The Mara languages (JE40)

Lotta Aunio, Holly Robinson, Tim Roth, Oliver Stegen, and John B. Walker

1. Introduction

The JE40 languages are a cluster of Lacustrine Bantu languages spoken on the eastern shoreand hinterland of Lake Victoria, both in Kenya and in Tanzania. The Ethnologue (Lewis,Simons & Fennig 2014) lists Idakho-Isukha-Tiriki (considered three distinct languages byMaho (2009)), Suba, and the extinct Singa for Kenya; Gusii, Logooli, and Kuria for bothKenya and Tanzania; and Ikizu-Sizaki (two languages in Maho (2009)), Ikoma-Nata-Isenye(three ethnicities speaking closely related language varieties), Kabwa, Ngoreme, Suba-Simbiti (not to be confused with Kenyan Suba, hence in the following just Simbiti), andZanaki for Tanzania. Although Bastin (2003), in her chapter on Bantu J, showed Gusii, Suba,Kuria, Ngoreme, Zanaki, and Nata as JE40 languages (Isukha, Idakho, Tiriki, and Logooliwere counted under JE30), the references cited by her only deal with Gusii and Kuria. In themeantime, research on Tanzanian JE40 (henceforth, the Mara languages) has intensified (e.g.Aunio 2010; 2013; Gambarage 2013; Gambarage Gray et al. 2017; 2013; Higgins 2012; Osa-Gómez del Campo 2013; Roth 2014; Rundell 2012; Sadlier-Brown 2013; Walker 2013).Unless otherwise indicated, all data comes from the authors’ own fieldwork or fromfieldwork by SIL Tanzania. This chapter endeavours to complement Bastin’s chapter on ZoneJ by means of giving a descriptive and comparative overview of six only recently describedMara language varieties, viz. Ikizu, Ikoma, Kabwa, Ngoreme, Simbiti, and Zanaki.

<Table 1: Basic information on the target JE40 languages>

Five of the six areas where these languages are spoken share borders with each other, theexception being Ikoma – however, the closely related Nata variety borders on the Ngoremearea (Map 1). Due to Lake Victoria in the west and the Serengeti in the east, the Maralanguages do not have many non-JE40 neighbours, these being confined to the Sugutilanguages Kwaya, Ruri, and Jita (Bantu JE25) in the west and southwest, Sukuma (Bantu F)in the extreme southwest, and the Nilotic languages Datooga and Luo in the south and in thenorth respectively. This description of the internal Mara language differences will provide abasis for further research into Mara language history and language contact. It will alsofacilitate a more precise placement of JE40 within Bantu J than Bastin (2003) was able toprovide with her representation of JE40 through the Kenyan JE40 languages.

<Map 1: Mara region languages and dialects>

A high degree of linguistic diversity in the Mara languages is found at all levels, fromphonology and morphology to syntax and information structure. This will be evidenced bythe descriptions in the following sections.

2. Phonology

The vowel systems of the Mara languages contain some unusual features for Bantu, and theseare highlighted in section 2.1. This is followed by a brief section (2.2) on the consonants,which are fairly standard for Bantu. The phonology chapter concludes with a detaileddiscussion of the diverse array of tonal phenomena (2.3), both lexical and grammatical,across the six languages.

2.1 VowelsAll six languages exhibit contrastive vowel length with length neutralisation throughlengthening after labialisation and palatalisation and before pre-nasalisation. Long vowels arealso found when vowels become adjacent across morpheme boundaries. Four of thelanguages have 7-vowel /i e ɛ a ɔ o u/ systems, the exceptions being Kabwa with a reductionto 5 vowels (as in the neighbouring Suguti languages and in Swahili) and Zanaki, which isbetween a 7-vowel [+ATR]-dominant /i ɪ ɛ a ɔ ʊ u/ system and a Nilotic-type 10-vowelsystem with complete [ATR] symmetry. Like Casali (2008), we assume a categoricaldifference between [+ATR]-dominant versus [-ATR]-dominant vowel harmony systems. Thedominance of [+ATR] in Zanaki is evidenced by leftward [+ATR] spread from suffixes likeagentive -i or causative -ja, as shown in (1).

(1) Zanaki

ɔkʊβwɛɛma ‘to hunt’ → omuβweemi ‘hunter’

ɔkwɔɔma ‘to dry (INTR)’ → okwoomjɜ ‘to dry (TR)’

ɔkʊɾɪŋaana ‘to be flat’ → okuɾiŋɜɜnjɜ ‘to flatten’

Some Zanaki speakers apparently extend the canonical 7-vowel [+ATR]-dominant system byreinterpreting the [ɜ, e, o] allophones of /a, ɛ, ɔ/ as phonemes in their own right, thus arrivingat a two-by-five [ATR]-symmetric system, with /ɪ ɛ a ɔ ʊ/ as [-ATR] and /i e ɜ o u/ as[+ATR] vowels. In Table 2, some contrastive Zanaki words are given which cannot beexplained by [+ATR] spread as shown above.

<Table 2: Zanaki vowel system>

A comparative overview of the vowel systems of all six languages is given in Table 3(expanded from Higgins 2012: 269). Simbiti and Ngoreme have different vowel inventoriesin nouns and verbs: while there are seven vowel phonemes in nouns, there are only fivevowels in basic verb roots. In both languages, however, the two additional phonemes arepresent in derived verb stems as a result of vowel harmony. While the 5V language Kabwahas only height harmony in verbal extensions, other languages have height harmonyextending leftward through stems and prefixes, resulting in as many as three prefix vowelvariants. Those languages with [ATR] harmony exhibit two different prefix variants. In alllanguages but Kabwa, there are examples of both leftward and rightward spreading harmony.

<Table 3: Vowel system overview>

Individual languages may be viewed as intermediate speech varieties of others, e.g. Ngoremeis like Ikoma in nominal prefixes but like Simbiti in verbal suffixes. The range of differencesis staggering, e.g. vowel quality of Applicative is determined by the verb root in Ikoma,Ikizu, and Zanaki, but it determines the verb root vowel in Simbiti and Ngoreme (like inKuria; Chacha & Odden 1998).

<Table 4: Variation in Applicative vowel harmony>

The height harmony which occurs in Ikizu and Simbiti is very pervasive within theselanguages, certainly more so than the more familiar Applicative height harmony found inmany Bantu languages. To use Ikizu as an example, within stems and suffixes, leftward-spreading harmony involves a 1st degree vowel (i, u) to the right raising leftward vowels byone degree. That is, 3rd degree vowels (ɛ, ɔ) are raised to 2nd degree vowels (e, o), and 2nddegree vowels are raised to 1st degree vowels. The process applies iteratively unlessinterrupted by the low vowel (a), which is opaque.

(2) Ikizu vowel raising in stems

Vowel raising Unraised Infinitive Nominalised form

a) 2nd degree to1st degree

òkò-ɾém-à ‘to farm’ ùmù-ɾìm-ì ‘farmer’

òkò-góɾ-à ‘to buy’ ɾì-gúɾ-í ‘price’

b) 3rd degree to2nd degree

ɔ̀kɔ̀-ɾɔ́g-à ‘to bewitch’ òmò-ɾòg-ì ‘sorcerer’ cf. ɔ̀βɔ̀-ɾɔ̀gɔ̀ ‘witchcraft’

ɔ̀kɔ̀-gɛ́ɛ́nd-à ‘to travel’ òmò-gèènd-ì ‘traveler’ cf. ɔ̀ɾɔ̀-gɛ̀ɛ̀ndɔ̀ ‘journey’

c) 4th degree with noraising

òkò-sáβ-à ‘to pray, beg’ òmò-sàβ-ì ‘beggar’

A different form of leftward-spreading harmony occurs across the prefix-stem boundary.Most Ikizu prefixes have underlying 2nd degree vowels (e.g. /omo-/), and these vowels canbe either raised (umu-) or lowered (ɔmɔ-) depending on the first stem vowel. See (3), withexamples from noun classes 1, 7, and 9. This leftward harmony is also iterative, unlessinterrupted by /a/.

(3) Ikizu prefix harmony

Stem vowel a Stem vowels ɛ, ɔ Stem vowels e, o Stem vowels i, u

òmò-ɾámú ‘brother-in-law’

ɔ̀mɔ́-hɔ́tʃá ‘servant’ òmò-kékóró ‘old woman’ ùmú-βísá ‘enemy’

èké-ságí ‘cloth’ ɛ̀kɛ́-kɔ́βá ‘lip’ èkè-gòrò ‘mountain’ ìkì-hùɲò ‘stopper’

è-gàβò ‘inheritance’ ɛ̀-kɔ́ɾɔ́ ‘heart’ èm-bézé ‘wild pig’ ìn-gúβú ‘antelope’

Finally, rightward spreading occurs from verb roots to suffixes if the suffix has an underlying2nd degree vowel. See examples of Ikizu Applicative vowel harmony in Table 4 above.

