the israeli economic miracle
TRANSCRIPT
Steven Robnak12-12-12
The Israeli Economic Miracle
How did Israel become a developed country amidst near
constant conflict? Israel was a country founded out of the
devastation of a brutal war for independence following the
recent tragedy of the Holocaust. Israel has very few natural
resources, is mostly arid, and had minimal infrastructure
and industry at its founding. Today Israel is the most
developed country in the region with an HDI of .888
(undp.org) ranked 17th in the world.
To understand how Israel could go from an
underdeveloped country worse off than its neighbors to one
of the most developed economies today, it is important to
have a comprehensive background on the economic history of
Israel. The Israeli economy can be defined in three distinct
economic stages, (1948-1972) the underdeveloped period,
(1972-1988) the developing period and (1988-2010) the
developed period. The underdeveloped period is when Israel
started to build up its industrial base with some ISI and
export oriented industrial development guided by the state,
as well as when Israel built up most of its infrastructure.
The developing period is when Israel had developed its basic
industry and infrastructure and started to transition from
an industrial economy to a research and development economy.
The developed period is when Israel developed its research
and development economy, and then opened up to larger
foreign investment in the country. During these development
periods, there were several wars fought between Israel and
its Arab neighbors. Israel fought several full-scale wars.
In the underdeveloped period it fought its war for
independence in 1948, the Suez Crisis in 1957, the Six Day
War in 1967. During the developing period, Israel fought the
Yom Kippur War in 1974, the First Lebanon War (1982-2000)
and the start of the First Intifada ( 1987-1993). In the
developed period Israel fought the Second Intifada (2000-
2005) , 2006 Lebanon War, and the the Gaza War (2008-2009).
In this paper, the most popular time tested scholarly
arguments will be analyzed followed by several newer
unorthodox theories that have emerged within the past few
years. The three prominent theories for Israeli success are
Pelzman’s theory of industrialization and state planning,
where Israel had a successful government guided economic
policy for development and industrialization; Brecher’s
argument that Israel was dependent on foreign aid to balance
its books and help with many of the problems it faced as a
nation, as well as to finance economic growth and immigrant
absorption; and Halevi’s argument that immigrants were the
most important factor to Israeli growth. For Halevi Foreign
aid was needed to supplement immigration in the early years,
but the uniqueness of Israeli open immigration is what gives
it higher growth compared to other developing nations. The
three unorthodox explanations to more modern Israeli
development compared to other developing nations supported
by Senor are Israel’s ability to prevent brain drain and the
uniqueness of the Israeli defense establishment in promoting
economic confidence within Israel as well as giving Israelis
the audacity to become a start up economy. Lastly I will
throw my own theory that scholars don’t talk about which is
the role of Lekem in Israeli development and the start up of
the arms industry.
The first years of Israel’s existence economically
speaking were difficult. The newly founded state had no
natural resources, no financial resources, no monetary
reserves, little economic infrastructure, few public
services, and many poor Jewish refugees (Metz 141). In 1948
many refugees from the Holocaust who were in Europe or in
displaced person’s camps as wells as Arab Jews poured into
Israel after the war for Independence. The population grew
by a conservative estimate of 1.1 million from this mass
immigration.(Brecher 95) Before the immigration rush into
Israel, 1/3 of the Israeli Jewish population held secondary
and institutes of higher degree educations (Brecher 97).
With the influx of refugees, the European Jews were mostly
educated while the Arab Jews were not. Israel from the
start had to provide these refugees with basic needs such as
food, clothing, shelter, employment, community services, as
well as set up a foreign exchange, monetary and fiscal
system. Israel was short on private capital in the 1940s and
1950s, the burden of dealing with all these problems had to
fall on the state (Metz 142). The French and Israeli
relationship only strengthened after Israel aided the French
and British in the Suez War of 1957.
Early on, what financed this early crisis was high-
level domestic savings, foreign loans and grants, foreign
private sector investments {Israeli bonds and donations form
Jews abroad}(Metz 142). In the 1950s, German War
reparations and French development assistance and military
aid on-top of American aid were helpful in maintaining a
negative balance on the current account.( Senor 178-182) The
French aid at this time is most important in the the covert
cooperative construction of nuclear programs, Intelligence
gathering, educational cooperation, and the French buildup
of the Israeli defense forces pre 1967.(Senor 179-81)
At this early stage in the 1940s and 1950s, the
Israeli government decided to promote investment projects in
agriculture and housing using public funds rather than
private capital markets. This initial investment by the
government in agricultural development and housing is the
start of Histadrut.
