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© Association of Art Historians 2010 55

Practices, technologies, and instruments of vision powerfully shape visual ! elds. The transitory nature of visual practices, the changing nature of technology, and the potentially ephemeral nature of the moment of vision mediated by optical devices make it dif! cult to understand how people saw, how they perceived technologies of vision, and how they saw with the aid of optical devices. More elusive still is the constellation of visual practices, technology, and optical devices that produce moving, re" ected, and projected images. For, to represent vision, its technology and its devices, is momentarily to ! x dynamic processes of seeing.

In 1640 the Chinese publisher Min Qiji (1580–after 1661), a native of Wuchang, Zhejiang province on the southeast coast of China, issued a colour-illustrated edition of ‘The Romance of the Western Chamber’ (Xixiang ji).1 As a drama of virtually unparalleled popularity in an era of widespread and burgeoning mechanical reproduction of images, many publishing houses issued illustrated editions of ‘The Romance of the Western Chamber’ during the Ming dynasty.2 Min followed one popular late-Ming convention for the illustration of a dramatic text: he produced one image for each act of the play, that is, a set of twenty images, plus a cover image.3 Min, however, released his illustrations for ‘The Romance of the Western Chamber’ from the standard formulae of framing and composition for printed illustrated text, instead forging their relation to period practices, technologies, and instruments of vision.4

To begin to understand the stakes of Min Qiji’s illustrations, this article examines how his illustrations render binocular visual experience of the late Ming. Circa 1640, a growing awareness of monocular vision, imported from the West, interfered with established Chinese ocular epistemologies and heightened late-Ming awareness of indigenous, established practices of binocular vision and their manifestation in images ordered by multipoint perspective, as is evident in the case of printed illustrated books, especially those that illustrate popular plays. By examining the interdependent cultural and technological frames, or scopic frames,5 of binocular vision depicted in Min Qiji’s illustrations – namely, pictorial objects, re" ective surfaces, and optical devices – this article argues that, in the face of external challenges to indigenous modes of seeing and conceptualizing vision, Min Qiji eschewed conventional strategies for representing textual narrative and pictured visual experience to render elusive practices of non-monocular vision and its ephemeral paraphernalia.6 This article, however, goes beyond proposing how Min Qiji depicted what Jonathan Crary, in his analysis of vision and modernity in the West during the nineteenth century, calls ‘techniques of the observer’:7 it concludes by suggesting

Detail of ‘Scholar Zhang leaving Oriole for the capital’, published 1640. (plate 7).

DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-8365.2009.00722.xArt History | ISSN 0141-679033 | 1 | February 2010 | pages 54-73

Scopic Frames: Devices for Seeing China c. 1640Jennifer Purtle

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1 ‘Crimson eavesdropping on Scholar Zhang and Oriole’, illustration for Act 13 of Wang Shifu, The Romance of the Western Chamber (Xixiang ji), published by the Yue family of Jintai, Beijing, 1498. Wood-block print. Beijing: Peking University Library Collection. Photo: Courtesy of Wu Hung.

that even as European monocularity challenged Chinese ways of seeing, Chinese binocularity reshaped European devices for, and ways of, seeing.

Printed Illustrations as Artefacts of Late-Ming VisionDuring the late-Ming period, printing permitted ways of seeing to be recorded in large numbers of images.8 Scholarship of late-Ming illustrated ! ction and drama often analyzes such imprints as indexical of shifting relationships of text and image driven by the technological conditions of printing, its historical evolution, and its economic contexts.9 Given their obvious relationship to practices of sight and vision, printed illustrations of dramas provide an index of the relationship between practices of vision and viewership in late-Ming China.10 The corpus of late-Ming printed illustrated drama, because of its implicit relationship to stage production and viewership, represents in visual terms a range of habitual visual practices. These include: visualizing dramatic narrative in pictorial terms, watching dramatic performance, seeing dramatic performance, and representing other types of narrative action as dramatic performance.

The representation of dramatic narrative in pictorial rather than in visual experiential terms is evident in images in which conventions of painting narrative take precedence over representation of an audience-like view of dramatic performance. One illustration of this type is that of the maid Crimson eavesdropping on the lovemaking of Scholar Zhang and Oriole from an illustrated edition of ‘The Romance of the Western Chamber’ published in 1498 (plate 1).11 Speci! cally, the architectural infrastructure contained within the picture plane is elaborated beyond the schema of stage and stage props. Moreover, the diptych format creates a picture space like that of a handscroll, uni! ed by orthogonal perspective. In narrative terms, the dimensions of the image, that is, longer than it is tall, imply its relationship to the handscroll. By extension, these proportions imply the potential for narrative movement.

The translation of architectonic frames for drama into two-dimensional pictorial conventions was a complex process in which frames marked the ! eld of vision. A frame shaped like a window of the period contains an image from the 1566 printed edition of a Minnan vernacular opera, the ‘Lychee Mirror Record’ (Lijing ji) (plate 2).12 A tile " oor, like that of a house, garden, or stage, grounds the image in architectonic and material space, but the frame isolates a moment of dramatic

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2 ‘Dramatic Scene’, illustration from Li Dongyue, Lychee Mirror Record (Lijing ji), published by the Yu Family Xin’an Studio, Jianyang, 1566. Wood-block print. Oxford: Bodleian Library, Sinica 34, folio, 1r. Photo: Bodleian Library, University of Oxford.

3 ‘Crimson eavesdropping on Scholar Zhang and Oriole’, illustration for Act 13 of Wang Shifu et al., Annotated Western Wing Collection (Xixiang pinglin daquan), published by the Xiong Family Zhongzheng Studio, Jianyang, 1592. Wood-block print. Tokyo: Naikaku bunko Collection. Photo: National Archives of Japan.

performance by constricting the viewer’s gaze to a limited range of visual data.13 The ! eld of vision imposed by the frame is coupled, in narrative terms, with the limiting of narrative progression: the brevity of the image, both in its rendering of detail and in its compression of space leaves little over which the eye can linger, and no room in which the narrative can progress. With no possibility of narrative progression, the image suggests a dramatic performance seen or glimpsed, as though momentarily, but not fully watched.14

Sustained viewing of drama is pictured in illustrations of staged dramatic moments. Such picturing of stage performance is exempli! ed by full-page illustration, such as that of Crimson eavesdropping on Scholar Zhang and Oriole, included in a 1592 edition of the ‘Annotated Western Wing Collection’ (Xixiang pinglin daquan, plate 3).15 The format of this image, within a printed book, maximizes the pictorial representation of dramatic performance, permitting the illustrator to produce a composition that suggests an extended moment in the dramatic staging of the narrative similar to what an audience member might have seen on stage. The viewer’s eye has purview over a larger space of more elaborate description, but in narrative terms, this full-page illustration, like framed, partial-page illustration, limits narrative progression by ! xing the viewer’s gaze. In a visual culture habituated to the possibility of narrative movement in paintings, especially the horizontal visual movement dictated by the format of the handscroll, there is, pictorially, and by extension narratively, nowhere to go in this image. Unlike the 1498 image (see plate 1), which renders Crimson spying

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something that the viewer discovers through right-to-left pictorial narrative movement, the 1592 image (plate 3) reads as a single moment in which Crimson observes Zhang and Oriole.16

While various ways of seeing drama informed printed illustrated editions of popular plays, the conventions of these illustrations (and their implied sense of viewership) were also applied to the graphic representation of novels and other non-literary narratives. The Italian Jesuit Giulio Aleni (1582–1649) followed other Jesuits to apply late-Ming conventions for the illustration of dramas and novels to the creation of the ‘Illustrated Explanation of the Incarnation of the Lord of Heaven’ (Tianzhu jiangsheng chuxiang jingjie) of 1637, exempli! ed by ‘The Holy Mother Visits Elizabeth’ (Shengmu wang gu Yisabo’er, plate 4). Previous Jesuit woodblock-printed illustrations, such as the Italian Jesuit Matteo Ricci’s (1552–1610) images for the compendium ‘Mr Cheng’s Ink-Cake Garden’ (Chengshi moyuan) of 1606,17 and the Portuguese Jesuit João de Rocha’s (1565–1623) series of images, the ‘Rules for Reciting the Rosary’ (Song nianzhu guicheng) of 1619 based on Jerónimo Nadal’s (1507–80) Evangelicae historiae imagines ex ordine Evangeliorun quae toto anno in Missae Sacri! cio recitantur of 1593,18 communicated Christian narratives to Chinese audiences by translating Western pictures into Chinese pictorial schema. In contrast, Aleni’s ‘Illustrated Explanation of the Incarnation of the Lord of Heaven’ presented the Life of Christ in the format normally associated with illustrated drama –

framed illustration executed in line drawing, with an adaptation of the image-above text-below (shangtu xiawen) convention.

