dajjal related ahadith

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Tamm al-Dr

Author(s): David CookSource: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 61,No. 1 (1998), pp. 20-28Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of School of Oriental and African StudiesStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3107289 .

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Tamim al-DarilDAVID COOK

HebrewUniversity f JerusalemTamimal-Dariwas one of theProphetMuhammad'sompanionsand anearlyconvert to Islam from Christianity.His name is most closelyassociatedwiththe eschatological raditionsconcerning he Dajjal (the MuslimAntichrist),and variousearlyascetic deas.2Thebestknownstory involvinghim is in facthis meetingwith the Dajjal,after he and others of his tribeare shipwreckedon a mysterious island. He is taken by a creature called al-jassasa to meet achainedman in a monastery,who asks the tribesmena numberof questionsabout the state of the outsideworld,most of which are relatedto the areaofthe Rift Valley n Syria.Aftertheyanswerhim,he proclaimshimself o be theDajjalandannounces hathe is about to be let loose on the world. SomehowTamlmandhis companionsmanageto leavethe island and come to visit theProphet,who hears their story and relates it to the populaceof Medina.3However, n spite of this story,historicalmaterialabout him, as is commonwith the Prophet'scompanions n general, s hard to come by. In this articleI will exploresome of the historical raditionsconnectedwith this figureandtry to establishwhichmaterial s reliableandwhich is not.His tribal affiliation s said to have been to the well-known raqitribeofLakhm, houghaccording o thegenealogicalraditionhe is said to have comefrom the Palestinianbranch of this tribe,which fled there after its chieftainconverted o Christianityn the sixthcentury.4As far as his genealogygoes,we are for the most part presentedwith a unifiedversion with few variants.His nisba of al-Dariis said to have been connected o a monastery dayr) nwhich he worshipped.5There is little informationavailable about Tamim'searlylife so we are obligedto concentrateon the event which dominates hebiographicalmaterialabout him:hisconversion o Islamand hismeetingwith

'I would like to thank Drs. Amikam Elad, Isaac Hasson and Michael Lecker for readingdrafts of this paper and making valuable suggestions.2 On Tamim see Encyclopaedia of Islam (1st ed., Leyden, 1987 (repr.)), s.v. 'Tamim al-Dari'(G. Levi Della Vida); and D. Shulman, 'Muslim popular literature in Tamil', in (ed.) Islam inAsia, i, Y. Friedmann (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1984), 178-90; on his ascetic connections seeAbi Nu'aym al-Isfahnai, Ma'rifat al-sahaba, ed. Muhammad Radi b. Haj 'Uthman (Medina:Maktabat al-Dar, 1988), iII, 191-9, for example; and Wadi'a al-Najm, 'Tamim al-Dari: Awwalqass ft 'l-Islam', Majallat Kulliyatal-Adab, 5, 1962, 293-314.3 Concordanceet indices de la traditionmusulmane, (ed.) A. J. Wensinck and others (Leiden,E. J. Brill: 1936-62), s.v. jassasa; and al-Muttaqi al-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, ed. Bakri Hayyna(Beirut: Mu'ssasat al-Risala, 1989), xiv, 283-84 (no. 38738), among many sources.4 Encyclopaedia of Islam (2nd ed. Leyden, 1960-), s.v. 'Lakhm' ('Irfan Shahid). On Tamim'sgenealogy see W. Caskel, Gamharatal-Nasab: Das genealogisches Werk des Hisam ibn al-Kalbi(Leyden: E. J. Brill, 1966), ii, 543; and also 'All b. Husayn b. 'Asakir, Ta'rikhmadinatDimashq(photostat: Dar al-Bashir, n.d.), III, 531; Abui 'l-HujjajYiisuf al-Mizzi, Tahdh-bal-kamalf asma'al-rijal, ed. Bashar Ma'ruf (Beirut: Mu'ssasat al-Risala, 1988), rv, 326-8 (no. 800); Ibn Hajar

al-'Asqalani, al-IsabaJf tamyizal-sahaba (Beirut:Dar Ihya al-Turath al-'Arabi, 1328 A.H.),I, 183(no. 837); Muhammad b. Sa'd, Kitab al-tabaqat al-kubra, ed. Muhammad 'Abd al-Qadir 'Ata'(Beirut:Dar al-Kutub al-'Ilmiyya, 1990),vii, 286 (no. 3723);Ibn al-Kalbi, Kitab nasabMa'd wa'l-Yaman al-kabTr,ed. Naji Hasan (Beirut: Maktabat al-Nahda, 1988); and 'Abd al-Karim b.Muhammad al-Sam'nm, Kitabal-ansab,ed. 'Abdallah al-Baruri(Beirut:Dar al-Kutub al-'Ilmiyya,1988), ii, 442.5 Yahya b. Abi Bakr al-'Amiri al-Yamani,al-Riyadal-mustatdba(Beirut:Maktabat al-Ma'arif,1979), 40; and Caskel, op. cit., In,543. On his supposed knowledge of Christianity (a ratherfrequent claim made for converts) see Ibn Jarir al-Tabari, Ja-mi'al-baydnff ta'wil ayy al-Qur'an(Beirut: Dar al-Fikr, n.d.), xiII, 177; Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti, al-Durr al-manthur i 'l-tafsir bi'l-ma'thur (Cairo: al-Anwar al-Muhammadiyya, n.d.), iv, 78; and Shams al-Din Muhammad b.Ahmad al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'lam al-nubald' (Beirut:Mu'ssasat al-Risala, 1985), ii, 444.? School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 1998