Histadrut is an important government institution in the
economy of Israel. Histadrut ( Hahistadrut Haklalit Shel
HaOvdim B’Eretz Yisrael { General Federation of Laborers in
the Land of Israel}) was an umbrella organization of trade
unions and also the government agency responsible for
Israeli economic enterprises.(Metz 142-143) Histadrut owned
enterprises functioned and behaved much like privately owned
enterprises, in such that failed businesses were quickly
shut down, and inefficiency was not tolerated(Metz 142).
Profit maximization was the primary goal of Histadrut run
corporations.
Histadrut was dominant in Israel from the start of the
nation up until the privatization of industry in the late
80s and 90s. During the development period, Histadrut was
dominant in the service sector. Histadrut had monopoly
status in areas such as public transport, production and
marketing of agricultural products, controlled Israel’s 2
major banks, and controlled the insurance agency (Metz 142).
It is important to note that Histadrut did not control a
majority of the industrial sector early on and ownership of
industries could be a mix between private Histadrut and
other government offices. Histadrut didn’t really come to
control industrial assets until after 1967.
While Israel spent most of the first decade (~1948-
1960) taking care of refugees, building up some
infrastructure, fixing the damage caused by the war, and
planting the seeds for some industrial growth, there was
substantial growth in GNP. The average growth rates averaged
10% in real terms for the time period of 1949-1964.(Brecher
98) This growth came from subsequent employment of the
refugees who provided much of the human capital needed for
early industrialization efforts. The first major industries
in Israel during the first decade were diamonds, chemicals,
clothing and textiles, transportation and communications.
Though Israel had no diamond deposits, it had a large
percentage of the European diamond cutters immigrate during
the Yishuv (pre 1948 immigration). The Israeli chemical
industry in the first decade consisted of extraction of
potash and bromine from the Dead Sea. Israel started a
clothing and textiles industry much like other developing
countries and depended on exporting to Europe and the United
States (Metz 157-158). The Agricultural industry in the
first decade was very interesting The Israeli government
invested heavily in research, training, improved crop
varieties, and better organization. (Metz 162) Israel had
started a basic arms assembly industry that was expanded
during this time and the Israeli government helped to create
Bedek( Israeli Aircraft Industries) in 1951(Senor 140-144).
Israel was carefully developing this industry from the start
and trying to specialize in profitable export crops,
agricultural production and processing, sophisticated
marketing mechanisms. Israel being a mostly desolate barren
arid wasteland and technically at war with all of its
neighbors had to devote significant capital into developing
the agricultural industry to feed its people and become self
sustaining agriculturally. By the mid 1950s, the Israeli’s
were leading experts in the agriculture industry and were
exporting technology to other countries and leading in
research and development, especially in agricultural systems
for poor growing conditions.
To recap before 1967, Israel started off barren and
rough. Its population more than doubled, its growth rate
averaged an astronomical 10%. The Government started
implementing ISI at the start of the state in the 1940s
while slowly scaling back ISI in the mid 1950s emphasizing
export oriented industries. Israel had a largely educated
base from its Ashkenazi (Germanic Western European) Jewish
immigrants, and a largely uneducated influx of Sephardic
(Mediterranean/Middle Eastern) Jews. The Israeli current
account budget was always negative, but German reparations
for the holocaust and some developmental aid provided for by
France and the USA counteracted this imbalance.
The start of 1967 is when the Israeli economy was
starting to show signs of a slow down. The French right
before the 1967 war had cut off all foreign aid to Israel.
(Singer 180). The Six Day war though it only lasted for six
days, had an economic impact that lasted for years. The
Israeli landmass managed to triple in size with the
occupation/annexation of Golan Heights, Gaza Strip, West
Bank, and Jerusalem. With annexing this territory, 60,000
laborers were added to the economy (Rivlin 42) and Israel
acquired some natural resources like oil in the Sinai and
fertile farmland in the Golan Heights. The war also brought
in over $620 million dollars in reserves through donations,
which helped to service the external debt to manageable
levels despite the massive defense imports for the war.
(Brecher 108-109).
