may be noted that the painted flo­ral motifs in the az-Zantur house have convincing parallels within the painted pottery of pha e 3a (Figure 1 1 . 23) , dated to c . A D 20-70/80 and, there­fore, indicating a later date; cf. Schmid 1 996b: 1 68, 1 73 ; abataer 1 98 1 : pl. 79.

1 6 1 . See Huff 1 989: especially pl. 26. 1 , 2. 1 62 . See Dentzer-Feydy 1 985-86: 286-99. 1 63 . For instance, the fragments with 'inhabited scroll ',

in thi case tendrils with panthers, from the temple of al-Qasr (Wenning 1 990: pl. 2 1 . 7 ; cf. Tholbecq 1 997: 1 080-8 1 ) , have good parallels within the wider region, confirming a date in the later first or early second century AD (Ovadiah and Turnheim 1 994: 87-9 1 and others) , although a chronological analysis is mi sing from the work of Ovadiah and Turnheim 1 994.

1 64. See the drawing by Schmidt-Colinet 1 98 1 : 78 fig. 1 8 (right) ; Brunnow and von Domaszewski 1 904: 1 68 fig. 192 , 388-89 no. 766.

1 65 . McKenzie 1 990: pls. 1 26-27; Brunnow and von Doma zewski 1 904: 1 72 fig. 1 97 , 206-208 no. 34.

1 66. McKenzie 1 990: 34 and note 1 5- 18 for the ome­what puzzling evidence.

1 67 . Cf. the references above note 1 0 1 - 106. 1 68. Adriani 1 963-66: 107-83, especially 1 28-46,

pis. 48- 57 on the Mu tafa Pa cha necropoli ; McKenzie 1 990: 64-65.

4 1 1

1 69. See, for example, Pen abene 1 993: 104- 107 fig. 93 pl. 1 1 7 . 3 ; 1 33-35 pi. 1 1 7 . 7 ; 98 pl. XI 1 cat. no. 1 4 and many others.

1 70. On the capitals from the temeno gate, see Ronczewski 1 932 : 87-89 fig. 38; McKenzie 1990: 36. 1 32-34 pl. 4 7 b-d; on the chronology of the temeno gate, cf. above note 1 56. In a recent study, Kader ( 1 996: 108-49) concludes that the gate and it capital should be dated considerably earlier to the reign of Aretas IV. Kader 1 996: 1 28-32 argues that the capitals are badly corroded and, therefore, were erroneously compared with later examples; Kader prefer comparisons with earlier parallels, such as the one from al-Khazna, Qasr al-Bint and others (Figures 1 1 . 1 9, 20) , and ug­gesrs a dating only lightly later than the e, but till within the reign of Areta IV. However, one should bear in mind that the corrosion of the capitals al o reflects on the comparisons with earlier capital and, therefore, should not be over-interpreted; cf. also above no . 1 4 1 and 1 56.

1 7 1 . On ad-Dayr, see Schmidt-Colinet 1 98 1 : 97-98; Zayadine 1 989: 1 58; McKenzie 1 990: 1 59-6 1 with additional bibliography; Brunnow and von Domaszewski 1 904: 187 fig. 220, 33 1 -35 no. 462 .

1 72 . On the capitals of ad-Dayr, ee McKenzie 1 990: 1 60-6 1 ; in general on N abataean capitals and their possible origin in Ptolemaic Egypt, see Soren 1 987: 206- 1 2 ; inos 1 990: 1 45 -56, 227-29; Laroche-Traunecker 2000.

1 73 . Also the painting of it fac;ade may have con­tributed to the decoration of the monument.

1 74. Cf. above on the different palace and other luxury architecture. Strocka ( 1 988) ha con id­ered the exchange between traditional Roman architecture and Hellenistic luxury architecture that wa e pecially fruitful in A ia Minor; cf. Schmidt-Colinet 1 993 : 6- 1 3 .

1 7 5 . Strocka 1 988: 294-97 and note 1 0 and 16 for additional bibliography.

1 76. Mielsch 1 997: 88. 1 7 7 . Kleiner 1983. 1 78. Kleiner 1983: 78-79. 1 79. Cf. above note 99. 180. On the complex hi tory of Philoppapo ' family,

ee Baslez 1 992. 1 8 1 . For the chronology of Philoppapos' monument,

see Kleiner 1 983: 1 4- 1 5 . 1 82 . Zayadine 1 989: 1 58; Zayadine 1 997: 53 .