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TAMIM AL-DARIthe ProphetMuhammad. t will be noted immediatelyhat thereare severalmutually xclusiveaccountsof this eventwhichneedto bedealtwithseparately.Thefirst nvolvesa classicaldeputation tory6 n whichTamimal-Dariandten membersof his clan come to visit the ProphetMuhammadn Medinain9 A.H./A.D. 629-30.7 The membersof this delegationare all listed by name,though here s a gooddeal of variationas to thecorrectversion seeAppendix),and they all, with the exceptionof Tamimhimselfand his immediate amily,remain hadowycharactersn thebiographicalmaterial. t is assumed hat thedelegationcame from the areaof Palestine, houghthis is not stateddirectly.Tamim s said to havegiven gifts to the Prophet includinga horse,a skin ofwine and an embroideredloak),and to haveconverted o Islam,alongwithhis clan.8In his turn,Muhammadassignsthem sharesfrom the spoilsof theoasis town of Khaybarwhichhe had recentlycaptured rom the Jews.9AsW. M. Wattnoted,unlikemost delegations, he Darisdid not return o theirnative ands,butsettledwith theProphet n Medina.Duringhis audiencewiththe ProphetTamim s saidto have askedhimfor a deedto two, threeor fourvillagesor estatesin the area of Palestine,close by the city (probablyat thattimedestroyed)of Hebron.l?Thisaspectof the visit,whilenot uniqueto theDar clan,is unusual.Theyin this mannerweregiventhe absoluterightsto apiece of territory hen far distantfrom the Prophet'scontrol,something orwhichthereare few otherextantexamples."1 ne of thevariant exts is quotedto give the general enor:12

In the name of Allah,the Merciful, he Beneficent.Mentioned n this deed6 On deputation toriessee E. Landau-Tessaron,Asad fromJahiliyya o Islam', JerusalemStudiesn Arabic ndIslam,6, 1985,8-20; idem, Processesof redaction:he case of the Tamimitedelegation o the ProphetMuhammad',BSOAS,49/2, 1986,253-70; and F.M. Donner,EarlyIslamic conquests(Princeton, 1981), 101-11.7 This accountcan be found in Ibn Hisham,al-Straal-nabawiyya,d. MuhammadMuhial-Din al-Hamid Beirut:Dar al-Fikr,1981), II, 408-9; Muhammad . Yusufal-Salihial-Shani,Subulal-hudawa'l-rashid(=al-Sira al-Shdmiyya),ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz 'Abd al-Hayy al-Hilmi (Cairo:Da'irat al-Awqaf,1990),v, 508-10; Muhammadb. 'Umar al-Waqidi,Kitabal-maghazi, d.Marsden ones,Oxford,1966),n, 794-5;Abu'l-Farajbnal-Jawzi,Kitdb l-muntazamfil-ta'rhkh,ed. Muhammad Abd al-Qadir Ata' (Beirut:Dar al-Kutubal-'Ilmiyya,1992),Im,326; idem,'Uyunal-ta'rTkha'l-siyar Mecca:Multazimal-Tiba'i,n.d.), 157;Isma'il b. Kathir,al-Biddyawa'l-nihdyaCairo:Matba'atal-Sa'da,1932),v, 87;Salahal-Dinb. Aibekal-Safadi, l-Wfi bi'l-wafiyat,ed. 'All Amara and JacquelineSublet(Wiesbaden: ranzSteiner,1981),x, 408 (whichdoes not mentionthe numbersnvolved); bn 'Asakir,Ta'rTkh,II,531-2; al-Dhahabi,Siyar, II,443; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat,I, 258-9; al-Maqrizi, 'al-Daw' al-sdirfi ma'rifat khabar TamTm l-Dar',ed. Charles Matthews, Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society, 17, 1939-40, 159-60; al-'Amiri,Riyad,40; Ibn al-Athir,Usdal-ghabai ma'rifatal-sahhba, d. Muhammad brahimal-Bina'(Cairo:Kitabal-Sha'b,n.d.), I, 256-7 (no. 515);Ibn Hajar,Isdba, i, 183;Ibn Taghribirdl,l-Nujim al-zihira (Cairo:MaktabatDar al-Kutubal-Misriyya,1929),I, 120;Ahmad b. 'Abdal-Wahhabal-Nuwayri,Nihdyat al-arabfi funuinal-adab (Cairo: Matba'at Dar al-Kutubal-Misriyya, 955),xvm, 104-5;IbnDurayd,Kitdbal-ishtiqdq,d. 'Abdal-SalamHaruinCairo:Mu'ssasat al-Khanji, 1958), 155; and Muhammad b. 'All al-Ansari, al-Misbah al-mudiyy(Beirut:Dar al-Nahwaal-Jadida,1986),390;and see also L. Caetani,Annalidell'Islam(Milano:UlricoHoepli, 1907) n/l, 288-90; W. M. Watt, Muhammad t Medina(Oxford, 1956), 112;F. M.Donner,EarlyIslamicconquests,105 (but correct embracedIslam in A.H. 10'); and M. Gil,History of Palestineduringthe First Muslim Period(transl. Ethel Broido, Cambridge, 1992), 129-30.8 Muhammad . Jarir l-Tabari,Ta'rTkhl-rusulwa'l-mulik,d. M. deGoeje Leiden:E. J.Brill,1964 repr.)), , 1783;Ahmadb. Yahyaal-Baladhuri, nsabal-ashraf,d.MuhammadHamidullah(Cairo:Dar al-Ma'arif;n.d.),I, 510;Muhammad l-Baqiral-Majlisi,Bihar,xvi, 111 al-Ansari,Misbih, 390; and Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat,I, 380.9Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat,i, 380; Misa b. 'Uqba, al-Ahiidcthal-muntakhiba,ed. Hasan Salman (DarIbn Hazm, 1991), 82 (no. 13); Ibn al-Athir, Usd, i, 244; 'Abd al-Rahmanb. Abi al-Hasanal-Khatha'mi l-Suhayli, l-Rawd l-unif(Beirut:Dar al-Fikr,1989),IV,223.Not all of the sourcescited in footnote 7 mention he land-deed.1 'Alib. Muhammad l-Mawardi, l-Ahkdml-sultaniyyaBeirut:Dar al-Kutubal-'Ilmiyya,n.d.), 239-41 gives some;and al-Hindi, Kanz,II, 913-18 has a discussionof the competingtraditions n the subject.Al-Majlisi,Bihir,xvin, 134ff.gives manymore.12All the variantsare quotedin M. Hamidullah,Majmu'a l-watha'iq l-siydsiyyaCairo:Maktabaal-Thaqafiyyal-Diniyya,n.d.), 51-6. The texttranslated bove s locatedon p. 52.