The 1967 War changed Israeli defense policy. With the
French abandoning Israel for its own interests, this left
the Israelis in a similar fear state for acquiring arms that
occurred during the War of Independence. In the Israeli
mindset they couldn’t rely on a major power to arm them
(though the US had been selling them arms since the 1950s)
“so after the War Israel decided to move quickly in
producing major weapons systems, such as tanks, fighter
aircraft , and other advanced weapons, though no other small
country had successfully done so” (Senor 181). Israel was
able to quickly construct the industry (for example Israeli
Military Industries) expand what arms industry already
existed (for example Raphael) and produce military products,
with the help of technological espionage contra the French
(Senor 180-181). It is important to note that the Israeli
arms industry can get rather complicated because as well as
military production, the arms industries produced civilian
products as well. An example would be the Tadiran Electronic
Industries, Israel Chemicals Limited. (Metz 142-143) The
industry was owned by several different sectors such as
Histadrut, the Defense Ministry, the Internal Ministry,
Ministry of Finance, the private sector, though military
production was guided by the Defense and the Science and
Technology Ministries. (Metz 144).
After the War Israel increased military spending to
over 25% of GNP( Metz 143) Israel was able to maintain a
stable functioning economy until 1972. 1972-1974 was the
start of a downturn for Israel. Israel was implementing a
confusing policy of protectionist policy, trade
liberalization, and import tariffs during this time (Rivlin
46-47) To finance the balance of payments deficit in the
current account, Israel was depending on gifts and loans to
cover its deficit. Though Israel was exporting and had an
import surplus that started in the 1960s, this could not
cover the repayment of the loans (Rivlin 46)
As Israel was nearing an economic downturn, the surprise of
the Oil Embargo in 1973 and the Yom Kippur War threw Israel
into an economic “lost decade”. Israel had to import a
majority of its oil , and thus had 40% increase in cost
incurred in one year (Rivlin 47). This resulted in an
increase of over $600 million dollars in energy costs for
Israel by 1975.(Revlin 47). This Oil Shock helped to
increase inflation in this period and after the war. Israel
would have had 100% inflation in 1980 vs 130% if oil prices
did not rise.(Revlin 47).
More detrimental to Israel than the oil crisis was the
Yom Kippur War in 1973. This War took Israel by surprise,
causing more than 3000 casualties, enormous damage to
infrastructure, the mobilization of the work force for up to
six months(Senor 117). Israel had incurred a War cost that
exceeded 75% of its GNP.(Rivlin 46).
If war was not enough, recovery was made impossible by
the government monopoly on the capital market. The
government set the terms and interests rate for every loan
and debt instrument for consumer and business credit. (Senor
116) Israel had to devalue its currency by 43%. Restraints
and reforms were made between 1973-1976.
1977 was when Menachim Begin , leader of Likud,
defeated the long standing rule of the Labor party in the
Knesset elections. Begin’s policies are what sank Israel
from 1979-1985 into hyper-inflation and deep recession.
Begin decided to honor parliamentary coalition commitments
and expand Jewish settlement in the West Banl and Gaza
(consisting of 3% of GNP), making budgetary restraint near
impossible (Rivlin 50). Begin also liberalized the economy
in from 1977-1980. He implemented reform by abolishing
travel taxes, foreign exchange controls were eased, customs
duties were reduced.(Rivlin 51) Israelis were also allowed
to buy assets linked to foreign currencies {These were
previously limited to foreign trade, banking, recipients of
foreign income, new immigrants, non-residents}(Rivlin 51)
The Lira in October of 1977 devalued another 47%. Israel at
the time also made peace with Egypt in 1979. Israel had to
give back the Sinai as a requirement for peace. This was
very expensive for Israel because it had to deconstruct and
reconstruct its military fortifications and move them
because the borders changed, and Israel lost all of its oil
production, increasing its energy burden (Rivlin 51). The US
subsidized the Israeli withdrawal by a billion dollars
(Rivlin 51).
The peace with Egypt and the 1977 policies increased
inflation in 1985. Devaluations in the currency increased
cost of imports, and Israel’s indexing of cost of living to
income helped to fuel price rises and more inflation (Rivlin
52). Between 1979-1985 Israel was in an economic panic
though the economic growth between 1973-1984 averaged 1.2%
(Easterly 218). Finance ministers were replaced fairly often
and policies were adopted discontinued, readopted and
discontinued. Taxes were increased and decreased,
consumption was discouraged and encouraged, exports were
encouraged, Histadrut was politically weakened then
strengthened, subsidies were increased and decreased, all
pending which Finance Minister was in power( Rivlin 54).