Despite the use of this late-Ming format for illustrated drama to depict the Life of Christ, the illustrations attempt Western single-point perspective (albeit not always executed correctly). In ‘The Holy Mother’, it is the tile " oor of the foreground, often represented in Chinese printed illustrated drama, that reveals familiarity with single-point perspective. The artist of ‘The Holy Mother Visits Elizabeth’ thus attempts to render the main portion of the image as an artefact of monocular vision. In addition to portraying an interior in a manner conversant with single-point perspective, Aleni’s ‘The Holy Mother Elizabeth’ draws on conventions for printed illustrated drama that permit the embedding of multiple, sequential narrative moments (each of which is labelled in the text below) in a single image. Aleni’s image thus ruptures Chinese conventions for the representation of binocular vision, and also renders unstable Chinese presumptions about the temporality of seeing.

In 1640, the year in which Min Qiji issued his printed illustrations to ‘The Romance of the Western Chamber’, the German Jesuit Johannes Adam Schall von Bell (1592–1666) offered his printed illustrations of the Life of Christ, the ‘Booklet of Images Presented to His Majesty’ (Jincheng shuxiang) to the Chongzhen emperor (r. 1627–44).19 These illustrations, exempli! ed by ‘Jesus, Lord of Heaven teaching the Way at a young age’ (Tianzhu Yesu huanling chengdao xiang, plate 5) present themselves as

4 ‘The Holy Mother visits Elizabeth (Shengmu wang gu Yisabo’er)’, illustration from Giulio Aleni, Illustrated Explanation of the Incarnation of the Lord of Heaven (Tianzhu jiangsheng chuxiang jingjie), published Jinjiang, Fujian, 1637. Wood-block print. Paris: Bibliothèque nationale de France Collection. Photo: Bibliothèque nationale de France.

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5 ‘Jesus, Lord of Heaven, teaching the Way at a young age, illustration number 10 from Adam Schall von Bell, Booklet of Images Presented to his Majesty (Jincheng shuxiang), 1640. Wood-block print. Vienna: Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Collection. Photo: Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Wien.

pictures of pictures by use of a double frame: that is, by framing the picture within a blank page rather than printing it to ! ll the page or ! lling the page with text, which was the conventional treatment for Chinese printed, illustrated drama. Like Aleni’s illustrations, Schall’s images also made variably successful attempts at rendering details in single-point perspective.20 Where, in a European context, Aleni and Schall’s images might exemplify a Baroque breakdown in the use of single-point perspective, in China the vestigial (or imperfectly understood) elements of single-point perspective constitute the incursion of that representational system

into an indigenous mode of representing previously driven solely by binocular experience. That these images were presented by Schall, author of the ! rst Chinese-language treatise on the telescope, ‘Speaking of the Telescope’ (Yuanjing shuo) of 1626,21 to an emperor who had already received a telescope as a gift from the scholar and of! cial Li Tianjing (1579–1659) in 1634,22 reaf! rmed the incursion of Western monocular vision and the schema for representing it at the highest levels of Chinese visual culture.

Pictorial Objects as Late-Ming Scopic FrameAll twenty of Min Qiji’s illustrations for ‘The Romance of the Western Chamber’, unlike illustrations contained in the ‘Booklet of Images Presented to His Majesty’, represent binocular visual experience in China of 1640. Wu Hung has addressed Min’s illustrations as ‘metapictures’,23 what W. J. T. Mitchell has de! ned as ‘pictures about pictures... that are used to show what a picture is’.24 But, Min’s illustrations are not limited to pictures about pictures, as Schall’s were. To broaden understanding of Min’s images, Craig Clunas subsequently addressed them with respect to ‘their representation of twenty types of artefact or performance... in a manner which queries with a sort of playful implacability the security of any kind of representational stability’;25 Clunas focused on the way in which layers of representation make it impossible for the viewer of the prints to know what the illustrations are a picture of. This article instead proposes that Min’s illustrations depict the narrative action of a popular play while simultaneously depicting a range of visual experiences.

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To reify late-Ming ways of seeing untouched by monocularity, eighteen of Min Qiji’s twenty illustrations for ‘The Romance of the Western Chamber’ depict objects that move and/or project images. These eighteen prints illustrate the dramatic narrative of ‘The Romance of the Western Chamber’ within representations of image-moving media and optical devices. The illustrations thus render moving and projected images, suggesting how late-Ming viewers saw them. In this way, Min Qiji represents image-moving media and optical devices as a form of late-Ming scopic frame.

Min opens his set of illustrations with a scene rendered within the picture plane of a handscroll, which (as is common knowledge among those familiar with Chinese painting, and as Wu Hung has demonstrated to those not familiar with Chinese painting) produces moving, panoramic images.26 This image is one of ! ve of Min’s twenty illustrations to use paintings as scopic frames that, if imaginatively manipulated, move the dramatic narrative.27 This illustration for the ! rst scene of the play (plate 6), in which Scholar Zhang arrives at Pujiu Monastery where he will ! rst meet Oriole, is one example of this type of scopic frame.28 Here, Min depicts Scholar Zhang arriving at Pujiu monastery, within the picture plane of a handscroll. Min’s ! rst illustration for ‘The Romance of the Western Chamber’ indicates that this panoramic opening to the album could potentially move pictorially and narratively, by means of the materiality of the depicted handscroll.29 In the 1498 illustrated edition of ‘The Romance of the Western Chamber’ (see plate 1) the narrative can merely move visually like a painting. In contrast, Min images a narrative capable of moving panoramically as

6 ‘Scholar Zhang arrives at Pujiu Monastery’, illustration for Act 1 of Wang Shifu, The Romance of the Western Chamber (Xixiang ji), published by Min Qiji, Wucheng, Zhejiang, 1640. Wood-block print. Cologne: Museum für Ostasiatische Kunst Collection, Inv. No. R61, 2 [No. 1]. Photo: Rheinisches Bildarchiv, Köln.

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7 ‘Scholar Zhang leaving Oriole for the capital’, illustration for Act 15 of Wang Shifu, The Romance of the Western Chamber (Xixiang ji), published by Min Qiji, Wucheng, Zhejiang, 1640. Wood-block print. Cologne: Museum für Ostasiatische Kunst Collection, Inv. No. R61, 2 [No. 15]. Photo: Rheinisches Bildarchiv, Köln.

a painting, through imagined manipulation of its material support, that is, its ability to be rolled and unrolled.

Other formats for painting current during the late-Ming period permitted images to move in other ways, and Min Qiji also harnessed these in his illustrations for ‘The Romance of the Western Chamber’. A painted hanging scroll frames the illustration of the eighteenth scene of the play, in which Oriole writes a letter to Scholar Zhang.30 This depiction of the material support for the painting suggests the inherent ability of the medium to move the narrative image, albeit vertically. The illustration for the ! fteenth scene of the play, which depicts Scholar Zhang leaving Oriole for the capital, is framed by the painted medium of the folding fan (plate 7).31 Min’s choice of pictorial frame thus provides a material suggestion for the movement of the illustrated narrative through manipulation of the fan; when such a fan is opened or closed, it moves in a fashion akin to a cinematic wipe. Supports and mountings for painting created further means by which images moved. The illustration of the seventeenth scene, which depicts Oriole receiving a letter about Scholar Zhang passing the examinations, images narrative moving as paintings attached to the wooden structure of a folding screen.32

Beyond the traditional materials of painting, other supports for pictorial images and their relationship to their material apparatus also imaged the movement of the image. The illustration of the second scene (plate 8), in which Scholar Zhang meets the maidservant Crimson, appears to be an image of a ceramic bowl decorated

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with the pictorial image of the narrative action.33 As such, the image is like many pictorial images on ceramics of the period. Min, however, renders the bowl apart from its stand. This rendering suggests the potential movement of the bowl off and on the stand, which in turn moves the images of the dramatic narrative.34 The various types of supports and mountings for paintings thus showcase variable means for moving images.

