cultural differences in gender role attitudes between chinese and american students

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Sex Roles, Vol. 31, Nos. 1/2, 1994 Cultural Differences in Gender Role Attitudes Between Chinese and American Students I Rosina C. Chia, Jamie L. Moore, and Ka Nei Lam East Carolina University C. J. Chuang and B. S. Cheng Taiwan Um'versity A total of 665 Chinese college students in Taiwan and Caucasian college students in eastern North Carolina were administered several sex role attitude scales developed by Spence et al. (1978, 1980). The scales were translated into Chinese for Chinese subjects. Results indicated cultural differences in attitudes toward Marital Roles, Expressivity, Social Interaction, and Preference for males. In both cultures, females were found to be significantly more liberal, as shown in Attitudes Toward Women, Marital Roles, and Social Interaction. These results are consistent with previous research. Cultural differences were also as expected, with Chinese homing more conservative views. While debate continues over the nature of gender relations in primitive environments, anthropological research has challenged the notion of male supremacy based on the necessity of physical strength for survival. The in- adequacy of this explanation for gender relations, even in simple societies, the "myth of the overwhelming importance of 'man-the-hunter' as basic provider of subsistence" (Begler, 1978, p. 571), has been evident for many years. For example, cooperation rather than competition between man the Hunter and woman the Gatherer now seems to be the most accurate de- scription of gender relations in primitive environments (Tavris, 1992). In modern times there is even less need for sheer physical strength, and women are equally as capable as men of carrying out major societal func- tions. However, the attitude toward women continues to lag behind. 1An earlier version of this paper was presented in part at the 63rd Annual Convention of the Eastern Psychological Association, Boston, Massachusetts, April 3, 1992. 23 0360-0025/94/0700-0023507.00/0 © 1994Plenum Publishing Corporation

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Page 1: Cultural differences in gender role attitudes between Chinese and American students

Sex Roles, Vol. 31, Nos. 1/2, 1994

Cultural Differences in Gender Role Attitudes Between Chinese and American Students I

Rosina C. Chia, Jamie L. Moore, and Ka Nei Lam East Carolina University

C. J. Chuang and B. S. Cheng Taiwan Um'versity

A total of 665 Chinese college students in Taiwan and Caucasian college students in eastern North Carolina were administered several sex role attitude scales developed by Spence et al. (1978, 1980). The scales were translated into Chinese for Chinese subjects. Results indicated cultural differences in attitudes toward Marital Roles, Expressivity, Social Interaction, and Preference for males. In both cultures, females were found to be significantly more liberal, as shown in Attitudes Toward Women, Marital Roles, and Social Interaction. These results are consistent with previous research. Cultural differences were also as expected, with Chinese homing more conservative views.

While debate continues over the nature of gender relations in primitive environments, anthropological research has challenged the notion of male supremacy based on the necessity of physical strength for survival. The in- adequacy of this explanation for gender relations, even in simple societies, the "myth of the overwhelming importance of 'man-the-hunter' as basic provider of subsistence" (Begler, 1978, p. 571), has been evident for many years. For example, cooperation rather than competition between man the Hunter and woman the Gatherer now seems to be the most accurate de- scription of gender relations in primitive environments (Tavris, 1992). In modern times there is even less need for sheer physical strength, and women are equally as capable as men of carrying out major societal func- tions. However, the attitude toward women continues to lag behind.

1An earlier version of this paper was presented in part at the 63rd Annual Convention of the Eastern Psychological Association, Boston, Massachusetts, April 3, 1992.

23

0360-0025/94/0700-0023507.00/0 © 1994 Plenum Publishing Corporation

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24 Chia, Moore, Lam, Chuang, and Cheng

In modern times, women worldwide have a lower status than men (Basow, 1992). However, the question of whether or not the subordina- tion of women is "natural," having always existed, or cultural, having been imposed, remains open because, in Carol Tavris's words, "both sides are, in essence, reading tea leaves" (p. 74). Tavris's point is that physical evidence in archaeological records is of little help in determin- ing what people actually thought and believed about women. Long after women have established their right to equality with men, it appears that many people still perceive women to be less important and therefore unworthy of equal treatment. There is also a great deal of confusion and frustration over each gender's failing to understand the other's ex- pectations of his/her own role. Sex roles today simply are not as clearly defined as they once were, and this has been evidenced even among the more educated members of both genders (Steinmann, 1975). Addition- ally, different cultures assert different definitions of sex roles (Basow, 1984).

