art of the brain: neuroplasticity and hallucinatory designs

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Art of the Brain Neuroplasticity and Hallucinatory Designs

Student Number: 4023447 Word Count: 9893

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Abstract

Abstract

This dissertation seeks to establish whether the neuroscientific principle of

neuroplasticity aids in the understanding of Tukano hallucinatory art. The underlying

proposition is that hallucinatory art allows more direct access to the workings of the

brain than other art and therefore a neuroscientific principle could potentially aid our

understanding in this area where art and biology overlap. In examining the link

between hallucinations, hallucinatory art and neuroplasticity, the reciprocal affects of

cultural and neurology is a central concern. A multi-disciplinary approach is adopted

incorporating aspects of art history, neuroscience and anthropology. The dissertation

starts by providing a detailed case study of the explicitly hallucinatory art of the

Amazonian Tukano, which draws on the work of Reichel-Dolmatoff, and explores the

links between cultural context, ayahuasca-induced hallucinations and art. The

theoretical framework is then established, and the recent application of neuroscience

to art, specifically the principle of neuroplasticity and its possible affects on drug-

induced hallucinations is examined. The dissertation culminates in the application of

neuroplasticity to the Tukano designs, before reaching tentative conclusions on the

relationship between this neuroscientific principle and the Tukano imagery derived

from ayahuasca induced hallucinations, between art and the brain.

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Contents

Title Page .............................................................................................................................. 1

Abstract .............................................................................................................................. 2

Contents ............................................................................................................................. 3

List of Illustrations .............................................................................................................. 4

Chapter 1: Introduction ..................................................................................................... 10

Chapter 2: Tukano Designs and Cultural Context ........................................................... 12 Introduction ..................................................................................................... 12 History of Research ........................................................................................ 12 Tukano Cultural Context ................................................................................ 13 Cosmology ........................................................................................................ 14 Shamanism ....................................................................................................... 15 Scientific Discovery and Investigation of Ayahuasca ................................... 16 Context of Tukanoan Ayahuasca Use ............................................................ 17 Ayahuasca Visions .......................................................................................... 18 The Designs ..................................................................................................... 19 Description of Designs .................................................................................. 20 Drawings Commissioned by Reichel-Dolmatoff ........................................... 23

Chapter 3: Neuroplasticity and Hallucinations ............................................................... 26 Introduction ................................................................................................... 26 The Application of Neuroscience to Art ....................................................... 26 Neuroplasticity ...............................................................................................27 Neuroplasticity’s Application to Art ............................................................ 28 Visual Hallucinations ................................................................................... 30 Biological Basis of Hallucination Content ................................................... 32 Culturally Specific Hallucination Content .................................................. 34 Hallucinatory Art ........................................................................................... 35

Chapter 4: The Affect of Neuroplasticity on Tukano Designs ....................................... 39 Introduction ................................................................................................ 39 Biologically Based Phosphenes in Tukano Designs .................................. 39 Culturally Specific Elements in Tukano Designs ....................................... 41 Chapter 5: Conclusion ...................................................................................................... 44

Bibliography ...................................................................................................................... 46

Illustrations ....................................................................................................................... 54

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List of Illustrations

Fig.1. Map showing the Location of the Vaupés Region. ©Instituto Socioambienta. Fig. 2. Sketch Map of Colombia. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig. 3. Sketch Map of the Vaupés Territory. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.4. Tukano, Decorated Maloca, 1993, Upper Rio Negro. ©Beto Ricardo. Fig.5. Yebá, Institution of Ayahuasca Ritual, c. 1978, coloured pencils on paper, 21 × 29.7 cm. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.6. Tatuyo: Tukano, An Ayahuasca Session. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1975. Fig. 7. Twisted Banisteriopsis Caapi Vine. ©Erowid.org 2004. Fig. 8. Stems and Leaves of Banisteriopsis Rusbyana. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1975. Fig.9. Dr Schultes collecting plants with Maku helpers, 1952.

Fig.10 . Psychotria viridis. ©Choque Chinchay Journeys, 1997-2012.

Fig.11. Barasana: Tukano, Gathering Banisteriopsis Caapi. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1975. Fig.12. Tukano, Shaman Holding a Bundle of Banisteriopsis Caapi. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1975. Fig.13. Barasana: Tukano, Man Gathering Ayahuasca. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1975. Fig.14. Barasana: Tukano, Man Preparing Banisteriopsis Caapi Vines. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1975. Fig.15. Barasana: Tukano, Preparing Ayahuasca . ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978 Fig.16. Barasana: Tukano, Ayahuasca Sifted into a Ritual Vessel. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.17. Barasana: Tukano, Ayahuasca Sifted into a Ritual Vessel. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.18. Tatuyo: Tukano, An Ayahuasca Session. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1975. Fig.19. Barasana: Tukano, Dancer Playing his Instruments Under the Influence of Ayahuasca. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1975. Fig.20. Taibano: Tukano, Hunter. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1975. Fig.21. Tatuyo: Tukano, Youth Dressed for a Dance. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1975. Fig.22. Tukano, Man Painting his Face, 2010.© Eye Ubiquitous. Fig.23. Tukano, Man with Painted Face, 2011. ©Edson Grandisoli. Fig.24. Hallucinatory Design Motifs of the Tukano. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1975. Fig.25. Phosphene Patterns (After Max Knoll). ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1975. Fig.26 . Yebá, Creation Myth, c. 1978, coloured pencils on paper, 21 × 29.7 cm. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

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Fig.27. Tukano, The Rock of Nyì on the Rio Piraparana. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.28. Reichel-Dolmatoff, Sketch of the Main Petroglyph of The Rock of Nyì. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1975. Fig.29. Barasana: Tukano, Sand Drawing of the Main Petroglyph of The Rock of Nyì. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.30. Tukano, Detail’s of Decorated Malocas. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.31. Tukano, Decorated Pottery, c.1978, pottery, dimensions unknown. Location unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.32. Tukano, Decorated Basketry, c.1978, basketry, dimensions unknown. Location unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.33. Tukano, Ritual Ayahuasca Vessel, 1978, paint on pottery, dimensions unknown. Location unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.34. Tukano, Decorated Basketry, c.1978, basketry, dimensions unknown. Location unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.35. Barasana: Tukano, Ritual Trumpet, 1978, paint on pottery, dimensions unknown. Location unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.36. Barasana: Tukano, Ritual Ayahuasca Vessel, 1978, paint on pottery, dimensions unknown. Location unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.37. Tukano, Decorated Basketry, c.1978, basketry, dimensions unknown. Location unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.38. Tukano, Details of Bark Painted Aprons ,c. 1978, painted bark-cloth, approx. 30.48 x 60.96 cm. Location unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.39. Tukano, Decorated Bark, c. 1978, painted bark-cloth, dimensions unknown. Location unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.40. Tukano, Painted Bark Cloth Masks, c. 1978, painted bark-cloth, dimensions unknown. Location unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.41. Tukano, Painting on a bench. ©Rosa Gauditano, 2002. Fig.42. Tukano, Leg Painted Black and Red, 2011. ©Edson Grandisoli. Fig.43.Tukano, Giant Snake Painted on a Maloca, 2008, Upper Rio Negro. ©Beto Ricardo. Fig. 44. Tukano, Detail of Painted Maloca, 2010. © Eye Ubiquitous. Fig. 45. Tukano, Detail of Painted Maloca, 2010. © Eye Ubiquitous. Fig.46. Taibano, Tukano, Maloca, c. 1978, paint on wooden boards, decorated areas: approximately 15 m, to an approximate height of 2m. Location unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.47. Taibano, Tukano, Master of Animals on the Side of a Maloca, c. 1978, paint on wooden boards, dimensions unknown. Location unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

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Fig.48. Taibano, Tukano, Master of Animals on the Side of a Maloca ,c. 1978, paint on wooden boards, dimensions unknown. Location unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.49. Tukano, Apron with Back-to-Back C-Scroll Design, c. 1978, painted bark-cloth, approx. 30.48 x 60.96 cm. Location unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig. 50. Tukano, Apron, c. 1978, painted bark-cloth, approx. 30.48 x 60.96 cm. Location unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.51. Tukano, Apron, c. 1978, painted bark-cloth, approx. 30.48 x 60.96 cm. Location unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.52.Tukano, Man with Body Paint and Deocaated Barkcloth, 2009. http://karel.hlobil.com/travel. Fig.53 . Kuripako, Tukano, Decorated Dish, C. 1978, pottery, painted designs, dimension unknown. Location unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.54. Tatuyo, Tukano, Stamping Tubes with Painted Designs, c.1978, wood and pigment, approx. 7 x 121.92. Location unknown ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.55. Tatuyo, Tukano, Detail of Stamping Tubes with Painted Designs, c.1978, wood and pigment, approx. 7 x 121.92. Location unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.56 . Barasana, Tukano, A Group of Men Dancing During a Ayahuasca Ritual. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig. 57. Tukano, Dancers with Painted Stamping Tubes, 2011 .©Edson Grandisoli. Fig.58 . Tatuyo, Tukano, Stamping Tubes with Painted Designs, c.1978, wood and pigment, approx. 7 x 121.92. Location unknown. Fig.59 . Tatuyo, Tukano, Two Dancers with Painted Stamping Tubes. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig. 60. Murύ, Image that Conveys the Idea of the Life-Force that Animates the Universe. c. 1978, coloured pencils on paper, 21 × 29.7 cm. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig. 61.Yebá, Inside the House of Pamurí-mahsë, c. 1978, coloured pencils on paper, 21 × 29.7 cm. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig. 62. Buyá, Snake-Canoe c. 1978, coloured pencils on paper, 21 × 29.7 cm. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig. 63.Biá, Male and Female Symbols Seen After Three Cups of Ayahuasca, c. 1978, coloured pencils on paper, 21 × 29.7 cm. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.64. Yebá, House of Pamurí-mahsë, c. 1978, coloured pencils on paper, 21 × 29.7 cm. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.65. Yebá, Plant Growth, c. 1978, coloured pencils on paper, 21 × 29.7 cm. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.66. Biá, Snake-Canoe after Tree Cups of Ayahuasca, c. 1978, coloured pencils on paper, 21 × 29.7 cm. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.67. Yebá, Settlement of the First People, c. 1978, coloured pencils on paper, 21 × 29.7 cm. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.68. Barasana: Tukano, Artist Draws His Hallucinations While Another Man Looks On. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

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Fig.69. Barasana: Tukano, Artist Drawing Hallucinatory Patterns. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.70. Barasana Tukano, Artist Drawing a Motif in the Sand before putting it on Paper. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.71. Barasana: Tukano, Using the Short Ruler. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.72. Barasana: Tukano, Artist Dividing the Drawing Area. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.73. Basana: Tukano, Drawing Implements. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.74. Barasana: Tukano, Artist Using the Long Ruler. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.75. Barasana: Tukano, Yuruparí design in Sand, Consisting of Frets, Spirals, and Hourglass-shaped Elements. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.76. Barasana: Tukano, Man Painting His Leg with a Cylindrical Roller Stamp Dipped in Dye. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.77. Barasana: Tukano, Girl Painting Herself with Genipa Juice. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.78. Barasana: Tukano, Drawing Hallucinatory Patterns in Sand. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.79. Virό, Snake-Canoe of the Creation Myth, c. 1978, coloured pencils on paper, 21 × 29.7 cm ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.80. Yebá, ‘The Ultimate Vision’, c. 1978, coloured pencils on paper, 21 × 29.7 cm. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig.81. Comparison of DMT and Serotonin. Fig.82. Comparison of Phosphene Patterns (After Max Knoll) and Tukano Motifs. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978. Fig. 83. Ayahuasca Subject, The Subject’s Tiger Guardian Fights a Serpent, 1973, pencil on paper, dimensions unknown. ©Naranjo 1973. Fig.84. Ayahuasca Subject, Hell, 1973, pencil on paper, dimensions unknown. ©Naranjo 1973. Fig.85. Ayahuasca Subject, Hell transformed into a primeval swamp, 1973, pencil on paper, dimensions unknown. ©Naranjo 1973. Fig.86. Siona, Shaman with Painted Face, 2010.Cuyabeno national park, Ecuador. ©Herman van Steewijk. Fig.87. Shipibo, Detail of Cloth, c.2008, cotton with natural dyes, 139.7cm x 58.4 cm. Location unknown. Fig.88. Shipibo, Cloth, c.2008, cotton with natural dyes, 147.3 cm x 147.3 cm. Location unknown. Fig.89. Shipibo, Decorated Cloth , c.1950-1970, cotten, , 74cmx70 cm. Textile Museum of Canada. Fig.90. Cashinahua, Bag, 1960-70, Cotton 22cm x 23cm. Textile Museum of Canada. Fig.91. Arlindo Daureano Estevão (Daso), The Cosmos with Rivers Linking and Encircling Different Islands or Worlds. 1991, gouache on paper, dimensions unknown. Cana Recreio, Purus River, Brazil.