Simbiti height harmony has many similarities to Ikizu height harmony. For example, prefixvowels are realised at three heights, depending on the stem vowels: ɔ̀mɔ̀-βɔ́hɛ̀ ‘prisoner’, òɾò-ɾémè ‘tongue’, and ùmù-kúúŋgù ‘old lady’. One interesting difference is in the treatment ofthe low vowel. Stem-initial a harmonises with the 2nd degree vowels in Ikizu (see examplesdirectly above), but a harmonises with the 3rd degree vowels in Simbiti: ɔ̀mɔ̀-ɣááŋgɔ̀‘porridge stirrer’, ɔ̀ɾɔ̀-βáɣɔ̀ ‘fence’, ɔ̀mɔ̀-βásò ‘sunshine’. Vowel raising in stems is alsosimilar in Simbiti (e.g. òmò-ɾémì ‘farmer’ from ɔ̀kɔ̀-ɾɛ́m-à ‘to farm’), with the exception thatthere are only five underlying vowels in Simbiti verb stems, so there are no cases of 2nddegree vowels being raised to 1st degree vowels.

A number of unusual phenomena are found in the vowel harmony system of Ikoma, as arguedby Higgins (2012). Whereas [-ATR] is marked and triggers vowel harmony, the nominalprefixes preceding [-ATR] roots actually undergo a process of dissimilation. As illustrated in(4) with class 7 nouns, mid [+ATR] prefixes alternate to high-vowel prefixes before [-ATR]stems.

(4) Ikoma prefix dissimilation[+ATR] stems: èkè-mìɾà ‘mucus’ [-ATR] stems: èkì-hɛ́ɛ́nɔ̀ ‘fever’

èkè-mèɾò ‘throat’ èɣì-kɔ́ɔ́mbɛ̀ ‘shoulder blade’

èɣè-sóβè ‘shell’ èɣì-sàɾé ‘twin’

èɣè-kúúndì ‘fist’

Ikoma also stands out against the other Mara languages in that root vowel raising caused bycausative suffixes only pertains to /ɛ/ and not to both /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ as in the other languages. Bycontrast, the [-ATR] allomorph of the subjunctive suffix is triggered only by the back mid-vowel /ɔ/.

At least two of these vowel systems appear to be in a current state of transition (for example,Zanaki’s ambivalence between a 7-vowel and a 10-vowel system). In Ngoreme, the reductionof a 7-vowel to a 5-vowel system is evidenced not only by its implementation in verb rootsbut also by the breakdown of consistent harmony patterns in noun prefixes. For example, thediminutive of òmó-tè ‘tree’ is èβí-tè, not the expected *eβe-te. Similarly, class 10 nouns havethe high-vowel prefix tʃi- with both [-ATR] and [+ATR] mid-vowel stems, with tʃe- onlybefore the high vowels i and u. These examples point toward a recategorisation of all midvowels as [-ATR].

2.2 ConsonantsThe consonant systems of the Mara languages are shown below in Table 5. The bilabial,alveolar, palatal, and velar places of articulation are fully represented in the nasals and theplosives/fricatives.

<Table 5: Consonant system overview>

All of the languages have the bilabial fricative /β/ and Simbiti, Ngoreme, and Ikoma have thevelar fricative /ɣ/. In addition, the relevant corpus languages have the following relatedphonological rule: /β, ɣ/→ [b, g] / [+nas] __.

All of the languages have undergone *p-lenition (*p > h), although Kabwa, Simbiti, and Ikizumaintain /p/ in loanwords, whereas Zanaki and Ikoma have p > β in loanwords. Kabwa andSimbiti only have /d/ in loanwords, as *d has gone to /ɾ/ in the majority of reflexes in each ofthe corpus languages. In the context of a preceding nasal, however, *d is retained as [d], asexpressed in the phonological rule: /ɾ/→ [d] / [+nas] __. Kabwa /tʃ/ and Simbiti /f, dʒ/ alsoonly occur in loanwords.

Both Simbiti and Ngoreme attest the trill /r/, in phonological opposition to the tap both root-internally and at certain morpheme boundaries (normally a verb root ending in /ɾ/ coupledwith the applicative or perfective suffixes). Root-internally the trill results from thecombination of two taps: compare Ikoma èɾì-háɾáɾá ‘grasshopper’ and ɣù-kɔ́ɾɔ̀ɾ-à ‘to cough’with the Simbiti examples with the trill below in (5). The vowel is lengthened before the trill.Examples of root-internal minimal pairs in Simbiti are shown in (5), while (6) demonstratesthe contrast at morpheme boundaries in Ngoreme involving the Applicative and Perfectivesuffixes.

(5) Simbiti

ɾì-háɾà ‘spot’ ɔ̀-kɔ̀-kɔ́ɾ-à ‘to do, mend’

ɾì-háárà ‘grasshopper’ ɔ̀-kɔ̀-kɔ́ɔ́r-à ‘to cough’

(6) Ngoreme

ɣù-kɔ́ɾ-à ‘to do’ (INF)

ɣù-kɔ́ɔ́r-à ‘to do for’ (APPL)

n-á-kòòr-è ‘he/she has done’ (PRF)

Table 6 demonstrates the variety of non-nasal reflexes in the Mara languages as compared toProto-Bantu. The majority of the differences in the consonant systems of the corpuslanguages occurs among the reflexes of *c and *ɟ.

<Table 6: JE40 reflexes of Proto-Bantu consonants>

In contrast to many other Great Lakes languages, the Mara languages generally do notdisplay Bantu spirantisation processes.

Dahl’s Law is a process of voicing dissimilation in which “a voiceless stop becomes voiced ifthe consonant in the next syllable is also voiceless” (Hyman 2003: 56). Dahl’s Law is attestedin Ikoma, Ngoreme, and Simbiti, but not in the other languages. In each of the attestinglanguages the voiced counterpart for /k/ is the fricative /ɣ/ (see Table 5). Dahl’s Law occurs

both root/stem-internally and across morpheme boundaries. In Simbiti, the underlying /k/ inthe prefixes of classes 7, 12, and 15 is in free variation with /ɣ/, while this is not the case inIkoma and Ngoreme. However, Ikoma (along with related Isenye) has /ɣ/ in prefixes not justbefore voiceless consonants but also before /ɣ/. This is an active process that may be anassimilation distinct from Dahl’s Law.

2.3 Tone and syllable structureThe Mara languages have previously been reported as accentual or “two type” languages withfairly reduced or non-existent lexical tonal contrasts (Bastin 2003). However, a closer look atthe Mara languages shows that many have more than two lexical tonal contrasts and makeuse of melodic tones in their verbal systems. On the other hand, there is considerabledifference in how prevalent tones are even within single languages. For example, in Zanakisome speakers make use of regular penultimate stress – possibly under Swahili influence –(the variant described in this chapter) while others have several contrasting lexical andgrammatical tone patterns. This variation is not directly dialectal, or based on age, but moreresearch is needed to describe the variables involved and the degrees of variation.

The underlying contrast is between H and Ø (toneless) since only H tones are active in thetonal rules. There is at most one lexical H tone per morpheme with the exception of Kabwadouble H pattern (see below).

Simbiti resembles Kuria in that the TBU is the mora and moras are counted in assigningmelodic tones (Marlo, Mwita & Paster 2015). Ikizu also assigns tones to moras but countssyllables. In all the other corpus languages the TBU is the syllable and syllables are countedin assigning melodic tones. None of the languages have underlying contrasts between level Hand contour tones, except Ikizu in some restricted contexts. H tones are attracted to heavysyllables in Ikoma (e.g. final melodic H shifted to long penult) and Ngoreme (e.g. H toneassignment in the Infinitive, see (16) below). Syllables with long vowels, both contrastive andderived, are considered heavy by the tonal rules despite the fact that, at least in Ikoma, thederived long vowels are phonetically shorter than the contrastive long vowels (Higgins 2012).

There is a rather direct relationship between the underlying position of tones and their surfacerealisations. Utterance-final Hs are allowed in Ikoma and Ngoreme. In Simbiti and Ikizu,melodic Hs are shifted from the utterance-final syllable to the penult, and in Ikizu, the lexicaltone spread does not target the utterance-final syllable. In Kabwa, utterance-final Hs aredeleted (see explanation following Table 8). Throughout this chapter, all the tones are theones found in phrase-medial position, unless stated otherwise.

Tone spread is attested in Ikizu, Kabwa, and Simbiti. In Ikizu, for example, the penultimateand antepenultimate lexical Hs spread right to the rest of the nominal stem (see Table 7below). In Simbiti (7), tone spread takes place syllable-internally when a melodic H assignedto either the first or the second vowel of a bimoraic syllable spreads to the other vowel of thesyllable as well, thus avoiding rising and falling tones.

(7) Simbiti

βa-tó-βeɾek-éeje → βàtóβèɾèkééjèSP2-OP1PL -call-APPL.PFV

‘they have called us’βa-ɾa-tɔ́-haɣaáʃ-eɾ-a → βàɾàtɔ́hàɣááʃèɾàSP2-PRS-OP1PL-build-APPL-FV

‘they are building for us’

Since morphemes can have at most one H, with the exception of Kabwa double H pattern,and tone spread and shift are not common, there are not many contexts with two Hs onadjacent TBUs. In Ikoma, two TBUs with Hs can become adjacent within a word with theclass 2a prefix and in some verb forms. When that happens, the second H is deleted byMeeussen’s Rule. Across word boundaries, the second H is downstepped, not deleted (Aunio2010).