�ceplum G � lmtid

I 3. Rahb ·l l l m. have rr. n f< rr •d ht

4. 5 .

v t1 n r ports. 1 6. Mu tafa P eh : Adri m 1 96 3-66: l l ,46 pl .

4 -57 ; Mcl<enztc 1 9 : 64-65; e a Paph : Ml ·narcz k 1 99 : 7,94, 22 -32, 19 6: e pe ially 200-202 mt ut the cl e 1mtlancy between uch perist •le t m and the dwelling of th ri h nd we lth . n the i land Rhode th re are,

be L e the a ve mcnti n d fr c · t nding m n­ument , quite imtlar h pogaea a the ne Alexandria and ea Paph : K 1 9 6: 226-27 lg. 2 5 3.

7. McKem1e 1 9 : pls. 9 1 and 93. McKenz1e 1 99 : p l . 9 , 1 , 1 03, I . The ent tre c mplex of the R man oldter t m and the m· clinium 235 ha not y t attra red the attention it de rve , although alrea Bachmann et al. 1 92 1 : 75,94 po1med out Its tm nanc ; cf. furth r chmtdt· olinet 1 9 1 : 77, 2; ag tetger 1 99 1 :

59,6 1 . '\ ith ext nsive cleaning r a mall, al ex van n b rwe n the rw rrucrure , much add1ti nal inf< rmat1 n c uld gained. e chm1d 2

9. ee a v . n th c nn c uon between Vitruviu ' n and reality w 11 palac rch1·

tecture, e Z pi 1 99 1 -92; Raeder 19 ; Re r 19 .

1 90. McKcnzte 1 990: pi . 1 63-64; Zayadin 1 974, 1 9 6: 229-37; Bocki h 1 99 1 : 9-97.

1 9 1 . Cl 2 .35 ; McKenz1e 1 9 : 3 5 and n te 3 ; Bachmann et al. 1 92 1 : 9- n tcd pr vi u ly th cl e c nnecti n ben een wh t t menti ned n th Turkmani e m cripnon and what 1 f< und m the Roman ldier c mpl •x.

1 92 . Tht ha· a! read been n ted ( chmidt· olmet 19 7a: tall 1 49-50) r the Urn tomb; in a broader en e n th amc ubj t, e

4 1 2

imcr .,ting a. 1� aboul th

1 9

1 94.

1 95 . Freyberger l 9 : 19 and n te 23 1 ; Hamm nd 1 9 6: 22 t ntauvely date the rec n crucu n t the re1gn f Malichu 1 1 . In h1 later publi uon h IS much le pr · e in danng and int rpreting thl pha : Hamm nd 1 996: 1 1 - 1 2 . F r the cempl m Wad1 Ramm, a 'reorganizati n' f rh monument in luding bUJidmg actl\'itJe wa b erved and t n· mriv I dated to the ttme f el 1 1 (Th lbecq 1 99 : 245-47 ) .

1 96. e a ve note 1 5 . 197 . e Wenmng 1 9 9 : 255- 59 u ing the met ph r

of (Hellcn tic) ma k that were rem raril uperpo cl on the indi en u abataea Arab1

feature . 19 . 'WI nning 19 9: pamm; Pamch 1 99 : pas 1m, pe·

dally 1 65-66. 1 99. We can m t pr ably e rh n t very flau nng

chara tenzau n of a I l l ( 0-9 BC) • being weak and L k in th ame c nrext 0 phu • A ne. 1 6.7 .6; rrabo, Geogr. 1 6.4.24) . F r 11 we know, th r impl ' a · no n ed to m re acuve or to handle the king h1p m re re trtctively eau e the me me fr m rraJe ' a m re than u ficient . M t probably,

Tile 'ahawcans: Travellers bc!twcen L•fc tylc

count on the act that after the in rporation of Egypt into the Roman Empire, the abataean p<.ri­tion in the area would improve, all the more c the abata�.:an ·rood on the ide of eta vie n during hi Cl nflict with Amh ny and Cle patra ( f. abov note 5 ) . It m· that he did not take into con ·id rati n rh Roman rriving for ormol of long-di ranee tr de. Thi- mi calculation led r a

ri fc nflict with Rome, the fir t ne b ing the un(! rtunate even · dunn the campaign f Aeliu

allu into uth rabi ; cf. ab ve note 1 3 9. 2 re 36-3 , etdcment

a c ntinuou pe ializari n within abaraean ciery.

