Amanda D. Holmes

CUBAN VOICES ON BEING CUBAN AND THE FUTURE IN CUBA

‘‘What does it mean to you to be Cuban,’’ I asked thetwenty-seven year old black male sitting across fromme. In response, he, like themajority ofmy consultantsduring those last twomonths of ethnographic research,broke out into a huge smile. He then affirmed, ‘‘Soyorgulloso de ser Cubano,’’ (I am proud to be Cuban).1

He continued to explain that despite ‘‘all of the prob-lems, the Cuban is a happy, charismatic person, veryfriendly. Although there are those who aren’t, the Cu-ban is solidario, the Cuban is a friend. The Cubandances, especially salsa, he is happy in general, not likein Europe or America . . . for me the Cuban is lo max-imo (the ultimate).’’ This same young man explained,‘‘When Cubans live outside of Cuba, how serious, butwhen they arrive here, all their teeth show in a hugesmile [He demonstrates by grinning a wide toothysmile]. They become happy.’’ He continues to articu-late, however, that despite the many opportunitiesavailable in Cuba, particularly the health care and theeducational system, ‘‘lots of problems [exist] here: tochange money, to cook, to eat, to bathe . . . .it’s all aproblem here.’’ Hence, this man who has won the lot-tery that allows Cubans to go to the United States andlive, is going to leave, not for political reasons so muchas for economic ones.

From late October to late December 2006, I tra-versed Havana andMatanzas with a video camera anda list of a few questions about people’s family back-grounds, personal backgrounds, present lives, religions,definitions of development, the biggest problems inCuba and how they could be fixed, perspectives on be-ing Cuban, and views of the future. I am presentlyanalyzing these data and data from several other et-hnographic experiences in Cuba. Over the last fewyears, my research has focused on Afro-Cubans (spe-cifically on their eco-religious values and environmentalbehaviors). Herein are some of the responses to thequestion of Cubanidad, or a sense of a common Cubanidentity, and visions of their future that were offered byto a few of the people I interviewed.

A sixty-two year old black, retired woman brokeinto an immediate smile full of warmth and pridein response to the question, ‘‘What does it meanto you to be Cuban?’’ Then, she verballyresponded by highlighting the happiness, the enthu-siasm, the playfulness of Cubanness. She pointed

out another key aspect of the Cuban charac-ter, the ‘‘internacionalista y luchador,’’ (internation-alist and fighter) which she emphasized, ‘‘que no sepuede nadie quitar de encima’’ (that no one can takeaway). Moreover, a forty-nine year old self-identi-fied mulata art history professor described theCuban as ‘‘un ser amable, ayudar en la calle, ayudaral campesino, a veces gritar en la calle, ser revolucio-nario’’ (friendly, helpful in the street, helpful to arural person, sometimes shouting in the streets, arevolutionary).

These personal as well as national characteris-tics of identity are vital to consider when reflectingon the future of Cuba. Being Cuban is about theperson and a way of life, which is based on specificvalues that support community, solidarity, helpingthe elderly, standing up for your rights, standing upfor other people’s rightsFyour families’ and neigh-bors’ as much as a stranger in the street or strangersin another country. These messages are not external,but intrinsic to a Cuban character and way of life, asconveyed through the media including billboards onthe streets, television shows and advertisements(see Figure 1), as well as articulated repeatedly ininterviews with consultants.

Like most values that one sees repeatedly in themedia, these values are also expressed throughhuman contact and interaction. I witnessed theseexchanges daily. My consultants gave examples ofthem repeatedly and explained their significance tome in their interviews. For instance, the elderly peo-

Figure 1. Billboard on street expressing how neoliberalism

breaks up solidarity.

Transforming Anthropology, Vol. 16, Number 1, pp. 70–71, ISSN 1051-0559, electronic ISSN 1548-7466. & 2008 by the AmericanAnthropological Association. All rights reserved.DOI: 10.1111/j.1548-7466.2008.00008.x.70

ple with whom I talked mentioned how they felt veryhappy because they have children and grandchildrenwith whom they live who dote on them and takegood care of them. The retired woman who has ayoung eleven year old boy with Down syndromeexplained how the government services really helpedher understand the illness, offered practical skills ofhow to cope with it and has helped encourage ex-ceptional developmental growth. Besides, she stated,she gets so much help from her neighbors, she doesnot even need to ask (Figure 2).