(8) Ikoma

βáá-máámɛ → βáámààmɛ̀2a-maternal_uncle‘maternal uncles’eki-βaɾí kííɾe → èkìβàɾí !kííɾè7-flower DEM.DIST7

‘that flower’

Although Ikoma allows word-final Hs, word- and phrase-final HØH sequences are notallowed. In the Perfective there is a melodic H on the first and the last syllable of themacrostem, as in nàà[ɾé-ɾèmìɾí ‘s/he farmed it’. However, the final H is deleted when therewould only be one toneless syllable between the two Hs, as in nàà[ɾémìɾì ‘s/he farmed’. FinalH deletion also applies to nouns with a class 2a prefix (βáá-nɔ̀ɔ̀ɾá ‘agama lizards’ →βáá-nɔ̀ɔ̀ɾà). With these, it is also possible to form a H plateau instead of deleting the final H(βáá-nɔ́ɔ́ɾá).

In Ikoma, there is an interesting tonal restriction in the connective phrases: a maximum oftwo H tones are allowed within the phrase (Aunio 2010). The Connective marker (see (18))has a H tone which is not realised when both nouns involved have a H tone.

(9) Ikoma

àmà-ɣòɾò ɣá tʃàà-kà6-leg CON6 10-lion‘legs of lions’àmà-ɣòɾò ɣá βà-tɛ́mì6-leg CON6 2-king‘legs of kings’àβà-tɛ́mì βá tʃààn-tʃèɾà2-king CON2 10-path

‘kings of paths’àβà-tɛ́mì βà tʃàà-sùná2-king CON2 10-mosquito‘kings of mosquitos’

The nominal prefixes and pre-prefixes are underlyingly toneless; some exceptions to this arethe Ikoma and Ngoreme class 2a prefix βáá- and the Kabwa class 5 prefix ɛ́ɾi-. Nominallexical tone is attested in all six languages to some extent. Ikizu, Ikoma, and Kabwa have themost complex nominal tone systems. Ikizu has two tonal patterns for monosyllabic nounstems and three patterns for longer stems (Table 7), with H spreading to the end of the stem.Kabwa has n+1 patterns, i.e. two for monosyllabic, three for bisyllabic and four for trisyllabicnoun stems (cf. Table 8 and following explanation). Ikoma has two patterns for monosyllabicstems (toneless and H), three for bisyllabic stems (ØØ, HØ, ØH), and n+2 patterns for longerstems, e.g 3+2 patterns (ØØØ, HØØ, ØHØ, ØØH, HHH) for trisyllabic stems (Table 9).

<Table 7: Ikizu nominal tones>

<Table 8: Kabwa nominal tones>

<Table 9: Ikoma nominal tones>

Kabwa nouns in Table 8 are written with underlying tone, as the tonal contrasts of differenttone groups are neutralised in certain contexts. For example, an utterance-final H-deletionrule causes both nouns with final H and nouns with double H to be pronounced low inisolation, thus èŋgìgè ‘locust’ and èŋgìhò ‘kidney’. Only in non-final position, for examplewith following demonstrative, is the tonal contrast realised, thus èŋgìgé jínù ‘this locust’versus èŋgíhó jínù ‘this kidney’. With following demonstratives, however, the tonal contrastbetween nouns with double H and nouns with penultimate H is neutralised due to H-spreading, thus èŋgégé jínù ‘this tilapia’ and èŋgíhó jínù ‘this kidney’, whereas these twocontrast in isolation, viz. èŋgégè ‘tilapia’ and èŋgìhò ‘kidney’. Equivalent neutralisationsapply to trisyllabic noun stems.

In Ngoreme and Zanaki, the lexical tones are much less stable and many speakers haveshifted to penultimate stress (Zanaki) or weight-determined tone placement (Ngoreme).However, some Zanaki speakers still make use of a fairly complex tonal system, possiblywith four patterns for bisyllabic noun stems. In Ngoreme, some speakers have threecontrastive tonal patterns for bisyllabic and longer stems. Simbiti nouns all have a H on thefirst syllable of the stem, except for a handful of CVVCV-shape nouns that have a H on thenoun class prefix in addition to the stem-initial H (10).

(10) Simbiti

èkè-ɣésò ‘knife’ɛ̀kɛ̀-tɔ́ɔ́ʃɔ̀ ‘hare’ vs. ɛ̀kɛ́-mɔ́ɔ́ɾì ‘calf’

In some languages (e.g. Ngoreme, Kabwa), historically toneless stems are realised with theall-H pattern, but other languages (e.g. Ikizu, Ikoma) have retained toneless stems. Forexample, in Ngoreme the three patterns for trisyllabic noun stems are HHH, HØØ, and ØHØwhile in Ikizu the three underlying patterns are ØØØ, HØØ, and ØHØ. However, Ikizutoneless patterns are realised with a stem-initial H when the noun is pronounced in isolation.Ikoma is the only one that has a contrast between toneless stems and stems with the all-Hpattern. In the all-H pattern, the H is linked to all stem syllables and it functions as one Htone; adjacent H tones are not allowed in Ikoma. Further proof for multiple linking is found,for example, in contexts in which the multiply-linked H tone is the second H in final HØHsequences: in these contexts, a H plateau is formed by pronouncing the toneless noun classprefix as H between two Hs.

(11) Ikoma

àmà-ɣòɾò ɣá tʃààm-bɛ́ɾɛ́tɛ́ → àmàɣòɾò ɣá tʃáámbɛ́ɾɛ́tɛ́6-leg CON6 10-goat‘legs of goats’

It is worth mentioning that the varieties closest to Ikoma (Nata and Isenye) do not share thenominal tone system of Ikoma (Aunio 2015). The Nata nominal tone system is a stresssystem in which every noun can have only one stressed syllable, realised as a H tone, andtoneless nouns do not exist (as analyzed by Anghelescu 2013 and confirmed with our ownfield data). There are three lexical tone types that are assigned 1) to the second syllable of aword unless the first syllable of the word is heavy, in which case the high tone is associatedto the heavy word initial syllable; 2) to the third syllable of the word; and 3) to the lastsyllable of the word. In Isenye, there are only two tone types for all noun stems: either thereis a H tone on the first syllable of the noun stem or all the stem syllables are H.

All six languages lack lexical tonal contrast in the verb stem. In Ikoma (12), Kabwa (13), andSimbiti (14), all verb stems in the Infinitive have a H on the first syllable of the macrostem(the left edge of the macrostem marked with “[”); in Simbiti the H is retracted to the prefixwith monosyllabic macrostems. Zanaki has regular penultimate stress in all Infinitive forms(15).

(12) Ikoma

kò-[ɾómà ‘to bite’ kù-[ɾááɣɛ̀ɾà ‘to eat’kù[βá-ɾòmà ‘to bite them’ kù[βá-ɾààɣèɾi ‘to feed them’

(13) Kabwa

òkù-[ɾúmà ‘to bite’ òkw-[ímùkà ‘to leave’òkù[tú-ɾúmà ‘to bite us’ òkù-[tígítà ‘to be late’

(14) Simbiti

ùkú-[ɲwà ‘to drink’ ùkù-[tíɣà ‘to leave’ ɔ̀kɔ̀-[mááhà ‘to see’ ɔ̀kɔ̀-[βɛ́ɾɛ̀kɛ̀ɾà ‘to call’ɔ̀kɔ̀[tɔ́-βɛ̀ɾɛ̀kɛ̀ɾà ‘to call us’

(15) Zanaki

ɔkʊ['βɔha ‘to close’ oku['sɜkjɜ ‘to try’ oku[sɜ'kiɾjɜ ‘to help’ ɔkʊ[βɔhɛ'ɾɛɾa ‘to tether’

In Ngoreme, the location of the Infinitive H is conditioned by syllable weight (Aunio 2017).This is seen most clearly with trisyllabic stems in which the H is realised on the (second)heavy syllable and on the final syllable if there are no heavy syllables in the stem (16).Vowel-initial stems have the H on the second or the last syllable (17). In quadrisyllabic stemsthere are only two syllables in which the tone can be realised: the first syllable of the stemwhen there are no heavy syllables or the first syllable is the only heavy syllable and thesecond syllable of the stem with all other stem shapes (18). Monosyllabic stems have the Hon the only stem syllable (19), and bisyllabic stems have two tone patterns, stems with shortvowels have the H on the first syllable while stems with long vowels have a final H which isoften anticipated on the previous syllable, creating a surface rising tone (20). Ngoreme verbtones are assigned to the stem, that is, their location is not affected by the presence of anobject prefix (21).

(16) Ngoreme

kù-ɾáágɛ̀ɾà ‘to eat’ kò-mìmííntà ‘to suck’ kù-βààndɛ́ɛ́rì ‘to squeeze’ ɣù-sɛ̀βɔ̀ká ‘to sprout’kò-hííŋgìɾà ‘to push’ kù-hɛ̀hɛ́ɛ́nà ‘to pant’ ɣù-sààsáámà ‘to pray’ kò-hìɣàmá ‘to kneel’

(17) Ngoreme

gw-ììkàɾá ‘to sit’ kw-ììhííɲà ‘to bow’

(18) Ngoremekù-βɛ́ɾɛ̀kɛ̀ɾà ‘to call’ kù-βɛ́ɛ́tʃɛ̀ɣɛ̀ɾà‘to ruminate’ɣù-tʃàβáátʃɔ̀ɾì ‘to peel (away from oneself)’ kù-hɔ̀ɔ̀jɛ́ɛ́ɾànà ‘to copulate’ kù-hɛ̀ɾɛ́kɛ̀ɛ̀ɾà ‘to escort’

(19) Ngoremeɣò-tú ‘to pick’ kò-ɲó ‘to drink’

(20) Ngoremekò-ɾúɣà ‘to cook’ ɣù-tɔ́mà ‘to send’

kù-ɣɛ̀ɛ́ndá ‘to walk’ kù-βɔ̀ɔ́ká ‘to wake up’

(21) Ngoreme

kò[tò-hííŋgìɾà ‘to push us’

As with nouns, Ikizu assigns the Infinitive H in relation to the end of the stem: the H isassigned to the antepenultimate syllable of the macrostem. When the macrostem has fewerthan three syllables, the Infinitive H is realised macrostem-initially.