2 1 . e above note 1 3. 202 . Bow r o k 1 9 3 : 73 refer r irrigation in talla­

ri n - m the gev in rder t optimize agricul­tural a ti iti . The ame may be true � r the area ar und Perra. During a urvey related to rh Finni h Jabal Haroun Project (FJHP, e the fir t preliminary r rt by Fr .. en et al. 1 99 ) in 1 99 ome barrage or terracing wall related to a ricul rural activiue w r inve rigated. The col­lected pottery wa tudied b the author during a eminar at Hel inki Univer ity in December 1 99

and it turned our t be predominant! of pha e 3b (cf. Figure 1 1 .22. ; 1 1 . 24) and, therefore, fr m R bb I l l ' rim .

203. Inter tingly, again the parallel example from modern uth Arabia eem to confirm rhi picrure: Alrorki and Cole 19 9: 232-4 ; cf. ab ve n re 34 and 3 5 .

204 . Of c u r , m ern archae l gy hould ery en itive and cauri u not to over-interpret the

c nnection between anciem and m dem data in general. ome of the very tricky ea e \l ith many timulating commem can b found in Me kel

1 99 . 2 5 . ee chmid 1 997a with further ibli graphy;

Fi ma 1 9 7; chmid 2000b: 1 43-46. 206. Bower ock 19 3: 79- 2; on the tr p and their

movem nt , ee al Zayadine and Fiema 19 6; Fiema 19 7: 2 and note 20 and 2 1 ; Kennedy 19 0 .

2 7 . am 1 9 2 : 1 3 1 -32 ; 1 9 5 : 6 -72 e p cially 6 -69; Bower ck 1 9 3 : O and n re l J ; Wennin 1 993a: 1 0- 1 0 1 ; on the e and other afaitic i n cription where Rome and Roman are m mioned, ee Macdonald 1 993: 32 -34.

20 . F r detailed analy i a well a related bibliography, e chmid 1 997a, 2 b: 1 4 1 -43.

4 1 3

2 9. mmianu Me rcellinu 1 4. . 1 3 : 'Hanc provin iac imp ito nomme, rccrorequ adtributo, obrempcr­nr legibu no tri Traianu compulit imperator, incolarum rumore aepe contun o .. .' (after Locb

la ical Librar ·) ; Wennin 1 9 a: 1 - 1 3 and note 97 ee in thi pa age a pr for a abataean rebelli n that ju·tifi d the Roman intervention. F r nother tran larion f [ l tmor, ee Eadie 19 5.

2 1 0. The rri une' prom ti n i Ji cu ed by yme 1 965: 353 and wa -like the omamenca m­ttmplwlia for Palma-not nece • rily c nnected t the ann xati n of Ar bia, < I though i t i likely; the be t wing of rh omamenta triumplwlia upon Palma i- menti ned n an h norific ratu in Rom (CIL 6. 1 3 6) ; the tatue i al o r poned by Di Ca iu 6 . 1 6 .2 ; f. \1 enning 1 93a: I 1 and n t 107. There are only rare ea e known ' here eh omamema rriumphalia were be rowed � r non-military ucce e ; cf. Zimmermann 1 992: e pe ially 295-96; Matt tti 1 993: 1 94.

2 1 1 . Bower ck 1 9 ; Bower ock ugge t thanhi up­pre i n of th abataean ethnikon had been in ti ated by (amon other ) the citie of the Decapoli who had uffer d ec nomically under

abaraean c mpetiti n (Bow r ock 1 9 : 5 1 -52) . I t e m unlikely that -. riter uch a Prolemaio

f AI xandria and other would have been influ­enced by uch local animo itie . I t is much more probable that they foil wed R man policie . For Rome, on the ther hand, there would have been no rea on for treating the abaraean differently to other ubject pe pie , if they had not hov n con id rable opp ition again t their integration into the empire.