8 ‘Scholar Zhang meets the maidservant Crimson’, illustration for Act 2 of Wang Shifu, The Romance of the Western Chamber (Xixiang ji), published by Min Qiji, Wucheng, Zhejiang, 1640. Wood-block print. Cologne: Museum für Ostasiatische Kunst Collection, Inv. No. R61, 2 [No. 2]. Photo: Rheinisches Bildarchiv, Köln.

9 ‘Crimson’s delivery of an invitation’, illustration for Act 6 of Wang Shifu, The Romance of the Western Chamber (Xixiang ji), published by Min Qiji, Wucheng, Zhejiang, 1640. Wood-block print. Cologne: Museum für Ostasiatische Kunst Collection, Inv. No. R61, 2 [No. 6]. Photo: Rheinisches Bildarchiv, Köln.

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Re! ective Surfaces as Late-Ming Scopic FrameFour of Min Qiji’s twenty illustrations utilize optical devices, broadly de! ned as objects that mediate the movement of light, to frame and pictorialize the dramatic narrative, and to suggest the projection and movement of images.35 The illustration of the sixth scene, in which Crimson’s delivery of an invitation exists on what appears to be a bronze vessel (plate 9),36 has been read analogously to that of the second scene (see plate 8), in which Crimson meets Scholar Zhang on the surface of what appears to be a porcelain bowl. Such readings suggest that the illustration of the sixth scene depicts an image painted or incised on the surface of a bronze vessel. Ming dynasty bronze vessels, for example, a seventeenth-century turnip-shaped " ower vase (plate 10), however, did not portray single human ! gures on their surfaces, nor did earlier archaic bronzes collected in the Ming dynasty; as in the case of the turnip-shaped vase, such bronzes, unlike their archaic counterparts, were polished to a high shine, their re" ective surfaces bordered by areas of archaistic pattern cast into the body of the vessel, features visible in the bronze vessel depicted by Min. Given the care with which he rendered objects prized during the late-Ming period, it seems unlikely that Min would have created an image of a freakishly anomalous bronze vessel.

Min Qiji’s interest in rendering late-Ming visual experience of the movement and projection of images suggests that the sixth illustration might alternatively be read as depicting the re" ection of an image on the surface of a bronze vessel, a form of optical projection.37 Bronze was the preferred material for mirror-making in China, and a bronze surface would thus have been mirror-like, informed by Ming discourses of re" ected images found in belles lettres accounts and in catalogues of period painting.38 Discourses on re" ected images were especially prevalent in the texts that describe the production and reception of portraiture.39 An illustration of the fourteenth act of a

1617 printed edition of Tang Xianzu’s (1550-1616) Peony Pavilion gives pictorial form to the capturing of an image in a mirror, and its relation to the making of a painting.40

Discourses of the ephemerality, multiplicity, mobility, and projectability of re" ected images permeated late-Ming visual culture. Min’s illustration of the tenth scene of ‘The Romance of the Western Chamber’ (plate 11) underscores reading the sixth scene (see plate 9) as a projected, moving image. In the tenth image, Oriole reads Scholar Zhang’s love letter, illustrated in the depiction

10 Shimokabura (turnip-shaped ! ower vase), named Onden (‘Conducting Sound’), seventeenth century (China, Ming Dynasty). Bronze, 10 1/8

inches high. Private collection. Photo: Courtesy of Christie’s, Inc.

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of the narrative as re" ected in a mirror.41 Chinese optical theory associated re" ections with motion and agency of the image.42 Depicting the re" ection of images in these illustrations thus might be viewed as yet another means by which narrative movement of images was suggested in pictorial terms, as re" ected and projected images.

Optical Devices as Late-Ming Scopic FrameThe pictorial representation of the projection and movement of images through the use of an optical device is found in Min Qiji’s illustration of the fourteenth scene (plate 12). In this scene, Madame Cui scolds Crimson, a dramatic moment depicted as ! gures painted onto an illuminated lantern.43 The rendering of the lantern with its streamers a" utter suggests the lantern’s motion.44 The history of moveable media and optical devices in China is a long one, beginning with the emergence of shadow puppets as a form of popular entertainment not later than the second century BCE.45 In practical terms, such a lantern was the simplest device with which to project an image. The simple play of such a lantern, able to project images, in the wind created the most basic type of moving, projected image.

Corroboration that the lantern rendered in Min’s fourteenth illustration is indeed lit, and thus capable of projecting, is found in Min’s illustration for the eighth scene for the play. In this illustration, Oriole listens at night to Scholar Zhang playing the qin zither.46 This illustration uses a similar representational convention, namely inversion of light and dark, to depict the emanation of candlelight, and by extension the illumination of the room in which Scholar Zhang plays the qin zither. Picturing the narrative of the fourteenth scene as encapsulated in a wind-blown, moving lantern thus presents the narrative in a medium in which its images are both moved and projected.

Such simple painted lanterns, blowing in the wind, served as poor cousins to a variety of gyrating, zoetropic lanterns (zouma deng, literally ‘pacing horse lanterns’), one type of which Min Qiji used to represent the chasing of bandits in the ! fth scene

11 ‘Oriole reads Scholar Zhang’s love letter’, illustration for Act 10 of Wang Shifu, The Romance of the Western Chamber (Xixiang ji), published by Min Qiji, Wucheng, Zhejiang, 1640. Wood-block print. Cologne: Museum für Ostasiatische Kunst Collection, Inv. No. R61, 2 [No. 10].Photo: Rheinisches Bildarchiv, Köln.

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12 ‘Madame Cui scolds Crimson’, illustration for Act 14 of Wang Shifu, The Romance of the Western Chamber (Xixiang ji), published by Min Qiji, Wucheng, Zhejiang, 1640. Wood-block print. Cologne: Museum für Ostasiatische Kunst Collection, Inv. No. R61, 2 [No. 14]. Photo: Rheinisches Bildarchiv, Köln.

of the play (plate 13).47 Beyond its rendering of the content of the play, this illustration makes explicit reference to the technology of the zoetropic lantern, the mechanism of which is visible at the top of the lantern. Unlike the lantern of Min’s fourteenth illustration (see plate 12), which projects images through or onto the panels of the lantern, and beyond, the zoetropic lantern of the illustration for the ! fth scene moves external paper-cut images illuminated by the core of the lantern to silhouette these images against the light of the lantern. The zoetropic lantern thus mechanistically casts moving shadows of the paper-cut ! gures.48

Beginning in the Song dynasty (960–1279), Chinese literati repeatedly noted the workings and popularity of zoetropic lanterns; in this way, these optical devices were a staple of Chinese visual experience prior to the introduction of European ideas about vision in the early modern period. Sources from the Song dynasty onwards describe precisely the type of zoetropic lantern pictured by Min in his illustration for the ! fth scene of the play.49 Furthermore, twelfth-century authors note the popularity of these optical devices in China at least from the Song dynasty.50 Such lanterns were also greatly admired by Yuan- and-Ming-dynasty literati.51 Chinese zoetropic lanterns are designed so that when an interior candle is lit, convection currents power vanes that turn concentric cylinders either inside or outside the lantern. These illuminated, turning cylinders thus simultaneously moved and projected paper-cut images, plain or painted, placed inside or outside the lantern.

Chinese authors of the Ming dynasty noted the materiality and mechanics of ‘pacing horse lanterns’. The literatus Deng Ya (b. 1328) includes a poem in his literary anthology ‘Deng Ya’s Collected Works’ (Yusi ji), entitled ‘Pacing Horse Lantern’. This poem reveals how the lantern works, noting that, ‘Shadows move, circling and leaning, on a silk gauze screen.’52 In a poem of the same title, the medical doctor and literatus Zhou Geng (1443–89) notes how papercuts were used to make the shapes that turned inside the lanterns.53 The philosopher Fang Yizhi (1611–71) used the ‘lighted pacing horse lantern’ as a metaphor for the self-sustaining nature of the

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human body.54 These and other Ming authors thus elucidated the workings of these devices for the movement and projections of images to literate audiences.