(22) Ikizu

ùkù[ɾjá ‘to eat’ ùkù[kí-ɾjà ‘to eat it’òkò[ɾómà ‘to bite’ òkò[mó-ɾòmà ‘to bite him/her’ɔ̀kɔ̀[βɛ́ɾɛ̀kà ‘to carry on back’ ɔ̀kɔ̀[mɔ̀-βɛ́ɾɛ̀kà ‘to carry him/her on back’ùkù[ɲáhààrà ‘to hurt ùkù[mù-ɲáhààrà ‘to hurt him/her’

Ikoma has 5 melodic H tones that can be assigned to 1) the first syllable of the macrostem(mbààɣò[kú-ɾɛ̀ɛ̀tɛ̀ɾà ‘they bring/will bring you’); 2) the second syllable of the macrostem(βà[kàɾáɾè ‘let them get angry’); 3) to the final syllable (mbààŋgà[ɾààɣììɾé ‘they would eat’);4) to both the first syllable of the macrostem and the final syllable (mbàà[tú-ɲààkìɾí ‘theydisturbed us’); and 5) the initial syllable of the verb, i.e. the subject prefix (βá[ɲàhàrɛ̀kà‘when they had been hurt’). The melodic Hs are syllable weight sensitive: heavy syllablesattract melodic Hs in some verb forms, and for example in the Narrative, the melodic H failsto be realised if the penultimate syllable is not heavy (Aunio 2013).

The Simbiti grammatical tone system resembles that of Kuria (Marlo, Chacha Mwita &Paster 2014), but Simbiti does not have the iterative spread. Simbiti has four melodic tonesthat are assigned to 1) the 3rd mora of the macrostem; 2) the 1st and the 4th mora of themacrostem; 3) the 1st mora of the macrostem; and 4) the 4th mora of the macrostem.

Ngoreme has one melodic tone pattern: H assigned to the first syllable of the stem. In otherforms, the TAM prefix has a H tone, but toneless forms are not found. Ikizu assigns melodictones to the first or the second syllable of the macrostem, as well as to the penult. Kabwaassigns melodic Hs to the first syllable of the macrostem or to the whole macrostem.

Ikoma, Simbiti, Ngoreme, Kabwa, and Ikizu also have verb forms that have a H on the TAMprefix (Ikoma βàɾáá[βùɣà ‘when they say’; Kabwa βàɾá[gùɾà ‘they are buying’). Ikoma andKabwa also have toneless verb forms (Ikoma mbà[ɾààɣììɾè ‘they have eaten’; Kabwaβàà[gùɾà ‘we usually buy’).

3. Nouns and noun phrases

While the Mara noun class systems are canonical, considerable differences are found in theshape of noun class prefixes due to different vowel harmony processes and sound changes.There are also considerable differences in constituent order within the noun phrase.

3.1 Noun classes and agreementAll of the Mara languages have canonical noun class systems, with a range of seventeen totwenty of the roughly twenty-four classes reconstructed for Proto-Bantu (Katamba 2003: 104ff.). All of the languages have retained their augments (or pre-prefixes) in the normal contexts

as well as the class 5 prefix li-/ɾi- (which has been lost in many other languages). Mostprefixes and augments are toneless.

Only Ikizu and Zanaki have maintained class 13 for plural diminutives. Kabwa attests class22, and Ngoreme, Ikoma, and Ikizu have class 19. All of the languages have at least scatteredremnants of class 23 (e.g. demonstratives, possessives, and the lexeme ‘home’).

One of the more typologically unusual features is the augment vowel a- in the Ikoma class9/10 a(N)-/tʃa(N)- prefixes, which is not attested in any of the other Mara languages, exceptfor Nata.

Table 10 lists one variant of the noun class prefixes that are found in each of the languages;however, as was noted in Table 3 above, all of the languages except for Kabwa have severalvowel alternations for most of the class prefixes and augments.

<Table 10: Noun class prefixes>

All of the corpus languages have the following expected standard class pairings: 1/2, 1a/2a,3/4, 5/6, 7/8, 9/10/, 9a/10a, 11/10, 14/6, 15/6. The non-standard class pairings are as follows:Kabwa, Simbiti, and Zanaki have 12/8, whereas Ikoma, Ngoreme, and Ikizu attest 12/19 (inIkizu as an alternative for 12/13). Zanaki, Ikoma, Ikizu, and Ngoreme have 11/14. Zanaki,Ikoma, Simbiti, and Ngoreme have 9/6. Zanaki, Simbiti, and Ngoreme have 11/6. Ikizu andZanaki have 20/6. Most of the corpus languages have additional non-standard pairings:Zanaki (9a/6, 5/14, 5/4); Kabwa (20/22); Ikizu (5/10, 11/8, 12/13); Simbiti (7/6); Ngoreme(14/8, 14/10).

In terms of the animate/inanimate split and resulting concord agreement, animate nouns takeagreement with their noun class.

<Table 11: Subject and object prefixes>

Locative markers on nouns are prefixed before the lexical noun class prefixes without theaugments, and any modifiers agree with the lexical noun class. The secondary prefixes aresubject to prefix vowel harmony in all languages except Ikoma. In Ikoma, only class 18 isused as a secondary.

(23) Ikoma

mò-βì-tááɾò èβéé-ndè18-8-river PP8-other‘in the other rivers’

(24) Kabwa

kù-βì-kùkù βí-jó βjá Kwííɾààŋgì17-8-hill PP8-DEM.REF CON8 Kwirangi‘in those hills of Kwirangi’

Ikoma has two lexicalised uses of secondary locative prefixes: the prefix o- (possibly fromclass 17 ko-), which can be used with kinship terms meaning ‘to’, and the prefix a- (possiblyfrom class 16 ha-) meaning ‘at’, which is only used with a small set of nouns.

(25) Ikoma

tààtà ‘father’ mò-tààtà ‘inside father’s room’ ò-tààtà ‘to father’[1a]father 18-[1a]father 17?-[1a]fatheròmò-ɣóóndò ‘farm’ mò-mò-ɣóóndò ‘inside the farm’ à-mò-ɣóóndò ‘at the farm’3-farm 18-3-farm 16?-3-farm

3.2 Noun modifiers and substitutivesModifiers (i.e. adjectives, numerals, and pronominal forms) mostly follow the head noun inthe Mara languages with the most common order being N-POSS-DEM-ADJ-NUM (Ikoma,Kabwa, Zanaki). Zanaki allows for demonstratives to precede the noun while in Ikizudemonstratives occur before the noun in the standard word order. In Ikoma, numerals arerather movable and can even precede the noun. In Simbiti, the standard order is N-POSS-ADJ-NUM-DEM, but generally, the ordering is quite flexible for the sake of what appears to beemphasis on the post-N element.

Adjectives take the nominal prefix (NP) without the augment. The enumerative prefix (EP) isidentical to the pronominal prefix (PP) in most classes, except in vowel qualities. In Simbiti,Ngoreme, and Ikoma the enumerative prefix has a fixed vowel quality that does notharmonise with the numeral stem vowels like the other prefixes. In Ikizu, only class 10enumerative prefix i- is exceptionally high and does not harmonise. There is variation in thepresence of the consonant g- in classes 3, 4, and 6; these prefixes are reconstructed eitherwith or without the consonant (as in Meeussen 1967: 97). Likewise, the class 10 enumerativeprefix is canonical in that it is a single vowel in all 6 languages. The interrogative -ɾeeŋge(Ngoreme, Ikoma)/-ɾeeŋga (Simbiti)/-ɾiiŋga (Ikizu) ‘how many’ also takes the enumerativeprefix.

In Ngoreme, the numerals -mwé ‘1’, -βéɾè ‘2’, -tátò ‘3’, -né ‘4’, -táánó ‘5’, -sáánsàβà ‘6’,and -nááné ‘8’ are inflected while mòhúúŋgatè ‘7’ and kééndà ‘9’ are invariables. In the otherlanguages, the numerals are similar in form although there is some variation in the quality ofthe vowels. In Ikoma, where word-final labialised syllables are not allowed, numeral 1 is -mu.The numerals ‘7’, ‘8’, ‘9’ and ‘10’ are invariables in Kabwa (mùhúúŋgátí, mùnáánɛ́, kɛ̀ɛ́ndá,ɛ̀kúmí) and Simbiti (mùhùùŋgátè, mɔ̀náánɛ̀, kɛ́ɛ́ndà, ìkómì).

The nasals in numerals -né ‘4’ and -nááné ‘8’ are palatalised with the class 10 enumerativeprefix in all languages. With the class 10 prefix the stem initial t is fricativised to s or ʃ in-tátò ‘3’ and -táánó ‘5’ in all the languages except Kabwa where -sátú ‘3’ and -táánú ‘5’ arefound with all prefixes. In Simbiti, the class 10 fricativisation is optional with -tátó ‘3’.