The women's movement in the U.S. has endeavored to raise the consciousness of men and women alike, and in recent years strides have been made in passing new laws. However, the movement has experienced a setback since the Reagan administration, and recent events, such as the Clarence Thomas hearings and the William Kennedy Smith and Mike Tyson trials, remind us that we still have a long way to go toward attain- ing the ideal of sexual equality in this country. Although not everyone regards gender equality as "progress," the investigators became interested in discovering what has been accomplished on this front in the last ten years or so.

In a country with a much longer history, such as China, male dominance is even more firmly entrenched (Hofstede, 1980; Lee, 1984). As recently as the last century, such practices as foot binding and the fact that a widow cannot marry again, but a man can have a wife and several concubines at the same time, were the rule rather than the ex- ception. Girls were not allowed to go "out" to schools; only the few lucky ones from wealthy families could be tutored at home. And women were not allowed to work except as wet nurses, maids, or cooks, always within the family setting. Chinese women have a long history of being submissive and obedient to the men in their lives: father, then husband, then son.

With the onset of trade with the west, western civilization, lifestyles, and values have also been introduced, and some have even taken root among the Chinese. In Taiwan, rapid westernized industrialization in the last thirty years has made it the economic miracle and showcase of Southeast

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Cultural Differences 25

Asia. Taiwan's chief trading partner is the U.S. Taiwan also sends most students to the U.S. for advanced study. Consequently, many new societal orders are modeled after those of the U.S., not only at the basic physical level of housing, clothing, food habits, etc., but at the institutional level of education and government, as well as at the personal level of basic attitudes and values. While girls not only go to school and usually excel, women do work outside the family. However, even in 1993, there is not a single woman in the cabinet, nor is there a single woman ranked at the top in power and status in the private sector. For example, there are no female presidents at the national universities, and although there are a few female CEO's in Taiwan today, the real power still resides in the hands of fathers and husbands.

Does this mean Chinese women still hold on to the traditional con- servative attitudes toward women and do not wish for equality? A study conducted in Taiwan in 1985 (Chia, Chuang, Cheng, Castellow, Moore, & Hayes) found that compared to male college students, female students pre- ferred a more equal role in marital relations. Following this tend, the in- vestigators became interested in examining the attitudes toward women among Taiwanese college students at this time. In order to explore these questions further, we decided to compare our findings in the U.S. with sex role attitudes of Taiwanese students. In order to investigate whether pro- gress has actually been made in the U.S., we compared our findings with data published in the U.S. about a decade ago (Spence, Helmreich, & Sawin, 1980).

PURPOSE

There are three major objectives in our study: 1) To explore whether or not there are gender differences in attitudes toward women and sex roles. Do women in different cultures share a more equal and liberalized attitude compared to their male counterparts, as suggested by several stud- ies (Chia et al., 1985; Furnham & Karani, 1985; Nelson, 1988; Loo & Logan, 1977; Wheeler et al., 1977)? 2) To explore whether or not there are cultural differences in these attitudes. Do the Chinese hold a more conservative view as compared to Americans? 3) To compare our data with data collected on these attitudes in the U.S. ten years ago to see whether attitudes have become more or less liberal over tim~. Since we only have the means and S.D.'s on data collected in 1980 by Spence et al., we can only make a rough comparison.

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26 Chia, Moore, Lam, Chuang, and Cheng

METHOD

Subjects

Subjects were 92 males and 177 females from a predominantly white state university in eastern North Carolina, and 204 males and 192 females from a national university in Taiwan. Because entrance to the highly prestigious National University in Taiwan is based solely on the results of one entrance examination score, academic standards at this university are much higher than those of the state university in eastern North Carolina. However, the top-notch Taiwan University also has the lowest tuition in the Taiwanese educational system, with the socioeco- nomic status of students varying mostly between middle to lower class, unlike the U.S.'s elite institutions, which are comprised mainly of the wealthy upper class. Socioeconomic levels of eastern North Carolina stu- dents vary within a range comparable to that of their Taiwanese coun- terparts, and it is social class background, rather than level of academic achievement, which has the greater potential influence on attitudes measured in this study.