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22 DAVID COOK(kitab) s whatthe Messengerof Allah[= Muhammad] estowedupontheDaris. SinceAllahgaveto him[the Prophet] heearth,'3he(then)bestowedupon them[the Dari clan]Bayt 'Ayniin,IHibrunorHabrun],al-Martumand BaytIbrahiml4-whoeveris (living)insidethem-forever.'Abbas b. 'Abd al-Muttalib,Khuzaymab. Qays, and Shurahbilb.Hasanawitnessed his.Severalpoints should be noted about this version. First, the ultimatesourceof thestory s one 'Ubaydallahb. Yazidb. Rawh b. Zinba'al-Judhami,who is the scionof a familywith whom the Daris had close connectionsduringthefirstcenturyof Islam.Rawh b. Zinba', this man'sgrandfather,was a localleaderof thePalestinianMuslimaristocracy,'5nd is recordedhavingdealingswith Tamimn theyearsaftertheMuslimconquestof Syria.l6The firstwitnessto this deed is none other than the Prophet'suncle al-'Abbas,who was the

ancestorof the Abbasid dynasty.This rathersuggestsa late date for thistradition,perhapsat the beginningof the secondcentury.I will return o thisissue later. It is also rathersuggestive hataccording o the tradition he Dandelegationcame to the Prophetin the year 629-30, which was just as theByzantineswerereoccupyingSyria-Palestinefterdefeating he Persians,whohad ruled there from 614. The fact that in this account Tamim and hiscompanionsdidnot returnhome,butstayed n Medina,couldmean thattheyhad beensympathetico thePersians nd thus couldnot continue o live underByzantinerule(if we acceptthis version,thatis).Slightlydifferent,but belongingto the same familyof traditions, s theversion n whichthenumberof participantss said to havebeensix.17Included13 This idea comes from Quran 59: 6-7. The difference of verbs in the text (wahaba=gave,and 'ata'= bestowed) indicates that the source of the gift is God.14On Bayt 'Aynun see C. Conder, A survey of Western Palestine (Jerusalem: Qedem, 1970(repr.)), II, 311, 351; and R. Zadok, 'Hirbet Bayt 'Enun', Israel Exploration Journal, 29, 1979,62. Hibrun is probably the base village of the modem city and apparently carried its ancientname well into the Muslim period, since from the 800s/1400s we have the nisba of one Ahmad b.Muisaal-Hibrawi al-Khalil: Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Rahman al-Sakhawi, al-Daw' al-lami' fi rijilal-qarnal-tisa' (Beirut:Dar Maktabat al-Hayat, n.d.), II, 230 (no. 651); and the village of KhirbetHibra in Conder, mI,281. Martum is probably a village or a monastery (or perhaps a martyrium)with the name Mar Thomas, see map in L. Massignon, 'Documents sur certains waqfs des lieuxsaints de l'Islam', Revue des EtudesIslamiques (Paris:Paul Geuthner, 1952), 79.The variations on the place names are many: (1) 'Aynun in Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani, Isaba, I,184; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, I, 256; and al-Suyiiti, Husn al-muhadara i mahAsinMisr wa'l-Qahira,ed.Muhammad Ibrahim (Cairo: Dar Ihya al-Kutub al-'Arabiyya, 1968), I, 177; (2) Bayt Habrun inIbn Hajar, TahdhTbl-tahdhTbBeirut: Dar al-Fikr, 1984), I, 449; (3) Hibra and Bayt 'Aynin inal-Maqrizi,' Daw", 159; (4) Bayt Hibra and Bayt 'Aynuinn Ibn al-Kalbi, Nasab, I, 207; (5) AtharIbrahim in Ahmad b. 'All al-Qalqashandi, Subh al-a'shi ft sind'at al-insha', ed. MuhammadShams al-Din (Beirut: Dar al-Fikr al-'Ilmiyya, 1987), xII, 126; and al-Maqrizi, 161; (6) BaytLahm (!) in al-Dhahabi, Siyar, II, 443; (7) 'Aynun, 'Fulana' and the place of Abraham's grave inal-Maqrizi, 161; (8) Bayt Habrun and Bayt 'Aynun in Ibn Hazm, Jamharat al-nasab, ed. 'Abdal-Salam Haruin(Cairo: Dar al-Ma'arif, 1962), 422; and (9) Bayt 'Ayn and Jabrin in Ibn Abi'Asim, al-Ahad wa'l-mathanT,d. Basim Faysal al-Jubara(Riyadh: Dar al-Zayata, 1991), v, 112.15On Rawh see, P. Crone, Slaves on horses (London, 1980) s.v.; and I. Hasson, 'Le chefjudhamite Rawh ibn Zinba'', Studia Islamica, 77, 1993, 95-122.16 Ibn al-Athir, Usd, I, 257; Ahmad b. al-Husayn al-Bayhaqi, Shu'ab al-Tmdn, d. Muhammadal-Sa'id b. Bassouny Zaghlul (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-'Ilmiyya, 1990), iv, 33-4 (no. 4273);al-Musharrafb. al-Murajja',Fadi'il Bayt al-Maqdis wa'l-Khalt wa'l- Sham, ed. Ofer Livne-Kafri