For ‘10’, a variant of ìkómì is used. For multiples of ten, a variant of mirooŋgo is used, e.g.mìɾóóŋgó èβèɾè ‘20’. Again, vowel qualities change from one language to another butotherwise the systems are identical.

Pronominal forms include demonstratives, connectives, independent and possessivepronouns, quantifiers, specifiers, and interrogatives. These are invariable forms (independentpronouns for persons 1, 2, and 3) or take the pronominal prefix. In Simbiti, the pronominalprefix has the augment with most pronominal forms in all classes except class 23.

<Table 12: Pronominal prefixes (PP)>

All six languages have the same set of demonstratives: the Proximal Demonstrative-no/-nɔ/-nu/-nʊ, the Distal Demonstrative -ɾja/-Vɾe/-Vɾa, and the Referential Demonstrative-jo/-jɔ. In Ikoma, the demonstratives are toneless when utterance-initial but have an initial Htone utterance-medially.

(26) Ikoma

Class1: uno uɾe ujoClass 2: βano βaaɾe βajoClass 9: ino jiiɾe ijoClass 10: tʃino tʃiiɾe tʃijo

The Connective stem in Simbiti, Kabwa, Ikizu, and Zanaki is simply -a, which is elidedbefore an augment vowel. In Ikoma, rather than using the a-stem, the Connective is identicalto the pronominal prefix (see Table 12 above). The vowel of the Connective causes thefollowing pre-prefix to elide. In Ngoreme, some of the Connectives have the a-stem (e.g.class 1 wa, class 9 ja, class 10 tʃa) while others are identical to the pronominal prefix.

(27) Ikoma

òmóónà ó mùɣènìomo-óna ó omu-ɣeni1-child CON1 1-visitor‘child of visitor’òmóónà ó βàɣènìomo-óna ó aβa-ɣeni1-child CON1 2-visitor‘child of visitors’

(28) Ngoreme

òmóónà wò mùɣénìomo-óna wa omu-ɣéni1-child CON1 1-visitor‘child of visitor’òmóónà wà βàɣénìomo-ónà wa aβa-ɣéni

1-child CON1 2-visitor‘child of visitors’òβò-ɾítò βò táátà14-weight CON14 father‘weight of father’òβò-ɾítò βwɛ̀ ŋ-gɔ́kɔ̀oβo-ɾíto βo ɛŋ-gɔ́kɔ14-weight CON14 chicken‘weight of chicken’

Independent pronouns occur in singular and plural forms (Table 13), with Ikoma andNgoreme exhibiting the unusual 2SG form ije. Possessive pronouns are typically formed withpronominal stems, preceded by the Connective and the pronominal prefix. In Ikoma andNgoreme, where the Connective -a is mostly missing, the vowel quality of the possessive isthe quality of the pronominal prefix except in 1st person plural -ito/-itu. In Ikoma andNgoreme, the tones of the independent and possessive pronouns vary depending possibly onthe syntactic position.

<Table 13: Independent and possessive pronouns>

In addition to the forms in Table 13, Ikizu and Zanaki also have a possessive stem -aku thatcan refer to both singular and plural possessors, mostly nouns in classes other than 1/2. InKabwa, the possessive stems listed in Table 13 are only used with classes 1 and 2. In all theother classes, the possessive is inflected according to the noun class of both the possessed andthe possessor.

(29) Kabwa

èɾì-gúhá ɾy-áá-j-ò àmà-gúhá gá-á-j-ò

5-bone PP5-CON-PP9-POSS 6-bone PP6-CON-PP9-POSS

‘its (cl. 9) bone’ ‘its (cl. 9) bones’

èɾì-gúhá ɾy-áá-gj-ò àmà-gúhá gá-á-gj-ò

5-bone PP5-CON-PP10-POSS 6-bone PP6-CON-PP10-POSS

‘their (cl. 10) bone’ ‘their (cl. 10) bones’

The quantifier -ose ‘all’, specifiers -ene ‘self’ and -nde ‘other’, and interrogative -Vhe‘which’ are found in all the Mara languages in slightly different shapes. These all take thepronominal prefix. All of the languages also use the augment vowel with -ɛnɛ ‘self’ and -nde‘other’.

4. Verbs and clause structure

This section covers verbal extensions/derivation (4.1), TAM and negatives (4.2), and clausetypes and discourse/information structure (4.3). While the extensions are fairly typical andstraightforward, the TAM systems in the Mara languages are surprisingly diverse. The final

section provides a detailed overview of the various clause types and discourse features in theMara languages including topic, focus, and pragmatic concerns.

4.1 Verbal extensionsAs with many other Bantu languages, the Mara languages make use of various derivationalextensions which are realised immediately after the verb root. The basic forms of the mostproductive extensions are shown in Table 14, which excludes possible variants based onvowel harmonisation. A more detailed treatment of the vowel harmonisation effects,especially when Causative and Applicative extensions are added to the verb root, is foundabove in Section 2.1 and Tables 3 and 4.

<Table 14: Productive verbal extensions>

The Inversive extension is a less productive suffix than the Applicative in the Maralanguages, and it tends to display asymmetric patterns of vowel harmony.

For the Stative extension, the vowel in the root controls the harmony of the suffix in Kabwa,Ikoma, Ikizu, and Zanaki. In Ngoreme and Simbiti, the Stative extension is not productive.Simbiti has a frozen -ɛk- form in several verb stems indicating that a suffix controlled vowelharmony pattern once occurred. The Stative meaning in Simbiti and Ngoreme is currentlyconveyed through the use of either an Anterior aspect marker or a Reflexive morpheme.

Ngoreme (30) and Ikoma (31) have atypical Passive and Causative forms. In these forms, thefinal vowel -a drops out and the passive (-u) or causative (-i) fill the final slot on the verbstem; labialisation and palatalisation are only allowed root-initially in these languages.

(30) Ngoreme Passive

kù-ɾɛ́m-à kù-ɾɛ́m-ùINF-farm-FV INF-farm-PASS

‘to farm’ ‘to be farmed’

(31) Ikoma Causative

kò-ɾém-à kò-ɾém-ìINF-farm-FV INF-farm-CAUS

‘to farm’ ‘to cause to farm’

Multiple verbal extensions on a single verb root are possible in the Mara languages, but theyhave yet to be studied extensively. There are some interesting phonological phenomena thatoccur due to vowel harmonisation effects when a derivational extension is strung togetherwith the Anterior suffix. For example, when the Anterior (-iɾɪ) and Passive (-ʊ-) suffixes co-occur in Zanaki, the result (-iɾwe) combines the two morphemes together in an unpredictableway (32). When these same suffixes co-occur in Ikoma, the combination of -iɾi and -u isrealised as -uɾu (or -βuɾu on monosyllabic roots; 33).

(32) Zanaki Anterior Passive

βa-tem-iɾweSP2-hit-ANT.PASS

‘they have been hit’

(33) Ikoma Anterior Passive

tʃè-ɾèè-βùɾùSP10-eat-ANT.PASS

‘it (meat) has been eaten’

4.2 TAM(P)The Mara languages use the interaction of tense, aspect (both lexical and grammatical), andmood/modality (TAM) as grammatical categories that encode temporal relations. The focusin this section is on the grammatical categories of tense and aspect. As in other areas of theirgrammars, a striking amount of variety exists among the TAM systems of the Maralanguages. The systems in Kabwa and Simbiti are more traditional Bantu systems in that theyhave remoteness distinctions and a wide range of TA combinations. In contrast, the systemsfound in the remaining corpus languages are organised with aspect as their central definingfeature and make a much more limited use of tense. The interplay between Aktionsart (lexicalaspect) and grammatical aspect to convey temporal relations is striking. All languages alsomake use of a variety of periphrastic constructions, not all of which have been listed in thetables below.

4.2.1 Kabwa and Simbiti

The TA systems of Kabwa and Simbiti (as well as closely related Kuria; Cammenga 2004)resemble more traditional Bantu systems by having many tense distinctions. An overview ofthe TA forms in these languages is found in Tables 15 and 16.

<Tables 15 & 16: Kabwa and Simbiti TA systems>

Looking just at reference to past tense, the Kabwa and Simbiti systems are very similar.Although Kabwa has three distinct forms while Simbiti has two, Simbiti also has a thirdTAM form with past reference, SBJ-aa-VB-a, which has been referred to as an “Untimed PastAnterior” because it does not have a specific temporal reference but merely indicates that theaction occurred at some time in the past (Walker 2013: 62–3; Cammenga 2004: 287). Thisform aligns quite nicely with the PST4 (Pre-Hesternal or “Before Yesterday” Past tense) inKabwa, though the Simbiti form does not carry a specific temporal reference with it. Thefuture tense systems of the two languages are also quite similar.

In several complex verb forms, Simbiti (as well as Kuria and Gusii) exhibits a pattern ofauxiliary inversion which is atypical for Eastern Bantu languages (Walker 2013: 101),although a similar pattern of inversion with different functions has been observed in Mbugwe

(Mous 2000) and in Rangi (Gibson 2013). For Simbiti, auxiliary inversion occurs in thePersistive and complex Progressive forms where the main verb appears before the auxiliary(34). Interestingly, the Progressive forms in Ngoreme (see Table 17 below) also display thistype of auxiliary inversion.