If the economic panic and start of hyperinflation were
not enough, the 1982 Lebanon War added to the economic
wound. Many had lost confidence in the Israeli economy
because of the rapid changes and flip-flops in Israeli
economic policy. By 1983, there was further devaluation of
the currency, and with increased taxes and war expenditures,
the public lost confidence with the Israeli governments
management of the economy( Rivlin 55). The elections in 1984
would bring a start to the end of the Israeli hyperinflation
episode. The parliamentary elections were deadlocked between
Likud and Labor, which ended up forming an alliance. The
coalition government tried to tackle the inflation by price
freezes wage freezes, decreased spending on subsidies,
restrictions on imports, these efforts only raised inflation
to 546% in the third quarter of 1984 (Rivlin 57). In 1985,
it became clear that the government couldn’t reduce the
inflation by the methods it was already employing. Foreign
exchange reserves were dangerously low at this time. In July
the Cabinet leaders held an all night meeting where they
adopted a plan to stabilize the economy. The aim of this
plan was to improve the balance of payments and
simultaneously reduce inflation. The program required a
further devaluation of the Shekel by 18.8%, freeze against
the dollar, prices subsidized goods were increased by 35-75%
and non subsidized items by 17%(Rivlin 57-58). Employees
were to only be partially compensated for erosion of wages,
the budget was decreased by $1.5 billion (Rivlin 59)
Incentives were given by the government to hold onto shekels
vs. acquiring dollars on the black market, the US government
helped by granting emergency aid and increasing defense aid
(Rivlin 59). Israel adopted the new Shekel later that year
(1 NIS=1,000 old shekel). Israel had managed to stop
inflation and have prices lower by 1986. Israel also managed
to acquire a current account surplus in 1985 because the
dollar declined in value against European currencies, making
Israeli import costs go down and reducing export costs
(Rivlin 60). After 1985 the Israeli economy between 1985-
1989 grew by an average of 3.8%(Rivlin).
Though the period of 1977-1985 were called “the
lost decade”, Israel didn’t entirely loose out. Israel
during the mid 1970s-to 1987 had been developing certain
industries. The Israeli diamond industry grew immensely to
become 24% of exports, or $1.7 billion dollars in value
(Metz 156). Israel had developed a chemical rubber and
plastics industry, and a research and development program in
Chemical production and engineering (Metz 156). The Israeli
chemical industry by the late 1980s had become one of the
worlds largest chemical producing industries in the world
and employed 11% of the labor force and accounted for 15.6%
of exports. (Metz 158) Tourism became a major industry.
Israel had invested in alternative energy industries to
counter the demand for oil in places such as coal to oil
conversion and solar energy. During the late 1970s and 1980s
time, Israel invested heavily in the electronics industry.
This high technology industry was competing worldwide and
leading in its field. In 1985 the electronic industry
represented 4.5% of industrial establishments, 12% of
industrial employment, and almost 13% of industrial revenues
(Metz 155). Starting in the 1960s and picking up more
funding in the 1980s, the Israeli biotechnology industry
grew significantly. Israeli universities were given
incentives to for research in its leading industries and
biotechnology, leading the Israeli pharmaceutical industry
and the first 1980s venture capitalist investments in Israel
(Metz 155).
Israel recovered nicely from its hyperinflation with an
average growth rate of 3.4% from 1985-1988 and brought the
inflation down to 20% by 1986(Easterly 219). During this
recovery period, the Israeli government ceased funding to
several defense initiatives such as the Lavi that cost
several billions of dollars to develop (Senor 181) and the
US began offering more arms credits helping to maintain a
balance in the Israeli budget.
The third period of economic growth from 1988-2010 is
very unique to Israel compared to all the other nations who
experienced hyperinflation and a “lost decade”. Israel
experienced an immigration boom from the Soviet Union and
Ethiopia. This immigration wave accounted for roughly
1,000,000 new immigrants to Israel (Senor 123-127) The
Ethiopian Jews were much like the Sephardi counterparts and
had very little education or industrial skills, while the
Russian immigrants were mostly doctors, scientists,
engineers, and intellectuals (Rivlin 125-127). During the
late 1980s-eaerly 2000s, the Israeli government started to
sell off state owned industries and promote private
development and investment. In the mid 1990s, the Israeli
ministry of Finance wanted to promote a strong venture
capitalist and foreign investment movement in Israel in
start up enterprises. The Finance ministry created a program
called Yomza {Initiative in Hebrew}(Sinor 166) Yomza
required investors to come up with $16 million dollars for
every $8 million that the government would invest in a
project(Senor 166). Three parties had to be represented in
the Yomza grant, Israeli venture capitalists in training,
foreign venture capitalists firms, and an Israeli investment
company or bank(Senor 166). The government would initially
hold a 40% ownership in the investment, but after 5 years if
the fund was successful, the Israeli government would sell
out its shares cheaply, leaving investors all the reward
while leaving the government a share of the risk (Senor
166).