Both Chinese and Western writers attest to the visibility and describe the visuality of ‘pacing horse lanterns’ during the late-Ming period. The literatus He Fuzheng (" . 1625–31) notes the presence of ‘pacing horse lanterns’ in celebrations of the New Year, indicating that the lanterns were not only visible, but also visually narrated human stories by ‘Hanging paper people and horses in their centre and using ! re to move them’.55 The Portuguese Jesuit Gabriel de Magalães (1609–77) corroborated such accounts of the late-Ming period, providing information about their workings. De Magalães writes of lanterns in which the projected ! gures were placed inside:

And the lamps and candles of which there are an in! nit number in every Lanthorn, are intermix’d and plac’d within-side, so arti! cially and agreably, that the Light adds beauty to the Painting; and the smoak gives life and spirit to the Figures in the Lanthorn, which Art has so contriv’d, that they seem to walk, turn about, ascend, and decend.56

De Magalães, like his Chinese contemporaries, describes the type of mid-seventeenth-century ‘pacing horse lantern’ rendered in Colourful Lanterns in Shangyuan (plate 14), and like the American Gyrating Shadow Lantern of 1875 (plate 15), this type of ‘pacing horse lantern’ hides both projectible images and image-moving mechanisms from the viewer.57 It is unclear if Min Qiji’s illustration for the fourteenth scene of the play represents such a lantern or a non-gyrating lantern.

Min Qiji’s illustrations for both the fourteenth and ! fth scenes of the play (see plates 12 and 13) depict the optical projection and movement of the dramatic narrative. Individual Ming authors describe a range of subjects that a viewer might ! nd rendered in the medium of a ‘pacing horse lantern’.58 De Magalães notes of viewing zoetropic lanterns:

13 ‘Oriole listens to Scholar Zhang play the qin zither’, illustration for Act 5 of Wang Shifu, The Romance of the Western Chamber (Xixiang ji), published by Min Qiji, Wucheng, Zhejiang, 1640. Wood-block print. Cologne: Museum für Ostasiatische Kunst Collection, Inv. No. R61, 2 [No. 5]. Photo: Rheinisches Bildarchiv, Köln.

14 Detail of Anonymous, Colourful Lanterns in Shangyuan (Shangyuan dengcai tu), c. 1572–1627. Ink and colour on silk, 25.5 " 266.6 cm. Taipei: Jeffrey Cheng-fu Hsü Collection. Photo: © 2004 University of Oregon. Used by permission of Jeff Hsü, Ina Asim, and Garon Hale.

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You shall see Horses run, draw Chariots and till the Earth; Vessels sailing; Kings and Princes go in and out with large Trains: and great numbers of People both a Foot and a Horseback, Armies Marching, Comedies, Dances, and a thousand other Divertisements and Motions represented...59

In describing for a European audience what a late-Ming viewer might expect from viewing a zoetropic lantern, de Magalães indicates that such lanterns, either with images turned and projected from within, or suspended and turned without, served as story-telling aids, and details their range of subjects.

De Magalães’ account suggests that such gyrating lanterns functioned as a narrative medium for specialist storytellers or street performers. For, it is dif! cult, in the Chinese narrative tradition with its many historical anecdotes, to imagine the depiction of a generic King or Army moving across such a device randomly. Nor, given the rich tradition of pictorial story telling and story-telling aids, is it likely that the potential polyvalence of such images remained uninterpreted for spectators.60 ‘Pacing horse lanterns’ thus gave visual form to narrative progression by moving and projecting their component images.

Seeing through Scopic FramesBy picturing media that moved and/or projected images, Min Qiji’s illustrations for ‘The Romance of the Western Chamber’ ! xed the most ephemeral, transitory ways of seeing in the late Ming in enduring, material form. These illustrations bear no text that elucidates the ideas about vision that informed them. Instead, by articulating a well-known narrative through a series of media that move and project images, the illustrations themselves show how culture and technology interdependently produced late-Ming practices of vision. The illustrations also

invoke the late-Ming rejection of representational stability, as Craig Clunas has argued.61 This detailed picturing of transient visual experience suggests a late-Ming self-awareness of the predominance and importance of practices of vision and its paraphernalia in 1640.62

Min Qiji’s illustrations for ‘The Romance of the Western Chamber’ represent late-Ming binocular visual experience at a moment when binocular vision faced larger challenges than a few Jesuit printed books of limited distribution and optical devices gifted to the court. The prominent literati convert, Paul Xu Guangqi (1562–1633), baptized in 1603 by João de Rocha, worked together with Matteo Ricci to produce a Chinese-language translation of Euclid’s (" . c. 300 BCE) Elements, known in Chinese as Ji he yuan ben, published in 1607.63 Although the Elements is not a perspective treatise, the great Renaissance perspective treatises such as Leon Battista Alberti’s (1404–72) De Pictura (‘On Painting’) of 1435 were grounded nonetheless in the work of Euclid.64 Euclid’s work was thus necessary, if not suf! cient, for the development of single-point perspective in China.

15 McLaughlin Bros, New York, Gyrating Shadow Lantern, 1875. Mixed media, 34.3 " 28.0 " 28.0 cm. Watertown, MA: Richard Balzer Collection. Photo: John Horner Photography.

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More signi! cantly, the introduction to China of European optical devices challenged indigenous, traditional modes of seeing and conceptualizing vision such as those represented by Min Qiji.65 It is clear that such disruptions, although their true extent cannot be measured on the basis of surviving materials, affected the most elite levels of literati culture. The French Jesuit Philippe Couplet (1623–93) noted that Candida (1607–80), granddaughter of Paul Xu Guangqi, inherited her grandfather’s extensive collection of optical devices, suggesting the circulation of instruments of monocular vision.66 One work of elite literature, the playwright, novelist, publisher, and actor Li Yu’s (1611–80?) short story, ‘A Tower for the Summer Heat’ (Xiayi lou), records a series of optical devices including the microscope (xuanwei jing, lit. ‘minute-revealing glass’), the ‘Incense-burning Glass’ (fenxiang jing), the glass mirror (duanrong jing, lit. ‘makeup glass’), and the ‘Lighting Glass’ (quhuo jing).67

While various optical baubles circulated in late-Ming elite visual culture, the telescope earned pride of place, not only manufactured in China as early as the mid-seventeenth century, but described and evoked in textual culture.68 The Explicatio Sphaerae Coelestis’ (Tianwen lüe) of 1615 by the Portuguese Jesuit Emmanuel Diaz (1574–1659), for example, propagated in Chinese the discoveries made by Galileo (1564-1642) and his telescope.69 Xu not only advocated for the production of telescopes in China as early as 1629,70 but also followed Schall to write about how the telescope could be used.71 Xu was not alone: the Beijing gazetteer ‘Brief Explanation of the Sights and Things of the Imperial Capital’ (Dijing jingwu lüe) of 1635 noted what a telescope was and how it was to be used,72 as did the literatus and philosopher Fang Yizhi (1611–71).73 By 1657/58, Li Yu also featured the telescope in ‘A Tower for the Summer Heat’.74 This followed Bell’s instructions for using the telescope from inside a building (as opposed to using it from an open body of water).75 Li Yu’s story thus promoted use of the telescope as a tool of urban voyeurism.

Monocular images inadvertently created by the use of optical devices, such as views of Chinese cities seen through a telescope, co-existed alongside prescriptions for making pictures based on monocular experience. Speci! cally, Schall’s ‘Speaking of the Telescope’ described how to use a mirror-lens projection (a device functionally similar to a camera obscura, which employs a concave mirror instead of a lens to project an image into a darkened space), to make a picture.76 Knowledge of pinhole projections was not new in China: it is found in early optical texts, as well as in the writings of the polymath Shen Gua (1031–91), and the late-Ming literatus Gu Qiyuan (1565–1628).77 But it was Schall who spelled out the applicability of monocular devices to the making of pictures, thus posing the greatest challenge to the picture plane as repository of binocular visual experience.