2 1 2 . ee al tarcky 1 966: 92 ; Bower ock 19 3: 2; artre 19 5: 7 ; Wenning 1 993a: 97-9 ha

d ubt , arguing that Rabbel l l could not have been very Id in AD 1 06. In any ea e, the dyna ty of the abataean king did nor cea e with Rabbel 1 1 ince, according to ne f the Babatha papyri and one in cription from ai-Khubtha, Rabbel I l had r w n : RE 1 434; Me horer 1 975: 7- ;

wer ock 1 9 3: with n te 1 5 ; Graf 19 : 1 77 and n ce 39; for additi nal matter a ut the annexati n, ee Fiema 1 9 7 .

2 1 3 . On the ia ova Traiana, ee Graf 1 992: e p cially 256-59, and Freeman, thi v lume.

2 1 4. ee, for in ranee, Axioti 1 9 : 1 9-9 and the ref­erence quoted in n t 20 and 2 1 .

2 1 5 . Fiema 1 9 7: 2 - 9 i omewhat ceptical, think­ing that Roman planning did n t g that far.

Scephan G. Schmid

On the other hand, Domitian had already made preparations for a campaign against the Parthians who were later conquered by Trajan; cf. Wolsky 1 993: 1 76-78. Thi show that the Roman emper­ors had freed themselves from the earlier republi­can tep-by-step policies toward their province and clients and attempted to integrate them into future planning.

2 16. Dio Cassius 48.4 1 .5 ; ee also Debevoise 1 938: 1 08; Wolsky 1 976: 4 1 3- 1 4, 1 993: 4 1 , 1 22-24 especially note 2 .

2 1 7 . Dio Cassius 49.32 . 5 ; Plutarch, Ant. 36.2 ; in the case of the Iruraean king Lysanias, his execu­tion and the donation of I turaean territories to Cleopatra are explicitly explained by his support of Pacoru .

2 18. Josephus, Ant. 1 4. 1 4. 1 -2 ; Jo ephus, War 1 .2 74-76; although Josephus claim this was ju t a pretext, this seemed plausible to Herod for he continued his flight to Cleopatra's Egypt.

2 1 9. Ammianus Marcellinus 1 4.8. 1 3 : 'Hanc provinciae impo ita nomine, rectoreque adtributo, obtemper­are legibus no tris Traianus compulit imperator, incolarum tumore saepe contunso, cum glorioso Mane Mediam urgeret et Parthos' (after Loeb Classical Library) ; see al o Sartre 1 985: 72 .

220. On this see al o Eadie 1 986: especially 248-49. 22 1 . Dio Cas ius 68.28-29; cf. Delbrueck 1 95 5-56: 245 .

The period from the conquest of Mesopotamia and Babylonia by Trajan (AD 1 1 5- 1 1 7) until Hadrian abandoned them shortly thereafter is the only period in history when Rome directly controlled all starting points for the Far East trade-except the South Arabian ports.

222. Dio Cassius 68. 1 5 . 1 ; the I ndians were not the only delegation but they were probably the most exotic, which explain their special mention by Dio. It is, moreover, remarkable that the Chinese, who were very interested in contact with the West, withdrew completely, preci ely in AD 1 07, from the Middle Asiatic Sea, their starting point for trade with the West; on this see Delbrueck 1 955-56: 25 1 , 264-69. It seems, therefore, that in the Middle and Far East, political and economic changes around the Mediterranean were sharply observed.

223 . Such a proces of Hellenization has been propo ed for outh Arabia by Pirenne 1 965 with a first phase of a rather autochthonou culture and occa ional we tern influence and a econd pha e with a trong we tern influence.

4 1 4

224. Also because, in the ea e of the first Nabataean coins, it seems that they simply used the well­established mint of Dama cu .

225 . Wenning 1 989: 244 and passim. 226. In general see Litvinskij 1 998; Harmatta et al.

1 996; Invernizzi 1 995; Errington and Cribb 1 992; Arora 1 99 1 ; Rapin 1 990; Karttunen 1 990; Halt 1988; Ozols and Thewaldt 1 984, all with abun­dant additional references. Still not replaced i Schlumberger 1 969.