During the Economic boom, Israel had made several
initiatives to peace with the Palestinians and Jordan. The
Israeli government signed the Oslo accords in 1993 and peace
with Jordan in 1994. Not only were there peace arrangements
but also some more wars. Israel had to deal with the first
and second intifadas, as well as being bombarded by Saddam
in 1990-91 , the Second Lebanon War, and rocket bombardments
from Lebanon and Gaza Strip/ West Bank.
To recap phases two and three of the economic history
of Israel, Israel faced a major economic crisis starting in
the early 1970s because of the sharp rise in oil prices, the
Yom Kippur War, and government mismanagement of spending and
economic policy. Israel experienced an economic panic that
lasted nearly a decade with the worst of the inflation
occurring in the 1980s at the start of the Lebanon War.
Israel quickly and effectively tackled the crisis after the
worst of it in 1984 by implementing sound economic policy.
Also while this was occurring, Israel was investing heavily
in research and development/production of several advanced
industries such as biotechnologies, advanced arms
production, chemicals, and the electronics industry. Just as
Israel made it out of the hyperinflation period, there was a
massive immigration wave that added around a million people
to its population of less than 7 million. Israeli growth was
massive at this time, because of the implementation of new
economic policies such as Yomza, liberalizing trade, and
selling off government held industries to the private
sector. Israel was able to leave its international isolation
by signing the Oslo accords, and continue strong economic
growth despite subsequent wars and being bombarded by rocket
attacks and targeted by terrorists.
Now that we have a comprehensive historical background
of the Israeli economy and industry, we can look at the
popular scholarly arguments as to how Israel become a
developed country amidst near constant conflict. There are
several theories as to why Israel developed. Many of the
theories overlap and compliment each other, and several of
these theories were written over the course of Israeli
history going as far back as 1969 and as late as being
published in 2012. Because there is such a range of sources,
many of the later sources will reference/cite the older
sources in their arguments, so I chose the more original
authors of the respected theories. The literature review
will be divided into what are the three most supported
scholarly arguments. Joseph Pelzman argues that
industrialization and state planning/guidance was the most
important element in the development of Israel. Brecher
argues that foreign aid given to Israel is the most
important factor in the successful development of Israel.
Nadav Halevi argues that immigration to Israel was the most
important element to the successful development and growth
of the Israeli economy.
Pelzman claims that Israel was dependent on government
intervention in the economy and industrialization at the
start of the state. With Israel starting up barren and a
majority of the population being poor refugees, private
capital was hard to find, so the government had to use state
funds to care for the immigrants and build up the industry
so it could provide jobs (Metz 142). Pelzman also argues
that the government has always been involved long term
projects, such as the construction of the arms industry and
industries associated with it (Metz 143). Though the
government had some obvious inefficiency from inappropriate
project selection or policies that crowded out business
investment, there was a generally high success rate with
state industries as they were competitive on world markets
(Metz 147, 156-159)He argues that without government
intervention, most of these successful industries would have
never existed, such as the arms industry which would lead to
the future success of the chemical industry and electronics
industry. Though he mentions the importance of immigration
to economic growth, Pelzman believes that the immigrant
growth rate can be substituted with investment in science
based and high technology industries (Metz 146) Pelzman also
comments that Israel will eventually face a problem of brain
drain with the success of the developing silicon valley in
California and the much higher wages there (Metz 155). Metz
also makes an interesting comment that Israel invested in a
lot of industries and research and development that were
cost effective considering Israel’s distance form its export
markets.
Brecher claims that Israel was dependent on the west,
especially their aid, for their state to be remotely
successful ( Brecher 109). For Brecher, “Israel was
compelled to finance her rapid economic growth by a massive
import of surplus of foreign exchange assets”(Brecher 103).