(Shfar'am:Dar al-Mashriq, 1995),349 (no. 577);and Sulaymanb. Ahmad al-Tabarani,al-Mu'jamal-kabTr, d. Hamdi 'Abd al-Majid al-Silfi (Mosul: Ihya al-Turath al-'Arabi, n.d.), ii, 51.17 al-Qalqashandi, Subh al-a'shd, xIII, 126; al-Maqrizi, 'Daw" 160-61; Ibn Abi al-'Asim, al-Ahad wa'l-mathdan, , 12 (no. 2548); al-Musharraf b. al-Murajja', Fad'il 347-8 (no. 576), andnote the emphasis on the half brother Abu Hind in al-'Amiri, al-Riyad,41; Muhammad al-Mut'i,Surat al-fatwa (Biilaq: Dar al-Taba'a al-Fu'adiyya, n.d.), 4 (though biographical informationabout Abi Hind is sparse, he is probably mentioned in Abu Nu'aym al-Isfahani, Hilyat al-awliyd'(Cairo: Maktabat al-Khanji, 1935), v, 187). Ibn Hazm, Jamhara, 422 appears to support thisversion without quoting it directly. In a related version, though one free from any familialinfluences, Tamim comes from Syria with a select group of Christians who convert to Islam.These include such luminaries as Bahira the monk, and Abraha (the Ethiopian governor of theYemen?): al-Majlisi, Bihar, xxii, 47.



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TAMIM AL-DARIin this groupis one Abu Hind,who is said to be the half-brother f Tamim,and on whoseauthorityhis descendant,Sa'id b. Ziyadb. Fa'id b. Abi Hindal-Dari(possiblythis genealogyhas been shortenedby several inks)relatesthe tradition.The two versionsarequiteclose until we reachthe pointwherethe land deed is asked for. Tamimthen asks for some land in Syriaand theProphetagrees,but leavesthe groupto deliberateas to whichterritory heywish to ask for. Duringthese deliberationsTamimandAbu Hind are the onlytwo members f thegroup o speak.Tamimproposesvariousplaces Jerusalem,BaytJibrinand so forth),whichAbu Hindrejectsuntiltheyagreeon the areaof Hebron.Therewas no need to informthe Prophetof their decisionsince,thoughhe was not physicallypresent,he was fully cognizantof the result(asTamimdiscoveredwhen he went to informhim) as a result of his propheticabilities.All in all, it is ratherdifficulto accept hesedeputation toriesand, indeed,few Western cholarshave.'8Theycan too easilybe made to serve heobviousinterestsof the familyof the Dar?s,which, as will be noted below, did notalwayshavean uncontestedhold on the area of Hebronspecifiedby thedeed.In addition,thereexisted(andstillexists)a needto 'prove' that the Prophetknewabout the conquests hat were to takeplaceshortlyafterhis death,andforhimto approveof them.Whatbetterwayto accomplishhis than to assigna pieceof land not thenin his possession,so showingthathe saw(as it were)it fallinginto the handsof the Muslimssoon after his death?A numberofMuslimhagiographicalourcesmention his as one of the 'proofsof propheticoffice'(dala'ilal-nubuwwa),ndevenmoder Muslimscholarshave not hesit-ated to use it as anexampleof Prophetic oreknowledge.19he second raditionespecially,would seem to belong to the genre of tribal 'praise' traditionsdesigned o strengthenhe hold of the Daris on theirproperty.In one of the optionalendingsof the seconddelegationstorythere is anattemptto harmonize he two versions(the 'ten' delegationand the 'six'delegation),by assigningthe latter to the Meccanperiod of the Prophet'sministry(!), and the former to the Medinanperiod.20For some unknownreason,accordingo thisversion, helanddeed needed o be reconfirmed. hisaccount has to be dismissed since it does not seem very likely that anydelegationwould have visitedthe Prophetbeforethe Hijrain 622. If this isnot an attempt o harmonize ccounts, hen the aimis to establisha veryearlyconversiondate for Tamimand his clan, which would add immenselytotheirprestige.The secondfamilyof conversion raditions s quitedifferent rom the first.

18 F. Krenkow, 'The grant of land by Muhammad to Tamim al-Dari', Islamica, 1, 1924-25,530-32; Watt, Muhammad at Medina, 112; I. Hasson, 'The penetration of the Arab tribes inPalestine during the first century of the Hijra', Cathedra,32, 1984, 61 [in Hebrew]. Donner alone,(Conquests,97) appears to accept the idea of Muhammad granting a deed to somewhere faroutside his control, for which he has been criticizedby E. Landau-Tessaron,'Review of Donner'sEarly Islamic conquests', Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam, 6, 1985, 508-9, 31 (a similarcase). M. Gil, 'Processes of settlement: Arab tribes in the first Muslim century', Cathedra, 32,1984. 67 claims that Tamim received tax collecting rights from the Prophet, not a deed to land.For example, al-Suyuit, al-Khasa'is al-kubrd (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-'Ilmiyya, 1985), In,45-46; and among modem scholars: Ihsan 'Abbas, 'Fath Bilid al-Shim ', in FourthInternationalConferenceon Bildd al-Sham (Arabic section, 2nd. symposium, part 2; ed. Muhammad 'AdnanBakhtit, (Amman: al-Jami'a al-Urdunniyya, 1987), 17, and Salih Daradka, 'Muqaddimat i FathBildd al-Shdm', l.c., pp. 116-17, among many examples.20al-Maqrizi, 'Daw", 161; Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Ghayti, al-Jawib al-qawTman al-su'alal-muta'lliq bi-iqta' al-sayyid Tamim,ed. Hasan 'Abd al-Rahman Salawadl (Jerusalem:Markazal-Abhath al-Islamiyya, 1986), 34-5 (who gives the tradition the mark of munkar (despicable));and Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rTkh, II,534. In addition there are other variations: see Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat,vu, 286; and Ahmad b. Yahya al-Baladhuri,Futiihal-buldin, ed. 'AbdallahAnis al-Tiba'a (Beirut:Mu'ssasat al-Ma'arif, n.d.), 176.