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Fig.92. Arlindo Daureano Estevão (Daso), Upitxinka, Toad's Behind, 1991, gouache on paper, dimensions unknown. Cana Recreio, Purus River, Brazil. Fig.93. Fig.. Marlene Lopes Mateus (Yaka), Dunu Mapu ‘Snake's Brain’, 1991, gouache on paper, dimensions unknown. Cana Recreio, Purus River in Brazil. Fig.94. Alcina Pinheiro Feitosa (Yaka), Maemuxa (Spine), 1995, gouache on paper, dimensions unknown. Cana Recreio, Purus River, Brazil. Fig.95. Sobera, The Maemuxa, or Spine Motif, 1991, gouache on paper, dimensions unknown. Cana Recreio, Purus River, Brazil. Fig.96. Arlindo Daureano Estevão (Daso), The Cosmos as Perceived in the Artist's Ayahuasca Visions, 1991, gouache on paper, dimensions unknown. Cana Recreio, Purus River, Brazil. Fig.97. Marlene Lopes Mateus, Weaving Pattern. 1993, gouache on paper, dimensions unknown. Nova Aliança, Purus River in Brazil. Fig.98. Marlene Lopes Mateus (Yaka), Yaminahua Kene, gouache on paper, dimensions unknown. Cana Recreio, Purus River, Brazil. Fig.99. Cashinahua, Wrist Band and Painted Designs, 2011 ©Deborah Castor. Fig.100. Cashinahua, Wrist Band with Jaguar Paw and Parrot Eye Design, c.2010, woven cotton, naturally dyed, 15.2 cm x 5.1 cm. https://www.ecostasy.com/products/Kaxinaw%C3%A1-Wrist-Band.html Fig. 101.Cashinahua, Women with Painted Face and Headband, 2011. ©Deborah Castor. Fig. 102. Cashinahua, Women with Painted Face, 2011. ©Deborah Castor. Fig.103.Cashinahua, Xina Bena, 2011.©Deborah Castor. Fig.104. Cashinahua, Kene Kuin, 2011.©Deborah Castor. Fig. 105.Cashinahua, Man with Painted Face and Headband, 2011. ©Deborah Castor. Fig.106. Cashinahua, Men with Painted Faces and Headbands, 2011. ©Deborah Castor. Fig.107. Pablo Amaringo, Vision 46: Sepultura Tonduri, 1986, gouache on paper, dimensions unknown. ©Luna and Amaringo 1999. Fig.108. Pablo Amaringo, Vision 11: The Powers of the Pipes, 1987, gouache on paper, dimensions unknown. ©Luna and Amaringo 1999. Fig.109. Pablo Amaringo, Vision 3: Ayahuasca and Chacruna, 1986, gouache on paper, dimensions unknown. ©Luna and Amaringo 1999. Fig.110. Pablo Amaringo, Vision 4: The Spirits or Mothers of the Plants, 1986, gouache on paper, dimensions unknown. ©Luna and Amaringo 1999. Fig.111.Pablo Amaringo, Vision 24 :The Ayamanchare , 1987, gouache on paper, dimensions unknown. ©Luna and Amaringo 1999. Fig.112 .Pablo Amaringo, Vision 26. The Tiahuanaco Realm,1987, gouache on paper, dimensions unknown. ©Luna and Amaringo 1999.

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Fig.113. Pablo Amaringo, Vision 37: Searching for the Lost Soul, 1987, gouache on paper, dimensions unknown. ©Luna and Amaringo 1999. Fig.114. Pablo Amaringo, Vision28: Spiritual Heart Operation, 1989, gouache on paper, dimensions unknown. ©Luna and Amaringo 1999. Fig. 115. Comparison of Knoll and Tukano Designs. Fig.116. Comparison of The Geometric Motifs of Knoll, The Tukano and Amaringo. Fig.117. Comparison of The Geometric Motifs of Knoll, The Tukano, Amaringo and the Cashinahua. Fig.118. Yebá, Detail: Institution of Ayahuasca Ritual, c. 1978, coloured pencils on paper, 21 × 29.7 cm. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.119. Pablo Amaringo, Detail: Vision 46: Sepultura Tonduri, 1986, gouache on paper, dimensions unknown. ©Luna and Amaringo 1999. Fig.120. Pablo Amaringo, Vision 20: Aceropunta, 1986, gouache on paper, dimensions unknown. ©Luna and Amaringo 1999.

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Chapter 1 Introduction

‘All visual art is expressed through the brain and must therefore obey the laws of the

brain, whether in conception, execution or appreciation...’1

The neuroscientist Semir Zeki argues that all art originates in the brain, is expressed

through and experienced by the brain.2 This dissertation aims to explore whether the

examination of hallucinatory art, art which is derived from firsthand hallucinatory

experiences, through neuroscientific analysis, enables more direct access to the

workings of the brain than other art; specifically, seeking to answer whether the

neuroscientific principal of neuroplasticity aids in the understanding of hallucinatory

art. In doing so it will attempt to gain greater insight into the ability of human biology

and culture to reciprocally influence each other through neuroplasticity. Pushing the

boundaries of traditional art history, it will use neuroplasticity to explore the

connection between the neurological make-up of human brains, the cultural-

geographic environment which we inhabit and the possible effects the interplay

between these forces have on drug-induced hallucinations and the art derived from

them.

This dissertation will be the first to apply an explicitly neurological approach to

hallucinatory art, building and expanding upon the work of scholars such as John

Onians and David Lewis-Williams.3 An interdisciplinary approach will be adopted

integrating aspects of art history, anthropology and neuroscience.

To this purpose the hallucinatory designs of the Tukano from the Colombian

Amazon, will be examined. These designs, which the Tukano profess to see while

under the influence of the hallucinogenic brew ayahuasca, incorporate figurative and

geometric elements and are expressed in several different media, of which a

representative sample will be examined in detail.4 Tukano designs will be contrasted

1 Zeki, 1999b, p.1.

2 Zeki 1999a, p.77.

3 Onians 2008; Lewis-Williams 2002.

4 Ayahuasca, a Quichua word, translates as ‘spirit vine’ or ‘vine of the dead’. It is known by many local

names including yaje. Ayahuasca is used here as it is favoured by researchers. Luna 2011, p.3.

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with other ayahuasca-derived art in an attempt to assess aspects of communality and

divergence.

The dissertation is divided into five chapters, the first containing the

introduction. The second examines the Tukano cultural context, ayahuasca use and

designs. The third addresses the application of neuroscience to art, specifically

neuroplasticity, before considering the factors which influence the content of drug-

induced hallucinations and the validity of art as a means of studying hallucinatory

experience. The fourth chapter represents the culmination of this dissertation in

which the principal of neuroplasticity will be applied to an analysis of the Tukano

designs. This artwork will be compared to other ayahuasca-derived art to determine

the possible role of neuroplasticity in their conception/production. The concluding

chapter summarizes the argument and findings, giving brief consideration to the

future applications of a neuroscientific approach to art and its productivity when

applied to areas where biology and art overlap such as the study of hallucinations and

explicitly hallucinatory art.

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Chapter 2 Tukano Designs and Cultural Context

Introduction

This chapter presents a detailed case study, which draws on the authoritive findings of

Gerard Reichel-Dolmatoff’s field research, wherein the link between hallucinatory

visions and art will be explored.5 It examines the Tukano hallucinatory designs and the

cultural context in which they were created. In the process the use and significance of

the hallucinogenic ayahuasca will be investigated.

History of Research

The Eastern Tukanoan linguistic family, the Tukano, occupy an area along the Vaupés

River in the Colombian northwest Amazon (figs. 1-3). The Tukano, though comprised

of approximately twenty named exogamous

descent groups, share a language, material

culture, social structure and mythology,

although local variations exist.6

The historic inaccessibility of the Vaupés

region, due to the prevalence of river rapids

which hindered the only means of long distance

travel through the dense forest, meant the area

had only limited contact with Western colonisers

until the mid-twentieth century.7 This allowed many pre-conquest practices to

remain.8

The earliest reports of the Vaupés region come from explorers and naturalists.9

Koch-Grünberg provided the first ethnographic study of the Tukano in 1909-10, which

5 ‘Vision’ denotes the visual aspect of hallucinatory experience. For Reichel-Dolmatoff’s influence see

Shanon 2010, p.264; Luna 2011, p.4-5; Baker 1999, p.52. Jackson 1983, p.24. 6 The Eastern Tukanoan linguistic family includes the: Arapaso, Bará, Barasana, Desana, Cubeo,

Karapanã, Kotiria, Kubeo, Makuna, Mirity-tapuya, Pira-tapuya, Siriano, Taiwano, Tariana, Tatuyo, Tukano proper, Tuyuca and the Yuruti . Reichel-Dolmatoff 1987, pp.1-3; ISA 2002, ‘Ethnic Groups and Demography’. 7 Jackson 1983, p.xi,23; ISA 2002, ‘Missionaries, Colonists and Modernity’.

8 Missionaries are now present and many Tukano work in cites, however, not all areas have been

affected to the same degree with some maintaining traditional religious practices: ISA 2002, ‘Missionaries, Colonists and Modernity’.

Fig.1. Map showing the Location of the Vaupés Region. ©Instituto Socioambienta.

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included descriptions of ayahuasca rituals and visions.10 Irving Goldman conducted

influential and meticulous ethnographic research in the Vaupés in 1939 and 1970.11

Many long term ethnographic studies of the Tukano have focused on subjects such as

cosmology, ritual, social structure, and language.12 In the 1970s-1980s, Reichel-

Dolmatoff carried out detailed research into the hallucinatory art of the Tukano, based

on primary literature, ethnographic observation and informant’s commentary.13 This

remains the only major work on Tukano art, reflecting the lack of research into

material culture in the Amazon, and has informed recent studies by scholars such as

Stahl, who explores the effects of expectation on the content of hallucinations.14 As

such, Reichel-Dolmatoff’s field research among the Tukano on art’s relation to

hallucinatory visions induced by ayahuasca will form the basis of this study.15

Tukano Cultural Context

Ethno-history and mythology suggests that the

Tukano are relative newcomers in the Vaupés

region.16 Settlements are located in cleared

areas of rain forest in close proximity to the

Vaupés River. Slash and burn agriculturists,

primarily of manioc, the Tukano supplement their diet with hunting and fishing.17

Society is organised into patrilineal descent groups, traditionally inhabiting large

communal houses, malocas (fig. 4), though there has been a shift in favour of village

9 H. W. Bates 1864, Coudreau 1887, Spruce 1908, A.R. Wallace 1889, Stradelli 1890 and Whiffen 1915; In:

Jackson 1983, p.22; Reichel-Dolmatoff 1971, p.9. 10

Koch-Grünberg 1909, p.190;In: Jackson 1983, p.23. Other explores in the Vaupés in the first half of the 20

th century include: Nimuendajύ 1950, Rice 1910-1914, Whiffen 1915, McGovern 1927 and MacCreagh

1926; In: Jackson 1983, p.23; Reichel-Dolmatoff 1971, p.9. 11 Jackson 1983, p.24.