Monocular devices proliferated in China, as Joseph McDermott has demonstrated in a ground-breaking article ‘Chinese Lenses and Chinese Art’.78 Yet McDermott makes the point that lenses ! rst circulated as single objects, but later circulated as framed pairs of eyeglasses, this later phenomenon rendered in Colourful Lanterns in Shangyuan and other paintings.79 As McDermott shows, during the period 1654–63, lenses mounted in pairs were imported to Japan from China, reaf! rming the use of lenses, often a component of monocular devices, in binocular contexts.80 Extant Chinese images corroborate the overwhelming persistence of binocular vision in China, suggesting that while European images, instruments, and ways of seeing challenged elite Chinese visuality, they did not radically and pervasively transform it. Thus when the anti-Christian scholar and of! cial Yang Guangxian (1597–1669) attacked both Christian doctrine and Western astronomy

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Jennifer Purtle

and geography in his ‘I Can Not Stand It’ (Budeyi) of 1665 although Yang reprinted Christian and scienti! c illustrations to demonstrate the fallacies of both Western religion and science, he did not include illustrations that attempted single-point perspective, nor did he speci! cally deride new, imported modes of representation.81

In contrast, the introduction to Europe of Chinese optical devices interfered with European practices and technologies of vision. The astronomer and mathematician Christiaan Huygens (1629–95) is credited with the invention, not later than 1659, of the earliest extant European device for projecting images painted on glass.82 But lantern slides debuted in Europe when the Flemish Jesuit André Tacquet (1612–60) used images painted on transparent glass to illustrate his lectures (in Leiden in 1653, and in Louvain in 1654) on the journey of his fellow Jesuit, the Italian Martino Martini (1614-61), from China to the Netherlands.83 Both Tacquet and Huygens likely derived their knowledge of such devices from their contact with China: Tacquet through his contact with Martini, who worked in the Dominican missions on the south-east coast of China, and Huygens through his father Constantijn (1596–1687), a diplomat and poet well connected in Dutch intellectual circles at a time when the 1644 collapse of the Ming dynasty, and its implications for Dutch interests in China, were a pressing subject.84

In Europe, moreover, Chinese devices of non-monocular vision bred new devices from hybrid Chinese and European practices and technologies of vision. In 1644–45 the German Jesuit Athanasius Kircher (1602–80) noted a device he called the ‘catoptric lantern’ (lucerna catoptrica), which he pictured in simple form in the 1646 edition of his Ars magna lucis et umbra published in Rome, and which he pictured both simply and in the more elaborate form of a ‘magic lantern’ (lucerna magicae) in the second edition of 1671 published in Amsterdam (plate 16).85 Whether Kircher invented the magic lantern, or used his extensive, but indirect, contact with China (which culminated in his China Monumentis Illustrata of 1667) to appropriate such a device is unclear. More interestingly, the 1646 edition of Ars magna lucis et umbra notes a device perhaps invented with knowledge of the Chinese zoetropic lantern: the smicroscope (smicroscopio).86 Kircher described and pictured this device, a type of canister with a viewing hole that contained a wheel of images painted on glass, which could be rotated, in the 1671 edition of Ars magna lucis et umbra (plate 17).87 When the images rotated and the viewer looked through a viewing hole, the images appeared to move. Like Chinese zoetropic lanterns, Kircher’s magic lantern projected images, and his smicroscope moved them. Neither device both moved and projected images for larger audiences, yet each offered new ways of seeing to European audiences.

16 ‘Magic Lantern’, from Athanasius Kircher, Ars magna lucis et umbra, Rome: Ludovici Grignani, 1646. Engraving. New York: Science, Industry, and Business Library Collection, The New York Public Library. Photo: Science, Industry, and Business Library, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations.

17 ‘Smicroscope’, from Athanasius Kircher, Ars magna lucis et umbra, Amsterdam: Johannes Jansson, 1671. Engraving. New York: Science, Industry, and Business Library Collection, The New York Public Library. Photo: Science, Industry, and Business Library, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations.

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Scopic Frames

Scopic Frames, Fractices of Vision, Ocular EpistemologiesWestern accounts of visuality align the visual with modernity.88 A constellation of late-Ming practices and paraphernalia of vision bears striking resemblance to a similar constellation of practices found in Europe in the mid-nineteenth century. These practices include: an immense society of spectacle, the recording and shaping of seeing by print media, and devices that move and project images. Vastly different histories, however, distinguish late-Ming practices and paraphernalia from their nineteenth-century European doppelgängers.

Within the sixty years bounded by the publication of Xu and Ricci’s translation of Euclid’s Elements in 1607 and Kircher’s China Monumentis Illustrata in 1667, Chinese and European practices of vision commingled to broaden the range of possible visual experiences in China and Europe. From this moment, knowledge of devices for the movement and projection of images expanded in Europe, serving as a foundation for alternatives to monocularity and single-point perspective. It is from this encounter that Europeans developed the optical devices collectively referred to as ‘pre-cinema’.89 At the same time, knowledge of single-point perspective and ground-glass lenses widened in China. The late-Ming visual world, an immense society of spectacle shaped by printed media and enriched by moving and projected images of many types, absorbed monocularity and single-point perspective. But the richness of late-Ming visuality, with its in! nite and/or mobile lines of sight and vantage points, made it possible for monocularity and single-point perspective to co-exist with indigenous modes of seeing and representing, without destabilizing or devaluing them.

There is no reason to diminish seventeenth-century Chinese visual practices as not fully realized precursors to so-called universal, ‘modern’ visuality, like that of nineteenth-century Europe, and to modernity at large. Some Chinese commentators, such as the Manchu artistocrat Dun Lichen (1855–1911), however, understood the Chinese zoetropic lantern in this way, writing:

As for ‘pacing horse lanterns’, cut paper [is] made [into] wheels [that] use the warm air [literally ‘exhalation’ (xi)] of a candle to move carts [and make] horses [inside the lantern] gallop, [turning] round [and] round without stopping. When the candle is extinguished [it] immediately stops.... Regarding the making of the pacing horse lantern, [it is] furthermore a type [of thing] that uses the [heat of the] " ame to drive the wheel, using the wheel to move [its] mechanism. So, it is one [of the] class [of things to which belong] the steamships and railways of today. [If people] had been allowed to push and expand its [principle, so that from one abstract principle they] progressed to seek [further abstract] principles, after several hundred years [who] knows [but that there] might not have been perfected an advantageous implement?... [What a] pity that China avoided [its own] ingenuity. So, that which comes naturally from the mind [was] cut off, [the abstract] principle [separated] from the creators, [to be] used only [for] a children’s toy.90

The ‘pacing horse lantern’, as well as the constellation of practices and paraphernalia of vision that form the context and subject of Min Qiji’s illustrations for ‘The Romance of the Western Chamber’ should not be viewed as embodiments of China’s precocious and unful! lled modernity. Rather, these devices for seeing China in 1640 exemplify late-Ming visual culture, and, more importantly, unsettle accounts of a universal, Western modernity de! ned by vision.

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Jennifer Purtle

NotesMy thanks to colleagues, students, and conference audiences for their support of this project, especially Tom Gunning, Matt Kavaler, Elizabeth Legge, Alex Nagel, Katie Ryor, Barbara Stafford, Wu Hung and Ryan Whyte for their generosity, I am also grateful to the individuals and institutions that provided the illustrations for this essay, and to Felix Chakirov, for working with those institutions and individuals on my behalf.

1 The play tells the tale of Scholar Zhang, who falls in love with a beautiful young woman Oriole (Yingying) already betrothed to another. After a clandestine love affair, followed by Scholar Zhang’s success in the imperial examinations, Oriole remains betrothed to another. The drama ends happily when the powerful general Du Jue intervenes to allow the lovers, once doomed to separate existences, to marry. On the plot and evolution of the tale, see William H. Nienhauser, editor and compiler, The Indiana Companion to Traditional Chinese Literature, Second Revised Edition, Taipei, 1989, 407–8, 950. Prior scholarship of these prints includes: Dawn Ho Delbanco, ‘The Romance of the Western Chamber: Min Qiji’s album in Cologne’, Orientations 14:6, 1983, 12–23; Wu Hung, The Double Screen, Chicago, IL, 1996, 243–59; Craig Clunas, Pictures and Visuality in Early Modern China, Princeton, NJ, 1997, 32, 56–7; Ma Meng-ching, ‘Fragmentation and Framing of the Text: Visuality and Narrativity in the Late-Ming Illustrations to “The Story of the Western Wing”’, PhD dissertation, Stanford University, 2006; Ma Meng-ching, ‘Looking through the frame: visuality in late-Ming illustrations to The Story of the Western Wing’, Taida Journal of Art History, 13, September 2002, 201–76.

2 Given its appealing theme of love that surmounts all obstacles, including that of arranged marriage, the only kind of marriage practised by Ming élites, period commentators noted the unprecedented popularity of the tale across the course of the Ming dynasty (1368–1644). Ye Sheng (1420–74), Shui dong riji, Beijing, 1980, 21:213–14. The tale grew to become the most widely disseminated love story in traditional China, with more than two hundred editions compiled between 1600 and 1900. Indiana Companion, 950; Stephen H. West and Wilt L. Idema, trans. and eds, The Moon and the Zither: The Story of the Western Wing by Wang Shifu, Berkeley, CA, 1991, 3–153. Min’s edition was one of the last of more than thirty illustrated versions of this play produced during the Ming dynasty (during which perhaps an additional thirty unillustrated versions were produced). Denda Akira, Min kan Gen zatsugeki Seishoki mokuroku [‘A Catalogue of New Ming Editions of the Romance of the Western Chamber’], Tokyo, 1979. Presumably Min’s edition bene! ted from access to its precursors. Wu, Double Screen, 246.