The German reparations throughout the 1950s and private
inflows of revenue are what kept the Israeli current account
deficit manageable into the 1970s, and it is also what
covered a significant amount of cost for the Six Day War.
Israel was being funded largely by world Jewry and the
purchase of Israeli bonds. Jewry accounted for 68.7% of
total long term capital transfers to Israel from 1949-1965,
Bond sales comprised of nearly 70% of it (Brecher 106).
Brecher also mentions that governments like the United
States were very helpful with their direct Grants in Aid
programs beginning in the 1950s and continuing afterwards
(Brecher 106). With Israel being embargoed in its region,
and foreign trade being far away and costly, Israel needed
this aid to balance its current account deficit so the
government could fund industrialization projects and
subsidies to protect its exports.
Halevi argues that Israel was able to develop rapidly
for two reasons compared to other developing countries, the
“transplanted population” (immigrants), and second the
massive capital inflow (Halevi 83). Halevi claims that the
massive immigration boom in the first economic period was
needed to fuel the increased need for supply of labor
(Halevi 91). Halevi argues that as well as providing labor
for the work force, the population of Israel was second in
the world in terms of percentage of population with college
degrees (Halivi 92-93). The Israeli policy on immigration
was that all Jews were welcome to immigrate to Israel, and
before 1953, Israel had financed immigration (Halevi 88-
89)Halivi also argues that the large capital inflows from
foreign Jewry, loans granted by the US, and the German
reparations were what helped to fund immigration absorption
programs, as well as balance the current account budget/
provide funds for the Israeli government. Though the funds
were helpful, Halevi claims the immigration is the most
distinctive feature of the Israeli economic growth rates
after the war of independence (Halevi 86). Halevi’s journal
article is comparative to other developing countries at the
time of writing it.
Now that we have a concise introduction to the three
primary arguments, an analysis of the orthodox scholarly
arguments will be presented followed by my personal analysis
and the modern unorthodox theories that will be drawn upon
in my analysis. I will draw on other sources and relate the
Israeli success to why the neighboring countries didn’t
attain it.
In regards to government intervention in the economic
affairs of Israel, Pelzman’s point is mixed in the help it
provided Israel and the damage it caused Israel. Pelzman
wrote his article right before the 90s economic boom for
Israel. In the post 1980s era with Israeli economic reform
and the immigration wave that came with it, the government
approach at present to take a hands off approach to
enterprises has been the most successful economic policy
Israel has implemented to date. Israeli implementation of
liberalization and grant programs such as Yomza have grown
the economy substantially, and the success of the program
for the government has left Israel as a net lender economy
vs. a net debtor nation holding $60 billion dollars in
surplus or 3% of GDP vs. the net negative it has held before
the 1990s. (www.bankisrael.gov.il). At present the private
sector and foreign investment is large enough to where the
government can take its hands off directing the economy, but
as he mentions, this was not possible in the past. Israel
didn’t have much private capital. Most private investment
was in pre existing industries in Israel before 1948 such as
agricultural communes known as Kibbutzim or in industries
such as the diamond industry or the textile industry and the
construction industry (Metz 150-160). The private sector
didn’t have the funds to start up and incubate industries
that Histadrut and other government ministries invested in.
In the first period of the Israeli economy, foreign
investment in Israel was not possible because the
international expectation was that Israel wouldn’t be there
much longer, and that it was too dangerous too invest there
because of the heated conflict in the region. This was also
strengthened by the fact that Israeli infrastructure was
destroyed in the 1948 war, and the Israeli government was
highly protective of infant industries. Though Israel was
not unique in using the state to direct industry and build
it up, what made it rather unique compared to its neighbors
and other developing nations was that Israel was able to
develop successful research and development industries early
on and a successful entrepreneurial boom in the 1990s and
2000s and continue the rate of entrepreneurial growth.