12 Ritual, mythology: Hugh-Jones, C. 1979; Hugh-Jones, S. 1979; social structure: Jackson 1983; kingship

and mythology: Marcos Fulop, 1954, 1955, 1956; domestic architecture: Rodríguez Lamus, 1959, 1966; Langdon 1975; Silverwood-Cope 1972; Sorensen 1967, 1970; Bidou 1962,1976, 1977; and Torres Laborde 1969: cited In: Jackson 1983, p.23; Reichel-Dolmatoff 1971, p.9; Of these Steven Hugh-Jones is the only one to engage with artefacts in any depth. 13

Reichel-Dolmatoff 1975. 14

Stahl 1986, p.137. Recent works that cite Reichel-Dolmatoff include: Taussig 2011; Shanon 2010; Tobert 2010; Uzendoski 2008; For the lack of research on Amazonian material culture see: Hugh-Jones, S. 2009, p.33,56. 15

If not otherwise specified data comes from the Tukano Proper or the Desana, however most information is applicable throughout the Tukano: Reichel-Dolmatoff 1987, p.1. A major drawback of Reichel-Dolmatoff’s work is the lack of information on the actual production of art. 16

Reichel-Dolmatoff 1987, p.5. 17

ISA 2002, ‘Identity and difference’.

Fig.4. Tukano, Decorated Maloca, 1993. Upper Rio Negro. ©Beto Ricardo.

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Fig.5. Yebá, Institution of Ayahuasca Ritual, c. 1978, coloured pencils on paper,

21 × 29.7 cm. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

habitation. Decent groups are organized into ranked sibs.18 Residence is virilocal and

marriage strictly exogamous between language groups.19 Reichel-Dolmatoff sees the

strict insistence on adherence to exogamic rules as being one of the core principals of

Tukano society, with the underlying meaning and purposes of myths and rituals to

warn against incest and to promote exogamy as the right way in which to conduct

social relations.20

Cosmology

Variations in mythology and cosmology exist amongst the Tukano, however, an

underlying unity is evident.21 Overarching themes include the analogous organisation

of different levels of experience; the conceptualization of the world, and everything in

it, as existing in a state of dynamic

equilibrium that must be maintained and

the illusory nature of earthly existence, in

which only that which is transformed is

real. 22 Everything within Tukano

cosmology is gendered and imbued with

life-giving procreative potential.23

The Tukano conceive of the universe

as a womb shaped like a hexagonal rock

crystal; inside this womb is an abstract

cosmic brain saturated with male energies that fertilized the womb to create the first

matter.24 In an alternative version the ‘Sun Father’ created the universe by

introducing a male fertilizing principle.25 The universe is divided into three principle

superimposed layers - the underworld, earth and sky.26

18

‘Sib’ refers to a ‘group of male siblings or close parallel cousins who form the core of the community’ Hugh-Jones, S. 1979, p.25. 19

ISA 2002, ‘Social organization’; Reichel-Dolmatoff 1987, p.1. 20

Reichel-Dolmatoff 1987, p.1

21 ISA 2002, ‘Identity and difference’. 22

Reichel-Dolmatoff 1987, p.11; Reichel-Dolmatoff 1978, p.2; ISA 2002, ‘Cosmological aspects’; Jackson 1983, p.209. 23



Ibid. 26

ISA 2002, ‘Cosmological Aspects’; Reichel-Dolmatoff 1987, p.3.

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Fig.6. Tatuyo: Tukano, Ayahuasca

Session. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1975.

The creation of humans is elaborated upon in various myths. In most the first

people travelled in anaconda canoes searching for a place to settle.27 At this point the

mythological accounts emphasise the acquisition of different cultural institutions

through the agency of spirit beings, e.g. the ayahuasca ritual and incest laws.28 In one

myth the first child, ayahuasca, is killed and divided by a gathering of men who each

hacked off a different body part; thus the descendants of these men had different

varieties of ayahuasca (fig.5). The spirit beings left this realm necessitating travel to

other realms through hallucinogens in order to gain their knowledge.29

Shamanism

In the Vaupés region, most men have basic knowledge of healing, incantations and

take hallucinogens on certain occasions;

however it is only the shaman who has access

to more specialist knowledge.30 Shamans

undergo intense training which consists of

seclusion, prohibitions, dietary and sexual, and

the taking of large amounts of hallucinogens.31

The initiation is seen as a kind of death before

rebirth.32

Shamans occupy an important place

within Tukano society.33 The shaman’s role is one of healer, ritual specialist and

mediator interpersonally and, most importantly, between humans and spirits.34 The

primary means of fulfilling these roles is with the aid of hallucinogens, through which

the shaman can communicate with the spirit world.35 Shamans sometimes prescribe

ayahuasca, questioning the patient about their visions.36 In communal ayahuasca

27

ISA 2002, ‘Identity and difference’; Reichel-Dolmatoff 1987, p.5. 28


Reichel-Dolmatoff 1978, p.2; for examples of myths see: ISA 2002, ‘Cosmological Aspects’; Reichel-Dolmatoff 1978, p.3. 30

Jackson 1983, p.209. 31

Common features of Amazonian shamanic training: Stahl 1985, p.115; Melatti 1974; Robinson 1972; Kloos 1971 p.211; Chaves 1958, pp.129-30; Oberem 1957 p.176. 32


Jackson 1983, p.195. 34

Ibid. 35

A perception of shamans throughout the Amazon: Stahl 1985, p.115. 36

Reichel-Dolmatoff 1987, p.9.

16

ceremonies shamans act as guides reciting myths and chants (fig.6).37 Shamans have

detailed knowledge of the composition and effects of ayahuasca, allowing them to

manipulate the visionary experience.38

Scientific Discovery and Investigation of Ayahuasca

Ayahuasca is of great cultural significance in the Amazon; consumed in over seventy

two indigenous groups, it is ‘centrally intertwined in religious rituals, belief systems

and cosmovisions artistic productions, music, and healing practices’.39 Shamans use

ayahuasca as a conduit to another realm of

existence where they communicate with

the spirit world.40 The other realm,

accessed through ayahuasca, is of vital

importance in Amazonian worldviews, for

it is here that spirits dwell and that

knowledge comes from, therefore a

balanced relationship between the other

and this world is essential.41

The principal ingredient of ayahuasca is Banisteriopsis caapi of the family

Malpighiaceae, first classified by Richard Spruce in 1852 (figs.7,8).42 The botanist

Richard Evans Schultes was the first to make detailed scientific studies of the genus

Banisteriopsis (fig.9).43 Indigenous Amazonian groups, including the Tukano,

distinguish several types of vines, (that botanists would identify as the same spices) by

the types of visions they induce, the age and part of the plant from which bark is taken

etc.44 Ayahuasca frequently contains admixtures, the most common of which are

Psychotria vidris and Diplopterys cabrerana; these affect the chemical composition and

the effects that it produces within those who consume it (fig.10).45 The majority of the

37


Ibid. 39

Estimation from 1986: Luna 2011, p.4,9; Schultes 1982; In Shanon 2010, p.264; De Araujo et al. 2011, p.2. 40

For ayahuasca use sees: Luna 2011; Jackson 1983, p.195. 41

Tukano use other psychotropic drugs including tobacco and virola snuffs, a comprehensive study on the neural effects of ayahuasca would have to account for their effects; Luna 2011, p.8. 42

Reichel-Dolmatoff 1987, p.12; Riba et al. 2oo2, p.18. 43

Schultes 1982. In: Reichel-Dolmatoff 1978, p.7. 44

Chiappe 1985, p.102; cited in Blanc 2010, p.85; Reichel-Dolmatoff 1978, p9. 45

For admixtures see: Riba and Barbanoj 2005; Stahl 1985, p.116; Fábregasa et al. 2010, p.257.

Fig.9. Dr Schultes Collecting Plants with Maku Helpers, 1952.

17

Fig.17. Barasana: Tukano, Ayahuasca Sifted into a Ritual Vessel. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.18. Tatuyo: Tukano, An Ayahuasca Session. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1975.

research on ayahuasca relates to natural and medical sciences or cultural

anthropology, with little known about the underlying neural mechanisms that it

affects. What is known will be addressed in chapter 3.46

Context of Tukanoan Ayahuasca Use

The Tukano periodically take ayahuasca in communal ceremonies, of up to forty

people, under the guidance of shamans.47 For

days before the ceremony the participants

prepare by observing dietary and sexual

restrictions (figs.11-17).48 The ceremony takes

place within the maloca after dark,

throughout the night small cups of

ayahuasca are taken. The cyclical process of

death and rebirth are central to these rituals. The ceremonies are structured and

consist of the successive and increasingly

intensive exposure to sensory stimuli.49 The

participants are arrayed with body paint,

feathers and other items of personal adornment

(figs.18-23). Music is an integral part of the

ayahuasca ritual and experience and is thought

to ‘modify’ the visions.50 A structured sequence

of songs and dances proceeds throughout the

night. Light level affects the sensitivity of participants, they alternate between staring

at a red torch, the fire and complete darkness.51 The ritual is a fully sensory experience

‘designed’ by the shamans to influence the form and content of visions.52 This

dissertation focuses on art and as such is engaged with the visual aspects of the

ayahuasca experience; it should be noted however, that ayahuasca produces a

46

Shanon 2010, p.264; Dobkin de Rios 2003; de Araujo et al. 2011, p.2. 47

Reichel-Dolmatoff 1987, p.12; Luna 2011, p.9. 48


Ibid. 50

For the Tukano see: Reichel-Dolmatoff 1978, p.11; for applicability across the Amazon see: Luna 1992,pp.241-42. 51


Reichel-Dolmatoff 1978, pp.11-12; Blanc 2010, p.87.

18

Fig.19. Barasana: Tukano, Dancer Playing his Instruments Under the Influence of Ayahuasca. ©Reichel-

Dolmatoff, 1975.

multisensory experience, with the effects of sound being privileged in many

Amazonian cultures.53 Shanon maintains however that a focus on the visual aspects is

justified by the empirical phenomenology of ayahuasca.54 Ayahuasca may also be

consumed during other ‘life stage’ rituals such as initiates, or for personal reasons and

shamans are required to regularly ingest ayahuasca.55

Ayahuasca Visions

The physical effects of ayahuasca include: nausea, sweating and perceptual distortions,

e.g. macropsia, the sensation of flight, changes in self-

perception, spatio-temporal scaling, as well as visual

hallucinations which can be fully immersed sequences.56

They are stable and can be seen with the eyes open or

shut.57 Visions start with luminous geometric designs and

develop into ‘full’ hallucinations described as colourful,

vivid, and ‘more real than real’.58

The Tukano divide ayahuasca visions into three

stages: the first involves the sensation of flight

described as ascending towards the Milky Way.59 The

second stage consists of luminous geometric patterns,

grouped into clusters or chains.60 Twenty-five to thirty distinct geometric forms have

been identified in the Tukanoan’s depictions of their visions (fig.24). The Tukano

interpret these images as natural phenomena, such as ‘drops, rays, wheels, flowers,

53

For Amazonian sensory modes see: Classen 1990; Keifenheim 1999, p.32; For the role of chants in controlling visions see: Luna 1992,pp.241-42. For the relation of Shipibo chants and design see: Gebhart-Sayer 1985,1986,1987; Luna 1992, p.253; Blanc 2010, p.87. Alarco 1979; for the neurophysiological effects of music see: Blanc 2010, p.92; Hirokawa and Ohira 2003, pp.189–211. 54

Shanon 2010, p.265. 55

Luna 2011, p.9. 56

De Araujo et al. 2011, p.2; Riba et al., 2001; Shanon 2002. For the importance of shamanic flight see: Stahl 1985, p.115; for firsthand accounts of ayahuasca visions see: Harner 1973, pp. 155-175. 57

Shanon 2010, p.266. 58

Shanon and Reichel-Dolmatoff have both taken part in ayahuasca ceremonies and collected firsthand accounts from informants: Shanon 2010, pp.265-6. Reichel-Dolmatoff 1987, p.12; for firsthand accounts of visions see: Metzner, ed. 2006, pp.117-246; Harner 1973, pp. 155-175. 59

Descriptions of visions were obtained from Tukanoan informants: Reichel-Dolmatoff 1978, p.12; for the physical effects of ayahuasca see: De Araujo et al. 2011, p.2; Riba et al., 2003; Gambelunghe et al. 2008, p.1059. Harner 1973, pp. 155-175. 60


19

Fig.26 . Yebá, Creation Myth, c. 1978, coloured pencils on paper,


snail shells, etc’.61 These images serve a mnemonic function for the Tukano, the

patterns encapsulating concepts such as ‘male and female principles, fertility and

fecundity, exogamy, incest, impregnation, semen...’

which reinforce the law of exogamy in participants.62 In

the third stage luminous geometric images become full

hallucinations.63 As well as such recurring visions of

snakes, jaguars and other predatory creatures the

Tukano testify to having seen the creation, spirits, the

Sun Father, the anaconda canoe and the Master of

Animals (fig.26).64 This stage is dominated by the

colours blue and red.65 One re-enters the womb and

is reborn when the trance ends.66 While in the

womb ‘beyond the Milky Way’ all of creation is

witnessed.67 This is the desired vision, not achievable by all, leaving those who

experience it in a state of awe.