227 . Due to the circulation and publication of many coin hoards from Central A ia without precise archaeological context, the bibliography about this subject is much richer than in the ea e of pottery or architecture: Smirnova 1 995; Bopearachchi 1 99 1 , 1 990; Guillaume 1 99 1 , 1 987; Halt 1 98 1 ; Kraay 1 98 1 ; all with additional references.

228. Gardin 1 990, 1 985, 1 984. 229. Pit chikjan 1 996; Nielsen 1 994: 1 24-28, 278-80

cat. no. 19 ; Bernard 1 996: especially 1 1 0- 1 6, 1 990. The local elements are predominantly pre ent in palace architecture, while other buildings, such a theatres and gymnasia, show purely Greek features as can be seen at Ai Khanoum. In general term , the Hellenistic rulers of the East adopted much from their oriental forerunners, mainly because the forms of royal repre entation were not well devel­oped in mainland Greece. The local tradition of the Bactrian palace buildings is obvious, as well as their connections to Babylon and the Achaemenid Empire: Sarianidi 1 985 .

230. The e are not related to stronger non-Greek influence but to the fact that new territories in India were conquered by the Greeks and the coin , therefore, had to be understood also by the new ubjects.

23 1 . Enoki et al. 1 996; Zadneprovskiy 1 996; Bernard 1 987.

232. Puri 1 996; Pugachenkova et al. 1 996; Nehru 1 990. As Nehru correctly points out, the western influ­ence in Gandharan sculpture are not the result of one single period of east-west contacts but of everal uch interactions from the Achaemenid

to the Roman period . However, the Hellenistic input may be considered the most important one; cf. also Taddei 1 984; ee now the bibliography on Gandhara by Guenee et al. 1 998.

233 . Thi shall not be understood a a negative devel­opment, becau e, while lo ing their former culture, they created a new one.

The abaweans: Travellers becu.>een ufesc ·les

2 34. n thi cf. al Bouzek 1 995 : 1 1 5: 'E eh int al in Regel :u in, da ei n tan ige Kun t· tile in der Alt n \1 elt fi.ir ihre Herau bildung

Z\ ar den fruchtbar n K nt kt mit ri hi eh n Vi rbild rn b notigt n, aber gl i hzeitig auch Oi •

ranz, damit die Kraft der griechi chen Kun t niche die Au pdigung der p zifi chcn El ment unt rdri.i ken k nnte'.

235 . On ome fragm nt f thi late painted p ttcry with a w 11-d fin , late urch- ami earl fifth-cenrurie AD c ntext, e chmid 1 99 b: 1 6 a l ng with n te 6 1 4 nJ 6 1 5 ; Fellmann Br li 1 96: 24 fig. 44A9.

236. Th fact that n new I ment are intr u eJ into a at ean culture after AD 1 6 but lder feature are only re eated hould al cauti n u fr m an interpr tati n that there wa a c ntinuing

abataean political entity into the ec nd to fourth centurie D. In fact, the b er ati n made ab ve hould finally f{; r a tble explanati n why th re re till remnant of a ataean cultural elem nt Ion after rh en of the a ataean kin d m and re lve the aporia b erved b ijk-tra 1 995: 3 ·4 and oth r : ultural remnant ,

there(! r , could xi t without political entity.

Adriani, A. 1963- Repertono d'arte deU'Egmo guco-ronumn. ene I and l. 66 Palermo: Banca di IClha.

Altherr-Charon, A.

1 977 Ongme de temple a trotS cellae du bu sm

med1rerraneen e c: Etat de la que non. I.:Anuqtcltt! cltl.s­

srque 46: 3 9-440.

Alrork1, . and D.P. Cole

1 9 9 Arubum Oasi.S uy: The Tr.��ujimlltlnon of 'Una)zuh.

Au nn: mvcr 1ty of Texa .

ndrcac, B.

1 975 Rekon rrukuon de grosen ecu dcr Y1lla de

P. Fanmu �·m mr m So <'realc. In B. Andreac and

H. Kynele1 · (cJ .) , ew: For clumgen m PompeJI und

dt'll and�en t'Om Ve unm bn1 h 79 11 J.r. \.'c!TSclumeccn wdk'll, 7 1 -92. Recklmghau en: Bon�:crs.

AnJreou, A.