The values that are culturally promoted arefamily values and social values. For example, whenspeaking of their childhood many adults whenspeaking of their childhood referenced the idea ofhaving very little materially: some had only one ortwo pair of shoes, and another had none until hereached seventeen years of age.2 Nevertheless, thesentiment that was expressed continuously was notthe lack but instead the abundanceFthe abundanceof family, friends, laughter and play. One woman inher fifties, a nurse of mixed heritage, explained thatshe never had any socks to go to school, but she al-ways had a tribe of siblings and cousins with whomto run around and enjoy life. One fifty-five year oldwhite male scientist explained, ‘‘la persona valia masque las cosas que tuviera’’ (the person was valuedmore than the things that they had.)

These social values are what help define beingCuban or Cubanidad to Cubans currently. And theseare the values that the Cubans with whom I spoke donot want to lose. They declare that they will fight forwhat they have gained. Many people expressed thegeneral sentiment of pride in being Cuban. Theyemphasized the strength of a certain type of personand a certain type of character in their responses,irrespective of their ethnic, religious, gender, or oc-cupational affiliations. This identity connection withbeing Cuban and the sentiment of not wanting otherpeople to attempt to dominate or change them wasalmost ubiquitous. As one white woman scientist inher early fifties asserted, ‘‘El futuro es trabajar, seguirtrabajando . . . .Y seguir que la Cuba sea de Cuba ynadie mas!’’ (The future is to work, and continueworking . . . And continue that Cuba is for Cubansand no one else!).

That does not mean that everyone sees the Cu-ban future as positive. One young white man,twenty-six years old, the son of two professional sci-entists, is disillusioned with his life and thepossibilities of a future in Cuba. He reports that hesees the future as ‘‘lejos, aqui en mi pais, lejos, no veofuturo, en el horizonte lo veo y bien al norte, practica-mente 90 millas’’ (far, here in my country, far, I don’tsee a future, on the horizon I see it and well to thenorth, just about 90 miles). He wants his daughter toleave to take advantage of the opportunities that theU.S. may give her, and as he sees it, Cuba will not.3

These CubansFthose who came of age duringthe Special PeriodFhave had a difficult time, espe-cially since they themselves did not experience thedeprivations of the pre-Revolutionary period or thetransformations immediately afterward. Now, de-spite the fact that both of the parents of the man I citeabove are professionals and work with national gov-ernment organizations, it is not easy for them to putfood on the table; and toilet paper, shampoo or soapare luxuries in the bathroom. These discomforts arewhy people talk about leaving for economic reasons.

When I asked how people would like to seethe future, the fulfilling of these economic neces-sities was often first. A middle-age scientist respond-ed: ‘‘Que todos tengamos todos los necesidades’’ (Thatwe all have all of the necessities). A seventy-two yearold, white male retired economist wished for ‘‘prob-lems that could be resolved . . . for everyone to haveshoes . . . and that a person have the possibility to bewhat they would want to be’’ (que se haya problemasque se resuelve . . . que todos tengan zapatos . . . quetengan la posibilidad de ser lo que quiere ser).

Race itself was not mentioned in my interviewquestions nor in the conversations in those twomonths, even though I interviewed people across agamut of ethnic heritages. Instead, people referred tohelping PEOPLE. And in national rhetoric, policy,and local behaviors this seems to be what people do.They are fighting to create a future that is not capi-talist and may not be socialist, but is Cuban.

NOTES

1. I am employing a style that prioritizes thelanguage that the people proffer, and parenthesizethe translation.

2. However, this same man now works all overCuba as well as internationally as a scientist and aprofessor of science.

3. Her grandparents, who have been the prima-ry caretakers of the young eight-year old, however,do not want their treasure to leave.Figure 2. With our ideas toward the FUTURE.

Amanda D. Holmes 71