(34) Simbiti Auxiliary Inversion (adapted from Walker 2013: 101)

ùɾù-síkò ùɾù-ɣímà ŋ-kù-tùk-à tó-ɾè11-day 11-whole FOC-INF-dig-FV SP1PL-COP

‘We are digging all day long.’

Another interesting feature of Simbiti verbs is the capability to include focus-marking (N-) onalmost any verb form in a main clause where it indicates emphasis on the action itself(Walker 2013: 128–129). In example (35), the focus is on the verb in the first sentence and onthe pre-verbal temporal adverb in the second.

(35) Simbiti Focus-marking (adapted from Walker 2013: 128–129)

n-tw-àà-ʃùmááʃ-ìɾè nà-wɛ̀ mɔ̀-ɔ́kàFOC-SP1PL-PST2/PST3-speak-ANT with-3SG 3-year‘We spoke with him last year.’

ŋ-kàɾɛ́ tw-àà-ʃùmááʃ-ìɾè nà-wɛ̀FOC-long.time.ago SP1PL-PST2/PST3-speak-ANT with-3SG

‘A long time ago, we spoke with him.’

Although both Ikoma and Ngoreme also have verb forms with the nasal, it appears to be alexicalised feature of specific verb forms rather than an active synchronic strategy forindicating emphasis.

4.2.2 Ngoreme and Ikoma

The Ikoma and Ngoreme TA systems rely less on tense distinctions, and have many moreaspectual distinctions than Kabwa and Simbiti. The tense contrasts in Ikoma and Ngoreme(along with Ikizu and Zanaki in 4.2.3 below) are clearly appendages to the aspectual system(see Nurse 2008: 68). Tense contrasts are limited to the narrative -ka-/-Vka- and periphrasticconstructions with auxiliaries derived primarily from copulas, movement verbs, and “tofinish, be finished” verbs (Bybee, Perkins & Pagliuca 1994: 55), which are all relativelyrecent according to the “grammaticalization cycle” of compounding and inflection (Nurse2008: 170). These systems in Ikoma and Ngoreme mainly use the interaction of Aktionsart(lexical aspect) and grammatical aspect to impart temporal meaning. For example, considerthat the Imperfectives can have both present and future readings, as in examples (36–39)below.

Osa-Gómez del Campo (2014) analyzes closely related Nata in like manner, using insightsfrom Kershner (2002) in conceptualizing Bantu lexical aspect in terms of a split between

punctives (statives and achievements) and duratives (activities and accomplishments). Thecategories in Table 17 also reflect terminological influence from Hewson (2012: 525), e.g.Retrospective, a “Perfective [...] viewed from a later position”. As can be seen from the table,the fundamental contrast is perfective:imperfective, with a host of additional imperfectivecategories in combination with a general Imperfective (-ɾa- in Ngoreme and -Vko- in Ikoma).

<Table 17: Ikoma and Ngoreme TA systems>

The primary difference between the Ngoreme and Ikoma patterns occurs between the generalImperfective and Progressive forms. The Imperfective and Progressive morphology isinverted across these systems (Imperfective -ɾa- in Ngoreme and -Vko- in Ikoma, whileProgressive -ko- in Ngoreme and -ɾa- in Ikoma). Consider for instance the Imperfectivefuturates in examples (36) and (37).

(36) Ikoma Imperfectives with future readings

m-bà-àkò-hík-à n-tò-òɣò-sííkèɾ-àFOC-SP2-IPFV-arrive-FV FOC-SP1PL-IPFV-speak-FV

‘they will arrive’ ‘we will speak’

(37) Ngoreme Imperfectives with future readings

βà-ɾà-hík-à tu-ɾà-ɣáámbàn-àSP2-IPFV-arrive-FV SP1PL-IPFV-speak-FV

‘they will arrive’ ‘we will speak’

These patterns reflect the general cline: focus > progressive > general present > future or non-past (Nurse 2008: 294). Progressives commonly originate from locatives which explains the-ko- formative, while -ɾa- is presumed to have originated as a focus marker (Nurse 2008: 139,294). Bybee, Perkins & Pagliuca (1994: 140) further note that progressives can develop intomore general imperfectives. Also note the auxiliary inversion that occurs in the NgoremeProgressive construction.

Another key difference between Ngoreme and Ikoma is in how the Inceptive -Vká- form isutilised. Ikoma makes use of the Inceptive as a pseudo-present depending on whether theverb in question is punctive (stative, achievement) or durative (activity, accomplishment).1 Ifpunctive, Ikoma often uses the Inceptive in such cases; if durative, Imperfective -Vko-.

(38) Ikoma punctive Inceptives with present readings

à-ká-hìk-à à-ká-mèɲ-àSP1-INC-arrive-FV SP1-INC-know-FV

‘s/he arrives, is arriving’ ‘s/he knows’

(39) Ikoma durative Imperfectives with present readings

n-tò-òɣò-túk-à n-à-àɣù-kɔ́ɾ-àFOC-SP1PL-IPFV-dig-FV FOC-SP1-IPFV-build-FV

‘we dig, are digging’ ‘s/he builds, is building’

This is in contrast to Ngoreme which for pseudo-presents tends to use the Perfective forpunctives, and either the Progressive n-ko-VB-a SBJ-ni construction or the more generalImperfective -ɾa- formative for duratives.

(40) Ngoreme punctive Perfectives with present readings

á-hìk-ìɾè n-á-màɲ-ìɾèSP1-arrive-PFV FOC-SP1-know-PFV

‘s/he arrives, is arriving’ ‘s/he knows’

(41) Ngoreme durative Progressive and Imperfective with present readings

n-gù-kɔ́ɾ-à à-ní tù-ɾà-túk-àFOC-PROG-build-FV SP1-COP SP1PL-IPFV-dig-FV

‘s/he builds, is building’ ‘we dig, are digging’

4.2.3 Ikizu and Zanaki

The Ikizu and Zanaki TA systems (Table 18) resemble the systems in Ikoma/Ngoreme, butmake use of even fewer aspectual categories (no Inceptive and only additionalProgressive/Imperfective -ku-/-ko- category in relative clause affirmative verbs).

<Table 18: Ikizu and Zanaki TA systems>

Much like Ikoma/Ngoreme the majority of tense contrasts are limited to the narrative -ka- andperiphrastic constructions. However, both Ikizu and Zanaki make use of the -ka- formative asboth a Narrative and Remote Past tense (42; not included in Table 18). The remainder of theMara languages only use this -ka- in narrative function.

(42) Zanaki Remote Past -ka- (adapted from Walker 2013: 61)

tʊ-ka-gaamb-an-a na-we ɛkaɾɛSP1PL-PST-speak-RECP-FV with-3SG long.time.ago‘We spoke with him a long time ago.’

Furthermore, what sets Ikizu apart from its close neighbour Zanaki is the use of theSBJ-aa-VB-a construction (43; not included in Table 18), which resembles the Present tenseform in Kabwa. The function of this construction in Ikizu needs more study.

(43) Ikizu Present (adapted from Walker 2013: 91)

tw-àà-j-á dàɾèsàɾáámùSP1PL-PRS-go-FV Dar-es-Salaam‘We go to Dar es Salaam.’

4.2.4 Negatives

Negatives in the majority of the Mara languages are formed with -ta- between the subjectmarker and TA slots, often with a H tone prefix. Simbiti is the exception as it uses acombination of two elements, namely pre-verbal ti-/te-/tɛ- and post-verbal he for the majorityof its negative forms (apart from the use of -ta- in the Hypothetical). There are several otherinstances of a two-element negation strategy in Eastern Bantu, as reported for closely relatedKuria (Cammenga 2004: 247; Mwita 2008: 178–80), as well as Rangi and Mbugwe (Gibson2013), along with many others (Devos and van der Auwera 2013).

(44) Simbiti

tɛ̀-βà-àkɔ̀-βɛ́t-à hè tɛ̀-β-àà-βét-iɾè hèNEG-SP2-PRS-burn-FV NEG NEG-SP2-PST-burn-PFV NEG

‘they do not burn’ ‘they did not burn’

Although the post-verbal he does not need to be adjacent to the verb, as in tì-tù-ù-hík-ɛ̀ bɔ̀ŋgɔ́he ‘we will (FUT1) not arrive early’, it is considered part of the melodic tone domain when itis adjacent to the verb stem. For example, in FUT3, the melodic H is assigned to the 3rd moraof the macrostem, and retracted to the penult if it should fall on the final syllable. In shortermacrostems, the melodic H is not realised at all. However, the melodic H is realised on thestem-final syllable when the enclitic follows the stem.

(45) Simbiti

m-bà-ɾɛ̀-βɛ̀ɾɛ́k-à vs. tɛ̀-βà-ɾɛ̀-βɛ̀ɾɛ̀k-á hèFOC-SP2-FUT3-carry-FV NEG-SP2-FUT3-carry-FV NEG

‘they will carry’ ‘they will not carry’m-bà-ɾɛ̀-βɛ̀t-à vs. tɛ̀-βà-ɾɛ̀-βɛ̀t-á hèFOC-SP2-FUT3-burn-FV NEG-SP2-FUT3-burn-FV NEG

‘they will burn’ ‘they will not burn’

4.3 Clause types, information structure, and related discourse featuresThe Mara languages conform to the standard Bantu SVO order in pragmatically neutral mainclauses.2 Similarly, common phenomena like object left-dislocation (46) and subject right-dislocation have been observed. Despite these general similarities, the differences at clauseand discourse level, as described in the following subsections, are striking.