19 9 Gn.ech1 che W'tmddekoraticmt'll. M1 hd radt: 'eurhor­

Verlag.

moiJ, D. 1 999 Temple of tlte Lust Plwraolu. xforJ: . f11rd 'mvcr. lt

Prc:s,,

4 1 5

mold-Bill h1, C.

1 99 1 Arabtan A I xander . In W.E. Mercal (cd.), fn<."lllilta:

Pupm m femory of an 1 I W�oncr, 99- 1 1 5.

ew York: Amencan unu mauc lClet).

Arora, U.P. (cJ.)

1 99 1 Graeco- Indi a India' ulrurcJl Canwcts uouh Ult! Gre k

W'orld. C\\ Ddhl: Ramanand v.d ·a Bhawan.

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n. o\r�<."l<'lll n r/u,mons frmn _ . tltw lt· "cb..'TW 2 3 35-5!.

·nurh. R.R.R

1 99 1 Hdlcnisuc Sodpum:. London: Thame' HuJ m. >rcn, E.

1 9'7 The mwwry of Apollo H�ldrcs ut KmmtJn, C:-tmn.

t:u.:ky, J. 1 966.

Tuc n: \.,;never in· oi Art=A.ma.

Petnt et la 'ab.11�ne. D1 cimuldire Jc /.1 Bcble, upplbn..'l\1

7. 6- 1 0 1 7 Pm : Letuu:ev et Ane.

tl'\"C:n\, K G.

1 994 urtace Find-. from Q<lm bint 'a'ud (Abu Dh:lbt

Emtratc:-U.A.E.). Xksot>vtantw 29: 1 99-262.

tnxka. V.M.

1 9 \X'ech:.d\\ trkun.:c:n Jer 'taJtrunm�.:hen unJ klc:tn:l\1·

au,chen Architeltur untcr Trapn unJ Hadn. n. lswn·

bukr ,\fmedtmJ:�'ll 3 : 29 1 - 1 7.

1 99 1 Cu.J Jd Llhinnm. H.IU er m l\lmpe)t 4 MunKh: Htrmer.

1 999 Zur Daticrunsr Jcr S�rlonsr<�·Gruppen unJ de:,

La('koon. In Hdkrmtt�ht Gruw�'tl Gc:.l..-rtksi:hnfr j1ir Arklreus l..inft'TI, 3 7-22. Main:: von Zabem.

tucch1,

1 975 ArdutilllH<l .irCTdJ(d Rome: 'I.:Erma' Ji Brct,hnctJer.

tud.--y, R.A.

1 976 A..:h:imenadt,chc: rthiinJer. Ardkio�ltc:r An;:.:l)(cr,

I } .B ,

1 99 Hcllcn�:>ti · hc, ,-ncn. In Akt,·n des Xllt Inrtnldli,)lldl�.,,

1\'m�gr�S\o!s fur 1\lu�'"d� Ardwc:ology, B..'Tim 19 , 2 5· 3 1 .

�l.un:; \'tlll Zal'>t.'rn.

1 996 Occ nah,ttfii,chcn B.wh:n. I n E : Z.mtur I 1 996: 1 3-50.

\'dd\\, \V. \'('�) 1 974 Ote (>r.tl-cxeJra erne' ninwchc:n FciJhcrrn. }tll.rbuc:h

d(l. .lcut. ·lt..-.,1 ar.:lt.wlogt l..:n /mtllllt 9: I i · 2 1 (l.

425

, nil', R.

( 1)65 ll\"Cn\Of\ ui r.mrwm.l lntcn IT. I inuma 1 4: H�-6 1 .

1 . J h:J, �1. I 4

T:uncr. P. 1 990

• 'cue For� hung 1:-cleg�· :ur ( ,;mJhar.t·lk,,ntl',.:Tilphte. ln

!t'l' ,mJ Thc\\,tldt 19 4: 1 54-75.

Baal,hanun Jan' le ntonJc "''barccn: A rwpt" de

JcWU\Crtc. rccentc ... Aram 2: 1 97-203.

Thnlbec4. L.

1 997 k '-HKtuatrc .. Jc, n:tbatccn : Et.H J�· la que,tion a la

lunui.'rc de rccher�he' arch 1l11 •tque rcccntc,. 1i.•J>!•I 7:

1 99

Thurull, R.