Located in the capital city Taipei, Taiwan University has an enroll- ment of approximately 20,000 students. Approximately 17,000 students at- tend the university located in eastern North Carolina. Only data on Caucasians from the U.S. sample were analyzed. All subjects from Taiwan were Chinese. While the U.S. and Taiwanese samples differed along di- mensions other than the nation in which they live, the Chinese students, being from Taiwan's capital city, were much more Westernized than would be students from a more rural area. This "Westernization" of the Chinese sample enhances comparability, thus strengthening the results of this study, despite other dissimilarities in the two samples. The two groups were com- parable in age, ranging from 18 to 26. All were recruited from psychology courses where they volunteered to participate for extra credit.

Procedure and Instruments

Subjects were administered a set of questionnaires which included the following scales developed by Spence and Helmreich (1978) and Spence, Helmreich, and Sawin (1980), as well as demographic informa- tion. All the scales were translated into Chinese for Chinese subjects through a back translation procedure. The researchers from Taiwan Uni- versity have had much experience with this procedure, and accuracy has been very satisfactory.

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Cultural Differences 27

1. Attitudes Toward Women. A measure of abstract sex role attitudes, consisting of 15 four-point Likert-type items, e.g., "A woman should be as free as a man to propose marriage." Higher scores indicate more liberal attitudes.

The following four scales all have a five-point Likert-type format and are all scored in the conservative direction (Higher scores indicate more conservative attitudes.):

2. Marital Roles. A 10-item measure of the relative decision-making power of husband and wife, e.g. (Male form) "I would expect my wife to defer to my judgment in most matters"; (Female form) "I would expect to defer to my husband's judgment in most matters."

3. Social Interaction. A 16-item measure of the tendency to modify one's behavior in social situations containing implicit sex roles demands, e.g. (Male form) "I prefer women who dress in feminine styles"; (Female form) "I sometimes try to get my way by acting feminine."

4. Male Preference (for females only). A 4-item measure of the degree of liking for masculine, dominant men, e.g., "I like men who act assertive and independent."

5. Expressivity (for males only). A 4-item measure of the degree of unwillingness to express emotional upset overtly, e.g., "It's important to me not to show emotional weakness, no matter how I feel."

RESULTS

ANOVA's were performed on the Attitudes Toward Women, Marital Roles, and Social Interaction scales. Sex and culture were the two independent variables. T tests were performed on the Male Preference and Expressivity scales to test for cultural differences. Results indicated the following:

1. Significant gender differences were found on all scales, Attitudes Toward Women: F(3, 664) = 157.27, p < .0001; Marital Roles F(3, 664) = 66.21; p < .0001; Social I n t e r ac t i on : F(3, 664) = 41.96, p < .0001; and the direction was consistently for women to hold more equal, more liberalized views.

2. Significant cultural differences were found on Marital Roles, F(3, 661) = 29.82, p < .0001, and also on Social Interaction: F(3, 661) =5.18, p < .02, with Chinese holding the more conservative view on both scales. There were no significant culture × sex interactions on any of the dependent variables.

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28 Chia, Moore, Lam, Chuang, and Cheng

3. T test results revealed significant differences on both Expressivity, T(294) = -2.72, p < .01, and Male Preference, T(345) = 3.55, p < .001. However, the directions were different. Chinese males were f o u n d to be more conserva t ive on Expressivi ty, bu t American females were found to be more conservative on Male Preference.

4. An examination of the means from Spence's earlier results (1980) and our American data suggested a possible t r e n d - that both men and women have become more liberal on all dependent variables.

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

Results were straightforward, consistent with previous research, and as expected.

The finding that all females, regardless of culture, expressed the de- sire to be more equal, or, to put it another way, that males expressed a desire to continue to play the dominant role, suggests that we are still far from the ideal equal and just society. But, as long as women share this goal of equality, we believe progress will be made toward achieving it. The comparison between the 1980 and 1991 results suggests a trend which we consider to be optimistic, as does research suggesting that gender is the single most important variable in determining differences in sex role atti- tudes (Rao & Rao, 1985; Wheeler et al., 1977).

The fact that Chinese are, in general, more conservative than Americans is expected, based on reasons outlined in the Introduction. In this study we found that Chinese women prefer masculine, dominant males to a lesser degree than do American women. The following are some possible expla- nations for this finding: Since Chinese men are socialized in the Confucian tradition that a true gentleman has to be well-versed in SHI SHU LI YUE (Poetry, Books, Rituals, Music), it is likely that the ideal man in Chinese society has never been the "macho type" as in the U.S. For Taiwanese stu- dents, the inherent conservatism of the Confucian doctrine defines "tradi- tional views" in their culture.