The Designs

Hallucinations form the core expression of Tukanoan religion. The designs employed

on many aspects of Tukanoan material culture are explicitly stated to be derived from

ayahuasca-induced hallucinations (figs.27-45).68 The Tukano conceive of their designs

as a means of communication ‘in which each shape, each colour, each sound, each

combination or sequence expresses a deeply felt truth which must be perpetuated and

propagated’.69 The making of objects possesses a religious dimension, emphasising the

interconnectedness of all things- ‘crafted objects encapsulate two kinds of potency: the

powers of the natural materials from which they are made and the skills and

61


Ibid. 63

Ibid. 64


Reichel-Dolmatoff 1978, p.13; Blanc 2010, p.85. 66


Ibid. 68


Ibid.

20

Fig.46. Taibano, Tukano, Maloca, c. 1978, paint on wooden boards, decorated areas:

approximately 15 m, to an approximate height of 2m. Location unknown.

©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

intentions of their makers’.70 Tukanoan artefacts, in different media are adorned with

designs, painted, engraved or carved, some are figurative but most are geometric.71

Reichel-Dolmatoff identifies these designs as deriving from ‘neurally based

phosphenes’, the implications of this will be dealt with below.72 The designs are

encoded with specific meanings established by shamanic teaching.73 The motifs are

employed in repetitive arrangements which combine lines and colour forming

patterns recognizable across the media.74

Description of Designs

Below are descriptions of a representative sample of Tukano decorated artefacts

derived from ayahuasca-induced hallucinations. These designs will later serve as the

basis for comparison with other ayahuasca-derived art.

Maloca

This is a traditional decorated maloca facade with geometric and figurative motifs,

spanning its extent (figs.44-46).75 The

triangular area beneath the apex of the gabled

roof is covered with leaves, the decoration

starts just below this. The walls are made from

pieces of flattened bark. The central door

breaks the decoration with each side forming a

separate decorative scheme. The decorated

part of the facade is divided into four

horizontal registers by raised wooden slates.

The decoration, in black, white and

yellow, runs as follows. The top left register contains an alternating series of cones

topped by circles and concentric circles. The second register begins with alternating

concentric diamonds and hour glasses, replaced half way by equal armed crosses. On

the lowest and largest decorated register the first and third shapes consist of two

70

ISA 2002, ‘Persons, Animals and Objects’. 71

For a comprehensive list of decorated objects see: Reichel-Dolmatoff 1987, p.14 72

Reichel-Dolmatoff 1987, p.14-15 73

Reichel-Dolmatoff 1987, p.15 74

Ibid. 75

Since the 1960s decorated Malocas have been declining; Reichel-Dolmatoff 1978, p.15; ISA 2002, ‘Missionaries, Colonists and Modernity’.

21

Fig.47. Taibano, Tukano, Master of Animals on the Side of a Maloca, c. 1978, paint on wooden

boards, dimensions unknown. Location unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.49. Tukano, Apron with Back-to-Back C-Scroll Design, c. 1978, painted bark-

cloth, approx. 30.48 x 60.96 cm. Location unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

connected horizontal V shapes, the middle is two back-to-back C shaped scrolls. Next

to the door are two figures. On the left is a highly stylized black figure outlined in

yellow that spans all three registers, it has

elongated legs, an oval body, and a small round

head with protruding ears and upraised arms bent

at the elbows. It wears a ‘necklace’ painted in

yellow and white, as are its eyes and mouth; a

number of vertical yellow lines protrude from the

top of the head this is the standard style of

Tukano figures. Reichel-Dolmatoff identifies

this figure as the Master of Animals. Four

zigzagging lines form a snake to the immediate left of the door.

On the right side the decoration is incomplete; the top register is undecorated

as is the left side of the second. The right side consists of the top half of three back-to-

back C shaped scrolls. The bottom register contains a small toad-like figure next to the

door; it stands on two legs with its arms upraised to its right stands two zigzagging

forms, possibly representing snakes. On the right hand side the bottoms of the back-

to-back C shaped scrolls fill the top half, and the tops of three more back-to-back C

shaped scrolls the bottom half. Every element of the facade is encoded with specific

meanings relating to the mythological past and the importance of incest laws derived

from the hallucinatory sphere.

Apron

This bark-cloth apron would be worn around the

waist (figs. 47-50). The decoration is comprised

of a back-to-back C shaped scrolls surrounded by

dots in natural red pigment. The top and bottom

edges of the apron are covered in red. The

bottom is demarcated by a horizontal line

beneath which is a row of red dots. Under this

are three vertical registers formed of gathered

22

Fig.53 . Kuripako, Tukano, Decorated Dish, c. 1978, pottery, painted designs,

dimension unknown. Location unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.54. Tatuyo, Tukano, Stamping Tubes with Painted

Designs, c.1978, wood and pigment,

approx. 7 x 121.92. Location unknown


cloth. The C shaped scroll is a common motif and relates to the concept of

marriageable. Beneath the section of gathered cloth the design is repeated.

Decorated Dish

This flat bottomed shallow circular pottery dish is

decorated with black painted designs on a white

background (fig.51). The central lattice design, forming

negative diamonds, is bordered between two sets of

double lines on the longitudal axis. The edge of

the dish curves gently upwards and is covered in

a pattern of angular lines which is broken in two

places, these lines represent rebirth.

Stamping Tubes

Stamping tubes are pounded on the ground to produce

rhythmic sounds (figs. 54-59). They are formed from

hollow bamboo tubes with a semi-circular section

taken cut out of the uppermost section; a smaller tube

protrudes from the top. This tube is decorated with

natural pigment in three horizontal registers. The first

two are bordered by a black horizontal line beneath

which is a double row of red and black inverted

triangles, in the centre is a row of dots (not present in the lower register)

while another series of upright triangles forms the base of the section. The

largest bottom register is again bordered by horizontal lines with short

vertical lines projecting from the top and bottom. In the centre are two

figures: a large black figure, perhaps a rearing/lunging quadruped or a

biped at an awkward angle with a tail and a smaller figure, reddish-brown,

perhaps a fish or an object held by the larger figure.

Fig.55. Tatuyo, Tukano, Detail of Stamping Tubes with Painted Designs,

c.1978, wood and pigment, approx. 7 x 121.92. Location unknown.


23

Fig.68. Barasana: Tukano, Artist Draws His Hallucinations While Another Man Looks On. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Drawings Commissioned by Reichel-Dolmatoff

In addition to these traditional designs is a body of material which Reichel-Dolmatoff

elicited from the Tukano in response to his suggestion that they draw their visions

(figs. 60-67).76 Reichel-Dolmatoff provided a number of men with paper and a variety

of coloured pencils (figs. 68-80).77 These, non-

acculturated, men were of different ages,

temperaments and households, and frequently

took ayahuasca.78 A large corpus of geometric and

figurative drawings was produced.79 There was a

remarkable uniformity in the inter-subject

depictions of different elements and traditional

designs.

Reichel-Dolmatoff copied a number of the

individual motifs and showed them to others in

the community eliciting interpretations of their

meaning. This resulted in a list of meanings

which reflected the mutual understanding of these motifs.80 Reichel-Dolmatoff relates

how often when a man was drawing, another would remark ‘this is what one sees after

three cups...’ and would be able to identify the kind of admixture used.81 The

informants affirmed that they had seen these patterns when taking ayahuasca and that

the individual motifs stood for specific concepts.82 Reichel-Dolmatoff sees these motifs

as embodying ‘a graphic code of behaviour’ that is constantly reinforced through daily

interaction with decorated objects.83

76

Published in: Reichel-Dolmatoff 1978. 77

Red, blue and yellow denominate the drawings. A choice of twelve pencils were offered, a desire for greater variety in shades of yellow was expressed to represent their visions more accurately. Reichel-Dolmatoff 1978, p.15. 78

Ibid. 79

Ibid. 80

For a list of specific motifs and their meanings see: Reichel-Dolmatoff 1987, pp.15-18. 81


For list of motifs and meanings see: Reichel-Dolmatoff 1978, p.29. 83


24

Fig.79. Virό, Snake-Canoe of the Creation Myth, c. 1978, coloured

pencils on paper, 21 × 29.7 cm ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.80. Yebá, ‘The Ultimate Vision’, c. 1978, coloured pencils on paper,


Virό: Snake-Canoe of the Creation Myth84

This drawing, by the Tukanoan man Virό, depicts his hallucinatory vision of the

Anaconda Canoe. The page is bordered by

a double blue line and the composition is

split into two vertical sections. The central

undulating yellow line in the left panel

depicts the Anaconda Canoe. Triangular

forms with two spirals branching from

their tops border both panels, these are

identified as vahsύ motifs which symbolize

sexual union. Two figures -occupy the centre of the

right hand panel, the tall blue figure (outlined in

yellow) with long legs, short arms, an oval body

and a small round head with protruding vertical lines (feathered headdress) is

identified as Pamuri-mahsë who steered the Anaconda Canoe on behalf of the Sun

Father, his facial features are marked in red. The unidentified second figure, at a 90◦

angle, is shorter and rounder than the other, its torso and face are yellow, while a thick

blue line marks the rest of his body with a red line around the edges.

Yebá: ‘The Ultimate Vision’85

This drawing by Yebá represents ‘the ultimate vision’, comprising of a series of

mythological scenes. The bottom section

represents mankind’s first dance.

Fourteen stylized figures in blue and red

outline have their arms around each

other’s shoulders. Vertical red and blue

dashes between the dancers represent

their genitive energy. Above the dancers

are two horizontal rows of dashes, first red

then blue, representing body paint. The

84

Reichel-Dolmatoff 1978, pp.134-5. 85

Reichel-Dolmatoff 1978, pp.90-91.

25

vertical zigzagging red and blue lines are the dancer’s thoughts. Above this is a

horizontal line of ‘hour-glass’ motifs containing a single vertical line in each triangle,

representing the Anaconda Canoe and first painted maloca. The uppermost register,

on the right, shows three figures outlined in red and blue with blue dashes down their

torsos in typical Tukano proportions. These are the Masters of Animals shown

separating highly stylized animals into land (left) and water (right) animals, the

vertical zigzag marking the transition. Above the animals are two horizontal rows of

alternating red and blue dashes representing the celestial roof above the Milky Way.

The red and blue semi-circles represent the sun. The Tukano believe that the supply of

game animals is controlled by the Master of Animals; therefore hunting requires

shamans to pledge human souls in exchange for game.86

These drawings are the best exemplifiers of the third stage of ayahuasca visions,

in which the Tukano experience events from the mythological past. They are

explicably drawn for the purpose of depicting each man’s own hallucinatory

experience, yet they show uniformity of style and subject matter.

This section has outlined the cultural context in which Tukano designs are

created, with particular attention given to their hallucinatory origin. Formal analysis

of this artwork has shown a uniformity of motif and meaning between the designs

decorating artefacts and drawings depicting ayahuasca-induced visions, indicating, as

the Tukano assert, that all of their designs are consciously derived from ayahuasca-

induced visions.