19 9

I o1M5.

The , •,,b;,r ;�e,,.R,,m.m 'ne of \X'aJc R.1mm (lrum): A

, 'cw pprai ·tl. Anmwl CJf chc D4><«nntt-ru of Anuquiuc:l

o/Jnr..ldn 42: 2 4 1 -54.

\X'affenirie tm btct J� 1 ,£lichen . 1inclm�t:r':

Zur Entwu:klunQ etnc:' Fne 1 -p m hellenNt,cher unJ

fruhr mi cher Zcit. npubli,hcJ MA the'' , Uni\'C:r ttv

of B.l\l'l.

To� nbcc, j., t. 1 97 Ronwn Hiswncul PurtTt�m. London: Thamc, & Hu,l. m.

Tran l:1m Tinh, V.

1 990 Rcmarqu ' ,ur l'twnograph•c Jc D u .uc:,. In Zay tdtnt.:

1 99Lh: 1 07- 1 4.

Trum�r. M.

1 99 w�,hncn m Odos. £me: ru11 c .:rn.:hrlc·hc Unc�!nuchung ���'" \l!'tmJd Jc:r \(hJlnkultur in hdll-rtisti lu:r Zc11. Rahdc:n:

Leidt,rf.

Tu-htnJ,lham, D 1 972 Tile £xc<ll"<lllotU ut Dcbon (DhJhan) in ,\toub. Tltt ThcrJ

CAmpatl:ll 1 952·5>. Annual nt r hc American houl

of Onent.d Rc,carc.h 4 1mbnd)"!c, MA: Amcru:..m

.;;chrw.>l ot Onent.1l Rc,c;u.:h.

T,J.>.,ut. R.A.

19 9 Ac:dljl.::11mtm fcgtcrdc:: UntcT u.dumJ:•'Il :11 J • .,, >\n:hitt:k­rur,ldr.rdltlltg•'ll J�s {riiJ.�.,, tu �"•"' uls. Am,tcrJ.lm:

G1cl:-cn.

Vtllcncu\'e, F. :mc.l Z. ,tl-Muhct,cn

1 994 [ e t>U\'�;T!t.:' MU\ db i\ Khubct cJh-Dh.mh OtlT• J.mid. 1 99 1 - 1 994. Aatdcm� de ins .. -n/•tlf>tU er #>elks let·

Ire). U.mtptt: rc1k.ltu : 7 35-57.

Voic n ynlc

19 6 l..u \Oic tr')uk: 9\.'X\1 mu J'art <Ill TD)·llfml" tl ]or·

d.mi.·. Mu-cc Ju Luxcmbourt: 26 non:mhrc: 19 <>-25

pn\'lcr 1 9 7. Park A ��bnon ir;mlj':n-c J' .:uon

utt,llquc.

cephan G. chm1d

Walker. . and K.J. Mauhew

1 997 The Marble of the Mau leum. In Jcnkin · and Waywell

1 997: 49-59.

Waywell, G.B.

1 997 The culprure f the Mau leum at Haltcama su . In

Jenkm� and Waywell 1 997: 60-67.

Weber, M.

1990 Balclaclune und Swweruchreme. Rome: Bretschne1der.

Weber, M.

1 997 D•e B1ldkun�t der Nabatiier. In Weber and Wenning:

1 1 4- 1 25 .

Weber, Th. and R . Wenning (ed . )

1 997 Pe1ra: Anuke Felsstad! zwischen arabischer Trad1rion und

gnechiSclll!r orm. Annke Welt, pec�al • ue. Mainz: von

Zabem.

We1 er, W and H.-M. Cotton

1 996 'Gebt de m Ka1 er, was de Ka1 er i t .. .' D1e Geld­

wahrungen der Griechen, Juden, abataer und Romer

1m synsch-nabataJSchen Raum unter be nderer

Beriicksichrigung des Kurse von ela'/Melaina und

Lepton nach der Annex1on de Konigreiche der

abatiier durch Rom. Zei!Schrift fitr Papyrologll! und

£pigraph1k 1 1 4: 237- 7 .

Wenning, R.

19 7 Die abaraer-Denkmiiler und Geschich!e: £me

Bestandesaufnahme des archaologischen Befundes.

ovum Testamentum et Orbis Amiquus 3. Gotringen:

Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.