Brecher’s argument for the development of Israel
through foreign aid is a similar argument to Pelzman’s
argument of state sponsored growth. Israel was entirely
dependent on this aid for most of its existence for
balancing its books. Though Israel depended on the aid for
balancing its books, I don’t think foreign aid was entirely
unique to Israel’s success. Looking at developing countries
as a whole, Israel was not unique in that it received
foreign aid. The only unique part of the Israeli aid
received was that a majority of it was from the private
sector vs. a foreign government. Many private actors,
predominantly Jews were investing in Israel by giving
donations through organizations such as the Jewish National
Fund, or directly buying Israeli bonds. The unique thing
about Israel with foreign aid compared to other nations is
that Israel arguably spent it better than most countries,
since corruption in the government is relatively non
existent, and Israel used the aid money to develop
infrastructure or industry, or to create foreign reserves or
balance the current account deficit. As we could see in the
late 1970s and early 80s, foreign aid didn’t keep Israel
from collapsing, it only slowed the collapse of the Israeli
economy. Israel was still capable of misusing funds and
overspending much like other developing countries. Though US
aid was instrumental in the rapidity of the recovery, Israel
was able to get a hold of its budget. At present, the
Israeli surplus is much larger than the roughly 3.1 billion-
dollar total aid package the US is giving it in 2013 (Sharp
30). At present, Israel could survive without foreign aid
from the US and function relatively decently.
In regards to foreign aid, US aid in recent times has
not been directed to keep Israel from collapsing as much as
to protect the US defense industry. Brecher is more than
accurate in the time he was writing, but in the present, aid
is helpful but not imperative to the survival of the Israeli
economic system. As Senor points out, US aid to Israel after
the 85 collapse required Israel to drop the Lavi fighter jet
project and promote joint development projects with the US
(Senor 181-183). The US in its aid policies required Israel
to purchase US military products. As Senor argues, the US
with its foreign aid was trying to prevent Israeli
competition with American defense contractors, as well as
have some control over who Israel could sell advanced
technologies to( to prevent other powers such as China or
India from acquiring sophisticated weapons). From being an
industry insider with tank sales, the Israeli government
mandates the removal of US technologies and co-developed
technologies from surplus 1980s tanks before they can be
exported to select foreign markets as is required by
contractual obligations for foreign aid.
In regards to immigration, this is the soundest theory
supported by most scholarly experts such as Halevi.
Immigration for all of Israel’s history has corresponded to
an economic boom. Immigration for Israel has always been a
strong factor unique to Israel for growth. Compared to other
developing countries, Israel is the only one to receive a
large amount of educated migrants. The current economic boom
as several scholars such as Senor and Bichler argue is from
the influx of Soviet intellectuals and experts coming to
Israel in the 1990s. The Israeli government implemented
programs to promote research and development programs such
as Yomza and funding absorption programs for Soviet
immigrants to get research jobs in existing industries. To
compare to the rest of the Middle East, the Arab countries
do not allow for easy migration. As Senor points out in his
argument for why Israel has been far more successful than
the Arab nations recently, Israel is completely open for
Jewish immigration, while the Arab nations are not (Senor
194-200). For example, looking at the UAE, it is near
impossible to acquire Emirati citizenship. Though there is a
lot of international investment in the UAE, there is nothing
keeping it there long term. Most foreign investors have gone
to Dubai to made money, and then when they have made it they
have left (Senor 201-202).
Looking at Israel’s success compared to the Arab
nations, there are still a few factors that mainstream
scholars have tended to dismiss that I feel are imperative
to the success of the Israeli economy vs. other developing
countries. There are three more significant factors that are
relevant and unique to Israeli success. Israel does not
suffer from brain drain like most developing countries,
Israel is unique in that it has a diaspora population (Jews
abroad) that is represented all over the world in which it
can draw on for support, and the Israeli mindset built from
the defense establishment.
Brain drain as mentioned in Pelzman’s argument is not
an actual problem Israel faces much like the other
developing countries. Senor mentions and names the Israeli
phenomenon as “brain circulation”. Brain circulation is”
talented people leave , settle down abroad, then return to
their home countries and are not lost in either place”(Senor
138) Israel has gained foreign investment in Israel because
people like Michael Laor of Cisco or Fov Forhman of Intel
wanted to go back to Israel, and the companies did not want
to loose their primary developers, so they followed their
developers to Israel and invested there( Senor 139). Intel
was early on the Israel scene building a research and
development center there in 1974(Senor 119).
Related to the brain drain argument is the Jewish
diaspora. While Israel is able to retain its intellectuals,
it has a large population abroad to draw on. The diaspora
community is important for several reasons. As we can see,
the diaspora population has largely immigrated to Israel and
has become part of the research and development boom. One of
the most prominent uses for the diaspora population that no
prominent scholars really talk about is their relation to
the Lekem, or the Bureau of Scientific Relations. Lekem
functioned as an agent for technological and scientific
espionage into the 1990s and has since been disbanded by US
pressure. Though much of the activity of Lekem is largely
unknown, the largest blowup of Lekem was the Pollard
operation in the United States and the Schwimmer affair to
acquire French blue prints for jet propulsion engines.