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DAVID COOKThese are to be foundin theexegetical raditionconnected o thequranicverse5:110. It is unfortunate hat the detailsaretantalizinglyew,but the situationgivenis thatTamim s a merchantwho travelsbetweenMecca and Syria.It isnot clear, however,in what exactlyhe trades.21His partneron the trip inquestion s one 'Adib. Bada',22 ndtheyare both saidto be Christiansat thetime of the story.23Theyareaccompaniedn their travelsby a MuslimcalledBudaylb. Abi Marya(or Maryam)24 hose namesuggeststhat he, too, wasa convert romChristianity.Thisman is a mawla (a client)of theQurashi lanof BanuSahm,whose officialpatronsare said to be 'Amrb. al-'As(the futureconquerorof Egypt)25,and al-Muttalibb. Abi Wada'a26 both of Sahm).Tamim,'Adi and Budayltravel to Syria. During the course of the journeyBudaylbecomes ll, makes out his will (orally)and dies.Tamimand 'Adi thenmake free with his goods, and when they returnto Medina(whereBudayl'sfamilyis said to have lived),his heirscomplainto the Prophetthat a silvercup(sometimes thergoodsarementioned swell)ismissing romthedeceasedman'spossessions.Nothing,however,can be proveduntilTamim eelsguiltyabout the matter,converts to Islam, confesses,and returnshis half of thestolen goods. Budayl'stwo patronsthen 'extract' from 'Adi the other half.These connectionsrevealwhatmayhave been a groupof businesspartners.Wefindevidence o support hisin a rare radition hat Tamimwasacceptedinto the family of al-Harith b. 'Abd al-Muttalib by means of a hilf alliance.27This is a most interesting raditionbecause it connectsTamim with a firstcousinof theProphet.As al-Harithdied beforetheProphetwasborn,28whichmakes t unlikely hat Tamimwas hiscontemporary, erhapswe mightunder-stand romthis that Tamimmade he alliancewiththe descendants f al-Harith,to whomhe was also connectedby his marriage o Umm Hakim bint Nawfalb. al-Harith.29 his, of course,shows that the familyacceptedhim as morethanjust a client;he was literallya memberof the family.At the same timewe find that Abu Wada'a (the father of Budayl'spatron) also married amemberof the familyof al-Harith,Budayl'sdaughter Arwa.30Thus Tamimbecamean in-lawof his travellingcompanion'spatron,which suggeststhatthe relationshipbetweenthem was more thanjust casual. Lateron, afterthe

21 One should note that one possible interpretation of Tamlm's nisba, Danr, is that it isconnected to a perfume manufacturing house in Mecca: al-Sam'amn,Ansab, II, 443. See in general,P. Crone, Meccan trade and the rise of Islam (Princeton, 1987).22 On him see Ibn Hajar, Isaba, n: 467. Muslim scholars in general denied him the rank ofsahabt since he died a Christian.23 Ibn al-Jawzi, Zad al-masirfi 'ilm al-tafsir (Damascus: al-Maktaba al-Islamiyya, 1985), n,444; al-Maqrizi, 'Daw", 167; al-Qurtubi, Tafstr (Cairo: Dar al-Sha'b, n.d.), II, 2344; IbnBashkawal, Ghawamidal-asmai'al-mubhama,ed. 'Izz al-Din al-Sayyid (Beirut: 'Alam al- Kutub,1991), v, 337-9; Ibn Hajar, Isaba, i, 467; 'All b. Ahmad al-WahidT,Asbab al-nuzul (Beirut: Daral-Fikr, 1988), 142-3; al-Suyuti, Durr, n, 382; Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rzkh,I, 538; Abu Ya'la al-Mawsili,Musnad, ed. Husayn Salim Asad (Damascus: Dar al-Ma'mun li'l-Turath, 1987), iv, 338-9;al-DhahabT,Siyar, I, 444; and Ahmad b. al-Husayn al-Bayhaqi, Ma'rifat al-sunanwa'l-athar,ed.'Abd al-Muti' Qala'ji (Beirut:Dar al-Wa'i, 1991), xiv, 281 (no. 19949). Compare the Shii version,in which Tamim is himself the victim, and the perpetrator one Ibn Banda: 'Arl b. Ibrfahimal-Qummi, TafsTr Beirut: Mu'ssasat al-'Ata', 1993), i, 196; al-Majlisi, Bihar, xxii, 65-6; and

al-Husayn b. al-Hakam al-Hibari al-Kuff, Tafslr, ed. al-Sayyid Muhammad Rida al-Husayni,Mu'ssasat Al al-Bayt li'l-Ihya al-Turath (Beirut, 1987), 335.24Ibn Hajar, Isaba, i, 140-41.25 Encyclopaedia of Islam, s.v. "Amr b. al-'As' (A. J. Wensinck).26Ibn Hajar, Isaba, iII, 425.27 Muhammad'b. Habib, Kitib al-munammaq i akhbir Quraysh,ed. Khurshid Ahmad Fariq(Beirut: 'Alam al-Kutub, 1985), 244. Hilfis defined in Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihdya f gharib al-hadith,ed. Tahir Ahmad al-Razi (Beirut:Dar Ihya al-Kutub al-'Arabiyya, n.d.), I, 424 as a 'brothering'.28 al-Baladhuri, Ansdb al-ashraf, ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Duri (Beirut: Dar al-Nashr, 1978),III,294-95.29ibid., 302.30Ibn Habib, Munammaq, 65; and al-Baladhuri, Ansdb, III,301-2.