3 Although there are multiple de! nitions of the ‘late Ming’, I here follow the work of Willard Peterson, who de! nes the late Ming as beginning with the reign of the Jiajing emperor in 1522. On this de! nition of the late Ming, see Willard Peterson, ‘Confucian learning in late Ming thought’, The Cambridge History of China, 8:2, 708–9.

4 An excellent study of how printed illustrations of drama relate to late-Ming viewership of theatre is found in Li-ling Hsiao, The Eternal Present of the Past: Illustration, Theater, and Reading in the Wanli Period, 1573–1619, Leiden, 2007, 38–175.

5 My sense of the scopic posits culturally speci! c ways of seeing that replace the traditional de! nition of ‘vision’ as a universal and natural phenomenon. The concept of scopic regime, moulded by both technological and cultural contexts of vision, emphasizes the fact: that ways of looking are not natural, but constructed; that they have a history; and that they also vary synchronically. For an excellent de! nition of scopic in the context of scopic regimes, see www.photherel.net/notes/relationships/idea/rel9aiii retrieved from the web on 27 July 2007. My notions of framing diverge from those presented by Patricia Sieber and by Ma Meng-ching. Sieber, ‘Seeing the world through Xianqing ouji (1671)’, Modern Chinese Literature and Culture 12:2, 2000, 1–43, 12; Ma, ‘Looking through the frame’, Ma, ‘Fragmentation and Framing of the Text’.

6 Here I intentionally echo Martin Jay, in his ‘Scopic régimes of modernity’, which he begins by stating ‘The modern era, it is often alleged, has been dominated by the sense of sight...’ Martin Jay, ‘Scopic

régimes of modernity’, in Hal Foster, ed., Vision and Visuality, New York, 1988, 3. A similar linking of vision and modernity is found in Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the Observer: On Vision and Modernity in the Nineteenth Century, Boston, MA, 1990, 9–14.

7 Crary, Techniques of the Observer, 14, 97–136. 8 This condition began in the Song dynasty (960–1127); the late-Ming

expansion of the printing industry permitted prints to proliferate as never before.

9 Robert Hegel, Reading Illustrated Fiction in Late Imperial China, Stanford, CA, 1998, 164–326; Lucille Chia, Printing for Pro! t: The Commercial Publishers of Jianyang, Fujian, 11th–17th Centuries, Cambridge, MA, 2002, 52–62, 205–20.

10 Craig Clunas has, in Pictures and Visuality in Early Modern China, attempted to recover the habitus of late-Ming viewers in looking at paintings, by examining the vocabulary used to describe the play of the eye upon paintings. Clunas, Pictures and Visuality, 102–33.

11 Wu, Double Screen, 245–6, 254.12 Zhou Wu, Jian’an gu banhua, Fuzhou, 1999, 78–83; Piet van der Loon,

The Classical Theatre and Art Song of South Fukien: A Study of Three Ming Anthologies, Taipei, 1992, 2–14.

13 The representation of the tile " oor to communicate the space of the stage is a device not limited to late-Ming printed illustrated drama. Not only is the " oor of the stage at the Guangsheng Lower Temple tiled, but murals inside that stage building, which depict some aspect of dramatic performance, prominently render the tile of the stage " oor. For a reproduction of the stage and its murals, see Anning Jing, The Water God’s Temple of the Guangsheng Monastery: Cosmic Function of Art, Ritual, and Theater, Leiden, 2002, plates 1–5, 1–53.

14 The narrowness of this frame strongly limits the view, a new way of seeing images in late-Ming China; other illustrations from this book have horizontal rectangular frames, which similarly crop, and thus compress, the scene.

15 Zhou, Jian’an gu banhua, 119–30.16 Ma Meng-ching, ‘Looking through the frame’, 212–13.17 On Ricci’s pictorial contributions to the Chengshi moyuan, see Jonathan

Spence, The Memory Palace of Matteo Ricci, Harmondsworth, 1983, 11, 59–64, 128–31, 201–4, 262–5.

18 On the images by Rocha and Nadal, as well as on their relation, see John McCall, ‘Early Jesuit art in the Far East IV: in China and Macao before 1634’, Artibus Asiae, 11:1–2, 1948, 45–69, 57.

19 On the Jincheng shuxiang, see Nicolas Standaert, An Illustrated Life of Christ Presented to the Chinese Emperor: The History of Jincheng shuxiang (1640), Sankt Augustin, 2007.

20 Of the forty-eight images contained in the Jincheng shuxiang, at least seventeen extant images attempt to render some forms in single-point perspective, either in the rendering of architectural forms or in the rendering of tile " oors. These include illustrations 4, 5, 8–10, 15, 16, 25, 26, 30–2, 35–8, 40.

21 Schall speci! cally notes how to use the telescope, and also how it produces vision. Adam Schall von Bell [Tang Ruowang] (1592–1666), Yuanjing shuo, 1626, reprint Shanghai, 1936, 6–14, 15–17, 20–1, 24–5.

22 On the presentation of a telescope to the Chongzhen emperor, see Zhang Baichun, ‘Introduction of European astronomical instruments and the technology related [sic] into China during the 17th century’, unpublished paper presented to the 8th International Conference on the History of Science in China, Technische Universität Berlin, Germany, August 1998, as retrieved on 6 November 2008 from the worldwide web at: http://www.ihns.ac.cn/members/zhbaichun/twyq.htm, 5.

23 Wu, Double Screen, 237–59, especially 246–59.24 W. J. T. Mitchell, Picture Theory, Chicago, IL, 1994, 58.25 Clunas, Pictures and Visuality, 56–7.26 This Chinese panoramic rendering and the Western panorama are

differently achieved. Whereas the Chinese panoramic image is based on multipoint, and in some cases orthogonal perspective, in which there is no vanishing point, the Western panorama is achieved by rendering a series of vignettes in single-point perspective, and blending their lines of site to suggest seamless, integrated perspective. On Chinese perspective, see Wu, Double Screen, 16–20; on the Western panorama and its construction, see Stephan Oetterman, The Panorama: History of a Mass Medium, New York, 1997, 31–2.

27 Scene 1 is rendered as a handscroll painting; Scene 2 is rendered as

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painting on a ceramic vessel; Scene 15 is rendered as a painted folding fan; Scene 17 is rendered as a folding screen; Scene 18 is rendered as a hanging scroll.

28 For this moment in the play, see Wang Shifu (" . c. 1250–1300), Xinkan qimiao quanxiang zhushi Xixiang ji, 1498, reprint Shanghai, 1955, 35b, hereafter cited as Xixiang ji; for a translation of this moment in the play, see West and Idema, Moon and the Zither, 119.

29 Wu, Double Screen, 57–68.30 Xixiang ji, 138a, 141b–142a; West and Idema, Moon and the Zither, 258,

263; for a reproduction of this image, see Wu, Double Screen, ! g. 184, 250.31 Xixiang ji, 124a–130a; West and Idema, Moon and the Zither, 239–45.32 Xixiang ji, 137a–137b; West and Idema, Moon and the Zither, 256–7.33 Xixiang ji, 45a–b; West and Idema, Moon and the Zither, 132.34 On the implied movement of object and stand, see Jan Stuart, ‘Methods

of display and their impact on art appreciation in mid-to-late Imperial China’, paper presented at ‘Bridges to Heaven: A Symposium on East Asian Art’, 1 April 2006.

35 Scene 5 is rendered as a zoetropic lantern; Scene 6 is rendered as a re" ection on the surface of a bronze vessel; Scene 10 is rendered as a re" ection in a mirror; and Scene 14 is rendered as images projected from within a moving lantern.

36 Xixiang ji, 70b–74b; West and Idema, Moon and the Zither, 168–73.37 The depiction of a re" ection in a shiny surface was common in Dutch

painting of the seventeenth century. On this point see, for example, Svetlana Alpers, The Art of Describing: Dutch Art in the Seventeenth Century, Chicago, IL, 1983, 19–21.

38 On bronze mirrors in connoisseurial literature of the late-Ming dynasty see, for example, Wen Zhengheng (1585–1645), Zhang wu zhi, Shanghai, 1936, 7:53.