86

A belief found throughout the Amazon. Reichel-Dolmatoff 1987, p.7; Luna 2011, p.11.

26

Chapter 3 Neuroplasticity and Hallucinations

Introduction

The last two decades have seen the development of various approaches to the study of

art that incorporate principles from neuroscience. This chapter introduces the

framework that shall be used to examine the possibility that Tukanoan hallucinatory-

derived art is affected by neuroplasticity, by examining the potential reciprocal

influence between hallucinations and cultural/environmental contexts. The first

section provides a brief summary of the most salient neuroscientific research before

examining neuroplasticity and its application to art. The second section reviews

research on hallucinations and hallucinatory art.

The Application of Neuroscience to Art

Semir Zeki is a pioneer in the application of neuroscientific principles to art.87 Zeki’s

research has led him to identify the different functional areas of the visual brain and to

postulate that ‘great’ artists consciously or unconsciously exploit the workings of the

visual brain to make their art more effective.88 By understanding the visual brain Zeki

attempts to create a biologically based theory of aesthetics.89 Similarly, the

neuroscientists Ramachandran and Hirstein compiled ‘The Eight Laws of Artistic

Experience’ suggesting that all art inevitably possesses one or more of these principles

which operate to ‘titillate the visual areas of the brain’.90 More recently Vittorio

Gallese and David Freedberg developed an embodied aesthetic theory based on mirror

neurons.91 They postulate that empathetic embodied responses to works of art enabled

87

Zeki 1999a; Zeki 1999b. 88

The visual brain (visual cortex) is an area in the occipital lobe responsible for processing visual information. Zeki’s approach is concerned with ‘great art’, making it harder to apply to art that falls outside the canon of Western culture. Zeki 1999a, p.80. 89

Zeki 1999b. 90

Ramachandran and Hirstein 1999; for criticisms and rebuttal see: Ramachandran 2001. 91

Freedberg and Gallese 2007b. Mirror neurons respond to viewing an action as if oneself had preformed the action and when looking at depictions of actions; for a history of research see: Iacoboni 2009.

27

by mirror neurons are necessary to aesthetic responses and are experienced by all

humans.92

The proceeding theorists engaged with ‘universal’ concepts, that aspire to be

applied to all humans based on a common biology/neurology, regardless of cultural

context. The art historian John Onians has championed mirror neurons and

neuroplasticity as vital principles in creating a Neuroarthistorical approach which

explicitly examines how culture, environment, action and experience affect artistic

production and reception.93

Neuroplasticity

The previous belief that the adult human brain was static and unchanging has, with

the discovery of neuroplasticity, given way to reveal the truly dynamic nature of the

human brain.94 Neuroplasticity is the ability of neural connections to form and

disband depending on experience and actions.95 The more we repeat an action or are

exposed to a stimulus, the stronger the connections become- falling away when

stimulation is absent for a prolonged period.96 Neuroplasticity has been studied in

relation to the brain recovering functionality by rearranging connections, e.g. in brain

damaged or stroke victims.97 The developments of non-invasive techniques, such as

fMRI and CAT scans, have enabled the study of neuroplasticity in living humans.98

Musicians have been extensively studied to show the changes in brain configuration in

response to the acquisition of specific skills.99 The principal of neuroplasticity has

been employed in the hope of gaining a greater insight into the neural mechanisms

that influence the production and reception of art.100

92

Freedberg and Gallese 2007b, p.197; Berg argues that these responses are not universal but are affected by neuroplasticity: Berg 2009; for other criticisms and rebuttal to see: Freedberg and Gallese 2007a, p.1. 93

Onians 2008; Onians 2007b. 94

For the history of neuroplasticity see: Kolb and Whishaw 1998, pp.43-45; Pascual-Leone et al. 2005, pp.377-378. 95

Experience includes both conscious and unconscious environmental and cultural exposure. Pascual-Leone et al. 2005, p.396. 96

Onians and Fernie. 2008. 97

Nelson 1999, p.43; Melzer et al. 2001; Burton et al. 2002a; Sadato et al. 2002; Amedi et al. 2003; Merabet et al. 2005; Pascual-Leone et al. 2005, p.388. 98

Schwenkreis et al. 2007, p.3291. 99

Schwenkreis et al. 2007, pp.3291–3302. 100

Onians 2007a.

28

The human brain has 100billion neurons with the capacity for a nearly infinite

number of connections; it is these connections that are affected by neuroplasticity.101

Examining dendrite growth is the primary method used to examine neuroplasticity,

but other changes also occur in ‘...brain size, cortical thickness, neuron size... spine

density, synapses per neuron, and glial numbers’.102 These changes are not negligible,

but cause physical changes in the structure of the brain. This is demonstrated in

environmental enrichment studies conducted on rats, in comparison to non-enriched

rats changes in the ‘total number of increased synapses’ have potentially reached a

volume in the order of 20%.103 It should be emphasised that neuroplasticity is a

reciprocal process; by performing an action the neural connections are rearranged to

facilitate that action which in turn makes it easier to enact encouraging further

neurological change.104

Neuroplasticity’s Application to Art

Onians developed and coined Neuroarthistory - an approach that applies

neuroscientific principals in order to aid in the understanding of the production and

reception of art. He has applied this approach to the examination of art from Upper

Palaeolithic cave paintings to Classical Greek sculpture.105 This approach has been

criticised, with charges of reductionism being levied against it.106 If taken to extremes

neurologically based theories of art, that ignore cultural influences, are indeed

reductionist, however, there is nothing inherently reductionist about the theory that

the brain can affect the form and production of art.107 Put simply neuroplasticity is the

neural mechanism that accounts for a stable of artistic theory that goes back to Vasari,

namely artistic influence: whether from nature or the work of other artists.108

Neuroplasticity is a neurological account of why looking at something affects what

101

For estimation of neurons see: Onians 2008, p.309; for neuroplasticity affecting the connections see: Pascual-Leone et al. 2005, p.377. 102

Dendrites are ‘branch-like’ projections from neurons that bring information to the neural cell. The focus on dendrite change is rationalize thus: ‘dendrites represent up to 95% of the receptor surface with which neurons form connections...The dendrites grow and retract in response to various events including neuronal activity, various chemicals, and injury to adjacent neurons. This makes dendrites one of the more sensitive indicators of change’. Kolb and Whishaw 1998, pp.46-48. 103

Kolb and Whishaw 1998, pp.47-48. 104

Pascual-Leone et al. 2005, p.379; Nelson 1999, p.43. 105

Onians 2007a; Onians 1998. 106

Tallis 2008, pp. 19-20. 107

Onians, John, and EricFernie.2008. 108

Vasari 1991 [1550].

29

artists produce. If anything it shows the power that culture and art have by changing

the physical structure of the brain. This is clearly exemplified by the work of Mithen

and Lawrence who argue that the brain is a cultural artefact. This means that both ‘its

anatomy and function have been unintentionally influenced by... [the] cultural

contexts’ of a given individual.’109 As our brains shape these contexts this process is

reciprocal.110

The greatest advantage of neuroplasticity is its potential to predict the type of

material culture which groups or individuals would create based on knowledge of the

environmental and cultural stimuli to which they have been exposed and inclined to

give attention.111 The research of Hubel and Wiesel, conducted on kittens, concerning

lines of different orientation, and that of Tanaka, who experimented on the effects of

looking at single objects, support the idea that looking at something repeatedly

changes our neural connections and strengthens our preferences for looking at it.112

Seeing is not a passive process, what we see is affected by our environment, cultural

context, ‘moods, needs, expectations, and beliefs’.113 Onians postulates that the more

we look at something the more connections will form, increasing the attention that is

given and the ease with which it is identified – an evolutionary adaptation allowing

the identification of beneficial or dangerous elements in the environment.114 Onians’

work on Chauvet cave art postulates a reciprocal relationship between the brain and

artistic production through neuroplasticity, in which the painted animals, originally

derived from intensive observation of actual animals, became part of the forces

shaping the neural networks of the artist, meaning that later artistic works were

influenced both by actual animals and painted animals.115 Onians suggests that ‘the

more powerful and repetitive any sensory experience is the more likely it is to

109

Skill acquisition, such as juggling and singing, were studied in order to demonstrate changes in the anatomical structure of the brain in relation to experience: Mithen and Lawrence 2008, p.415,18. 110

Nelson 1999, p.42. 111

Onians 2007a, p.309; Onians, John, and EricFernie.2008. 112

Onians, John, and EricFernie.2008; Hubel and Wiesel 1970; Tanaka 1993. 113

The eyes relay information, the brain selects and discards it: Zeki 1999a, pp.77-80; Colzato et al. 2008, p.1; Dehaene and Naccache 2001, p.8; Onians 2008, p.281.Colzato et al. 2010, p.87; Nisbett and Masuda 2003; Nisbett and Miyamoto 2005. 114

Onians 2008, p.309. 115

Onians 2007a, pp.316-317. Leading to greater abstraction and exaggeration in line with peak shift: Ramachandran and Hirstein 1999, pp.17-21.

30

reconfigure the brain’.116 As such the Tukanoan’s repeated exposure to hallucinatory

imagery, which is given great cultural significance, can be argued to shape their neural

networks.

While Onians’ individual extrapolations can be challenged, his basic thesis

that culture and environment, through neuroplasticity, influences artistic production

is corroborated by neuroscientific research.117 Examining art through neuroplasticity

should not be perceived as a challenge to culture centred approaches but rather as a

complementary approach that attempts to provide an insight into the neural

mechanisms through which culture can be seen to affect the physical make up of the

human brain.

Visual Hallucinations

This section considers what affects, if any, neuroplasticity has on the content of

hallucinations.118 As this subject is in its infancy the possible connections presented are

highly theoretical. Hallucinations can be caused by various internal and external

stimuli, however, as this dissertation is concerned with ayahuasca-derived art the

mechanisms of drug-induced hallucinations will be exclusively focused on.

Scientific understanding of exactly how hallucinogens produce subjective sensory

experiences remains limited. Current research on the mechanisms through which

hallucinogenic drugs affect the brain and behaviour, has focused on hallucinogens

ability to mimic the molecular structure of neurotransmitters (fig.81).119

Neurotransmitters are chemicals that fit into receptors on nerve cells, they are

responsible for communication between nerves by transmitting electrical impulses.120

The primary neurotransmitters that affect behaviour are Dopamine, norepinephrine,

and serotonin.121 Triptamine based hallucinogens, such as DMT (N,N-

dimethyltryptamine) attach to serotonin receptors (5-HT2A).122 Serotonin is involved

116

Onians 1999, p.554. 117

That is not to say that they are inaccurate but they are not provable e.g. between Chinese painters and framers. Onians 1999, p.543. 118

The apparent perception of an external object when no such object is actually present.’ OED Online. 2012. ‘hallucination, n.’: Oxford University Press. [http://www.oed.com/viewdictionaryentry/Entry/83613] accessed 06 April 2012: 119

Callaway 2006, p.96. 120

Callaway 2006, p.95-6. 121

Callaway 2006, p.96. 122

Strassman 2001, p.38.