(46) Simbiti (Masatu 2015; tones added)

à-kà-ɣààmb-á íɣáà sɛ̀-ŋɔ́ɔ́mbɛ́ sɛ́-nɔ́ sé-ɾéé-ŋgé kà há-nɔ̀ɔ́SP1-NAR-say-FV COMP 10-cow PP10-DEM.PROX SP10-be-HAB home PP16-DEM.PROX

mùùʃ-ɛ́ ɔ̀kɔ̀-háán-à βà-nɔ̀ βà-ɾèè-ŋgé jɛ̀ɛ̀ka há-nɔ̀ɔ́ nà2PL.come-SBJV INF-give-FV PP2-DEM.PROX SP2-be-HAB home PP16-DEM.PROX andɔ̀ɔ̀ɾà ùwà mɔ̀-má-ɣììŋgàDEM.DIST1 CON1 18-6-island

“He said, ‘These cows that are at home here, come and give them to the people at home here and to the one inthe islands.’”

4.3.1 Dependent clauses

Dependent clauses frequently occur as the second part in tail-head linkage in which“information from one clause is repeated at the start of the following clause, and the mainverb is repeated” (Nicolle 2015: 11; see also Guillaume 2011). While all six languages usethe Proximal Demonstrative of class 16 hanɔ (the final vowel varies across languages) tointroduce such temporal head clauses (47), Ikizu and Kabwa more frequently employdifferent TAM forms without explicit connectives to indicate tail-head linkage (48).

(47) Ikoma

à-k(à) é-ɣà-j(ɛ) é-kà-mò-ʃóómi. Hà-nò é-mò-ʃòòm-ìɾì ...9-lion SP9-NAR-go SP9-NAR-OP1-spy_on PP16-DEM.PROX SP9-OP1-spy_on-PFV

‘And the lion went and spied on him. When it (the lion) had spied on him ...’

(48) Ikizu

ì-kù-βúmáɾ-á !há-jò àβ-ííβúɾí βí kí-sùsù βà-ká-áz-à.SP9-PROG-sleep-FV PP16-DEM.REF 2-parent CON2 7-Hare SP2-NAR-come-FV

‘While he [Lion] was sleeping there, Hare’s parents came.’

In relative structures also, a variety of strategies are found. More common are either a -ku- or-ko- prefix in the verbal complex or the combination of a demonstrative and theAnterior/Perfect -iɾe suffix. Instead of -ku-, Kabwa uses -ɾa- as relative prefix (alsoProgressive aspect in Ikoma, Ikizu, Ngoreme, and Zanaki, cf. 4.2.2 above). While Ikoma usesthe demonstrative -nɔ in combination with an initial melodic H on the relative verb form(Aunio 2013: 311–312), both Simbiti and Ngoreme display a relative pronoun -nɔ which istonally distinct from the Proximal Demonstrative (49).

(49) Simbiti

ùmù-múɾá ó-mwé ɔ̀-nɔ̀ jàà-ɾéésj-ààŋg-à sì-túɣɔ̀ wɔ́ɔ̀nswɛ̀1-young_man EP1-one PP1-REL 1.PST-eat.CAUS-HAB-FV 10-cattle with.3SG

‘One young man who used to herd the cattle with him ...’

Rundell (2012: 26–27, 54–55) also mentions a marked use of the relative marker niɣɔ inNgoreme as point of departure of manner (50). Table 19 summarises the main strategies fordependent clauses.

(50) Ngoreme

… à-ɾà-sɔ́h-á ɲùùmbà. nì=ɣò á-sɔ́h-íɾɛ́ ɲúúmbá ...SP1-PROG-enter-FV [9]house COP=manner.REL SP1-enter-PFV [9]house‘… she goes inside. Having gone inside in this way …’

<Table 19: Dependent Clause Strategies>

4.3.2 Participant reference, topic, and focus

Two salient features in participant reference are the introduction of participants and the usageof demonstratives for participant tracking (Nicolle 2014). At the beginning of a text, majorparticipants are typically introduced in thetic sentences (Nicolle 2015: 55–58), which usuallytake the form of a locative verb form of ‘to be’ and a post-verbal subject noun phrase (51).

(51) Zanaki

ɛ-kaɾɛ hɜ-joo j-a-ɾɪ a-ɾɪ-hʊ ɔmʊ-ʊtʊ9-old_times PP16-DEM.REF SP1-PST-be SP1-be-LOC 1-man‘Once upon a time there was a man ...’

Exceptions to this formula are found in Ngoreme which frequently has the subject nounphrase of the introduced participant pre-verbally in situ, and in Simbiti which exhibits aclause-final past-tense auxiliary in pre-clitic copula constructions (52).

(52) Simbiti

mù-síímbètè nà mɔ́-hààʃà m=bá-ánà àβà ɛ́n-dá é-mwé βà-à-ɾè1-Simbiti and 1-Hasha COP=2-child CON2 9-stomach EP9-one SP2-PST-be‘The Simbiti and the Hasha were children of the same mother.’ (lit. ‘of one stomach’)

Concerning participant tracking, whereas all six languages use the Distal Demonstrative forreactivation of participants, the functions of Proximal and Referential Demonstrative usageare more disparate across languages. For example, the Referential Demonstrative is used forsalience in Kabwa and Ikizu over against its use for demoting a participant’s salience inZanaki. Additionally, the function of identification is covered by the Proximal Demonstrativein Simbiti and Ikizu but by the Distal Demonstrative in Zanaki. Table 20 shows thepredominant features of each language in the domains of participant reference, topic, andfocus.

<Table 20: Features of information structure>

When constituents are left-dislocated for topicalisation purposes, most Mara languagesfollow the common Bantu characteristics of a) not repeating a pronoun in situ for the left-dislocated noun phrase, and b) for objects, obligatorily marking the object on the main verb.However, Ngoreme never features such an obligatory object marker throughout the entiredata set (53).

(53) Ngoreme

ɛ̀-ŋànà ɛ̀-jɔ̀ tɛ́ɛ́-ŋ-kwɛ̀ɛ̀β-à9-matter PP9-DEM.REF NEG-SP1SG -forget-FV

‘This matter, I will not forget.’

Also, Rundell (2012: 52) reports a case in Kabwa where a pronoun in situ duplicates for itsleft-dislocated subject noun (54).

(54) Kabwa (Rundell 2012; tones added)

βɔ́ɔ́nɔ̀ ɔ̀mù-káɾì ɾùù-ndì wɔ́ɔ́nsɛ̀ à-ɲɔ̀ɔ̀ɾ-ɛ́ɾí ɛ̀βj-ɔ̀ɔ̀kùɾjànow 1-woman 11-one 1-PRO 1-acquire-PFV 8-food‘Now the woman, one day, she also had got some food ...’

Switch topic is usually marked either in the subject prefix on the main verb form (in Kabwa,Ngoreme and Ikoma) or with a full noun phrase including a distal demonstrative (in Simbitiand Zanaki). The marking differences between the languages are probably pragmaticallymotivated. A third strategy of switch topic marking makes use of additive and different-setpronouns (Rundell 2012), including nominal modifiers meaning ‘other’. This is preferred inIkizu as shown in (55).

(55) Ikizu

àβá-ánà àβáá-ndé βà-kà-βóɾéɾ-á wììsɛ̀2-child PP2-other SP2-NAR-tell-FV father.POSS3PL

‘The other children told their father ...’

Finally, the main focus construction observed in the six language data sets is identificationalarticulation, realised as a copula plus cleft sentence (56).

(56) Zanaki

nɪ mɜ-ginɜ j-a-ɾɪ kʊ-ɾɔɾaCOP 6-stone SP1-PST-be INF-see‘It was stones which he was seeing.’

4.3.3 Questions

Yes/No-questions are differentiated from their corresponding statements by intonation ordifferent tone assignment only; i.e. no specific yes/no-question markers have been found inthe database (for a detailed discussion of intonation versus tone assignment in yes/no-questions in the neighbouring Jita language, see Downing 1989).

Information questions differ across the Mara languages whether the question word ispositioned at the beginning of the question or left in situ. In Simbiti and Ikoma, the questionword is in initial position (Simbiti Hàì ákùjá?, Ikoma Hàjì àɣàjè? ‘Where is he going?’),

whereas in the other languages, the question word is in-situ (Kabwa Àɾágjá hà?, NgoremeÀɾàgí hàì?, Ikizu Àɾádʒà hàjì?, and Zanaki Àɾàgjà hàjì? ‘Where is he going?’).

In cleft-construction questions, the clause consisting of copula and question word can beeither left- or right-dislocated:

(57) Ngoreme

nè=újé á-ɣó-súk-ìɾɛ̀ tʃèèn-sùkò tʃí-nó?COP=who SP1-OP2SG-braid-PFV 10-braid PP10-DEM.PROX

Who is it that braided you this braid?

(58) Ngoreme

káná kí-nó ɣé-ɣó-tú-ɲɛ́ɛ́ɾ-á tʃíí-ɲámá tʃí-nò ŋ=gètóké?now PP7-REL.PROX SP7-PROG-OP1PL-soften-FV 10-meat PP10-DEM.PROX COP=what‘Now, that which is softening for us this meat is what?’