Israel was using Lekem since the 1950s to steal
technological secrets from other nations and then use these
secrets for production in Israel. An example of this is the
Kfir fighter based off of stolen blueprints of the French
Mirage jet fighter (Senor 181). How could Israel develop an
advance arms industry breaking ground in 1967 that was
producing successful weapons that were being used before the
Yom Kippur war of 1973 if it had to come up with designs by
scratch? Israel was able to field Kfir fighter jets during
the Yom Kippur in 1973, while domestic designs such as the
Merkva tank took much longer to design and produce. Its well
known that other research and development nations at the
time were stealing each other technological secrets( USA and
USSR for example), why couldn’t Israel do the same? In
short, Israel sped up production of advance military
technologies that would eventually trickle to the civilian
sector by acquiring some designs through Lekem. In other
words, where Easterly talks about “leaks” from the private
sector, Lekem was a government sponsored program to acquire
“leaks” abroad.
Lastly, unique to Israel was the defense establishment.
Israel has never lost a war. All Israelis are required to
serve in the Israeli Defense Forces. Senor makes an argument
that Israel’s military organization and defense
establishment are critical to the entrepreneurial nature of
Israel. Senor makes a valid argument along the lines that
Israeli military structure is different because lower ranked
officers are bountiful (Lieutenants) while upper level staff
above majors are severely understaffed for a military its
size (Senor 45). One other important factor is that lower
ranking military unites can remove a higher-ranking officer
if they feel him unfit for leading a unit. There is no
unwavering obedience to superior officers unlike most other
militaries. Israeli junior unite can argue and can petition
to remove upper level staff (Senor 44-48). This unique
structure leaves Israeli junior officers who are college age
with the responsibilities of higher-ranking officers, and
are often left making command decisions and frontline
decisions on their own vs. consulting superior officers
(Senor 45-50). This level of being able to confront
commanding officers and functional independence creates the
notorious cultural trait of Chutzpah {Audacity, willingness
to challenge the norm) within Israeli culture. Most Israelis
who serve in the defense forces go to University after their
mandatory service, and their military experience continues
with them. As Senor points out, all Israelis are required to
serve a few weeks of reserve duty a year, and many Israelis
will do business with other reservists during reserve duty
or if they become engineers or go into the field of research
and development, they can apply their field experience to
the arms industry unlike most foreign engineers or military
developers. Israelis can also rely on military connections
for their professional careers.
There is a counter argument to the defense
establishment that the high cost of maintaining a constant
military readiness has cost Israel much over the years and
has hurt investment and development. Though Israel has
gained significantly from recent “peace” with the
Palestinians and Jordan and Egypt, being in a constant state
of war hasn’t prevented economic growth or investment
either. As Senor shows with two unmarked diagrams that he
latter explains, as the rocket attacks/destruction of
Israeli infrastructure have increased, local and foreign
investment has increased even more {Israeli FDI tripled from
2000-2005 and Israeli share of total venture dollars doubled
as rocket attacks on Israel have more than tripled} ( Senor
148-149). Senor tells a story about Intel and how Israel’s
response to the rocket attacks and economic performance
while being attacked have strengthened investor confidence
in Israel. “Israel has managed to divorce the security
threat from its economic growth opportunities, Israeli’s and
foreign investors are confident that start ups will survive
during war and turbulence”(Senor 149). As we can see from
growth figures correlated to rocket attacks, the constant
state of war hasn’t had a negative correlation to growth or
economic improvement but a positive correlation, unlike most
countries that come under attack.
In short, the Israeli economic miracle in the present
is most dependent on several factors that separate it from
its neighbors. It is dependent on intellectual resources
that immigrants have brought to Israel. Israel has depended
on Jewish help abroad through private capital inflows and
work with Lekem. Israel has benefited from the defense
establishment’s unique structure and successful defense of
Israel and promoting investor confidence in Israel. Israel
in the past was dependent on foreign aid coming form
governments such as France the USA and West Germany in its
earlier economic stages, and at present doesn’t need the
level of assistance it once did. The Israeli government was
needed early on to guide industrial development devoted to
export oriented industries, but has reversed course in the
1990s and 2000s with far more successful growth. Israel has
also managed to maintain and foster a “brain economy” and
prevent brain drain to other parts of the world.
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