31

in the control of behavioural, perceptual, and regulatory systems, including mood,

hunger, body temperature, sexual behaviour, muscle control, and sensory perception,

therefore changing the amount of serotonin has noticeable affects on behaviour.123

Hallucinogens alternatively block or stimulate the flow of serotonin in the brain, this

means that receptors which should be stimulated are blocked and vice versa. This can

affect the areas of the brain associated with processing sensory signals causing

erroneous signals to be sent.124 Ayahuasca’s principal ingredient Banisteriopsis caapi,

contains the alkaloids harmine, harmaline, and tetrahydroharmine which are beta-

carboline harmala alkaloids and Monoamine oxidase inhibitors MAOIs.125 Serotonin is

usually deactivated by Monoamine oxidase (MAO) however the MAOIs present in

B.caapi mean that it is not deactivated, allowing serotonin in the brain to increase.126

This increase in serotonin, causing hyper activation, can have a hallucinogenic affect

on its own but is greatly increased by the presence of admixtures.127 The admixtures

Psychotria vidris and Diplopterys cabrerana both contain DMT which is normally

orally inactive, due to MAO’s but is made orally active by the MAOI’s contained in B.

caapi, allowing its hallucinogenic effects to be felt.128

Ffytche et al., studying the hallucinations of suffers of the Charles Bonnet

syndrome, discovered that the hallucinatory images activated the parts of the brain

responsible for processing the ‘real’ images i.e. the fMRI results were no different than

if the subjects had been looking at real images. 129 De Araujo et al. conducted

experiments on the neural origin of ayahuasca visions using Blood Oxygenation Level

Dependent (BOLD) fMRI to measure subject’s response to various imagery tasks

before and after ayahuasca ingestion.130 They postulate that the visions ‘stem from the

activation ... of an extensive network of occipital, temporal, and frontal cortical areas

123

Callaway 2006, pp.98-99; Strassman 2001, p.39. 124

Strassman 2001, p.38. 125

Riba et al. 2002, p.18; Blanc 2010, p.91; Friedberg 1965; Muller et al. 1981; Gambelunghe et al. 2008, p.1056. 126

Callaway 2006, p.97. 127

Callaway 2006, p.99. 128

Stahl 1985, p.116; Fábregasa et al. 2010, p.257. 129

Ffytche et al. 1998, pp.738-40 130

de Araujo et al. 2011, pp.5-6. This is a very detailed study on the affects of ayahuasca on the brain, only the main points of which could be touched on here. For other studies of ayahuasca’s effects on the brain see: Keppel Hesselink and da Silveira Barbosa 2001.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Beta-carboline

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Beta-carboline

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harmala_alkaloid

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monoamine_oxidase_inhibitors

32

respectively involved with vision, memory, and intention’.131 They conclude that

ayahuasca visions are associated with a person’s own memories interacting with the

visual area of the brain and that this internal imagery is enhanced to the level of ‘real’

images.132

Biological Basis of Hallucination Content

David Lewis-Williams and Thomas Dowson’s neuropsychological model postulates

that hallucinations have a specific biologically based structure that contains

recognizable patterns of representation identified in South African San and Upper

Palaeolithic rock art.133 The model is based on ethnographic evidence, including

information derived from the Tukano, Max Knoll’s experiments and the work of

Ronald K. Siegel who divided hallucinations into three stages.134

The three stages of hallucinations which, while not strictly sequential, grow deeper

and more complex are:

1 geometric forms.

2 geometric forms morph into related images – e.g. wavy line becomes hills

3 ‘full hallucinations’ – humans, animals etc.135

Lewis-Williams states that the forms in stage one are ‘universal’, seen by all during

altered states, however, their selection and meaning are ‘cultural’ with different

cultures emphasizing different stages.136 The first stage geometric forms are identified

as phosphenes, biologically based luminous geometric patterns. Phosphenes are

associated with symmetry, clarity of line and repetition, some are little more than

flashes of light while others are defined geometric patterns. 137 Phosphenes can occur

spontaneously, due to sensory deprivation, extreme stress, or hypnologic states, they

can also be produced by external stimuli such as pressure upon the eyes, a blow to the

131

de Araujo et al. 2011, p.10. 132

de Araujo et al. 2011, pp.9-10. 133

Lewis-Williams and Dowson. 1990, pp. 407-408; Lewis-Williams 1988, pp.201-245; Lewis-Williams 2002; Lewis-Williams 2010; Lewis-Williams and Challis 2011. For criticisms see: Helvenston et al. 2003, pp. 213-224; Bahn 2010, pp.67-93; Hodgson 2000. Who argue that only certain hallucinogens triggers these types of hallucinations. As ayahuasca is one that does it does not affect the argument of this dissertation nor does their questioning of arts relationship with shamanism. 134

Siegel 1977. 135

Full, true or complex hallucinations distinguish complex visions from phosphenes. Ffytche 2008, p.1072. 136

Lewis-Williams and Dowson 1988, p.213. 137

Masters and Houston 1968 pp.89-92; Kluver 1966 p.26 in: Stahl 1985, p.119; Reichel-Dolmatoff 1978, p.44.

33

head, electric stimulation or the ingestion of certain chemicals including those found

in ayahuasca.138

Phosphenes have been intentionally stimulated since the eighteenth century.139

Max Knoll experimented with electric excitation of the brain in 1958, discovering that

phosphenes can be generated by the neural visual system rather than retinal ganglia

network making them independent of external light sources.140 Knoll maintained that

phosphenes originate in the brain and can occur in all humans.141 Ffytche cites

evidence that the only difference between phosphenes and ‘full’ hallucinations is the

area of cortex activation.142 Schwiedrzik, however, questions the location of

phosphenes and presents evidence that they arise in the retina.143 For this dissertation

their origin is unimportant, that they are seen during hallucinations is enough.144

Knoll et al. found that injections of LSD, Psilocybin and Mescaline increased the

quantity and intensity of phosphenes.145 Reichel-Dolmatoff identifies the geometric

motifs of the Tukano as phosphenes, based on the Tukanoans ascertain that these

designs are seen during hallucination and a comparison between the sketched designs

of Knoll’s electrical excitation subjects (figs.24,25 & 82). Knoll’s subjects, over a 1,000,

were asked to sketch what they perceived and their accompanying verbal descriptions

were recorded.146 Noting the similarities with the patterns found in South African rock

art, Knoll believed he may have located the neural mechanism responsible for

producing Jungian archetypes.147

138


Alessandro Volta, in the late eighteenth century observed effects of electrical stimulation to the brain. In the early nineteenth century Jan von Purkinje excited more complex luminescent geometric forms. Reichel-Dolmatoff 1978, p.43 140


Knoll et al. 1963, p.215. 142

‘Early visual areas for simple experiences, higher visual areas for complex ones: Ffytche’ 2008, p.1072. 143

Schwiedrzik 2009, p. 1; Kanai et al. 2008; Brindley 1955. 144

Schwiedrzik 2009, p.2. 145

Knoll Max et al. 1963; Stahl 1985, p.119; Siegel 1977, 1978; Siegel and Jarvik 1975; Oster 19666. 146

Knoll Max et al. 1963. In: Reichel-Dolmatoff 1978, p.44. 147


34

Fig. 83. Ayahuasca Subject, The Subject’s Tiger Guardian Fights a

Serpent, 1973, pencil on paper, dimensions unknown. ©Naranjo

1973.

The presence of such ‘archetypical’ images would not, therefore, be a product

of neuroplasticity but their interpretation and perhaps even frequency could be. The

idea that hallucinations contain recurring cross cultural themes has been elaborated

upon by de Rios who speculates that there are

cross-cultural themes experienced in

hallucinations but interpreted in culturally

specific ways.148 In two complementary studies

Michael Harner and Claudio Naranjo sought to

explore which elements of ayahuasca visions

could be accounted for by cultural context and

whether there were elements that could be

considered in some way derived from the drug

itself. Harner compiled a list of the different categories of experiences common

amongst Amazonian ayahuasca drinkers.149 Naranjo administered ayahuasca in a

Chilean laboratory to urban Chilians, unaware of traditional interpretations (figs.83-

85).150 Their results yielded interesting areas of cross cultural commonalties in the

general themes of visions which were interpreted in a culturally specific manner.

Although this is a fascinating avenue of research there it falls outside the scope of this

thesis.

Culturally Specific Content of Hallucinations

In contrast to the biological basis of phosphenes is there evidence that hallucinations

are affected, through neuroplasticity, by specific aspects of the cultural and or physical

environment?

Crombag and Robinson tease out the effects that neuroplasticity has on drug

addiction, pointing out that drugs effect individuals differently depending on ‘complex

148

de Rios 1990, p.214. 149

Including accounts from: the Tukano, Jívaro, Conibo-Shipibo, Siona, Amahuaca, Záparo, Cubeo, Tacana, as well as anthropologists and other individuals. Harner 1973, pp. 155-175. 150

Claudio Naranjo and Rick Strassman, studying DMT both obtained drawings of their subject’s ayahuasca visions unfortunately too few have been published for comparative purposes. Strassman 2001, p.153; Naranjo 1973, pp.186-87.

35

interactions among pharmacological, psychological, and environmental factors’ citing

expectation to be one of these factors.151

Although he does not couch it in terms of neuroplasticity Stahl argues that the

content of hallucinations is affected by ‘culturally held expectations’.152 He presents

evidence that there are themes found regardless of cultural context but in a culturally

specified manner that are affected by expectation.153 As we have seen the mythic

scenes and encounters with sprits reported by the Tukano are culturally specific and

influenced by their culturally ‘conditioned’ expectation.154 Al-Issa states that ‘The

content of hallucinations, like that of dreams... is clearly based on the individual's past

experience within a certain socio-cultural context and is therefore expected to vary

from one culture to another’.155 De Rios’s study of hallucinogens in a cross cultural

perspective has led her to confirm many of the speculations of Al-Issa’s concerning the

effects of culture on the content of hallucinations especially where their taking is

socially sanctioned.156 She questions the mechanism that enables expectations to

affect visions which I argue is neuroplasticity. These researchers from various

disciplines acknowledge the ability of an individual’s cultural exposure and culturally

conditioned expectations to affect the content of hallucinations. This affect is

particularly strong where the taking of hallucinations is socially sanctioned, as among

the Tukano.

Hallucinatory Art

Art from the Upper Palaeolithic cave paintings to that of Henry Fuseli has been

theorized to be derived from hallucinations.157 While there is abundant ethnographic

evidence for the taking of hallucinogens the connection with art is often elusive.158

Many Amazonian groups are credited with creating art derived from hallucinatory

experience. However, there exists little comprehensive research on societies in which

151

Crombag and Robinson 2004, p.107. 152

Stahl 1986, pp.136-137. 153

Stahl 1986, p.134. 154

Greenhalgh and Megaw, eds. 1978, p.293. 155

Kiev, 1972;Weinstein, 1962b Kiev in: Al-Issa 1977, p.580; 156

de Rios, Marlene Dobkin. 1990, pp.197-200. 157

Lewis-Williams 2002; Baumann et al. 2007. 158

Stahl 1985.. Schaefer and Furst 1996; Berrin ed. 1978; Baker 1999.

36

Fig.87. Shipibo, Detail of Cloth, c.2008, cotton with natural dyes, 139.7cm x 58.4

cm. Location unknown.

Fig.90. Cashinahua, Bag, 1960-70, cotton 22cm x 23cm. Textile

Museum of Canada.

hallucinations are explicitly acknowledged to affect art, with the exception of the

Tukano.159

Below are other prominent individuals/groups associated with ayahuasca derived

art; they will be outlined in order to assess their applicability for comparative analysis

to Tukano designs in chapter 4.

In the Amazon ayahuasca has been associated with the acquisition of designs and

songs. The Ecuadorian Siona people are reported to acquire designs from the

hallucinatory sphere, however, no publications specifically deal with Siona art and the

lack of easily accessible images makes them unsuitable for comparison (fig.86).160

The Shipibo-Conibo of Peru conceive of their bodies to be

covered with invisible designs the same as those employed in

female textiles, the designs are the visual equivalent to spirits

songs which shamans hear during ayahuasca visions (87-89).161

Women do not take ayahuasca, therefore there is transference

from men to women of these designs. As the nature of the

relationship between designs and hallucinations is

unclear this work is unsuitable for comparison.162

Among the Cashinahua, inhabitants of the

Brazilian-Peruvian boarder, ayahuasca is taken in collective rituals

and has been associated with art, though the precise relationship is

uncertain.163 Women, the sole producers of the highly structured

pattern art, kene, only rarely take ayahuasca.164 Songs, men’s

chief creative output, describe their ayahuasca visions and are

visualized as designs. 165 Male songs and female designs are

both manifestations the boa spirit's power of producing images: ayahuasca is the blood

159

For an example of the association of Amazonian art with ayahuasca see: Strassman 2001, p.43 Reichel-Dolmatoff 1975; Reichel-Dolmatoff 1978; Reichel-Dolmatoff 1987. 160

Calella, P. 1935, pp.49, 73-4, in: Luna 2011, p.12 161

Gebhart-Sayer, A. 1986, Amazonía Indígena, 46; Luna 2011, p.13. 162

Baker 1999; Keifenheim 1999; Roe 1980. 163

Also known as: Huni-Kuin, Cashinauá, Caxinauá, Kashinawa; for ayahuasca use see: Kensinger 1973; Keifenheim 1999, p.27, 34. 164

Kene designs are found on body painting, weaving basketry and pottery as well as gouache drawings: Lagrou 1999. 165

Ibid.