19 9 Ma kierte Gotter1 Anmerkungen zum Aufe•nander­

treffen von 0 t und We t am Beispiel der arab­

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(eds.), Beitr/Jge zur Religion!Umwelr-Forschung, I: 243-60.

Geograph1a Religionum 6. Berlin: Dierrich Reimer.

1 990 Da abatiierreich: eine archaologi chen und his­

torischen Hinterla enschaften. In H.-P. Kuhnen,

Palastina m gr1echisch-rbmischer Zeit, 367-4 1 5 . Handbuch

der Archaologie 2, 2 Mumch: Beck.

1 993a Das Ende des nabata1schen Konigreiche . In lnvermzzi

and alle 1 993: 1 - 103.

1 993b Eine neuerstellte Lt te der nabatiii chen Oynasrie.

Boreas 16: 25-3 .

Wennmg, R. and H. Merklein

1 997 Die Goner in der Welt der abataer. In Weber and

Wenning 1 997: 105- 10.

Will, E. et al.

1 99 1 'Iraq ai-Amir: Le chiueau du Tobwde Hyrcan. Pan :

Wol ki, J.

1 999

Wol ky, J.

1976

Geuthner.

The eleucids: The Decline and Fall of their £mp1re.

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426

1 99 3 U!mp1re des Arsac1dcs. Acta Iranica l l leme sene I .

Louvam: Peeter .

Wright, G.R.H.

1 968 Decouverre recente au ancrua1re du Qasr a Perra, 1 1 . Quclque aspects de ('architecture et de la culpture.

Syria 45: 25-40.

Zadneprov kiy, Y.A.

1 996 The omad of onhem Central Asia after the lnva-

i n of Alexander. In Harmatta e1 al. 1 996: 457-72.

Zanker, P. (ed.)

1 976 Hdlerusmus in Mit!eliwlien: Kolloqwum m GbUIIlgCit vom 5. bis 9. J1m1 1 974. Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wt en chaften in Gotringen. PhilologJSch-Hi tori che Klas e. Dritte Folge 97. Gottingen: Vandenhock

Ruprechr.

Zanoni, l .

1 996 Tonlampen. In E z Zantur I 1 996: 3 L l -36.

Zayadine, F.

1 974 Exca,,arions at Petra ( 1 973- 1 974). Annual of the Depart­

ment of Anriqwc1es of Jordan 19: 1 42-50.

19 5 Recent Excavation and Restoration ar Qasr el Bint of

Petra. Annual of the Department of Antiqwcies of Jordan

29: 239-49.

19 6 Tempel, Graber, Topferofen: Au grabungen de Depart·

ment of Anriqu1tie in Petra. In Lmdner 1 9 6: 2 1 4-69.

1 989 Die Fel architekrur Petras: Orientalische Tradirionen

und helleni tischer Einflu . In Lmdner 1 989: 1 24-6 1 .

1 990a The Pantheon of rhe abataean I n cnprions in Egypt

and the Smai. Aram 2: 1 5 1 -74.

1 99 1 L'iconographie d'l is a Perra. Melanges de I'Ecolefran�aue

de Rome. Anuquire 1 03: 2 3-306.

1 997 Herme /ai-Kutbay Lexicon lconographicum Mytholo­

giae Classicae (UMC) Supplementum, 6 1 6- 1 9.

Zurich/Du eldorf: Artemis.

Zayadine, F. (ed.)

1 990b Petra and the Caravan Cwes. Amman: Department of

Anriquirie .

Zayadine, F. and Z.T Fiema

1 9 6 Roman Inscriptions from the iq of Petra: Remarks on

the Initial Gamson of Arabia. Annual of the Department

of Am;quilies of Jordan 30: 1 99-206.

Zazoff, P.

1 996 Bildchiffren der skytho-thraki chen Kunst. Hamburger

Beitriige zur Archiio� I ( 1 99 1 ) : 167- 0.

Zimmermann, B.

1 992 Zur Authcnrimat de 'Clemen feldzuge '. Jahresberic/ue

wts Augsc und Kaiseraugst 1 3 : 2 9-303.

Zoppi, C.

1 99 1 -92

I.:architettura abitauva m eta ellenistica: 11 modello vJtru·

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