39 Late-Ming texts on painting note the use of mirrors to project likeness in the making of veristic paintings, and associate this practice with both the Jesuit missionary Matteo Ricci (1552–1610) and the painter Zeng Jing (1564–1647), a native of Putian county, Fujian. (" . 1642–79), Wu sheng shi shi, in Zhongguo shuhua quanshu, v. 4, Lu Fusheng, ed., Shanghai, 2000, 7:875b, 4:857b.

40 Tang Xianzu (1550–1616), Mudan ting, Beijing, 1976, 14:68–70; for a translation of this passage, see Cyril Birch, trans., The Peony Pavilion: Mudan ting, Bloomington, IN, 2002, 66–72; for a reproduction of this image, see Richard Vinograd, Boundaries of the Self: Chinese Portraits, 1600–1900, New York, 1992, ! g. 7, 17. The text mentions a mirror, and imbricates it in the making of the self-portrait.

41 Xixiang ji, 96a–97b; West and Idema, Moon and the Zither, 200–1.42 In Mohist optics, for example, re" ection was understood as an active,

motile state, in which a body shot forth rays of light that were captured on a re" ective surface. One passage of the Mozi (Classic of Master Mo), which describes the play of light through a pinhole, states, ‘In the case of the shadow, an illuminated person shines as if shooting forth [rays of light]’. Mo Di (" . 400 BCE), Mozi, in Wenyuange siku quanshu Electronic Version (Hong Kong, 2002; hereafter WSKQSE), 10:11a; Joseph Needham, Science and Civilization in China, Cambridge, 1962, v. 4.1, 82. A subsequent passage, which describes the use of plane mirrors, states: ‘The target [for the rays of light] of the person who is mirrored is in the mirror; [it is] never [the case] that [it is] not mirrored’. Mo Di, Mozi, 10:11a; Needham, Science and Civilization, v. 4.1, 83. Here, the language of the target reinforces a sense of the agency of the light that appears to be given off by human beings in making a re" ection.

43 Xixiang ji, 121a; West and Idema, Moon and the Zither, 235.44 The lantern might move through the agency of a hidden zoetropic

mechanism; zoetropic lanterns are discussed below.45 Shadow puppets served as a form of popular entertainment in China

beginning not later than the second century BCE, as recorded in the ‘Records of the Historian’ (Shi ji) and in the ‘History of the Han’ (Han shu). Sima Qian (c. 145–c. 86 BCE), Shi ji, Beijing, 1964, 28:1387–8; Ban Gu (32–92), Han shu, Beijing, 1970, 97a:3952. In shadow puppetry, an arti! cial light cast is used to project the silhouettes and colours of moveable puppets onto a translucent white screen. This early form of projecting images " ourished in Europe in the eighteenth century, where it was known by the term ombres chinoises, and persists in China today. Scholars such as Zhang Zhen emphasize the signi! cance of shadow puppetry to Chinese ideas about moving and projecting images, writing, ‘This indigenous art form, has generally

been considered by Chinese ! lm historians to be the bedrock of the Chinese cinematic (un)conscious.’ Zhang Zhen, ‘Teahouse, shadowplay, bricolage: “Laborer’s Love” and the question of early Chinese cinema’, in Yingjin Zhang, ed., Cinema and Urban Culture in Shanghai, Stanford, CA, 1999, 27–50, 33.

46 Xixiang ji, 84a–85b; West and Idema, Moon and the Zither, 186–7; for a reproduction of this image, see Wu, Double Screen, ! g. 187, 251.

47 Xixiang ji, 68b–69b, 70b; West and Idema, Moon and the Zither, 165–6, 168.48 The text of the fourteenth scene of the play recalls the ! fth scene,

speci! cally the chasing of bandits away from the Pujiu Monastery. Xixiang ji 121a; West and Idema, Moon and the Zither, 235. Perhaps it is mere coincidence, but the fourteenth scene is, like the ! fth scene, pictured as a lantern, a narrative medium for moving and projecting images. Similarity of the optical devices with which these scenes are depicted underscores the recalling of the action of the ! fth scene in the fourteenth.

49 Wu Zimu’s Mengliang lu (‘Record of a Dream of Liang’) of 1274 notes lanterns in which things moved outside and around the core of the lantern. Wu Zimu (" . 13th cent.), Mengliang lu, in WSKQSE, 13:9a; Needham, Science and Civilization, v. 4.1, 124.

50 Twelfth-century writers, including Fan Chengda (1126–93) and Jiang Kui (12th c.) described zoetropic lanterns, as did Wu Zimu. Fan Chengda (1126–93), Shihu shiji, in WSKQSE, 23:5a; Jiang Kui (c. 1155–c. 1255), Baishi daoren shiji, in WSKQSE, 2:19b–20a; Wu Zimu (" . 13th cent.), Mengliang lu, 13:9a; Needham, Science and Civilization, v. 4.1, 124. The Southern Song dynasty literatus Wu Qian (d. 1262) also wrote about zoetropic lanterns, noting the shadows cast by their streamers. Wu Qian (d. 1262), Lüzhai yigao, in WSKQSE, 1:4a.

51 Mention and description of zoetropic lanterns are numerous. Some describe them as ‘pacing horse lanterns’ (zouma deng). Xie Zongke (" . Yuan dynasty, 1279–1368), Yongwu shi, in WSKQSE, 8b; Deng Ya (b. 1328), Yu si ji, in WSKQSE, 4:7b; Mu Ang (d. 1445), Canghai yizhu, in WSKQSE, 1:3b; Wu Kuan (1435–1504), Jia chang ji, in WSKQSE, 11:2a; Qian Gu (1508–c. 1578), Wudu wen cui xu ji, in WSKQSE, 27:32a, 27:32b–33a; Cao Xuequan (1574–1647), Shicang lidai shixuan, in WSKQSE, 237a:5b–6a, 330:2b; Xu Yingqiu (jinshi 1616), Yuzhitang tanhui, in WSKQSE, 8:53b; He Fuzheng (" . 1625–31), Wenzhang bianti huixuan, in WSKQSE, 637:9b; Fang Yizhi (1611–71), Wuli xiaoshi, in WSKQSE, 4:25a. Elsewhere authors refer to them as ‘horse-riding lanterns’ (ma qi deng). Fan Chengda, Shihu shiji, 23:5a; Song Gongchuan (" . fourteenth/! fteenth centuries), Yuan shi ti yao, in WSKQSE, 9:18a; Wang Ao (1450–1524), Gusu zhi, in WSKQSE, 14:30b; Qian Gu, Wudu wencui xuji, 8:6a; Cao Xuequan, Shicang lidai shixuan, 237b:16b–17a. Wu Kuan also described a ‘cock ! ghting lantern’ (dou ji deng), a variant of this type of lantern. Wu Kuan, anthologized in Qian Gu, Wudu wencui xuji, 27:32a–b.

52 Deng Ya, Yu si ji, 4:7b.53 Qian Gu, Wudu wencui xuji, 27:32a.54 Fang Yizhi, Wuli xiaoshi, 4:25a.55 He Fuzheng, Wenzhang bianti huixuan, 637:9b56 Gabriel de Magalães (1609–77), A New History of China, Containing A

Description of the Most Considerable Particulars of that Vast Empire, done out of French, London, 1688, 105–6; Nouvelle Relation de la Chine, Contenant la description des particularitez les plus consideres de ce grand Empires..., Et traduite du Portugais en François [sic], Paris, 1688, 129; Needham, Science and Civilization, v. 4.1, 124.

57 A lantern of this type is depicted in Colourful Lanterns at Shangyuan, towards the end of the scroll. On this lantern and those like it, and also on their relation to Chinese zoetropic lanterns, see Barbara Stafford, Devices of Wonder: From the World in a Box to Images on a Screen, Los Angeles, CA, 2001, 73.

58 Deng Ya, Yu si ji, 4:7b; Song Gongchuan, Yuan shi ti yao, 9:18a; Mu Ang, Canghai yizhu, 1:3b; Wu Kuan, Jia chang ji, 11:2a; Wang Ao, Gusu zhi, 14:30b; Qian Gu, Wudu wencui xuji, 27:32a, 27:32b–33a; Cao Xuequan, Shicang lidai shixuan, 237a:5b–6a, 237b:16b–17a, 330:2b; Xu Yingqiu, Yuzhitang tanhui, 8:53b; He Fuzheng, Wenzhang bianti huixuan, 637:9b.