37

Fig.107 .Pablo Amaringo, Vision 46: Sepultura Tonduri, 1986, gouache on paper, dimensions

unknown. ©Luna and Amaringo 1999.

Fig.91. Arlindo Daureano Estevão (Daso), The Cosmos with Rivers Linking and Encircling Different

Islands or Worlds. 1991, gouache on paper, dimensions unknown. Cana

Recreio, Purus River, Brazil.

of the boa spirit (figs. 90-106).166 There is some validity

in associating ayahuasca and Cashinahua art, however

given the formalized nature of the designs and the lack

of institutionalized ayahuasca consumption by women,

the connections are problematic. Arlindo Daureano

Estevão, a Cashinahua man, has set out explicitly to

draw his ayahuasca visions, however as the designs he

produced were like kene designs he did not show them

to others in his community.167 His designs and other

Cashinahua designs shall therefore be compared to

Tukano designs as they represent the next best

documented case of indigenous ayahuasca designs.

The most secure link between ayahuasca and

art is the paintings of the Peruvian former mestizo

shaman Pablo Amaringo (1943-2009) which interlace figurative motifs with intricate

geometric detail.168 Amaringo was a vegetalista shaman; this role has much in common

with Tukano shamanism. Amaringo

asserted that he learned to paint during

ayahuasca-induced visions.169 Luna, noting

Amaringo’s ‘photographic’ sense of visual

recollection, requested if he could paint his

visions with equal clarity, which Amaringo

did providing a detailed account of every

element within his paintings.170 As a mestizo

Amaringo was fully engaged with ‘Western’

culture. A ‘traditional’ aspect of mestizo

shamanic practices is the incorporation of the ‘other’ in order to increase their own

166

Ibid. 167

Ibid. 168

Examining Amaringo’s work as derived from hallucinations is less secure than the Tukanoans given the lapse in time between the visions the production of art. For detailed accounts of Amaringo’s art see: Luna and Amaringo 1999; Charing, Cloudsley and Amaringo 2011. 169

Luna and Amaringo 1999, p.17 170

Ibid.

38

power thus mestizo shamans have incorpoated symbols of power from elements of

Western culture into their practice.171 This incorporation affects both visions and art

(figs.107-114).

In the next chapter the Tukano designs shall be examined in the light of the

preceding contextual information and theoretical framework to ascertain whether

neuroplasticity can be implicated in their creation.

171

Luna 2011, p.17.Stahl 1986.

39

Chapter 4 The Affect of Neuroplasticity on Tukano Designs

Introduction

This chapter explores whether Tukano designs are affected by neuroplasticity. It

begins by examining the idea that the geometric components of Tukano designs are

derived from phosphenes, turning next to Tukano figurative motifs to establish

whether there is evidence of culturally specific content that would indicate the affects

of neuroplasticity.

Biologically Based Phosphenes in Tukano Designs

As discussed above, phosphenes are features of certain kinds of altered states

including ayahuasca-induced hallucinations. Tukano geometric designs have been

identified as phosphenes due to their explicit association with the onset of

hallucinations and the comparisons with the sketches produced by Knoll’s subjects

(24,25,82 & 115).

While it can be argued that similar geometric patterns are found in many

contexts unrelated to altered states of consciousness, it can also be suggested that

phosphenes are produced under a significant number of different contexts and that

many cultures will have independently discovered them. While it is too much to claim

that phosphenes are the underlying source of geometric art, the human propensity for

the creation of geometric shapes considerably more ‘perfect’ than generally seen in

nature could be accounted for by the occurrence of phosphenes. Direct experience of

phosphenes and their depiction in art need only have occurred often enough for the

designs to be copied leading to their proliferation. Among the Tukano the majority of

men experience ayahuasca-induced hallucinations therefore the designs do not

become mere copies of the surrounding material culture, as they are constantly being

reinforced at the point of origin. Drug-induced hallucinations can result in recurring

afterimages of phosphenes for months after ingestion; most Tukano men would have

ingested more ayahuasca before the effects wore off, meaning that it is possible that

40

these afterimages formed a recurring part of everyday experience.172 Reichel-Dolmatoff

emphatically states that:

‘Tukanoan decorative patterns are not life-forms; what we see is not

geometricisation of naturalistic motifs; it is not that a snail is the model for a

spiral motif or that a rock crystal is a model for a hexagon. The process works

backwards; it has to be read back into the brain. It is there where the

geometrical models pre-exist as phosphenes, and where they are culturally

coded. Plants, animals, or mineral forms become important not as models but

as insistent reminders, as signals’.173

Motifs that can be identified as phosphenes and are comparable to those of the

Tukanoans are found in the ayahuasca-derived art of the Cashinahua and Amaringo

(figs.116-117). Cashinahua kene designs are restricted to geometric forms while in

Amaringo’s paintings geometric motifs are subsumed within complex figurative

compositions.

If phosphenes are biologically based can they be affected by neuroplasticity? It is

possible that the specific forms or frequency of forms are affected by neuroplasticity.

The Tukano geometric designs hold specific encoded meanings; as not all possible

forms are experienced all the time it is theoretically possible that if a particular type of

message is expected that the corresponding geometric forms could be ‘called up’. It is

also possible that what is recorded in their art only reflects those forms of significance

even though others were present in the vision. Neuroplasticity does seem to be at play

in the prevalence of depicted geometric motifs in Tukano art when compared to

depictions of Western ayahuasca-derived art in which figurative motifs predominate.

This is perhaps due to the emphasis upon the encoded meanings of these motifs

among the Tukano and the ubiquity of the designs in their surroundings, while there

is an emphasis in Western culture upon the importance of figurative elements. This

influences the selection of elements for depiction rather than what is seen in the

visions themselves. The lack of research in this area means is it currently –impossible

to determine whether the occurrence of specific phosphenes is affected by

neuroplasticity. If they were it would mean that phosphenes were enabled by biology

172


Reichel-Dolmatoff 1987, p.17

41

Fig.118. Yebá, Detail: Institution of Ayahuasca Ritual, c. 1978, coloured

pencils on paper, 21 × 29.7 cm. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

but not predetermined by it, with the cultural significance placed upon such designs

affecting their content and frequency.

Culturally Specific Elements in Tukano Designs

Neuroplasticity allows neural networks to be reconfigured by environmental and

cultural stimuli. Intense observation of visual stimuli, results in a preference for paying

continued attention to this stimuli and an inclination to include forms that are

derived from the stimulus into elements of material culture. Neuroplasticity is the

neural mechanism through which culturally conditioned expectation affects the

content of hallucinations. What stimuli affected the Tukano, changing their neural

networks and creating the expectations that affected their ayahuasca-induced visions?

The Tukano live in the rainforest

which they perceive as hazardous,

inhabited by dangerous animals and

spirits. The importance of the other world

and mythological past is incorporated into

daily life in discourse, ritual and art, as is the

importance of the promotion of exogamy and

avoidance of incest (fig. 118). These forces shape action, expectation, and thought

patterns. The ritualized taking of ayahuasca is staged with the express purpose of

shaping the participant’s visions within a specific range of expected variations. This

culturally conditioned expectation shapes the content of the visions: therefore the

biologically induced phosphenes are interpreted as imparting specific encoded

messages concerning exogamy and incest, and the figurative stage takes the

participant to the mythological past or the other world to contact spirits. The

hallucinatory sphere, as a conduit to the other world, the past, and the primary means

through which shamans act on behalf of their group, is considered to be of central

importance. Ayahuasca visions are powerful sensory experiences in which the

individual can gain knowledge of and control, to a certain degree, the dangers of the

external world- whether illness, hunger, or spiritual attack. Therefore, the

hallucinatory sphere itself affects, through neuroplasticity, the reshaping of neural

connections.

42

Fig.120. Pablo Amaringo, Vision 20: Aceropunta, 1986, gouache on paper, dimensions unknown.

©Luna and Amaringo 1999.

Fig.119. Pablo Amaringo, Detail: Vision 46: Sepultura Tonduri, 1986,

gouache on paper, dimensions unknown. ©Luna and Amaringo 1999.

There are certain communalities between the figurative elements found in the

Tukano and Amaringo’s works, for instance the

emphasis on spirits and snakes. These are the

common themes associated with ayahuasca visions

cross culturally and are similarly found in the

drawings produced by Naranjo’s subjects.174 There

are also elements specific to the cultural context

of each that do not cross over. As discussed above, the process of syncretisation affects

the visions of vegetalistas with non-

indigenous power symbols manifesting in

visions such as ‘Jesus and Mary, angels with

swords, animal protectors (Amazonian as well

as lions, elephants, and the like), soldiers with

guns, war airplanes, flying saucers, etc.’ motifs

which are be found in Amaringo’s paintings.175

His paintings reflect the syncretisation of

traditional and Western influences that

effect mestizo shamans, through

depictions of alien space ships attacking villages or the great esoteric boat Aceropunta,

that takes many forms including a battleship, submarine or Viking longboat, and

carries healers from around the world (fig. 119,120).

The reciprocal nature of the Tukano designs and the hallucinatory sphere is

responsible for the uniformity of Tukano visions and designs. Tukanoans are exposed

to these designs, which are recognized as culturally significant, on various mediums

since birth. This shapes their neural networks so that when they then experience

ayahuasca-induced visions they see and interpret the biologically derived phosphenes

in a culturally specified manner. ‘Full’ hallucinations are comprised of elements that

are unique to Tukano society. Reichel-Dolmatoff postulates that the visions consist of

‘previously stored information which is projected upon the screen produced by the

174

Luna 2011, p.17; for a discussion of other common themes experienced during ayahuasca see: Harner 1973, pp. 155-175. 175

Luna 2011, p.17.

43

drug’.176 In the third stage the participant travels back in time to view the mythological

creation events, this confirms the truths of tradition for they have now been

experienced firsthand. Which came first, the hallucinations or the designs? Without

wishing to create a circular argument I propose that if the geometric elements are

representations of biologically derived phosphenes then the hallucinatory visions

came first.177 However, this process became self reinforcing with designs and

hallucinations reciprocally influencing each other.

The uniformity of visions indicated by Tukanoan accounts and art appear to be

derived from the socially sanctioned nature of ayahuasca ingestion. Culturally

conditioned expectation is of great importance, for it is this expectation that helps

create a uniform experience. Therefore, when a Tukanoan man then creates these

designs he is not merely copying the other designs he sees around him, but drawing

from his own hallucinatory experience shaped, through neuroplasticity, by cultural

norms, expectations and individual experience.

176


This does not preclude the existence of other decorative forms which overtime could have been subsumed by hallucinatory designs.

44

Chapter 5 Conclusion

Tukano designs derive from ayahuasca-induced visions and contain two distinct, but

interconnected elements: geometric motifs based on phosphenes and experienced by

humans under a wide range of stimuli, and culturally specific figurative images that

are interpreted as spirits or scenes from Tukano mythology. The presence of these

designs within the Tukano environment and the expectation that one should see these

images affects what is seen while hallucinating, however it is through the process of

neuroplasticity that these influences affect the brain. Tukanoan hallucinations are

socially sanctioned and directed by cultural norms and expectations as well as

biological prerequisites, therefore, prolonged exposure to culturally significant

imagery influences the content and interpretation of visions experienced in a

hallucinatory trance. I postulate that the form of these designs, the hallucinations

themselves and the meanings associated with them are shaped by neuroplasticity,

demonstrating that culture and neurology reciprocally shape each other.