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conquests, Amrb. al-'As took estates close by those of the Daris.31Furtherpossibleconnectionsarerevealedby Tamlm'sother recordedmarriage, o thesisterof Abu Bakr(the futurecaliph),Umm Farwa.32Abu Bakr'seldestson,'Abd al-Rahman, s said to have delayedhis conversion o Islambecauseheused to travelto Syriaon business,andmarrieda woman fromthe ChristianArab tribe of Ghassan.33Budayl'sstatusas a mawla s not a problemsinceM. J. Kister has provedthat it was the custom of the tribe of Qurayshtoallowforeignerswith this status to rise to a certain evel of prestige,and theclan of Sahmwasnoted for its wealthand the fact that a numberof its clientsbecameMuslims at an earlystage.34The wealth that Budaylis describedashavingwould indicatea certainamountof independence, s does the fact thathe was a Muslimclient to non-Muslimpatrons(though giventhathe livedinMedina,the independencewas perhapsdueto otherfactors).If this story is historical, hen Tamim'sconnectionsto the Prophetlongpredate heHijra. t wouldbepossible, houghnotveryplausible,o harmonizethis sub-versionwith the delegationaccountsabove, since Tamimhere is aChristianand the storyclearly akesplaceafterthe Hijra.That wouldat leastexplainwhy theProphetgaveTamimandhis companions hares n the spoilsof Khaybar,and why they stayedon in Medinaaftertheir'delegation'wasover. However,there is another version of this story that is not so easilyreconciled. n this account,Tamimand 'Adi accompanyBudaylto Ethiopia,Budayldies at sea andis thrownoverboard.35 ftercompleting heirbusinessthepairreturn o Medina,wheretheyarecaughtred-handedrying o sell thepilfereditems. The Prophetthen remonstrateswith Tamim('AdT omehowdropsout of the story)and tellshimto convertto Islam,whichhe does. Thisobviouslycannot be harmonizedwith the deputationaccountssince no onecan convert o Islamtwice.Thegroupof businessconnectionsdescribed arlierappears o be strongevidence hat Tamimwas indeed n the HijazsomeyearsbeforetheHijraandprobablyknew theProphetpersonally giventhat he wasrelated o himby marriageandmarried o Abu Bakr'ssister).Tamim's ife afterhis conversion sjust as vagueas before t. It is said thathe stayedon in Medina,untilthe MuslimsconqueredPalestine,whereuponhepressed Umar b. al-Khattab o giveto him the estate which the Prophethad

31 M. Lecker, 'The estates of 'Amr b. al-'As in Palestine', BSOAS, 52/1, 1989, 24-37; and itshould be noted that 'Amr is recorded as regularly journeying to Ethiopia: 'Abdallfh b.al-Mubarak, Kitab al-jihad, ed. Nazih Hammad, (Beirut: Muhammad 'Afif al-Zu'abi, 1971),158(no. 203).3 A. Sprenger,Das Leben und die Lehredes Mohammads(Berlin: A. Effert, 1869), I, 408, whodoes not mention his source; and Ibn Habib, Kitab al-muhabbar,ed. Ilse Lichtenstadter (Beirut:Dar al-Afaq al-Jadida, n.d.), 452. Tamim is the first of her listed husbands, so the marriagemusthave been early.33 Mus'ab al-Zubayri, Kitab nasab Quraysh, ed. E. Levi-Provencal (Cairo: Dar al-Ma'arif,1953), 276.34M. J. Kister 'On strangersand allies in Mecca', Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam, 13,1990 113-54, especially 135, 147.3 al-Dhahabi, Siyar, II, 444; Nasr b. al-Layth al-Samarqandi, Bahr al-'ulum (Beirut: Daral-Kutub al-'Ilmiyya, 1993), I, 465 (where he is called Budayl b. Warqa', a mistake); Ibn Hayyan,al-Bahr al-muhTt, d. Zuhayr Ju'ayd (Beirut: Dar al-Fikr, 1992), iv, 389 (correct 'Adi b. Zayd to'Adi b. Bada');'Muqatil b. Sulayman, TafsTr,d. Mahmud Shahalta(Cairo: al-Ha'ya al-Misriyya,1983), I, 511-13; al-Maqrizi, 'al-Daw", 169; al-Qurtubi, TafsTr,II, 2344; Ibrahim b. 'Umaral-Biqa'i, Nizam al-durar(Beirut:Dar al-Kutub al-Islami, 1992), vi, 328; Muhammad b. al-Hasanal-Tusi, al-Tibyanft tafsir al-Qur'in, iv, 42 (where 'Adi appears as his brother); al-Husayn b.Mas'ud al-Baghawi, Ma'ailim al-tanzTl,ed. Muhammad 'Abdallah Nimr (Riyadh: Dar Tayba,1412h), m, 111; al-Suyuti, Durr, I, 382; Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikh, in, 539; and see M. Godefroy-Demomboynes, Mahomet(Paris:Albin Michel, 1959), 578. There are harmonizing versions in IbnHayyan; and al-Bayhaqi, al-Ma'rifa, xiv, 279. The story appears in a very garbled form in theTafslrascribed to Hasan al-Basri, ed. Muhammad 'Abd al-Rahim (Cairo: Dar al-HHadith,.d.), I,345-6, even though the source listed is Muqatil b. Sulayman.