Another possibility is that Chinese women have suffered so much un- der the past tyranny of men that they feel very strongly against the mascu- line, dominant type. Perhaps, the difference lies in the wording of the Male Preference scale, e.g., agreeing with "I like men who act assertive and in- dependent" is interpreted as being conservative, but is it necessarily? We would interpret these qualities as being neither liberal nor conservative, but simply desirable characteristics for both men and women today.

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Cultural Differences 29

Perhaps the difference in preference for masculine dominant males is attributable to different cultural meanings and ideas regarding the ex- pression of independence. For example, Chinese women may prefer less independent, less assertive men because of the cultural belief that familial obligation should always take precedence over individual independence. Perhaps there are other explanations. It is our intention to collect data in the near future to ascertain whether this is, indeed, the prevalent attitude among Chinese women, and if this is the case, to explore the reasons for this attitude.

In conclusion, in both Chinese and American societies, female college students expressed a preference for more equal and liberalized attitudes toward women and sex roles in general. The Chinese expressed a more conservative view when compared to their American counterparts. The his- torical dimension comparing central Texas students a decade ago (Spence et al., 1980) with eastern North Carolina students today is admittedly a rough comparison, and the impact of many variables, such as time and place, must be acknowledged. However rough, the comparison still suggests that the trend in the U.S. in the past ten years has been consistently toward a more egalitarian view. This "liberal" trend is further supported by com- parison of the findings of the present study with those of a 1973 study (Lao & Childers) examining sex differences on the AWS scale among east- ern North Carolinian college students.

The finding of large gender discrepancies regarding these attitudes is somewhat disconcerting, but the consistently liberalized trend within each gender is a hopeful sign. Cultural differences suggest a global desire to strive for equality. We hope to collect data from still other cultures and continue to track the trend within the U.S. in the future.

REFERENCES

Basow, S. A. (1984). Cultural Variations in sex-typing. Sex Roles, 10, 577-585. Basow, S. A. (1992). Gender: Stereotypes and roles (3rd ed.). Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole. Begler, E. B. (1978). Sex, status, and authority in egalitarian society. American Anthropologist.

80, 571-588. Chia, R. C., Chuang, C. J., Cheng, B. S., Castellow, W., Moore, C. H., & Hayes, M. (1985).

Attitude toward marriage roles among Chinese and American college students. Journal of Social Psychology, 126, 31-35.

Furnham, A. F., & Karani, R. (1985). A cross-cultural study of attitudes to women, just world, and locus of control beliefs. Psychologia - - A n International Journal of Psychology in the Orient. 28, 11-20.

Hofstede, F. (1980). Culture's consequences. London: Sage. Lao, R. C., & Childers, J. S. (1973). Antecedents and effects of attitudes toward women among

college students (ED 150458). Paper presented at SEPA annual meeting, Hollywood, FL. Lee, M. C. (1984). Feminine Psychology. Taipei: Da Yang Press.

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30 Chia, Moore, Lam, Chuang, and Cheng

Loo, R., & Logan, P. (1977). Investigation of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale in Western Canada. Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science, 9, 201-204.

Nelson, M. C. (1988). Reliability, validity, and cross-cultural comparisons for the simplified Attitudes Toward Women Scale. Sex Roles, 18, 289-296.

Rao, V. P., & Rao, V. N. (1985). Sex-role attitudes: A comparison of sex-race groups. Sex Roles, 12, 939-953.

Spence, J. T., & Helmreich, R. L. (1978). Masculinity and femininity: Their psychological dimensions, correlates, and antecedents. Austin: University of Texas Press.

Spence, J. T., Helmreich, R. L., & Sawin, L. L. (1980). The Male-Female Relations Questionnaire: A self-report inventory of sex role behaviors and preference and its relationships to masculine and feminine personality traits, sex role attitudes, and other measures. JSAS Catalog of Selected Documents in Psychology, 10(4), 87. (MS. No. 2123).

Steinmann, A. (1975). Female and male concepts of sex roles: An overview of twenty years of cross-cultural research. Transnational Mental Health Research Newsletter, 17, 2-4, 8-11.

Tavris, C. (1992). The mismeasure of woman. New York: Simon & Schuster. Wheeler, E. E., Wheeler, K. R., & Torres-Raines, R. (1977, March). Women's stereotypic roles:

A replication and standardization of the AWS and PAQ for selected ethnic groups (ED 142360). Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Southwestern Social Science Association/Southwestern Sociological Association, Dallas, TX.