While there does appear to be elements that can convincingly be argued to be

affected by the cultural context of the individual, through neuroplasticity, there are

elements like the phosphenes that are cross-cultural. There seems to be a

commonality of visionary themes experienced cross-culturally, but in a culturally

specified manner. Could this be the affects of neuroplasticity shaping experiences that

are indeed cross cultural, formed through the chemical interactions of the drug with

the brain or by accessing a Jungian universal consciousness as Knoll thought?

Does the study of hallucinatory art allow more direct access to the workings of

the brain than other art? As explicitly hallucinatory art, including that of the

Tukanoans, reports to depict one’s own subjective visions, which by definition are

experienced in the brain regardless of external stimuli, hallucinatory art can be seen as

reflecting more directly the workings of the brain. Does neuroplasticity aid in the

understanding of hallucinatory art? By examining hallucinatory art one is examining

how environment and culture affects not only the art produced but the very structure

of the human brain. With Neuroarthistory in its infancy, and much still to be

discovered about the neural mechanisms of hallucinations any conclusions can only

45

be tentative. Of all neuroscientific principles the potential of neuroplasticity, to

elaborate upon the way in which culture and biology reciprocally influence each other

and the power of cultural forces such as art to shape the very structure of our brains,

should be explored to the fullest extent possible.

46

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Illustrations

Fig.2. Sketch Map of Colombia, ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig. 3. Sketch Map of the Vaupés Territory, ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.8. Twisted Banisteriopsis Caapi Vine. ©Erowid.org 2004.

Fig.7. Stems and Leaves of Banisteriopsis Rusbyana. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1975.

Fig.10. Psychotria viridis. © Choque Chinchay Journeys, 1997-2012.

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Fig.11. Barasana: Tukano, Gathering Banisteriopsis Caapi. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1975.

Fig.12. Tukano, Shaman Holding a Bundle of Banisteriopsis Caapi. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1975.

Fig.14.Barasana: Tukano, Man Preparing Banisteriopsis Caapi Vines.


Fig.13. Barasana: Tukano, Man Gathering Ayahuasca.©Reichel-

Dolmatoff, 1975.

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Fig.15. Barasana: Tukano, Preparing Ayahuasca. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.16. Barasana: Tukano, Ayahuasca Sifted into a Ritual Vessel. ©Reichel-

Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.20. Taibano: Tukano, Hunter. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1975.

Fig.21. Tatuyo: Tukano, Youth Dressed for a Dance. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1975.

Fig.23. Tukano, Man with Painted Face, 2011. ©Edson Grandisoli.

Fig.22. Tukano, Man Painting his Face, 2010.© Eye Ubiquitous.

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Fig.24. Hallucinatory Design Motifs of the Tukano. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1975.

Fig.25. Phosphene Patterns (After Max Knoll). ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1975.

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Fig.27. Tukano, The Rock of Nyì on the Rio Piraparana. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.28. Reichel-Dolmatoff, Sketch of the Main Petroglyph of The Rock of

Nyì. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1975.

Fig.29. Barasana: Tukano, Sand Drawing of the Main Petroglyph of The Rock of Nyì. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff,

1978.

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Fig.32. Tukano, Decorated Basketry, c.1978, basketry, dimensions unknown. Location unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.33. Tukano, Ritual Ayahuasca Vessel, 1978, paint on pottery,

dimensions unknown. Location unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.34. Tukano, Decorated Basketry, c.1978, basketry, dimensions

unknown. Location unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.35. Barasana: Tukano, Ritual Trumpet, 1978, paint on pottery, dimensions unknown. Location

unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.36. Barasana: Tukano, Ritual Ayahuasca Vessel, 1978, paint on pottery, dimensions unknown. Location unknown. ©Reichel-

Dolmatoff, 1978.

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Fig.37. Tukano, Decorated Basketry, c.1978, basketry, dimensions unknown. Location unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

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Fig.38. Tukano, Details of Bark Painted Aprons ,c. 1978, painted bark-cloth, approx. 30.48 x 60.96 cm. Location


64

Fig.39. Tukano, Decorated Bark, c. 1978,

painted bark-cloth, dimensions unknown. Location unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.40. Tukano, Painted Bark Cloth Masks, c. 1978, Painted bark-cloth,

dimensions unknown. Location unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.41. Tukano, Painting on a Bench. ©Rosa Gauditano, 2002.

Fig.42. Tukano, Leg Painted Black and Red,

2011. ©Edson Grandisoli.

Fig.43.Tukano, Giant Snake Painted on a Maloca, 2008,

Upper Rio Negro. ©Beto Ricardo. Fig. 44. Tukano, Detail of Painted

Maloca, 2010. © Eye Ubiquitous

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Fig.48. Taibano, Tukano, Master of Animals on the Side of a Maloca ,c. 1978, paint on wooden

boards, dimensions unknown. Location unknown. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.45. Tukano, Detail of Painted Maloca, 2010. © Eye Ubiquitous.

Fig. 50. Tukano, Apron, c. 1978, painted bark-

cloth, approx. 30.48 x 60.96 cm. Location


Fig.51. Tukano, Apron, c. 1978, painted bark-cloth, approx. 30.48 x 60.96 cm. Location unknown.


Fig.52.Tukano, Man with Body Paint and Deocaated

Barkcloth, 2009. http://karel.hlobil.com/travel.

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Fig.56. Barasana, Tukano, A Group of Men Dancing During a Ayahuasca Ritual.


Fig. 57.Tukano, Dancers with Painted Stamping Tubes, 2011 .©Edson

Grandisoli.

Fig.59. Tatuyo, Tukano, Two Dancers with Painted Stamping

Tubes. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.58 . Tatuyo, Tukano, Stamping Tubes with Painted Designs, c.1978, wood and pigment,

approx. 7 x 121.92. Location unknown.

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Fig. 60. Murύ, Image that Conveys the Idea of the Life-Force that Animates the Universe. c. 1978, coloured pencils

on paper, 21 × 29.7 cm. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig. 61.Yebá, Inside the House of Pamurí-mahsë, c. 1978, coloured pencils on paper, 21 × 29.7 cm. ©Reichel-

Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig. 62. Buyá, Snake-Canoe c. 1978, coloured pencils on paper, 21 × 29.7 cm. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig. 63.Biá, Male and Female Symbols Seen After Three Cups of Ayahuasca, c. 1978, coloured pencils on paper,


68

Fig.64. Yebá, House of Pamurí-mahsë, c. 1978, coloured

pencils on paper, 21 × 29.7 cm. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.65. Yebá, Plant Growth, c. 1978, coloured pencils on

paper, 21 × 29.7 cm. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.66. Biá, Snake-Canoe after Tree Cups of Ayahuasca, c. 1978, coloured pencils on paper, 21 × 29.7 cm. ©Reichel-

Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.67. Yebá, Settlement of the First People, c. 1978, coloured pencils on paper, 21 × 29.7 cm. ©Reichel-

Dolmatoff, 1978.

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Fig.69. Barasana: Tukano, Artist Drawing Hallucinatory Patterns. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.71. Barasana: Tukano, Using the Short Ruler. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.72. Barasana: Tukano, Artist Dividing The Drawing Area. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.73. Basana: Tukano, Drawing Implements. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.74. Barasana: Tukano, Artist Using the Long Ruler. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.70. Barasana Tukano, Artist Drawing a Motif in the Sand

Before Putting it on Paper. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

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Fig.75. Barasana: Tukano, Yuruparí design in Sand, Consisting of Frets, Spirals, and Hourglass-shaped

Elements. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.77. Barasana: Tukano, Girl Painting Herself with Genipa Juice. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.78. Barasana: Tukano, Drawing Hallucinatory Patterns in Sand. ©Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.76. Barasana: Tukano, Man Painting His Leg with a Cylindrical Roller Stamp Dipped in Dye. ©Reichel-

Dolmatoff, 1978.

Fig.81. Comparison of DMT and Serotonin.

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Fig.84. Ayahuasca Subject, Hell, 1973, pencil on paper, dimensions unknown. ©Naranjo 1973.

Fig.85. Ayahuasca Subject, Hell transformed into a Primeval Swamp, 1973, pencil on paper, dimensions

unknown. ©Naranjo 1973.

Fig.86. Siona, Shaman with Painted Face, 2010. Cuyabeno national park, Ecuador.

©Herman van Steewijk.

Fig.88. Shipibo, Cloth, c.2008, cotton with natural dyes, 147.3 cm x 147.3 cm.

Location unknown.

Fig.89. Shipibo, Decorated Cloth , c.1950-1970,

cotton, 74cmx70 cm. Textile Museum of Canada.

73

Fig.92. Arlindo Daureano Estevão (Daso), Upitxinka, Toad's Behind, 1991, gouache on paper, dimensions unknown. Cana


Fig.93. Fig. Marlene Lopes Mateus (Yaka), Dunu Mapu ‘Snake's Brain’,

1991, gouache on paper, dimensions unknown. Cana Recreio,

Purus River in Brazil.

Fig.94. Alcina Pinheiro Feitosa (Yaka), Maemuxa (Spine), 1995, gouache on paper, dimensions unknown. Cana


Fig.98. Marlene Lopes Mateus (Yaka), Yaminahua Kene, gouache on paper, dimensions unknown. Cana Recreio,

Purus River, Brazil. .

Fig.96. Arlindo Daureano Estevão (Daso), The Cosmos as Perceived in the Artist's Ayahuasca Visions, 1991, gouache on paper, dimensions unknown. Cana


Fig.95. Sobera, The Maemuxa, or Spine Motif, 1991, gouache on paper,

dimensions unknown. Cana Recreio, Purus River, Brazil.

Fig.97. Marlene Lopes Mateus, Weaving Pattern, 1993, gouache on paper,

dimensions unknown. Nova Aliança, Purus River in Brazil.

74

Fig.104. Cashinahua, Kene Kuin, 2011. ©Deborah Castor.

Fig.99. Cashinahua, Wrist Band and Painted Designs, 2011 ©Deborah Castor.

Fig.100. Cashinahua, Wrist Band with Jaguar Paw and Parrot Eye Design,

c.2010, woven cotton, naturally dyed. Dimensions 15.2 cm long 5.1 cm wide.

https://www.ecostasy.com/products/Kaxinaw%C3%A1-Wrist-Band.html

Fig. 102. Cashinahua, Women with Painted Face, 2011. ©Deborah Castor.

Fig. 101.Cashinahua, Women with Painted Face and Headband, 2011.

©Deborah Castor.

Fig. 105.Cashinahua, Man with Painted Face and Headband, 2011. ©Deborah

Castor.

Fig.106. Cashinahua, Men with Painted Faces and Headbands, 2011. ©Deborah Castor.

Fig.103.Cashinahua, Xina Bena, 2011. ©Deborah Castor.

75

Fig.108. Pablo Amaringo, Vision 11: The Powers of the Pipes, 1987, gouache on paper, dimensions


Fig.109. Pablo Amaringo, Vision 3: Ayahuasca and Chacruna, 1986, gouache on paper, dimensions


76

Fig.111.Pablo Amaringo, Vision 24 :The Ayamanchare , 1987, gouache on paper, dimensions


Fig.110. Pablo Amaringo, Vision 4 : The Spirits or Mothers of the Plants, 1986, gouache on paper,

dimensions unknown. ©Luna and Amaringo 1999.

77

Fig.112 .Pablo Amaringo, Vision 26. The Tiahuanaco Realm,1987, gouache on paper, dimensions


Fig.113. Pablo Amaringo, Vision 37: Searching for the Lost Soul, 1987, gouache on paper,

dimensions unknown. ©Luna and Amaringo 1999.

78

Fig.114. Pablo Amaringo, Vision28: Spiritual Heart Operation, 1989, gouache on paper, dimensions


Fig. 115. Comparison of Knoll and Tukano Designs.

79

Fig.116. Comparison of The Geometric Motifs of Knoll, The Tukano and Amaringo.

80

Fig.117. Comparison of The Geometric Motifs of Knoll, The Tukano, Amaringo and the Cashinahua.

art of the brain: neuroplasticity and hallucinatory designs

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