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deededto him.36After the murderof 'Uthman he is said to have gone toJerusalem,37o Palestinen general,38r to Damascus,39nd to haveparticip-atedin theconquestof Egypt.40He is saidto have diedin theyear 40/660andwas buried n BaytJibrin.4II: The Tamlm waqfNo accountof Tamimwould be completewithoutmentionof thefamouswaqf(inalienable and concession)that his familyreceived n the city of Hebron,whose basisis discussedabove.It is ratherdifficult o trace the historyof thispropertybecause hecityof Hebron s rarelymentionedn theMuslimhistori-ographic iterature.42 one the less, there are severalnotices of individualsorgroupswho contestedthe rightsof the Daris to the area. The first recordedinstanceconcerns he UmayyadcaliphSulayman 715-17), about whomit issaid that he wished to harassthe Daris,43but was frightenedoff by a cursementioned n one of the versionsof the land deed from the Prophet.44 his israthera revealing toryand would seemto indicate hatthecursewasperhapsdesigned o fend off greedyrulers.Onehundredyearslater,duringa visit toDamascus,the caliphal-Ma'muin813-33) summoned he thenproprietorofthe fief, Sa'id b. Abi Zayyad(sic) Fa'idb. Abi Hind (mentionedabove),andorderedhim to producea copy of the deed,which he did.45Presumablyheversiongivento al-Ma'munwas the one quotedabovein whichthe nameofal-Ma'mun'sancestor,al-'Abbas,figuresprominentlyas a witness.It wouldseem likely that it was for this very purposethat this version was put intocirculationas it seemshardly likelythat the name of al-'Abbaswould carrymuchweightwiththe Umayyaddynasty.Especiallyduring heyearsafter the SeljuqTurksbeganto be dominant nPalestine(466/1073),the Daris' claims to the area of Hebronbegan to faceseriouschallenges reflecting,n certaincases, the desire of the new rulers todispossessthem).In the yearsjust before the Crusaders onqueredPalestineone Abu Hatimal-Harawial-Hanafi,46he qadiof Jerusalem,ssued a fatwastatingthat since the area of Hebronwas outside the Prophet's urisdictionatthe timeof the grant,he did not have thelegal rightto give it to the Darisinthe firstplace.47This is an extremelyaudaciousargumentwhose legal basiswould seem to rest upon the politicalexigenciesof the time ratherthan onMuslim urisprudence,nd it has beenrefutedat length by everyonewho has

36Abu 'Ubayd, Kitab al-amwdl, ed. Muhammad Khalil Haras (Beirut: Dar al-Kutubal-'Ilmiyya, 1986), 274-5.37 al-'Amiri, Riydd, 41.38Ibn Hajar, Isdba, I, 184.39 Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat,vii, 286; al-Safadi, al-Waft, x, 408; and Ibn al-Athir, Usd, i, 256.40 al-Maqrlzi, 'Daw" p. 166; and Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rTkh,II, 532-3. The sources also note thathe maintained a connection with the father of Musa b. Nusayr (the future conqueror of Spain):Yaqut al-Hamawi, Mu'jam al-buldin (Beirut: Dar al-Fikr, n.d.), rv, 471; and Ibn Khalikan,Wafiyat al-a'ydn, ed. Ihsan 'Abbas (Beirut:Dar al-Thaqafa, 1977), v, 318.41 al-Sam'ani, al-Ansdb,I, 442. Some correct this to Jerusalem;see Krenkow, 'Grant of land',531, or to Damascus: al-Bakri,Nuzhat al-anmJfimahasin al-Sham (Beirut:Dar al-Ra'id al-'Arabi,1980), 224.4 Encyclopedia of Islam (new ed.) s.v. 'al-Khalil' (M. Sharon). See now Musharraf b.al-Murajja',Fada'il, 331ff.43al-Ghay.t, Jawdb, 34; and al-Maqrizi,Daw", 166.44al-Baladhuri, Futuh, 176; al-Maqrizi, 'Daw", 164; 'Abdallah b. 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Bakrial-Andalusi, Mu'jam ma sta'jama, ed. Mustafa al-Saqi (Cairo: Lajnat al-Ta'lhf,1947), ii, 420; andal-Ghayti, Jawib, 34.45Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikh, III, 229; and al-Ghayti, Jawab, 38 (correct dimash to Dimashq).46 Despite a search in the relevant bibliographicalmaterial, I was unable to locate this man.47al-Maqrzi,' Daw'", 174;al-Ghayti, Jawab,44-5; and Mujir al-Din al-Hanbali, al-Uns al-jalilbi-ta'rzkhal-Qudswa'l-Khalil(Amman: Maktabat al-Muhtasib, 1973), ii, 82.