59 Magalães, A New History of China, 106; Nouvelle Relation de la Chine, 129–30; Needham, Science and Civilization, v. 4.1, 124.

60 Accounts of the mid-seventeenth century do not make clear which narratives were told in zoetropic lanterns, but in the early twentieth century, Chinese zoetropic lanterns were sold that illustrated a variety of speci! c tales. When Furen University sought to purchase such lanterns for their collection, they discovered at least thirteen discrete tales pictured in zoetropic lanterns for sale. Matthias Eder, ‘Spielgerate und

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Jennifer Purtle

Spiele im chinesischen Neujahrsbrauchtum, mit Aufzeigung magischer Bedeutungen’, Folklore Studies 6:1, 1947, 1–206, esp. 25–8.

61 Clunas, Pictures and Visuality, 57. Crary makes a similar point about vision in Europe and America in the nineteenth century. Crary, Techniques of the Observer, 13–14.

62 Anne Burkus-Chasson has neatly sketched elusive, philosophical aspects of late-Ming ocular epistemology. Anne Burkus-Chasson, ‘“Clouds and mist that emanate and sink away”: Shitao’s Waterfall on Mount Lu and practices of observation in the seventeenth century’, Art History, 19:2, 1996, 169–90, 184. Burkus-Chasson writes about the philosopher Fang Yizhi’s (1611–71) interest in the workings of the eye; Fang knew the zoetropic lantern and its workings, as mentioned in notes 51 and 54 above.

63 Xu Guangqi, ‘Preface’, in Ji he yuan ben, Xu Guangqi (1562–1633) and Matteo Ricci (1552–1610) trans., in Congshu jicheng chubian, Changsha, 1939, Preface, 2; Matteo Ricci, ‘Introduction’, in Ji he yuan ben, Introduction, 5.

64 In De Pictura (‘On Painting’) of 1435, Alberti (1404–72) proposed new methods for showing distance in painting. In particular, Alberti replaced conical projections of vision with planar ones, to posit how lines of sight, passing from the viewer’s eye to the landscape, strike the picture plane. Leon Battista Alberti (1404–72), On Painting and On Sculpture: The Latin Texts of De Picture and De Statua, ed. and trans. Cecil Grayson, London, 1972, 36–59, esp. 40–3. Alberti then showed how this enabled the artist to calculate the apparent height of a distant object using two proportional (or similar) triangles. Alberti, On Painting, 50–1. Although Alberti does cite the mathematical source of his theory, it is Euclid who formulated the mathematics of similar triangles. Euclid, Elementa, Basel, 1553, 137–68, esp. 153–5; Ji he yuan ben, 6:277–356, esp. 6:309–17.

65 Such notions of visibility also existed with quite accurate, earlier knowledge of the transmission of images with strong implications for understanding the workings of the eye. The belle lettrist Shen Gua (1031–95), writing in the eleventh century, for example, accurately described the way that images were inverted when projected through a small hole, with implications for understanding how the eye works. Shen Gua (1031–95), Mengxi bitan, in WSKQSE, 3:1b–2a.

66 Philippe Couplet, Histoire d’une dame chretienne en Chine, Paris, 1688, 16–17. 67 Li Yu, Shi’er lou, 2:15a–17a; Patrick Hanan, trans., A Tower for the Summer Heat,

New York, 1992, 3–39, esp. 16–20.68 On early Chinese manufacture of telescopes, see Hanan, A Tower for the

Summer Heat, 19 n. 8; see also Joseph McDermott, ‘Chinese lenses and Chinese art’, Kaikodo Journal, 19, Spring 2001, 9–29; 10, 13–14.

69 Emmanuel Diaz (1574–1659), Tianwen lüe (‘Explicatio Sphaerae Coelestis’), 1615, reprint Beijing, 1985, 104–5.

70 Xu Guangqi, Xinfa suanshu, in WSKQSE, 1:24b.71 Xu Guangqi, Xinfa suanshu, 58:36a; 58:38a; 98:12a; 98:35b; 100:20a;

100:21a.72 Dijing jingwu lüe (1635), cited in Yao Zhiyin (jinshi 1721), YuanMingshi

leichao, in WSKQSE, 30:20a–b.73 Fang Yizhi (1611–71), Tongya, in WSKQSE, 34:27b–28a.74 Li Yu, Shi’er lou, 2:15a–17a; Hanan, A Tower for the Summer Heat, 3–39, esp.

16–20.75 Schall, Yuanjing shuo, 13–14; see also Needham, Science and Civilization, v. 3,

443–6; on the later, seventeenth-century experience of seeing through a telescope in the urban landscape, see Li Yu (1611–1680?), ‘A tower for the summer heat’ (Xiayi lou), Shi’er lou (1657–58), in Guben xiaoshuo jicheng, Shanghai, 1990, v. 107, pt. 1; Hanan, A Tower for the Summer Heat.

76 Schall, Yuanjing shuo, 30–1. The technique Schall describes is that studied by David Hockney in his controversial book, Secret Knowledge. David Hockney, Secret Knowledge: Rediscovering the Lost Techniques of the Old Masters, London, 2001, 74–9, 103–22.

77 Mo Di, Mozi, 10:11a; Shen Gua (1031–91), Mengxi bitan, 3:1b–2b; Gu Qiyuan (1565–1628), Ke zuo zhui yu, (reprinted Nanjing, 2005), 9:335–336 see also Needham, Science and Civilization, v. 4.1, 84–5, 97–8, 99.

78 McDermott, ‘Chinese lenses and Chinese art’.79 McDermott, ‘Chinese lenses and Chinese art’, 11–12. McDermott

includes a detail of a late-Ming painting that depicts eyeglasses. McDermott, ‘Chinese lenses and Chinese art’, 11 ! gure 3. In addition to the detail of Colourful Lanterns at Shangyuan shown here, this painting, which depicts the zoetropic lantern in ! gure 19 of this essay, also

depicts a monocle; for a reproduction of Colourful Lanterns at Shangyuan, see Ina Asim and Garron Hale, Colourful Lanterns at Shangyuan, Eugene, OR, 2004. Additionally, an eighteenth-century copy of a portrait of the late-Ming painter Zeng Jing (1564–1647), now in the collection of the University of Michigan Museum of Art, depicts Zeng holding eyeglasses.

80 McDermott, ‘Chinese lenses and Chinese art’, 12.81 Yang Guangxian reproduced three images from Schall’s Booklet of Images

Presented to His Majesty, with pejorative commentary. Yang Guangxian (1597–1669), Budeyi, 1665, reprint Hefei, 2000, 1:30–3; for a translation of Yang’s commentary, see Standaert, An Illustrated Life of Christ, 53–4.

82 Christiaan Huygens (1629–95), Oeuvres Completes, The Hague, 1888–1950, 4, 102–4; 4, 111–12.

83 Kaspar Schott (1608–66), Magia universalis naturae et artis, Herpiboli (Würzburg), 1657, 426; Clunas, Pictures and Visuality, 132.

84 On Constantijn Huygens and his relation to contemporaneous Dutch ideas about images and seeing, see Alpers, The Art of Describing, 1–25.

85 Athanasius Kircher (1602–80), Ars magna lucis et umbra, Rome, 1646, 887; Ars magna lucis et umbra, Amsterdam, 1671, 768–9.

86 Kircher, Ars magna lucis et umbra (1646), 834–5. This device is much like what would be called a phenakistiscope (lit. ‘deceptive view’) during the nineteenth century. On the phenakistiscope, see Crary, Techniques of the Observer, 107–9.

87 Kircher, Ars magna lucis et umbra (1671), 730, 770–1.88 Jay, ‘Scopic régimes of modernity’, 3–20.89 On pre-cinema see, for example, Hermann Hecht, Pre-Cinema History: An

Encyclopedia and Annotated Bibliography of the Moving Image before 1896, London, 1993; Stephen Herbert, A History of Pre-Cinema, London, 2000; Laurent Mannoni, The Great Art of Light and Shadow: Archaeology of the Cinema, Richard Crangle, trans., Exeter, 2000.

90 Dun Lichen (1855–1911), Yanjing suishi ji, Beijing, 1906, 53a–b; translation adapted signi! cantly from Annual Customs and Festivals in Peking, as Recorded in the Yen-ching sui-shih-chi by Tun Li-ch’en, Derk Bodde, trans., Hong Kong, 1965, 80–1.