When it comes to the functions of questions, the Mara languages also differ considerably. Forexample, whereas rhetorical questions are hardly ever found in Kabwa, they abound inSimbiti where they are almost exclusively used for rebuke (59). In Ikoma, by contrast,rhetorical questions are mainly used to affirm the opposite of the corresponding statement(60).

(59) Simbiti

mò-ká-áhó nà àβá-ánà àβá-áhò nàwɛ̀ ò-ɾáá-βá-téɣ-éɾ-éè?1-wife-POSS2SG and 2-child PP2-POSS2SG who SP2SG -FUT-OP2-leave-APPL-FV

‘Your wife and children, to whom will you leave them?’ (Context: addressee is contemplating suicide, andspeaker is rebuking him by implying that he should not leave them in the first place.)

(60) Ikoma

ìβééɾ(e) ámá-ŋáná ɣá-jò nìβù ò-ɣò-ɣá-kɔ̀ɾ-á?now 6-matter PP6-DEM.REF how SP2SG-FUT-OP6-do-FV

‘Now, these matters, how will you do them?’ (Implied: it is impossible to do them.)

5. Conclusion

Despite both the close geographical proximity and the close historical and geneticrelationship of the Mara languages, a wide array of divergent linguistic phenomena appears tohave developed, ranging from vowel harmony and tonal complexity to tense-aspect systemsand clause structure. This shows that even closely related languages in geographical andhistorical proximity can be diverse. While language contact with Nilotic languages haspossibly played a role in the diversity of the Mara languages, it is not a sufficient explanation

by itself. The role of dissimilatory processes in the development of divergent languageidentities merits further investigation.

References

Anghelescu, Andrei. 2013. Morphophonology and tone in Nata. UBC Working Papers inLinguistics 34. 89–103.

Aunio, Lotta. 2010. Ikoma nominal tone. Africana Linguistica XVI. 3–30.Aunio, Lotta. 2013. Ikoma verbal tone. Nordic Journal of African Studies 22(4). 274–321.Aunio, Lotta. 2015. A typological perspective on Bantu nominal tone: The case of Ikoma-

Nata-Isenye in western Tanzania. Southern African Linguistics and Applied LanguageStudies 33(3). 359–371.

Aunio, Lotta. 2017. Syllable weight and tone in Mara Bantu languages. In Paul Newman(ed.). Syllable weight in African languages, 191–214. Amsterdam: Benjamins.

Bastin, Yvonne. 2003. The Interlacustrine zone (zone J). In Derek Nurse & GérardPhilippson (eds), The Bantu Languages, 501–28. Oxford: Routledge.

Bybee, Joan, Revere Perkins & William Pagliuca. 1994. The evolution of grammar: Tense,aspect and modality in the languages of the world. Chicago: UCP.

Cammenga, Jelle. 2004. Igikuria phonology and morphology: A Bantu language of South-West Kenya and North-West Tanzania. Cologne: Köppe.

Casali, Roderic. 2008. ATR Harmony in African Languages. Language and LinguisticsCompass 2(3). 496–549.

Chacha, Nyaigotti Chacha & David Odden. 1998. The phonology of vocalic height inKikuria. Studies in African Linguistics 27(2). 129–158.

Devos, Maud & Johan van der Auwera. 2013. Jespersen cycles in Bantu: Double and triplenegation. 34(2). 205 – 274.

Downing, Laura J. 1989. The interaction of tone and intonation in Jita yes/no questions.Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 19. 91–113.

Gambarage, Joash Johannes. 2013. Nominal ATR harmony in Nata: An assessment of rootfaithfulness. In Shan Luo (ed.), Proceedings of the 2013 annual conference of theCanadian Linguistic Association. University of Victoria, Victoria: CanadianLinguistic Association. <homes.chass.utoronto.ca/~cla-acl/actes2013/Gambarage-2013.pdf>

Gambarage, Joash, Andrei Anghelescu, Strang Burton, Joel Dunham, Erin Guntly, HermannKeupdjio, Zoe Wai-Man Lam, Adriana Osa-Gomez, Douglas Pulleyblank, DayanqiSi, Yoshiko Yoshino & Rose-Marie Déchaine. 2017. The Nata documentation project:An overview. In Jason Kandybowicz & Harold Torrence (eds), Africa’s EndangeredLanguages. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Gibson, Hannah. 2013. Auxiliary placement in Rangi: A case of contact-induced change?SOAS Working Papers in Linguistics 16. 153–65.

Gray, Hazel. 2013. Locatives in Ikizu. Leiden: Leiden University MA thesis.<www.sil.org/system/files/reapdata/40/63/49/40634970768735835652996321488010026330/Locatives_in_Ikizu_MA_Thesis_Hazel_Gray.pdf>

Guillaume, Antoine. 2011. Subordinate clauses, switch-reference, and tail-head linkage inCavineña narratives. In Rik Van Gijn, Katharina Haude & Pieter Muysken (eds),Subordination in native South American languages, 109–139. Amsterdam: JohnBenjamins.

Hewson, John. 2012. Tense. In Robert I. Binnick (ed.), The Oxford handbook of tense andaspect, 507–35. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Higgins, Holly Ann. 2012. Ikoma vowel harmony: Phonetics and phonology.<www.sil.org/resources/publications/entry/51528>

Hyman, Larry M. 2003. Segmental phonology. In Derek Nurse & Gérard Philippson (eds),The Bantu languages, 42–58. London: Routledge.

Katamba, Francis 2003. Bantu nominal morphology. In Derek Nurse & Gérard Philippson(eds), The Bantu languages, 103–20. London: Routledge.

Kershner, Tiffany L. 2002. The verb in Chisukwa: Aspect, tense, and time. Bloomington:Indiana University PhD dissertation.

Lewis, Paul, Gary Simons & Charles Fennig (eds). 2014. Ethnologue: Languages of theworld. 17th edn. Dallas: SIL International. <www.ethnologue.com>

Maho, Jouni. 2009. New updated Guthrie list.<goto.glocalnet.net/mahopapers/nuglonline.pdf>

Marlo, Michael R., Leonard Chacha Mwita & Mary Paster. 2014. Kuria tone melodies.Africana Linguistica XX. 277–94.

Marlo, Michael R., Leonard Chacha Mwita & Mary Paster. 2015. Problems in Kuria H toneassignment. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 33(1). 251–65.

Masatu, Amanda. 2015. Suba-Simbiti narrative discourse. SIL Language and CultureDocumentation and Description 31.<www.sil.org/resources/publications/entry/61345>

Meeussen, A.E. 1967. Bantu grammatical reconstructions. Africana Linguistica III. 79–121.Mous, Maarten. 2000. Counter-universal rise of infinitive-auxiliary order in Mbugwe

(Tanzania, Bantu, F34). In Rainer Vossen, Angelika Mietner, Antje Meissner, GiorgioBanti, Herman M. Batibo, Marianne Bechhaus-Gerst, Chet Creider, Bernd Heine,Wilhelm J.G. Möhlig & Mechthild Reh (eds), “Mehr als nur Worte...” AfrikanistischeBeiträge zum 65. Geburtstag von Franz Rottland, 469–481. Cologne: Köppe.

Mwita, Leonard Chacha. 2008. Verbal tone in Kuria. Los Angeles: University of CaliforniaPhD dissertation.

Nicolle, Steve. 2014. Discourse functions of demonstratives in Eastern Bantu narrative texts.Studies in African Linguistics 43(2). 125–144.

Nicolle, Steve. 2015. A comparative study of Eastern Bantu narrative texts. SIL ElectronicWorking Papers 2015–003. <www.sil.org/resources/publications/entry/61479>

Nurse, Derek. 2008. Tense and aspect in Bantu. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Osa-Gómez del Campo, Adriana. 2013. Future expressions in Nata, a Bantu language. In Zoe

Lam & Natalie Weber (eds), UBC Working Papers in Linguistics 38. 141–52. BritishColumbia: University of British Columbia.

Roth, Tim. 2014. The case of Ngoreme: Distinguishing contact from genetic inheritance inMara Bantu. Paper presented at the Language Contact: The State of the Artconference, Helsinki 28–30 Aug. 2014.

Rundell, Oliver. 2012. A comparative discourse analysis of some Bantu languages inTanzania. London: Middlesex University MA.<www.sil.org/resources/archives/57053>

Sadlier-Brown, Emily. 2013. The Nata applied double object construction. In Shan Luo (ed.),Proceedings of the 2013 annual conference of the Canadian Linguistic Association.University of Victoria, Victoria: Canadian Linguistic Association.<homes.chass.utoronto.ca/~cla-acl/actes2013/Sadlier-Brown-2013.pdf>

Walker, John B. 2013. Comparative tense and aspect in the Mara Bantu languages: Towardsa linguistic history. Langley, BC: Trinity Western MA thesis.<www.sil.org/resources/publications/entry/55388>

1 This is the opposite of the situation Osa-Gómez del Campo (2014: 147–8) describes for Nata. It is possible thatin the closely-related language varieties of Ikoma, Isenye, Nata, and Ngoreme that similar morphology appliesto different event types, yet still using the same fundamental punctive/durative split. This is an area for furtherresearch.2 In this section, tone diacritics mark surface pitch distinctions, not necessarily tones. At this point of analysis itis not possible to distinguish intonation and sentence-level tone processes in longer chunks of text.