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TAMIM AL-DARIwrittenon the subject ince then. At the time,the Daris' case was takenup bynone other than the greatmysticand scholaral-Ghazali d. 1111),who hap-penedto be in Jerusalemduringthis period.From this time forwardwe finda patternemerging:he Darisarecontinuallydefendedby Shafi'is(al-Ghazali,of coursebelongedto this rite as well), while their rightsare contestedbyHanafis (who were frequently nstigatedby Turkishrulers).For example,David Ayalonstates that 'as earlyas 660/1262SultanBaybarsI ordered hereturn to their originalstatusof those partsof Abraham'swaqfin Hebronwhichhadbeenturned ntomilitaryiefs .48 Hefurtherpointsout the'existenceof a constantantagonismbetween he financial nterestsof the armyand theinstitutionof religiousendowments'.49These factors led to a constant streamof pamphletsduringthe Mamlukperiod(1250-1517)and the earlyOttomanperiod defending he rightsof theDaris,all fromEgyptianShafi'is.Theseincludedal-Maqrizi'sal-Daw' al-sdir(written841/1437),Ibn Hajaral-'Asqalani'sal-Bini' al-jall (writtenbefore853/1449),Jalalal-Dinal-Suyuti'sal-Fadlal-'amTmwrittenbefore911/1505)and the Ottomanal-Ghay.t'sal-Jawidbl-qawTmwrittenbefore963/1555).Itmust be assumed,thoughit cannot be proved,that each of thesepamphletswas a responseto some adversesituation.The Tamimifamily responded othis by stronglysupporting he Shafi'l rite-all membersof the familythatcouldbe tracedwere described s Shafi'Ts.n all likelihood, he Shafi'ls,beingtheinveteratedefenders f Muslim radition,weredrawn o thedefenceof theTamimifamily because of the fact that the land deed provideda uniqueprecedentdatingfrom the time of the Prophet, n writing,for the systemofthewaqf,which s so central o Islam.Therefore,heShafi's needed o upholdthe Tamiml amily'sabsolute territorial ightsin the face of the greedof theTurkishMamlukoverlords.This is a uniquecase of a familyboth supportingthe framework f Muslim raditionandbeingsupportedby it at the sametime.

APPENDIXThe names of the delegationmembers[Those names with no sources attached to them are generally attested.]1. Tamimal-Dari.2. Nu'aymb. Aws al-Dari.3(a)Abu Hind b. Aws al-Dari:Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, ii, 240:(b) Abu Hindb. 'Abdallahal-Dari:al-Maqrizl, Daw", 160; (c) Abu Hind b. Barr:IbnHisham,Stra, in, 409; Ibn al-KalbT,Nasab, I, 208; (d) Abu Hind b. Dharr:al-Salihi,Subul,vi, 508;(e) Barirb. 'Abdallah ?):al-Sam'amn,nsdib, , 442;(f) Burayr: bn Hazm, Jamhara, 22.4(a) al-Fakihb. al-Nu'man:Ibn Hajar,Isdba, ii, 198-9 (no. 6954);IbnHisham,Sirain, 409; (b) al-Fakihb. Safara: bn al-Kalbi,Nasab,I, 208.5. Yazidb. Qays.6(a) al-Tayyibb. Barr(the Prophetchangedhis nameto 'Abdallah): bnHisham,STra,I, 409;Ibn al-Kalbi,Nasab,i, 208;(b) al-Tayyibb. Bara:IbnHajar,Isdba, I, 236(no.4300);(c) al-Tayyibb. Dharr:al-Salihi,Subulvi, 508;

48 D. Ayalon, 'Payment in Mamluk military society', Journal of the Economic and SocialHistory of the Orient, 1, 1958, 292 (quoting from Muhl al-DTn 'Abd al-Zahir, STratal-ZahirBaybars). One of the few times when the Tamimi Dari family is mentioned is in a quote in Ibnal-Athir, Ta'rTkh,d. Torberg (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1864- repr.), x, 560, whose source is stated tobe Hamza b. Asad al-Tamimi, and it is said there that he composed a Ta'rikh.It is rathercurious,though, that the incident mentioned (the discovery of the non-decomposed bodies of the Patriarchs)must have taken place during Crusaderrule when the Tamimi family was not present (they wentinto exile).49Ayalon, 291.

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28 DAVID COOK(d) al-Tayyib b. 'Abdallah (the Prophet changed his name to 'Abd al-Rahman):Ibn Hajar, Isdba, II, 236 (no. 4300); al-Maqr!zi,'Daw", 160.7(a) 'Urwa b. Malik (changed to 'Abd al-Rahman): Ibn Hajar, Is&ba, i,477 (no. 5523); (b) 'Arfa b. Malik (changed to 'Abd al-Rahman): LbnHisham,Stra, In, 409; Ibn al-Kalbi, Nasab I, 208; (c) 'Uzza b. Malik: Ibn Hisham, STra,III, 409; (d) 'Abd al-Rahman b. Malik: Ibn Hajar, Isiba, II, 421 (no. 5194);Lbn al-Athir, Usd, In, 491 (saying that his name was Marwan); (e) 'Az-iz b.Malik: al-Maqrizi, 'Daw", 159.8(a) Jubayla b. Malik: LbnHajar, Isdba, n, 566 (no. 8768); (b) Jabala b.Malik: Ibn Hisham, ST-ra,II,409.9(a) Murra b. Malik: al-Maqrizi, 'Daw", 159; (b) Murran b. Malik: IbnHisham, Sira, III, 409; (c) Marwan b. Malik: Ibn Hisham, Sira, in, 409; Ibnal-Kalbi, Nasab, I, 208; (d) Mirarb. Malik: Ibn al-Athir, Usd,v, 134 (no. 4813).10. Hani' b. Habib: Ibn Hajar, Islba, In, 595 (no. 8918).11. Qays b. Malik: Ibn Hajar, Isdba, in, 566 (no. 8768).12. Rafa-a b. Nu'man: Jbn Hajar, Isdba, I, 519 (no. 2680).13(a) Wahib b. Malik: Ibn al-Kalbi, Nasab, I, 208; (b) Wahb b. Malik: IbnHazm, Jamhara, 422.14. Suwad b. Malik b. Suwad: Ibn al-Athir, Usd, ii, 485 (no. 2335).